The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-08-08 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXXXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, AUGUST, 8th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
THE VIRGIN'S FIRST LOVE. BY MRS. OPIE.
YES—sweet is the joy when our blushes im- part The youthful affection that glows in the heart; If prudence, and duty, and reason approve, The timid delight of the virgin's first love.  But if the fond virgin be destined to feel A pain in the must in her bosom conceal, Lest parents relentless the flame disapprove, Where's then the delight of the virgin's first love?  If soon in the glance by which love is express'd, If light when half heaved be with terror suppress'd, If whispers of passion suspicion must move, Where's then the delight of the virgin's first love?  Or if (ah! too faithful!) with fondness she highs For one who has ceased her affections to prize, Forgetting the vows by whose magic he knew To gain that rich treasure the virgin's first love.  If tempted by interest he ventures to flun- The gentle affection his tenderness won, Through passion's lost maze with another to rove, Where's then the delight of the virgin's first love?  Her eyes when the tale of his treachery she heard, Now beams with disdain, and now glistens with tears; Ah! what can the arrow then rankling re- move? Farewell the delight of the virgin's first love!  And see sad compassion of mental distress, Disease steals upon her in health's flattering dress, Ah! surely that bloom every fear should re- move! Ah! no—'tis the effect of the virgin's first love.  Still brighter the color appears on the cheek, Her eye boasts a lustre no language can speak: But vain are the hopes these appearances move, Fond parent! they spring from the virgin's first love.  And soon, while unconscious that fate hovers near, While hope's flattering smiles on her features appear, No struggle, no groan, his approaches to prove, Death ends the fond dream of the virgin's first love.
ANECDOTE.
A grave magistrate was sitting at ta- ble between two young excoembs, who took it into their heads to turn him in- to ridicule. Gentlemen, said he, I plainly perceive your design, you wish to make me the butt of your wit and pleasantry; but I must beg leave to give you a just idea of my character; be it known to you therefore, that I am not precisely a fool , neither am I altogether a jop ; but (as you see) something between both !
FOR SALE
On easy payments at the premises, A tract of land containing 390 acres, situ- ated in Montgomery county, Maryland, and lying on the great road leading from the Federal city to the mouth of Moccocoy, near Mr. William Darnes's, and about seven miles above the court-house. On this tract there are two small settlements; there re- mains upwards of 200 acres still in wood. A particular description of the quality of the land and the improvements thereon is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed any person in- clined to purchase will first view the land, and by applying to Henry Jones on the pre- mises, he will show the same to any person who may be inclined as aforesaid. If this and is not sold at private sale before the 6th of August next, it will then be offered to public sale; one third part of the purchase money must be paid down, the remaining two thirds will be divided into three equal payments, by giving bond with approved security bearing interest from date. The first payment to be made on the first of December 1805, the second payment on the first Dec- 1807, and the third payment on the 1st Dec. 1809. If punctually paid at the stipulated times no interest will be required; and on the last payment being made a title will be given to the purchaser, possession will be given on the 1st of December next.
BEN. W. JONES, and HENRY JONES.
May 13. 1w6A.
WHEREAS my wife Mary Green Hardy, has absented herself from my bed and board, without any cause whatever. I hereby forwarn any person trusting her on my ac- count, as I will not be answerable for any of her dealings from this date.
ANTHONY HARDY.
August 5. 1w3t
HOUSE OF COMMONS—May 24. WAR WITH FRANCE.
(Continued)
MR. WHITBREAD said, the right hon. gentleman had called for unanimity in the discussion of this subject, and he (Mr. Whitbread) also called for una- nimity. The right hon. gentleman had said, that there was nothing he would not sacrifice for the sake of unanimity, except honor and conscience. He put it to the right hon. gentleman under the gallery, (Mr. Pitt,) and to the right hon. gentleman, who had just spoken, or to the right hon. gentleman who sat upon the same bench with that right hon. gentleman, whether they could with a safe conscience vote a direct approbation of the conduct of his majesty's ministers, to which the present address would pledge them? He called upon them to say, whether his majesty's ministers had uniform- ly manifested a desire for the mainte- nance of peace? Whether those ministers had conducted themselves well, or whether they had not committed the honor of the country? The right hon. gentle- man, (Mr. Grenville,) had distinctly ad- mitted, that ministers had committed the honor of the country; and if the right hon. gentleman could not approve of them, he could not approve of that para- graph of the address, which went to the approval of their conduct. Let those, therefore, who called for unanimity, vote for the amendment of his honorable friend, (Mr. Grey,) which went the full length of pledging their lives and for- tunes in the support of his majesty in the contest in which we were engaged, with- out pledging themselves to the approval of the conduct of his majesty's ministers. He trusted the house would indulge him when he previously confessed that it was impossible for him to take that nar- row view of the question which was pro- posed by the right hon. gentleman. He thought it absolutely necessary to com- ment upon those steps which ministers had taken during the negotiation, since it was impossible to discuss the steps ul- timately taken by those ministers, without inquiring into the previous negotiation. In doing this, whatever might have been his feelings with respect to any party with which he was connected, he acted perfectly free from all party bias. He had hailed the accession of the right hon. gentleman, (Mr. Addington,) and his colleagues to power, as the only chance of saving the country. He acknowledg- ed the brilliancy of the speech made by the right hon. gentleman, (Mr. Pitt,) on the preceding evening, and he to much more regretted the part that right hon. gentleman had taken, for as it had been said that one person in France had absorbed the whole power of that mighty Empire, so it might be observed; that if ever the fate of Empires hung upon the lips of one individual, it was on the lips of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt,) on the preceding evening. He regretted the part which the right hon. gentleman had taken, and should have been happy if it had been otherwise, for no one would have been more happy than himself at the return to power of any one who was disposed to restore peace, which he thought might still be restored. He thought the negotiation had been con- ducted ill, and that when it was broken off, it still might have been brought to a happy issue. But if the Noble Lord (Hawkesbury) thought the experimental of the treaty of Amiens was useful in dis- destroying that spirit of enthusiasm in France, from whence so much mischief had resulted, do not let those who spoke upon this subject, increase inflammation upon a question which they ought to dis- cuss dispassionately, and not suffer them- selves to be run away with by the old inven- terate spirit of hatred against France. They should not fear to deliver their op- inions, be they what they may, and without apprehension of any unfavoura- ble construction being put upon them. Let them recollect who were the minis- ters who called for war. He was not surprised that the right hon. gentleman, (Mr. Grenville,) and those who sat with him, should contend, that there were sufficient grounds for war, but did not enter into the consideration of any dis- tinct cause for war, contending as they did, that at any time since the signature of the treaty of Amiens, there was suf- ficient ground for war. But what did we now go to war for? was it, or was it not, on account of the single paper of the Ultimatum of this country which now lay upon their table? And if France had accepted that ultimatum, should we, or should we not be now at peace? If so, let them dismiss from their consideration all circumstances of aggravation from the dispassionate discussion of the subject
before them. No man felt more than he did, the aggravated insults offered to this country by France; but why not make representations upon each insult received, and if no satisfaction was ob- tained, why not appeal to Parliament? He granted that every individual insult was a cause for war; but why then not demand satisfaction, and if not granted, appeal to parliament? What were the circumstances which related to the treaty of Amiens? On the 23d of Nov. last, his majesty's speech was made to parlia- ment. He confessed that the speech of the right hon. gentleman, (the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer,) then made upon the question respecting the address, was far from being satisfactory to him. He took the liberty at that period to ask for explanation, and if he did not much misinterpret what was then stated by that right hon. gentleman it was, that there was no danger of any breach in the treaty of Amiens. From this cir- cumstance, a grave and weighty respon- sibility rested upon ministers. The sub- ject of Switzerland had been dwelt upon already with so much eloquence, that he should only say, that he viewed the events that had taken place in that coun- try with as much horror as any man.— But how did the question stand with re- spect to that country? At the time that Bonaparte invaded its liberties, a Swiss Deputy applied to the powers of Europe, through the medium of their ambas- sadors at Paris, for assistance; they were only successful in their application to to this country. A note was presented from Lord Hawkesbury, remonstrating with the French government respecting that subject. A letter of instructions, dated the same day (the 22d of Novem- ber,) with that note, was sent to Mr. Moore, giving him an irrevocable power to involve this country in a war with France; not but that there was just cause for war, but knowing at the same time that the Swiss were supported by no other power than by this country, under which circumstances it must be agreed that such a war would have been im- politic. Thus, after the refusal of the other powers of Europe was known, and ministers having on the 23d of Novem- ber risked a war with France on the subject of Switzerland, and not then knowing the issue of the negotiation, did then in point of fact, inform the house and the country that there existed no danger of any breach of the treaty of Amiens. How was this to be interpreted? Ministers sent out immediate orders in consequence of this dispute, not to evacuate the Cape of Good Hope and other places, which was a di- rect breach of the treaty of Amiens.— Soon afterwards they sent out orders to evacuate those places. This would serve to show how ministers interpreted their own acts respecting Switzerland. It was not extraordinary at the same time when they sent out orders not to evacu- ate the Cape and other places, that no orders were sent out not to evacuate Malta, which was more particularly the subject of dispute between the countries, on the importance of which so much stress was laid, and which it now ap- peared formed the whole subject of the present contest. On the 8th of Dec. when a flourishing statement of the finances of the country was made by the right honorable gentleman (the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer,) that right hon. gentleman then said, that there was no danger of any breach of the treaty of Amiens, at least if not so in terms, that was the tenor of the expression used by that right hon. gentleman upon that oc- casion. At the time of his majesty's message respecting his royal highness the Prince of Wales, the same thing was repeated, that there was no danger of war. Very soon afterwards came his majesty's message, announcing a probable rupture with France. The grounds of that message had never yet been explain- ed;—distinct information had been asked for as to the grounds of that message, but his majesty's ministers had never yet given it, nor had they at all explained that message, which appeared to very inexpedient. It had been asked by the right hon. gentleman, (Mr. Grenville,) what we should give up by going to war. He would ask what was the sen- tation produced in the country by that message, which announced the proba- bability of war. Let that right honorable gentleman consider the sorrow which was produced throughout the country by the tidings of that message, and let him imagine the real grief which it occasion- ed. As to the opinion of the country, his opinion was, that if it was pulled from one end to the other, with those ex- ceptions which must always be the case, there was not one man to be found who would not say, that if we had received
insults from France, that those insults ought not to go unredressed; but let that opinion be taken in the same way, as to the conduct of his majesty's minis- ters, and whether they have done all in their power to avoid war, and he be- lieved the answer of a larger majority would be, that they had not; that was also his feeling upon that subject. He thought that his majesty's ministers had passed over in the declaration, many points with respect to which the tone of France was more insulting, or at least as much so as in those they had noticed.— He should abstain from pursuing that line of conduct which had been adopted by those on the other side who had spoken of those insults as topics of inflamma- tion rather than as a grave subject of consideration, which they ought to be.— With respect to the representations of France respecting libels alleged to be published against the government of that Republic in this country, such renun- ciations should have been treated with contempt—the answer should have been, we have no satisfaction to give you, take your remedy. With respect to commer- cial commissioners, did ministers do their duty? Were those men sent out of the country? What was the consequence of not doing their duty? that still re- mained a problem, whether they had re- ceived satisfaction from France on that point or not; and this mixed up with other things, was brought forward as matter of aggravation against France.— Lord Hawkesbury, as it appeared in the papers, had been called upon to send out of the country certain individuals, be- cause they were obnoxious to France.— No Briton would contend that men who had received the protection of this coun- try, ought to be sent out of it; but it appeared that the noble lord had made a promise upon the subject; but now should the representations upon that subject have been met? By a direct re- fusal; and if France chose to avenge herself, let her do it. The subject of the aggrandizement of France had been al- ready ably discussed. Those who voted against the peace of Amiens, stated this as a reason why they opposed that treaty. But how was it with respect to his majesty's ministers? The independence of Holland was secured, but the fact was that French troops were in the Ba- tavian republic at that time, and con- tinued there. Were any representations made respecting those troops? Several notions were afterwards made by those troops, for the purpose, as it was sup- posed, of quitting the Batavian republic, but they stopped on the frontiers of Hol- land, under the pretext of being desired to serve in the expedition to Louisiana; but was there any formal remonstrance upon this subject? He should have thought it proper that ministers should have sent a formal representation, in order that they might have a formal answer: then they might have come to parliament with their doubts; and there would have now been no dispute about the object of war. The independence of Switzerland was secured by the treaty of Lunéville, yet eight or nine months after the signa- ture of that treaty, the French troops were not withdrawn from that country; that might have been considered as an omen of the bad faith of France. A considerable time elapsed between the signature of the treaty of Lunéville, and that of the treaty of Amiens, and still the French troops were not withdrawn; those who made the treaty of Amiens must have considered at that time that Switzerland would be kept by France. All these circumstances were stated, and the argument by which they were an- swered, was, that it was to be supposed that the treaty would be executed. A system of aggrandizement was likewise pursued in Italy, and at the time of signing the treaty, Piedmont was in fact annexed to France, by being made a military arrondissement of that coun- try, which was in fact very little differ- ent to being really annexed to France.— The Isle of Elba was likewise taken under the protection of France, and what that protection was, was sufficient- ly known. All these circumstances were known at the time the definitive treaty was signed. It was not, therefore, for those who signed that treaty, or those who supported it to contend, that those reasons which existed at the time of signing the treaty were now reason for going to war. It had been asked by the noble lord (Hawkesbury) on the pre- ceding evening, was no country to come forward to take up the cause of an in- jured sovereign, or an injured people? He (Mr. Whitbread) agreed, that if a case was made out of injury, their cause ought to be taken up—but it was needless to talk of giving what could not be given. That noble lord had allud-
ed to the German indemnities, the whole of which was a complete system of rob- bery. But did the noble lord and his colleagues, who knew such a system was resolved upon at the treaty of Lunéville, did they let their faces against it? Now, however, we were to go to war to redress the wrongs of the continent. If the ultimatum on the table was not the object of the war, in God's name let them know the object of it; let them not raise a false spirit in the country; let them know whether the object might be attained or not without going to war. With respect to Malta, which seemed to be the sole object in dispute with a view to Egypt, the noble lord (Hawkes- bury) has discounted upon the perjury of the French government; in throwing difficulties in the way of the guarantees; but he forgot, that all the while the French government were throwing dif- ficulties in the way of those guarantees, Malta remained in possession of Eng- land, and that it must have done so until those difficulties remained.  The noble lord and his colleagues had however resolved to fulfil the treaty of Amiens when on the 9th day of Feb. a dispatch was sent to Lord Whitworth, announcing that the evacuation of Malta would have taken place if a certain cir- cumstance had not happened. This cir- cumstance was Sebastiani's mission. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt,) had said that the hostile disposition of the first consul was to be inferred more from the mission than the report. Ministers had stated, that they knew of the mis- sion, and that they knew Sebastiani had seen general Stuart, as in their dispatch to the French government they had stated that Egypt had not been evacu- ated, in consequence of a mistake. If the report was an act of aggression, he thought that ministers were highly cul- pable in not remonstrating at the time. Did that report disclose more of the hos- tile disposition of the first consul than was before known? Egypt was always a favorite object with the French gov- ernment and Malta also, with a view to the former. What was done to pre- vent Malta from falling into the hands of the first consul? It was proposed It appeared that Talleyrand had signi- fied the willingness of the French Gov- ernment to give every security, respect- ing Egypt; he did not think that his Majesty's ministers went far enough in inquiring what that security was. The Emperor of Russia had offered to guarantee Malta, leaving out the Mal- tese language. This morning an impor- tant document had arrived, contained in the French official paper, which was a note from the Russian Minister to Tal- leyrand, stating, in the most conciliatory terms, the desire of his Imperial Majesty that the treaty of Amiens should be maintained, and his wish to interpose his good offices between the two countries, and at the same time stating, that the English government knew that the Em- peror could not assent to the Maltese language, on account of a previous arrange- ment to the contrary. From this it ap- peared that his Imperial Majesty was willing to interfere between the two countries. With respect to the previ- ous arrangement there mentioned, it ap- peared very strange, but perhaps minis- ters might be able to explain it satisfac- torily. This, however, he was sure they would not explain satisfactorily, why they had not noticed that project of the court of Petersburg at that time, when there had been no Sebastiani, and no message to the legislative body. The publication of the report of Sebastiani, notwithstanding what had been said by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) might be considered as an answer to Sir Robert Wilson's work, respecting the transactions of our army in Egypt.  Mr. PITT here interrupted Mr. Whitbread, by way of explanation. He had stated, he said, that it might be al- ledged as an excuse for the publication of the report, that it was intended as an answer to the pamphlet of Sir Robert Wilson, but that this could be no excuse for the mission, as Sebastiani must have been sent on that mission before that pamphlet appeared.  Mr. WHITBREAD, continued: If the message to the legislative body had been considered he said, as an insult, his majesty's ministers might have demanded and obtained satisfaction immediately, as they had done in the case of Mr. Rein- hard. With respect to the refusal of Russia to guarantee Malta, it was contra- dicted by the note which had been laid upon the table that evening by the noble lord. He thought that his Majesty's ministers might still avail themselves of the interference of Russia, and that peace might still be preserved.—Upon these grounds he should support the amendment

Mr. DALLAS, said, that as the question had been to ably discussed already, and as there were many gentlemen much more competent to deliver their sentiments upon the question than he was, he would not trespass long upon the attention of the house. The question before the house, involved in it two considerations: the justice of the war, and the conduct of his Majesty's ministers in the conduct of the negotiation. Upon the latter point there appeared to be considerable difference of opinion; some gentlemen seemed to think that ministers had not gone far enough in their efforts to preserve peace, while others thought that they had not taken their stand early enough against the aggressions of France. But he wished to recall the attention of the house to what part appeared to him to be the only question now before them. The question was, whether the war in which we were now engaged was on our part a just war or not! As to the conduct of ministers during the negotiation, that certainly did not form a part of the consideration before the house, at least the address which had been moved by the noble lord, did not call upon them for any approbation of the conduct of ministers. But as to the real question before the house, he would ask whether there was any man who would say that the conduct of France was not, in every instance almost, marked with insult and aggression against this country, and yet it was proposed in the amendment, to leave out all that part of the address which expressed the opinion of parliament upon the justice of the war. If the amendment was adopted, Parliament would be pledged to support the war, without giving any opinion whatever upon the nature of the war which they pledged themselves to support. He could find that he came to the consideration of the papers which had been laid before the house, with a mind not deluded by partiarity for his Majesty's ministers, who had concluded a treaty of peace, which had been approved by the country, though perhaps some of its stipulations were liable to objection. It struck him, therefore, that the persons who had made such a peace must be anxious to preserve it; but he came also to the consideration of these papers with another and a superior feeling, viz. an anxious wish, an ardent desire to find his country in the right, a hope that we should not, now, for the first time, be found to have departed from that strict observation of treaties, that course of honorable moderation which had always characterized our conduct. These were the feelings with which he came to the consideration of these papers, and not a with a desire to criticize the conduct of ministers in an ad hoc, a long and complicated negotiation. Upon the desire of ministers to maintain peace, it seemed to him impossible to entertain a doubt. Had they not made everycession stipulated for in the treaty of Amiens, except only that of Malta; and had they not made every effort in their power to prevail on the powers of Europe who were to guarantee that Island, to accede to that guarantee, in order that Great Britain might completely fulfil the treaty? It was not necessary to enter into an examination of the conduct of France, with regard to Holland, to Italy, or to Switzerland. Nobody pretended to defend or excuse their conduct with regard to these states. With regard to the execution of the treaty of peace, every thing on the part of this country manifested a desire to execute the treaty. Every thing on the part of France was evasion, prevarication, and delay. With regard to the mission of colonel Sebastiani he should pass that over, as so much had been said upon it, with merely observing that it was a clear manifestation on the part of France of a desire to get possession of Egypt, and through Egypt of India. The First Consul had told this country that Egypt was his object, but that he would not go to war for it. This was a faithful picture of his mind. He will not go to war, why? because he is restrained by the stipulations of a treaty, because he is restrained by a sense of honor and good faith? No, there are restraints too weak for his great and daring mind, but he will not go to war now for Egypt because he hopes to get it at another time and by other means, that is to say, he will enter the moment when it is most convenient for him to go to war for it. The British government had constantly asked for explanations on all the conduct of France, which explanations were constantly delayed, and at last when the British minister had left Paris, then they made an offer which was in fact nothing less than to ask us to participate in a scheme of plunder and robbery. An honorable member (Mr. Wm. bread) had asked for information upon a point upon which it was essential that not only he, but the house and the country were entitled to a specific answer. He had asked for what purpose we were going to war? The answer he would give to that question would be this, "We were going to war for Malta—not for Malta only, but for Egypt—not only for Egypt, but for India—not only for India, but for the integrity of the British Empire—not only for the integrity of the British Empire, but for the cause of justice, good faith, and freedom all over the world."
GEN. Maitland said, he rose merely in consequence of an allusion to what had fallen from him on a former occasion, and would trespass but a short space, upon the time of the house. It had been repeatedly contended, that there were no grounds laid before the house to justify that assertion in the king's message, that armaments were preparing in the ports of France and Holland.—He, however, begged leave to state, that there was an armament in Helvoetsluis, which was avowedly destined for Louisiana; there were also armaments in Havre and Brest, not very extensive ones he admitted, but armaments which could convey 9 or 10,000 men to distant colonies, or could convey twice that number to the shores of Great Britain or Ireland. The measure which had been adopted by ministers was therefore a measure of precaution, and this was converted into a ground of censure, but it was said, that this might lead to irritation. What! irritate the first consul, who had before threatened us in the face of Europe with his army of 480,000 men! Surely, then, to take precautions against such a danger, was not a ground upon which ministers were deserving of censure. With respect to the previous conduct of France, it had been universally admitted, that it afforded this country just cause of war. He was glad to hear gentlemen make that confession, but he was surprised, after such an admission to hear them contend, that the point on which ministers made their stand, afforded no ground of war at all. He could not help making one observation upon the report of colonel Sebastiani. It was impossible to conceive a more gross insult to the British army, and through the army to the sovereign upon the throne, and to the whole English nation. And what reparation has been given for this insult? Why one that was worse than the insult itself; ministers were told that this official report was necessary as a reparation to the French army, for a publication which had appeared in England. The point, however, which he expressly rose to explain, was an expression of his upon a former occasion, respecting the importance of Malta, which had been referred to in the present debate. He had never treated Malta as a place of no importance; he had only stated, that he did not consider Malta as absolutely necessary to this country, to carry on offensive operations in the Mediterranean. Mr. ELLIOT said, that after the question had been so fully discussed he should not take up much of the time of the house; he wished merely to state the motives which influenced his conduct in giving his vote for the original address. He wished however to be distinctly understood; in voting for the address, he meant merely to express his opinion of the justice of the war on the part of this country; he meant to give no opinion whatever upon the conduct of ministers. The war appeared to him both just and necessary; he used the word necessary, because we were forced into it for self-preservation and defence, and he really would not give his vote for the war unless he was convinced that it was not only just but necessary. It was not necessary to refer to, or to comment upon the repeated acts of insult and aggression offered by France to this country; they had increased every day, and went on with accelerated velocity. Upon this subject he was happy to find that there were not two opinions in the house. With respect to the mission of colonel Sebastiani, it had been said that France had given no satisfactory explanation upon this point; but it appeared to him to be an act which was almost incapable of explanation or of reparation; it was a cool, deliberate, determined act of aggression. It was true, that in entering into this war we commenced it with many disadvantages; we had given up all our conquests; we had given up to France many possessions which were important in a military and commercial point of view, and he was every day more and more confirmed in the opinion which he had always entertained, that we had lost more by one unfortunate truce, than we could have done even by a dishonorous war. Of all things, now that the contest had commenced, he should deprecate a speedy and insecure compromise with France; he hoped that the contest would be continued until real peace and tranquility could be restored. Mr. Sergeant BEST said, that in his opinion too much time had been occupied in discussing the papers before the house; for it was admitted on all hands that they contained abundant and legitimate causes of war, and yet the house were still discussing whether they should agree with the address to his Majesty upon the justice of the war.—If he were asked, would he go to war for Malta, he would answer, "No;" he would not go to war for Malta, or a much more extensive possession, in the abstract; but it was the manner in which France demanded Malta, it was the disposition she had shewn, it was the designs which she had openly avowed, that in his opinion justified this country in going to war. If the smallest spot of earth was demanded of us, in the manner and under the circumstances that France had demanded Malta, he would refuse it, because he would consider it as
essentially connected with the safety and the interest of the British empire. He was ready to admit, that between the preliminary and definitive treaties, France had repeatedly given us cause for war; but it did not therefore follow that ministers were to blame for not going to war, it by no means followed that a country was always to go to war, whenever it had a just cause of so doing. The French government professed a desire to have the treaty of Amiens strictly carried into execution and they had contended, that by that treaty we were precluded from interfering in any manner in the affairs of the continent. It was impossible to conceive a more absurd or ill-grounded assertion than that by that treaty we had shut ourselves out from any right of interposing in the affairs of the continent; because it so happened that in that treaty we did stipulate for the integrity of different states upon the continent.—What right could the French government have to call upon us for a literal execution of that treaty, when France was at that very time, not silently, but openly and avowedly planning a gross violation both of the letter and the spirit of the treaty? Mr. CANNING said, he was anxious to state his reasons for voting for the address, and against the amendment which was proposed. If no amendment had been proposed, he should have contented himself with giving a silent vote upon the occasion in favour of these propositions, which were so clear in themselves, and had been so ably illustrated, that a man must be hard to be convinced indeed, who wanted further illustration, and he must be a vain man who could expect to put the question in clearer point of view than it now was. But the amendment which had been proposed had rendered it necessary for him to say a few words in answer to the hon. gentleman who had proposed the amendment, and those who had supported it. Gentlemen had contended that it was impossible to vote for the original address without precluding themselves from entering into any examination of the conduct of ministers. This was a proposition to which he could by no means assent. It was only for the purpose of guarding his own vote against such a construction he should have thought it necessary to have troubled the house upon that point; but he was also anxious to controvert another proposition which had been advanced, viz. that those who disapproved of the conduct of ministers, were bound to withhold their assent from the address. He could not comprehend upon what ground the disjunction which had been taken upon the two points, was represented as absurd, for it appeared to him that these two points, viz. the justice of the war, and the conduct of ministers might very fairly and properly be separated on the present occasion. When they are engaged in a war with a great and powerful enemy, their first business was to assure the executive government that they should receive the support of the parliament and of the country; but at the same time warning ministers that if there had been any thing improper in their conduct, that this general support should not protect them, at a proper time, from examination and censure, if censure should become necessary. He did not mean to throw out any insinuations against the conduct of ministers, and if any observation of his had that tendency, he begged leave to retract, to disavow it. He would relieve what he had to say on that point to a future occasion. But no consideration could affect the substantial justice of the war on the part of this country, in describing his opinion of the cause of the war, he could not do better than adopt the language of an honorable member (Mr. Dallas) upon the acquisition of whole territories he congratulated the house. It was a war for the dearest interests of the British empire into which we were compelled to enter by the deep-rooted, avowed and incurable hostility of France. Whether Gentlemen might think that the stand of ministers was not made at the proper point, still there was not, there could not be any difference of opinion upon the justice of the cause in which we were engaged. Whatever imputations might be thrown out against ministers upon other points, no man could say that with regard to Malta, they had flown any unwillingly to comply with that part of the treaty; on the contrary they had shewn the greatest industry in negotiating and endeavouring to carry the stipulations relative to that island into effect. If, therefore, under all the circumstances of the case, they kept Malta, the fault was not to be attributed to them, but to France. The question now under consideration was, whether Malta being in our possession, ministers were blameable in making their stand there. Upon this point his opinion was completely made up, and he entirely agreed with the Right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Grenville) that if Malta had been previously given up, Great Britain would have been justified, after the designs so openly avowed by France, in endeavouring again to obtain possession of it. This being the case with regard to Malta, the house was told, by those who supported the amendment, that they had no right to allude to former grievances, and that however bad the conduct of
France might have been upon former occasions, we had no right to refer to it now, because it had not been noticed before. He did not understand that the former aggressions of France were now alluded to, as being in themselves distinct and substantive causes of war; they were introduced to show the general disposition and intentions of France. Without discussing whether ministers were or were not culpable in not making a stand upon these former aggressions, still their not going to war upon these grounds could not preclude this country, when a fresh cause of war arose, from adding to a previous indication of hostility, these previous acts of aggression. But he would not now use them as matter of complaint against France, he would only use them historically as indicative of the disposition of France. If the dispute about Malta had arisen, between this country and Spain, or Russia or Turkey against which we had no previous cause of complaint for instance, you might have justice on your side; but you could not strengthen your case against them by producing any previous acts of insult or aggression; but in the case of France you had not only a distinct cause of war in the case of Malta, but that cause was strengthened by the uniform system which the French government had adopted toward this country. With regard to the importance of Malta, he could only speak from what he heard or what he observed; but upon that point he had the opinion of Bonaparte himself. The importance of Malta was distinctly proved by the events which had occurred. When the French were going to invade Egypt they touched at Malta: when the English were going to drive them out of Egypt, they touched at Malta. The inference was obvious. As it appeared now that the Mediterranean was to be the scene of struggle between this country and France, Malta could not be looked upon as unimportant. An allusion had been made to a statement which arrived this day, that it was possible to put Malta into the hands of one of the three great powers who were invited to guarantee it, but we had declared in a previous part of the negotiation, that Russia was the only one of the three powers to whom we would consent to deliver it up, and he did not understand that there had been any offer made by Russia to garnish Malta, as well as to guarantee it. Therefore this statement in the French paper left the case precisely where it was before. Something had been said in the course of the debate about the value of continental alliance: we have now before us the experience of a century, in which continental alliances had formed a part of the political system of this country, we had also the experience of two years in which we had adopted a different line of policy, and experience had shewn that the latter plan was not the best calculated to promote the interests, or secure the tranquility of this country. We had learnt he hoped, from this experience a lesson, that when a country had obtained a certain degree of greatness, it was not easy for it to retire to a little and narrow system. If we endeavoured to abstract ourselves from all continental concerns, and to look for enjoyment and security entirely within ourselves, we should be exposed to insults, which it would be impossible to bear, and difficult to avenge. This was a lesson which he hoped we should never forget, that to be little after we had been great, would render safety impossible. A man might be happy without being a king, but when did abdicated royalty enjoy tranquility? We had tried, since the peace of Amiens, the system of littleness, and we found that to be little was not to be sheltered; to be humble, was not to be safe. It was said at the conclusion of the last contest, leave us but in safety at home, and let Bonaparte do what he pleases on the continent; but if Bonaparte should please to turn Europe against us, in order to achieve the ruin of the only country that had withstood his power, we should not find our security increased by having insulated ourselves from the rest of Europe. These were the grounds upon which he thought the war on the part of this country was founded in justice and necessity, and these were the grounds upon which he supported the address. Lord HAWKESBURY said that after the indulgence which he had experienced from the House last night, he should be ashamed again to trespass upon their attention, except merely for the purpose of explaining a fact, upon which some degree of misunderstanding might arise, he meant with relation to one of the dispatches with regard to the guarantee of Russia. With regard to this dispatch, he wished it to be understood, that even if Russia would accept the military protection of Malta, that would not be considered as a satisfactory adjustment of the differences relative to that island. It was stated that Russia was the only power into whose hands Great Britain could in fact trust the protection of that island; but it was not stated that if Russia had acceded to that proposal, that it would have been perfectly satisfactory to this Government. His assertion had been grounded on this
circumstance—the usual of the court of Petersburg to accede to the guarantee, the correspondence which had taken place since the treaty of peace, and the instruments which had been expressed by the Russian ambassador at this court. He wished also to observe, that the very messenger who had brought count Markoff his instructions to offer his good offices between the two countries had brought similar instructions to the Russian ambassador at this court. He was not in possession of these instructions in an official manner, so as to be enabled to lay them before the house, but they had been communicated to him, and they did not contain one word that held out the idea that the emperor of Russia was disposed to take upon himself the military protection of Malta. They only contained general expressions of good will, and a desire to the Russian ambassador in this country to become, if it should be necessary, a channel for any explanation that could be carried on between the two countries. The only expressions with regard to Malta in those instructions, so far from holding out the idea of a military protection of Malta, stated, that it was not his majesty's desire to accept even of the general guarantee, and that only upon the terms which had been previously mentioned. Mr. FOX said, that after the long discussion that had taken place, after the very able manner in which the question had been argued on both sides, and particularly after the very full and able investigation of the subject last night by his honourable friend, he should be very unwilling to trouble the house at any length, if he did not feel that it was an absolute duty which he owed to the people of England to endeavour, if possible, to rescue them out of a situation of great danger, and at all events of certain misery, even if the contest in which they were about to engage should be attended with the most brilliant success. But before he entered into the general question, he wished to say a word or two upon the manner in which it had been taken up by different gentlemen.—Those who had spoken in favour of the original address had expressed an apparent wish to confine the discussion entirely to the justice of the war, and to treat it as an entirely separate question from the conduct of his majesty's ministers. Now with regard to the justice of the war, it could not, in his opinion, be by any possibility separated from an examination of the conduct of administration, because the question of the justice of the war, might in a very great degree, depend upon the refusal on the part of France to give explanation, satisfaction, or redress, and it would be necessary to know when and in what manner ministers had applied for such explanation and redress, but it was impossible to contend that by voting for the original address, they would not vote their approbation to ministers for their conduct, because the address went to thank his Majesty for his uniform efforts to preserve peace, which he could not do until he had more complete proofs of the fact. The honorable gentleman who sat below him, would, perhaps, concur in declaring that ministers had been uniform in their desire to preserve peace, but would they concur in thanking ministers for the whole of their conduct in the negotiation? A right hon. gentleman had said, that there was not a word in the amendment to which he was not ready to accede; but that he would vote for the original address, though it contained passages to which he could not give his consent without a long explanation, and without entering his protest. It was then surely better to vote for the amendment, in which all could concur, than to vote for the address, which required so much explanation. Mr. Fox went over the whole ground of the correspondence between the two countries, and made comments on each particular part as he went along, by which he maintained that it was manifest there was a great deal of snuffling on both sides, between the representatives of the two countries; he disapproved of the demand made by the Chief Consul of France, that any one member of the house of the Bourbon family should be ordered to quit this country; he had no idea, that under any pretence whatever an independent state was to be called on to deny to any unfortunate, or persecuted emigrant, the right of hospitality.—He considered the application made to us to abridge the liberty of the press, to be the offspring of the most profound ignorance of our laws and constitution, and a thing deserving only contempt and ridicule. He thought that much too great stress had been laid on several of the expressions of Bonaparte, by the commentators of lord Whitworth, in his account of the conversation between his lordship and the Chief Consul; and that the report from memory of a long conversation was necessarily, and at best, a very defective thing; he ridiculed some conclusions that were drawn from the tone and manner of Bonaparte, that he was proud and haughty in talking of an attempt on our coast, and saying that it was an hundred to one that he would be destroyed in the attempt, and that he despaired of accomplishing his end; this, he said, reminded him of the most extravagant passage in the most extravagant work of

the most extravagant, though admirable poet, Deyden, who had put into the mouth of one of his characters, speaking — "You shall not dare to be so impudent as to despair." He ridiculed also the idea of supposing that Bonaparte would have been so extremely foolish (unless indeed we supposed him to be fit for Bedlam) as to tell our ambassador of his intention to go soon to Egypt, if he really had that intention. It was true he had expressed a desire to go there, but certainly no design; but the desire of a person to do a thing was not a ground for war, else we should never have been at peace with the house of Bourbon; nor was the sending a person to Egypt to examine into that place, for that has been often done. As to the commercial commissioners, who came here in disguise to take the foundations of our coast, he thought that was a great breach of faith, and they ought to have been arrested, and satisfaction demanded; and if refused, that would have been ground for war; but there was nothing of that kind done. With regard to the general system of aggrandizement, unless it affected us immediately, we had no right to complain of it more than the French had to complain of us for our aggrandizement in India; if they accused us in this respect, by way of retaliation or railing, he knew of no answer we could make, unless we imitated the lady who was accused of disregarding her virtue in many instances—said, "never before upon my honour, on this side of the Cape of Good Hope." He ridiculed all the subjects of complaint made by us on these general topics, and maintained that none of them were just cause for war; and indeed, if they had been so, we ought to be at perpetual war with the regular government of the house of Bourbon, and that we ought to have gone to war with Prussia and Russia, for the partition of Poland; an act which notwithstanding all we had yet seen, still kept its pre-eminence in atrocity. In a word, he saw no legitimate cause of war in any of these things.
The most unjustifiable of all the conduct of Bonaparte on the subject of annexation of territory, was that of his behaviour to Holland and to Switzerland, which was certainly most cruel; but he maintained, that we had not acted properly in these particulars. With regard to the abuse of the one government towards the other, there were but two ways of disposing of that point, either to demand satisfaction, or to pass it over in contempt; neither of which we had followed, besides, the parties in this respect appeared to be pretty nearly on a level. His general blame upon ministers was, that if they had any subject of complaint, they did not specify it and demand satisfaction, and then, if satisfaction was refused, it would be time enough to think of going to war, for insult was no ground for war. It was the refusal of satisfaction for insult, after satisfaction was demanded, which was ground for war. This he applied to the whole of the case of aggravation and insult, as it was insisted upon on the part of our government; and he maintained that we had been deficient in our course in not demanding satisfaction for the insult whenever we met it, instead of waiting for an accumulation of insults, and then to make the total subject of complaint; he accused both sides of a great deal of hypocrisy on this occasion, and charged us with having gone at last to war upon a solid principle, that of the possession of Malta, and for which it was improbable we should have any allies, because the thing in contest was interesting to none but ourselves. The remedy, for all this he stated to be that of an appeal to the great monarch, the emperor of Russia, first to become guarantee for Malta, after Arbiter between us, and then, if the French should persist in their career of injustice, the probability would be that we should have allies, because the matter in contest would then be generally interesting. He said that this was the only course that could wisely be taken by us. He then proceeded to take a view of the probable effects of war, and painted them in very glowing colours, and took occasion to observe upon the income bill and other taxes, which must be renewed if we go to war; he applied many of his observations to the eloquence of Mr. Pitt, who had recommended this war, and advised the House to be aware of the ruin of their country by the delusive arts of eloquence, on which he expatiated at great length. He observed, that the address stated a fact which but few could assent to, namely, that ministers had been sincere in their endeavours to preserve peace, and which no one attended to without qualifying his vote; whereas the amendment stated that which every body admitted to be true; the way therefore to produce unanimity in the house, was to adopt that which every body admitted to be true, instead of proposing that which no body could assent to without qualification; for these and a prodigious number of reasons, for which we have no room, (for Mr. Fox spoke for near three hours,) he concluded with saying he heartily concurred in the amendment.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY
MONDAY, AUGUST 8.
The proportion of republicans in the last state legislature of Virginia to the federalists, was about 8 to 1, we have the pleasure of informing our readers that by a calculation, in the Richmond Examiner, it appears that proportion will be increased in the next legislature to about 10 to 1.
The following impressive remarks are taken from pieces under the signature of Examiner, inserted in the Boston Chronicle.
" Besides, when we talk of war, who are the men that urge it? Is the farmer disposed to leave his home, and reside in a camp? Will he take his wife and children, and travel to Louisiana? Encounter the toils of marches, the danger of battles, and finally become a supplicant for the charitable bounties of a hospital? Will he leave his fields to be cultivated by such itinerants as he can hire, and trust the produce of his harvest to be gathered in by the parsimonious hands of such as occupy his homestead? The misfortune is, when we talk of war, we forget that we must raise an army; who then are the fighting men? Soldiers, and not Orators are to form the body of veterans. The latter may make brilliant speeches, but who are to perform heroic actions? An orator may contend a whole month without a wound, but a soldier may lose his life in an hour. We can easily find men to go to Congress and talk about war, or sulminate in the senate for the purpose of having their speeches printed; to get into lucrative offices and receive commissions for "ways and means" to find the army and navy. These war contingencies are readily furnished; but, I would ask Mr. Morris and others, who are to take the field, equipped with knapsacks, firelocks and cartridge-boxes, and in alliance with England, to repair to the West-Indies or New-Orleans, to co-operate with a British fleet? Who are to form the fortresses of the enemy? These are the boys for business, and not a few orators, who may declaim at a distance from the enemy, and far from the roaring of their cannon. Will the Essex Junto be foremost in the ranks? Will they assemble at the rendezvous, and follow the honest fellows while displaying the American colours through the streets? Why do not some rosy gilded Porcupines countenance such a procession? Why do they not put a cockade in their hats, and offer themselves as volunteers to man our Navy? How many fighting Lawyers will be embodied when the contest becomes serious? How many speculators? How many Tories? How many bankers? How many usurers? How many monopolists? None—there are not the veterans who are to defend our country; this is not "their fort;" they want war for the profit of it. While others are exposing their lives in the high places of the field, they will be carousing around the festive board; they will be amusing themselves with newspaper accounts of battles, counting up, before breakfast, the number of killed and wounded, and possibly may notice in a toast the brave warriors who fell in the last engagement."
Philadelphia, August 5.
We understand a resolution was yesterday offered by a member to the board of health, for preventing intercourse between New-York and this city, in consequence of verbal and written information from respectable sources of the existence of a contagious fever in New-York. The board determined to delay adopting the resolution until the receipt of the New-York mail due this morning.
Norfolk, July 30.
"The ship Charles Carter, sailed from this port on Saturday morning, the 23d inst. and having got six leagues from Cape Henry, it was her misfortune to fall in with the British frigate Bolton, captain Douglass who boarded her and forced from her the following American citizens, viz. Augustus Topham, Joseph Hudson, Thomas Hodgins, and the Carpenter, who were shipped in Norfolk for the voyage. On Wednesday afternoon the Bolton arrived in Hampton Roads, Aug. Topham being a good swimmer, swam to shore; and on his arrival here related the fate of his companions, two of whom were sent on board the Charles Carter, and one, (to wit:) Joseph Hudson, is now detained on board the Bolton, waiting his fate under the anxious expectation that his countrymen may interpose in his behalf, to obtain his liberty, which, if not obtained, he has no hope but to remain in barbarous slavery, deprived of his beloved country."
New-York, August 4.
By the ship Betsy, captain Muller, we have received a file of Amsterdam papers to the 2d June, inclusive. They afford very little intelligence.
According to a letter from Rotenburg, a district near Bremen, dated the 25th of May, the French had entered the Duchy of Bentheim.
A proclamation was issued on the 16th May, by the elector of Hanover, enjoining a strict neutrality; but ordering, at the same time, the whole force of the electorate to be in readiness to repel any attempt at invasion. For this purpose all male citizens, from 16 to 60 years of age, were to be enrolled, and the property of such as disgraced themselves and their country by any act of cowardice was to be confiscated to the state. Reckoning the population at a million souls, these measures it was expected would raise an army of 200,000 effective men.
The court of Russia, it was understood had declared to the French minister Colbert, that it should not see without concern the seizure of Hanover, and the shutting the navigation of the Elbe and Weser; but that, with respect to anything else, it would observe the strict neutrality, and would interpose its mediation for restoring the tranquility of the continent.
DIED—At Florence, (in Italy) May 27th, Louis, 1. King of Etruria—to which he was elevated by Bonaparte, in 1801.
Baltimore, August 4.
Extracts from letters from an American resident at Rotterdam, to a house in this city, received via Salem, by the ship Active, direct from Rotterdam.
June 6.
"Great Britain is capturing all the Dutch East and West-India ships—every finger is a hook, and we have daily accounts of their most valuable shipping being carried in. Bonaparte has begun to threaten Great Britain with an invasion; but the best informed think a successful invasion impracticable. The seas and channel are covered with British ships of war, and every port in France and Holland is blockaded; so that they cannot get a ship in or out—Mr. Linton, the English ambassador, is still at the Hague; but report says he leaves there in the morning for some part of Germany. It is said to be Mr. Linton's opinion that the war will have a very long continuance. Should France endeavor to shut the neutral ports of Hamburg and Bremen against the English ships it is conjectured in that case that Russia will come forward in support of their neutrality and protection of Hanover. She is recruiting her armies and arming and commissioning her ships, & every thing seems to indicate a movement from that quarter. The king of Prussia lately reviewed an army of 30,000 men; which he still keeps in the field—A Russian ambassador has arrived at Hanover, and it is conjectured Mr. Linton is going on to meet him. Every thing wears the appearance of a continental war. The commerce of the United States must flourish if the will of our government keeps us out of the scrape—The Dutch have embargoed four English packets here, at the instance of the French, and imprisoned the agents of the packets."
June 8.
"Intelligence was received yesterday from Hamburg, that the French had taken possession of Bremen, and were marching to Cuxhaven and Embden—at Bremen they have barriers, with the word neutrality marked upon them, but the French paid little respect to it."
SAVANNAH July 22.
From good authority, we are authorized to say that his excellency the governor has received a letter dated from the custom house, port of Wilmington, North Carolina, 19th June, 1803, from Saml. Bloodworth, Esq. deputy collector, and Carleton Walker, Esq. naval officer, stating that they had seized as forfeited to the United States, a schooner called the Hannah, whereof Benjamin Buell is master; said schooner having received on board seven negroes at Cape-Francois, and landed them in Savannah, on the second of June.
This business of smuggling the negroes of St. Domingo into this state, contrary to the laws of the state, and the union, is becoming truly alarming; and will ultimately if not checked, immensely endanger the safety of the community. The vigilance of citizen Sotin, French consul here, has arrested the progress of one speculator in this trade—He has filed a deposition in the office of the District Attorney, stating—That he has good reason to believe that there were carried off from Cape-Francois and landed at Savannah about the 10th of May, free negroes of the following description:
William, a free born mulatto lad, son of M. Tuffaut, taylor, of Cape-Francois; Peggy, a negro woman slave, said to belong to M. Carey, of Philadelphia; Marie Louise, a negro woman, owner not known; John or Jean, a negro boy owner yet unknown; Peter, a free negro boy, formerly belonging to M. Sazor, of Cape-Francois; That Peggy, who came a passenger, was offered for sale, and she is now in the care of citizen Sotin; that Peter
was sold, and the rest of them concealed or carried away.
If the considerations of justice, or of humanity, or the vigilance of those who execute our laws, are insufficient to put a stop to the traffic, then let the considerations of policy, and of safety interfere. It requires little reflection to foresee the effect of introducing among us, the disciples of Toussaint—"A little leaven leaveneth the whole loaf!"—The avarice of a few may endanger the safety of many.
JAMAICA, July 1803.
Personally appeared before me one of his majesty's justices of the peace for the parish of St. Ann, in the island aforesaid, Joseph Edes, master of the American Schooner Morning Star, now lying at anchor in the harbor of Oche Rio, from Portland, in America; this deponent maketh oath and saith, that on Wednesday the second day of June last passed a boat with an officer and four men belonging to a British ship of war, named the Stork, commanded by capt. Cottrell, came along side the aforesaid schooner in a hostile manner, and took by force four men American subjects which composed the whole crew, except the said Edes and mate, of which a list of men so taken is hereunto attached, and this deponent further saith, that he is detained in the said harbor for want of hands to navigate the said schooner.
Isaac Dyer, and John Low, born in Massachusetts.
William Thompson, born in Philadelphia.
Henry Dipnali, an indentured apprentice to said Edes.
JOSEPH EDES.
Sworn before me the 4th day of June, 1803.
WM. WESTON.
Philadelphia, August 3d.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
The possession of Bremen by the French troops (as was confidently asserted in the papers last week) does not appear to be the fact.—By the arrival of the Active at Salem, from Rotterdam, on Thursday last, the latest accounts are received from the European continent. Some interesting articles, from the North, (which we copy from the Salem Gazette of Friday) discover the disposition of affairs in a clearer view, than has been for some time exhibited; and prove that the future operations of the different powers will shortly become highly interesting. The following articles (copied from the same paper) is extremely important; from which it may be easily ascertained, that the whole electorate of Hanover is at this time in possession of the French.—
HAGUE, June 4.
The Bishoprick of Osnaburg has surrendered to the French by capitulation. On their approach, the Hanoverian garrison evacuated the country. The French, in three columns, are in full march for Hanover. They have a park of 50 pieces of artillery.
Mr. Linton has demanded his passports. He will leave a charge des affaires.
Salem, July 29.
Captain George Nichols, of the ship Active, sailed from Rotterdam the 9th of June, and yesterday arrived here, has favoured us with a file of "The Merchant," a paper printed at Rotterdam, to the 8th of June, from which we have extracted a number of Articles, as below.
Capt. N. informs, that the ships employed by the French to carry troops to Louisiana, had been given up, and that the troops stationed at Helvoetsluys, Goree, and the Bight, had taken possession of the fortifications at those places:—That two French and several Dutch frigates were lying at Helvoetsluys, but the latter were dismantled.—That two British frigates were cruising off that port to watch the motions of the French, and to intercept the Dutch merchant ships bound in:—That at the declaration of war only one British vessel was lying at Rotterdam, but several packets arrived a few days after, and were taken possession of by the French:—That it was said, that Mr. Linton, the British Ambassador, was to depart for England on the 10th of June; and that the Dutch, with the greatest reluctance, saw that they must once more be plunged into war.
ROTTERDAM, June 7.
The number of French troops who entered Quakenburg, in the Bishoprick of Osnaburg, amounted to 6000.
The territory of Bremen is provided with barriers, on which are painted NEUTRALITY.
The latter end of May a deputation left Hanover; charged with a mission of importance, and supposed to be destined for the French quarters.
PETERSBURG, May 12.
A contra-order for our troops, not to hold themselves in readiness to march, has been suddenly given, accompanied with these expressive words: That it was occasioned by a change of circumstances. It is not known if this unexpected stop has a reference to our late preparations against Sweden, or the equipments going forward in our ports.
BERLIN, May 28.
Monday next, his Excellency the Count von Haugwitz is expected to return hither, when it is thought we shall be made acquainted with the measures which will be taken by our court, in case the French should enter the North of Germany, since it is known that these measures were concerted and settled at Magdeburg, in conjunction with another German prince. It is also extremely probable, that though Hanover should be relinquished to its fate, Prussia will however, cover the remainder of the North of Germany, particularly the Weser and the Elbe, and the cities of Hamburg and Bremen. There is also a talk of a cordon under General Blucher.
HANOVER, May 27.
A successful experiment has been made to inundate the environs of Hamelin. The most spirited exertions are making to increase our forces. The force destined to the frontier, exclusive of the cavalry, consists of 8 regiments of artillery of the line and 2 of riding artillery, and 24 battalions of infantry. All advantageous positions will be taken for the purpose of hopping the progress of the French. All the battalions of infantry are augmented from 200 to 300 men.
Translated for the Philadelphia Gazette.
ARRESTE.
In the name of the French Government. The General in Chief, Captain General of the colony of St. Domingo; considering that the hostilities committed on the coasts of St. Domingo by English ships, do not leave the least doubt of a rupture between France and England.
Considering that it is absolutely necessary to cut off all communications between the interior and exterior enemy; Considering also, that the colony, situated as it is, can, and ought to be governed by a single administration, and under the immediate orders of the military authority—decrees:
Art. 1. St. Domingo is declared in a state of siege.
II. All civil and judiciary authorities are suspended.
III. The present arrest shall be executed, under the care of gen. Thouvenot, chief of the staff of the army, in the Cape, on the day of its publication in the chief place; besides, it shall be printed, published, posted up, and inserted in the Official Gazette.
At the head quarters of the Cape, 17th Messidor, year 11. (July 6, 1803.)
DTN. ROCHEMBEAU.
Gen. Secy of the colony.
FONTAIN.
20th Messidor, year 11. (July 9, 1803.) The general in chief orders, that every passport for the exterior of the colony be good and valid only during a month from its date. Any one who would not have made use of it during the said time, and attempt, notwithstanding this regulation, to make use of it, shall be arrested and punished by eight days imprisonment.
This measure is only for the Cape.
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It is the wish of the Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER to engage an individual well qualified to REPORT THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. Immediate application, with the terms that will be agreeable, is requested.
The Editors of papers who publish Debates from the National Intelligencer are requested to insert this advertisement in their papers a few times.
COMMITTED on the 24th day of July last, to the gaol of Prince George county Maryland, a negro man by the name of Richard about five feet one or two inches high, appears to be thirty years old or upwards a dark complexion, has a scar on the right side of his forehead, and a small scar near the left eye, has lost two or three of his upper teeth, his clothing an sinarg shirt, brown roll trowsers, and the crown of an old wool hat, says he belongs to general B. Kerleim, near Port Tobacco Charles county, and that he was hired to Mr. O'Brien in the City of Washington—his owner is requested to release him from gaol or he will be sold out for his prison fees as the law directs.
THOMAS MACGILL, Sheriff, Prince George county Md. August 5, 1803. sawf.

PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Wash- ington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situa- tions. June 22. 3m.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, with- out delay, to JOHN HENRY or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washing- ton, who are authorized, in my name, to ad- just and settle the same and all persons in- debted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30.
BY AUTHORI TY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore. Dollars. 1 prize of 20,000 1 ditto 10,000 2 do 5,000 5 do 1,000 10 do 500 20 do 200 200 do 100 200 do 50 200 do 25 200 do 10 4000 do 5 1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4000 do 500 1 do after 6000 do 500 1 do after 8000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 14,000 do 500 1 do after 16,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 500 1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000 7154 Prizes, 210,000 13,856 blanks—Not two to a prize. 21,000 tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The laudable purpose of this Lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are consid- erations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the for- tunate adventurers & subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be claimed within twelve months after the drawing is finished shall be considered as re- linquished for the benefit of the church. For the information of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the man- agers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right Rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Bedel, Messrs David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Glouiquere, Patrick Kennett, Arnold Livers, Luke German, Frances L. Mitchell. July 13, 1807.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, From Philadelphia. HAS received from Philadelphia an ex- tended assortment of the best quality Super- fine Cloths, Cassimeres, Silk Florimont, Black and fancy silk mouselin velvet, white & figured Buckskin, Swandowns, Tabinettes, Velveteens, Honey cord, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N.B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the best style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol square. December 3, 1802.
Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very ad- vantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer. Boarding & Day Schools. PENSILVANIA SQUARE. J. GARDINER instructs Youth in Arith- metic, Book-keeping, Writing, and English Grammar. Miss GARDINER teaches Needle Work, Tambouring, &c. Young Ladies who desire to do so, can divide their time betwixt the two schools. Boys from the country accommodated with board and lodging on reasonable terms. June 1. 2mo.
FOR SALE By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on E. street City of Washington. PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS. White Lead in kegs Red Lead, and dry, Spruce Oil, Ocher, Stone Ocher of superior Paient Yellow, quality, Gold Litage, Turkey Umber, Prussian Blue, 1st and Vermilion, 2nd quality, Best Carmin drop lake, Kings Yellow, Painters Brushes of all sizes, and spirits of turpentine. Window glass 10 by 12—3 by 10; and 7 by 9. Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book. Large sheet glass cut to any size. Gentlemen sending their orders will have them neatly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to. August 5. tawtf.
TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE, GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOLT TRI- NITY CHURCH LOTTERY. In the City of Philadelphia. Prize of ten thousand dollars 10,000 1 six thousand 6,000 1 three thousand 3,000 1 two thousand 2,000 5 one thousand 5,000 10 five hundred 5,000 20 three hundred 6,000 20 two hundred 4,000 35 one hundred 3,500 90 fifty 4,500 100 twenty 2,000 6000 seven 42,000 6274 prizes, dolls. 90,000 11726 blanks, less than two to a prize. 18000 The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a de- duction of fifteen per cent. The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawing, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each. The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each. The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 6000 dollars. From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contem- plated, and that the tickets will be raised con- siderably before that period. They may be had at SIX dollars of GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. No. 67, Chestnut MATTHEW MCCONNELL, 82, 3d. street. D. C. D. C. Whole tickets 6. Quarter tickets, 1 75 Half, 3 25. Half ditto, 95 Letters post paid, inclosing the cash, shall be duly attended to, and St. Augustine and New York lottery prizes received in pay- ment. July 20. epim.
HICKORY WOOD. PROPOSALS will be received until the last day of July for furnishing, for the use of the House of Representatives of the United States, One hundred cords of Hickory wood, which must either have been cut last winter, or must be cut in the month of August. The whole quantity is to be delivered at the most convenient wharf, or at the Capitol, by the last day of September. It is expected that any person undertaking this business will have no objection to bind himself under a penalty for the faithful performance of the contract. For further particulars apply to THOMAS CLAXTON, Capitol hill. July 20, 1803. tf.
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber living at Popes Creek in the county of Westmore- land, and state of Virginia, on the 19th inst. a negro man named FRANK, by trade a blacksmith, of a tawny complexion, long vi- tage and remarkable fine left voice; about forty-five years of age, five feet four or six inches high, straight limbed. He generally wears a long tail'd coat, but it is not known certainly what clothes he took with him—he may easily be detected, as he has taken with one of his youngest sons named John, who is no more than 9 years of age and is of a very black complexion and a long village, like his father. I am induced to think, Frank has made for some of the large towns particularly Alexandria or Baltimore, in the former of which, or its neighborhood, he has a free brother by the name of Rogers, who did live near Dr. Smith's, upon Ravenworth in the county of Fairfax. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure said Frank with his son and give information thereof to the subscriber. And 100 dollars if taken out of the state, and the money paid a soon as I get him. RICHARD STUART. July 20. tf.
NEW BOOKS. Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New- Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books— amongst which are Burke's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleamings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Percy's Voyage 2 vols. 8vo. Mickle's Luciad, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 6 vols. 8vo. Regnier's Frederic William and, 3 vols. 8vo. Soulaive's Memoirs of Lewis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip 2nd and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Pollianus, 8vo. Reynier's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philoso- phy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Belloc's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Hornman's do. Grant's life of France. Delphine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo. The B'revolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorimon 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo. 0. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Broad Grins, by G. Coleman, Boscawen's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Clover's Atheniad, 3 vols. 8vo. In addition to the above, they have al- so on hand a collection of well-affected books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction. June 20. tawtf.
TO LET. THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the L. there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next. A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. tawtf.
TO BE RENTED, And entered upon in a few weeks, A CONVENIENT HOUSE for the ac- commodation of a numerous family, at a moderate rent on North G. Street, near the Executive Office—There are four Rooms with a fire-place in each, besides four Bed- Chambers. The Kitchen is in a two-story back building connected with the dwell- ing house by a piazza fair cafe—in the kitchen an oven, &c.—the cellar is dry—the tenant will have the use of a dry well for the prefer- vation of meat—the garden ground, which is pailed in, extends the depth of the lot—83 by 32 1/2—Apply to Ezl. King who live- adjoining the premises. June 20. tawtf.
10 TO BE RENTED, And entered upon in a few weeks, A CONVENIENT HOUSE for the ac- commodation of a numerous family, at a moderate rent on North G. Street, near the Executive Office—There are four Rooms with a fire-place in each, besides four Bed- Chambers. The Kitchen is in a two-story back building connected with the dwell- ing house by a piazza fair cafe—in the kitchen an oven, &c.—the cellar is dry—the tenant will have the use of a dry well for the prefer- vation of meat—the garden ground, which is pailed in, extends the depth of the lot—83 by 32 1/2—Apply to Ezl. King who live- adjoining the premises. June 20. tawtf.
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and with- in twenty of the City of Washington, Alex- andria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occo- quan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory tim- ber—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money —twelve months for the other quarter, eight- een for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. Feb. 21st. Tues. POLLARD. cp
FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by—ROBERT M C CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
ON Monday the 29th day of August next, at the town of Sharpsburgh in Washing- ton county Maryland, will commence the sale of several thousand acres of valuable land lying in Washington and Frederick counties, a great part of this land is excellent arable land, abounding with wood and finely water- ed—It will be laid off in separate lots as suit the convenience of purchasers—it will be sold at public sale to the highest bidder, the purchaser to give bond and security to pay one half with interest from the day of sale at the end of one year, the other half with in- terest at the expiration of two years.—This property is sold under a decree of the court of Chancery, and clear titles will be made and conveyances given on payment of the pur- chase money and not before.—This sale worthy the attention of persons desirous of purchasing fine farms. PHILIP B. KEY, } Trustees. WILLIAM MARBURY } July 18th, 1803. 3w.
FIRST LEGION. ATTENTION! At a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 15th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, intituled, "An act more effectually to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia," ordered that the fol- lowing be the Uniform to be worn by all non-commissioned officers and privates be- longing to the battalion companies of the first Legion while on duty, viz. a DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEST, WHITE BRECHES and WHITE STOCK- INGS, or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE OVER- ALLS, with SHIRTS and ROUND BLACK HATS; which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the court. WM. D. BEALL, Clerk of L. C. E.
Sec. 27. And be it further enacted, That all non-commissioned officers and privates, belonging to battalion companies, shall appear while on duty, uniformly clothed, the color and fashion of which uniforms to be deter- mined in for the respective legions, by the first Legionary courts of enquiry which shall be held, and to be approved by the Bri- gadier General; provided the expense of the Time, additional to that of usual, ordinary, and dress clothing, does not exceed five dol- lars for each person, and every such non-com- missioned officer, or drummer, or fifer, or private, appearing at any muster held after three months from the time that such uniform shall have been determined on, and the order relative thereto shall have been published in some newspaper within the legionary district and not wearing the same, shall be fined five dollars for each offence, unless he can make it appear to the satisfaction of the court of enquiry of the battalion to which he may belong, that he was unable to equip him- self. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR
HAS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the East Indies, a handsome assortment of SPRING and SUMMER GOODS, of the best quality, also Patent water proof Cloths and Cassimeres, superior NAVY BLUE and other colours; hand- some NAVY & FASHIONABLE BUTTONS, &c. Gentlemen of ARMY, NAVY and FASHION served with expedition and taste. New Jersey Avenue, seventh house from Capitol Square and Pennsylvania Avenue near the President's square. April 13 1803. tf.
TO BE RENTED, And entered upon in a few weeks, A CONVENIENT HOUSE for the ac- commodation of a numerous family, at a moderate rent on North G. Street, near the Executive Office—There are four Rooms with a fire-place in each, besides four Bed- Chambers. The Kitchen is in a two-story back building connected with the dwell- ing house by a piazza fair cafe—in the kitchen an oven, &c.—the cellar is dry—the tenant will have the use of a dry well for the prefer- vation of meat—the garden ground, which is pailed in, extends the depth of the lot—83 by 32 1/2—Apply to Ezl. King who live- adjoining the premises. June 20. tawtf.
10 TO BE RENTED, And entered upon in a few weeks, A CONVENIENT HOUSE for the ac- commodation of a numerous family, at a moderate rent on North G. Street, near the Executive Office—There are four Rooms with a fire-place in each, besides four Bed- Chambers. The Kitchen is in a two-story back building connected with the dwell- ing house by a piazza fair cafe—in the kitchen an oven, &c.—the cellar is dry—the tenant will have the use of a dry well for the prefer- vation of meat—the garden ground, which is pailed in, extends the depth of the lot—83 by 32 1/2—Apply to Ezl. King who live- adjoining the premises. June 20. tawtf.
NEW CITY AUCTION ROOM. GEORGE QUINN informs his friends and the public in general, that he has opened an auction room on F. Street, betwixt the President's house and the bank, where he means to sell on commission at public and pri- vate sale all kinds of groceries and dry goods Those who favor him with their goods may rely on his attention and punctuality. Day of sale is every Saturday at 10 o'clock A. M. G. QUINN. July 20. 3taw.
UPON the petition of Jackson Douglas an insolvent debtor confined in gaol in the county of Washington D. of Columbia praying relief under the "act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the District of Columbia," it is ordered that notice of his application be pub- lished in the National Intelligencer and Wash- ington Federalist three times before the 28th July, 1803, Requiring the attendance of the creditors of the said Jackson Douglas at the court house of the said county, in the Capitol on that day at 9 o'clock in the forenoon at which time and place the oath prescribed by the aforesaid act will be administered to the said Jackson Douglas and trustees ap- pointed. By order of William Cranch, eq. assistant judge of the said district. URIAH FORREST, Clerk. July 20. taw 3t.
District of Columbia, Washington Coun- ty, July 15th 1803. B rought before me by Theophilus Hughes a fair, trespassing bay horse, about 12 and an half hands high, appears to be 13 or 14 years old, has a small star of white in his forehead, very hard to be taken when out of hand, apt to rear up, and sometimes to kick up behind when first mounted to ride, came to Mr. Zac. Berry's plantation near the city of Washington, where the said Hugh is overleaf some time last December, and has been there ever since.—The owner is request- ed to come prove property & pay cost. ABRAHAM BOYD. July 20. 3t.
COMMITTED to the gaol of the George's county Maryland, on the sec- ond day of July, a black fellow by the name of JACK, about twenty two years of age, five feet six inches high, has a scar on his left cheek near his eye and some grey hairs of his head; his clothing is an Osnaburg shirt and trowsers—Lays he was sold not long since by Joseph Griffiths of Calvert county Mary- land, to a person living in one of the southern states from whom he made his escape. His owner is requested to release him from gaol or he will be sold for his prison fees as the law directs. THOMAS MACGILL, Sheriff. Prince George county, Maryland. July 18, 1803. taw 2m.
Conveyancer's Office. THOMAS HERTY, Grateful for past favors, in- forms his friends and the public, that he con- tinues to prepare CONVEYANCES OF LAND, and every other species of DEED or INSTRU- MENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, titles investigated, &c. A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell. N. B. Herty's Abridgement of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office. City of Washington, April 1st 1803. tawtf.
ANCHOR TAVERN AND OYSTER HOUSE. (Late the Fountain Inn.) GEORGE PITT having taken and enter- ed upon the above inn and fitted it up at a considerable expense, repectfully solicits the patronage and support of his friends, when a resident at the Eagle Tavern, chose that place frequently the Fountain Inn, and the public in general—and assures them no exertion on his part will be wanting in order to insure him a continuance of their liberality and support. Travellers will find it their interest to give him a call, as they may depend always on finding good beds and stabling, the best of liquors, moderate charges and every requisite used to give them general satisfaction. WANTED IMMEDIATELY. A good Cook and Waiter, to whom wages will be given agreeable to their merit. G. P. July 6. tw.
NOTICE. WAS committed to my custody as a runa- way on the 5th inst. a negro boy, who calls himself Jonathan and says he belongs to certain William Huik, near Battle town Vir- ginia. He is about 15 years of age, 4 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has a full down look and a flammering in his speech. His clothing is an old linen shirt, spotted cloth d'vulet and White cloth overalls, as also an old wool hat much worn. LAURENCE LRENGLE. Sheriff, Frederick County. July 18, 1803. taw 3t.
Maryland, July 11, 1803. Thomas Johnson's Creditors, vs. in Chancery. His Heirs The following claims viz. Patrick Magrath, Doctor David Stewart Patrick Wheeler, and John Davis against the estate of the said Thomas Johnson are not established to the Chancellor's satisfaction. He will, on appli- cation at any time, after the fifteenth day of September next, proceed to decide finally or any of the said claims, provided a copy of this order be served the person claiming, or infor- med in the National Intelligencer three times be- fore 20th day of August next. Depositions taken before a single magistrate will be received as evidence. In the case of a claim against a deceased person, the parties own affidavit is always required by this court. Claims passed by the orphan's court are generally admitted unless afterwards disputed. True copy, 1st. SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, Reg. Court Chan. July 29. tawtf.
WANTS EMPLOYMENT. IN a store or counting room, a young man th t can give an indispensible recommen- dation—understands book-keeping, writes a fair hand, and was bred to the store keeping business. A line addressed to the Editor of this paper will be attended to. August 3, 1803. taw 2w.
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a runaway servant, on the 6th inst. JOHN PHILIP WORM a Ger- man, about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches, high, light complexion, red hair, grey eyes, has on a blue cloth coat and pants, striped cotton jacket with fleeces, and an old wool hat; he is a baker by trade, and says he be- longs to messrs. Blair and V. Klun, living in Lombard Street, Philadelphia. If his mas- ter or masters do not release him, he will be sold for his jail fees according to law. James Wilson, Sheriff. June 20. tawtf.
FOR SALE One hundred and fifty acres of land, One hundred acres of which is in wood—it is situated within six miles of the Eastern Branch ferry. For terms apply to MICHAEL LOVIE. Prince George county, July 22. 3taw.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 24th of June last, near the Eastern Branch ferry, City of Washington, a Negro man named ABRAHAM, but being an artful fellow, I expect he will change his name, and pass for a free man. He is about 23 years of age, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, well made: He is rather of a yellow complexion; his wool is very short, and a scar on one side of his head near the top; he speaks very quick, and stammers in his speech. He was formerly the property of D r Blair of Cal- vert county. I have some reason to believe he has made for that place, or otherwise for Baltimore. He had no clothing with him but what he had on, which was Osnaburg trowsers, an old shirt, a grey short coat. Whoever delivers the said fellow to me, shall receive the above reward. LEWIN TALBUTT. July 11, 1803. tawtf.
LANDS FOR SALE. THE subscriber wishes to sell a tract of land situate near the foot of the Blue Ridge and Short Hills in Loudoun county Vir- ginia, bounded partly by Potomac river within two miles of Harper's Ferry and the mouth of Shenandoah. It is of a long good lot, answering perfectly well for Plantation of Paris, and contains by patent 2340 acres. It is so well known as a valuable and fine tract of land that a further description is un- necessary to those who incline to purchase with natural view and examine it. A clear and indisputable title will be given by the subscriber. There is no mortgage, judg- ment, debt, lease, claim or demand whatso- ever against any part, it having been always let to tenants at low annual rents who are raised and removable at will; but the occu- pant tenants (through favor only) have been permitted to claim from any coming in tenant one half of the deposit money as may be let- ted between them, for the improvements and good will, the other half going to the land- lord. There are at present fifteen or seven- teen tenants upon the estate at very low rents- and it is recommended as an object well worth the attention of any person who would purchase the whole to parcel it into lesser farms to the resident tenants or others wish- ing to purchase parts of it. The terms of sale are a portion of one fourth paid down in money, or in approved negotiable paper, and the remainder in one two or three years as may be agreed upon carrying interest from the day of sale. App- lication may be made personally, or by let- ter, to the subscriber residing at Warburton on Potomac river, near to Alexandria, to James Millhney near the premises, or to Mr. John Jamney merchant in Alexandria. THOMAS ALWOOD DIGGES. July 15, 1803. taw 2m.
BEING about closing the aff-airs relating to the estate of the late Daniel Carroll ten, eq. of Rock Creek, Montgomery county, and to transfer the estate from our hands, we are anxious to have closed, before that takes place, any demand against his estate which may have remained unsettled. It is requested therefore of all and every person who have any claim or claims still existing to make them known, properly authenticated, with- out delay to the last subscriber in the City of Washington. JOHN CARROLL, ROBERT BRUNT. August 1, 1803. 3taw.
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county, as a runaway, on the 19th inst. a negro man named JACOB, who is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, stout & well made; has a scar under his right cheek, about an inch long; has on a short green coat with red cape, blue vestcoat, Russia fleecing trow- sers, and Edinburgh shirt, mixed grey worsted stockings, and half worn shoes and wool hat— He says he belongs to Mr. Robert Hodgson, of the state of Georgia; the owner of said negro does not release him, he will be sold for his jail fees according to law. JAMES WILSON, Sheriff. April 21. tawtf.
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a runaway, on the 8th inst. a negro man, who calls himself EDWARD JACKSON; he is about 30 years of age, 5 feet 11 inches high, stout and well made, has lost the greater part of his left ear, has a scar on his breast, and on one hand over his thumb, has on a white kersey jacket, blue cloth trowsers, and osnaburg shirt; he says he is free and came last from New Orleans. If he is not released, he will be sold for his jail fees according to law. James Wilson, Sheriff. June 10. tawtf.
WANTS EMPLOYMENT. IN a store or counting room, a young man th t can give an indispensible recommen- dation—understands book-keeping, writes a fair hand, and was bred to the store keeping business. A line addressed to the Editor of this paper will be attended to. August 3, 1803. taw 2w.