The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-08 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1207.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, JULY 3, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MR. CAMPBELL'S SPEECH
ON THE Resolution for authorising the President under certain conditions to suspend the Embargo law.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL said, it was with considerable diffidence he offered himself to the House on any occasion at any time, and his reluctance to do so had been much increased by indisposition, with which he had been affected and much debilitated during the whole of the present session. But upon this question, which he himself considered highly important, and which had been so considered by others, and respecting which, in his opinion, many misrepresentations had been made, he felt it a duty he owed to his country and to himself, to lay before the House some of those reasons that induced him to introduce the measure and which still convinced him that it ought to be adopted. With regard to the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) respecting a profession in this country, which it has become very fashionable with certain characters to assert, (said Mr. C.) I shall say very little—I shall not deign to enter into a vindication of those who compose it against general and vague aspersions which scarcely seemed to have any object but to give a loose to a vein of invective, and can have no other effect than to produce irritation, and evince the temper and disposition of those who utter them. I do not suppose the gentleman meant any of them to apply to me, not having spoken on the subject since he did; if he had so intended them, he would, I presume, have expressly said so, as every candid man ought to do. If however he did, I wish him now to avow it. If not then applied to me, I am willing to leave it to the House and the nation to determine the liberality of such an attack on a whole profession, and, to judge whether such conduct be consistent with the exalted character of a representative, or the decorum that ought to prevail on this floor. If I had supposed that any allusion was intended to be made to me in those remarks, I would have said that they were so far unauthorised and totally unfounded in fact. Further, sir, if any insinuation was intended, that I as one of that profession, am in the habit of acting in this House under the expectation of any other reward, than the approbation of my own conscience and the good of my country, or otherwise than as my judgment induces me to believe is correct, I pronounce it a groundless and slanderous assertion. I have no interest in coming here but the good of my country, and no inducement but a desire to perform those duties in society, which have been assigned me by my fellow-citizens whom I have the honor to represent—I have therefore thought proper to resist any illiberal insinuations that may have been made so far as they can be construed to apply to me.
I will now (said Mr. Campbell,) return to the subject before the House. The gentleman last up, (Mr. D. R. Williams) has rendered it unnecessary for me to enter into a discussion of a part of this subject, which might otherwise have claimed more particular notice. With that gentleman I agree in almost every thing he has said, except as to the effect which this resolution would have upon foreign nations. If I supposed that this measure held out to foreign powers the slightest pretext for believing that we are so tired of the embargo as to be induced to repeal it, under any circumstances whatever, except such as are consistent with the honor and dignity of the nation, I would be the last man to propose it to this House. But under a conviction that this resolution can have no such effect, that it holds to foreign powers a language directly opposite to this, and that they will see in it the only object which its supporters can be fairly supposed to have, to put it in the power of the Executive to remove a pressure, so soon as circumstances will render it proper, which is acknowledged to bear hard on the American people, and must continue so to do, so long as the causes that produced it remain unchanged, I
have brought it before the House, and under this impression alone am I disposed to support it. So far, sir, from thinking that it will induce foreign nations to believe we are disposed to remove the embargo, before the causes that produced it are first withdrawn, I am clearly of opinion, that this resolution will convince them that we are determined the embargo laws never shall be repealed, until they revoke their orders and decrees, or until we shall have determined to appeal to war, the last resort of an injured nation. They will see in this measure, what is believed to be the true principle that ought to direct our conduct, a firm determination to persevere in the embargo until they are brought to a sense of justice, and until that crisis in our affairs has arrived, that will make it our interest and our duty to resort to arms in vindication of those rights which have been so grossly violated, and then the embargo may not be necessary. War and an embargo at the same time are seldom supposed to be necessary; an embargo frequently precedes war, but scarcely ever accompanies it. These remarks are made, because so many misrepresentations have gone abroad with respect to the objects, the effects, and probable duration of the embargo, and the views of those who imposed it. Some considered its operations directed against one nation alone, to wit, G. Britain, while others of the same party declared it could do that power no injury. The first of these positions is not founded on any facts to support it, the laws imposing the embargo being general in their operation; and the result as far as we can judge from the best information that has yet reached us from that nation, proves the latter to be totally incorrect. Some pretended to state it as a measure that was to be permanent, and forever unalterable, and on that ground opposed it, while others on the same side pronounced it a temporary expedient, a mere commercial experiment, that was not designed to be persevered in for any time, and therefore declared it useless and likely to produce no good. In answer to such contradictory objections, it would seem almost unnecessary to say any thing. The one would appear to destroy the other. Those who made them have been equally incorrect in stating the views of those who imposed the embargo as they have been unfortunate and inconsistent in the grounds upon which they have opposed it. No one could reasonably suppose the embargo was intended to remain forever, to be a permanent unalterable measure, or to continue longer than the existence of the causes that produced it. Neither ought it to be supposed that it would be removed during the existence of those causes, unless some alternative was resorted to in its place. These representations, or rather misrepresentations are therefore futile, not founded in fact, and calculated only to deceive and mislead the public mind.
The objects of the embargo have already been stated to you. These were, among others, to take a stand previous to an expected war, to prepare the nation to meet it; to collect and preserve at home, our resources and our seamen; from being captured by foreign powers; to produce a pressure on those foreign powers, that might make them sensible of the advantages they derived from our trade; and by making them feel the want of it bring them to a just estimate of their own interests, and a sense of justice towards us—and also to pause for a short time in order to determine what system we ought to adopt, and what course we ought to pursue. These were, it is believed, the principal objects of the embargo. The time has not yet arrived that puts it in the power of this nation decisively to determine with which of the belligerent powers we must go to war, if indeed it be necessary to go to war with either. The conduct of those powers has not been such as to induce us to consider either the one or the other friendly disposed towards us—and it might be hazarding too much to go to war with both at the same time. It is not therefore the proper time, either on the ground of peace or on that of war to remove the embargo, as has been insisted upon by those who have been opposed to the measure. But it has been contended by some who are friendly to the em-
bargo, that the resolution before you holds out to the belligerent powers a ground for believing that we will repeal the embargo laws without any change being first made in their measures relative to our commerce. I am unable to see any thing in the resolution that justifies such an opinion, or that presents to those powers any prospect of our removing the embargo, until they revoke their orders and decrees, or change them in such a manner as to render our commerce safe. What does the resolution say to the belligerent powers? Is not its language clear and explicit? It says to them you must act first, before the embargo shall be removed. The council of the nation have solemnly so determined; your orders and decrees have produced the embargo, and it shall continue until you withdraw them. It is announcing to those nations in the strongest language in our power that we are determined not to shrink from the ground we have taken, that we will not relinquish the measures we have adopted, until they first withdraw their measures so destructive to our commerce, and then the embargo shall be removed—then the commercial world will be unshackled and trade restored to its usual channels, to its full liberty. This resolution will turn the eyes of the American people to the real source of their present difficulties—the conduct of the belligerent powers, in passing their orders and decrees, by which they have bound in chains or rather annihilated the commerce of the civilized world—in these they will see the true cause of the embargo, the reasons that rendered it essentially necessary to save our trade from certain ruin; and to these they must look to unbind those chains and permit trade to return to its usual channels, and pursue its natural course—on these grounds and with this view, this measure was brought forward, and is now supported by me.
I will now (said Mr. Campbell) notice some objections made to this resolution by different gentlemen on the ground of its unconstitutionality, in vesting in the President legislative powers. I beg leave here to state what I believe my conduct has often evinced on this floor, that I am as unwilling, as any member in the House, to vest unqualified powers in any one man or in any officer of government. I consider it in general, impolitic and dangerous to do so. The powers appropriated to one department of government ought not to be vested in or exercised by another department. This principle ought to be respected and preserved as sacred as possible; but the resolution before you, when fairly understood, will not contravene or affect this principle. Let us examine it, strip of the misconstructions which have been given it. You are told by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) that it goes to vest in the President a power to revoke, repeal, and even make laws! I understood the gentleman to say so; if he did not, he will now correct the statement. Taking this then as in substance the language and meaning of the gentleman, it is to be inquired how far the resolution itself justifies such a statement—or where he finds the premises to support such argument. Look at the resolution and you will find in it no such power transferred to the Executive. By passing it we do not empower the President to make, revoke, or repeal laws; we only authorise him to suspend for a limited time their operation on the occurrence of certain events therein specified and described. Perhaps some gentlemen may call this legal refinement, or nice technical distinctions, too minute for those expanded minds that wish to range at large in the boundless fields of fancy, to attend to; but so long as those distinctions have a tendency to promote a correct understanding of the subject, they will be regarded and fairly examined by every man of sense in the nation, who is seriously desirous of seeing measures as they really are, and not of viewing them in that distorted and disfigured form in which they are often presented to the public. The incoherent and loose constructed mind, (if the phrase may be pardoned) unaccustomed to, and often incapable of, a close, correct and analytical investigation of a subject, is alone averse to, because it either fears to meet or cannot comprehend the result of such investigation.
But the opinions of such men are generally as light and unsubstantial as their shew of reasoning, and the former have as little weight with men of real judgment as the latter. To proceed with the subject before you, sir, there is a material and substantial difference between a power to make, revoke or repeal a law, and a power on the occurrence of certain specified events, to suspend for a limited time the operation of such law. The events which are to happen previous to such suspension, are stated and described in the resolution, and are to be so described in the law giving the power in question—until those events occur, the power transferred cannot be executed. When they do occur, the President is to execute this law, as he does other laws; this distinction cannot well be mistaken; it is clear and perceivable to every man who will examine it for himself. But to pursue the investigation of this resolution somewhat further, let us enquire what events are to take place before the President can execute the power proposed to be given him of suspending the embargo laws. There must be "such a peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers, or such a change in their measures respecting neutral commerce, as will render that of the United States safe in the opinion of the President." Some of these events must occur before the President can act—he is only made the judge that such events do occur as are described in the law, and of this he judges on his responsibility—and when such events do occur, what is he authorised to do? not to revoke or repeal, but to suspend the operation of the embargo laws, until after the commencement of the next session of Congress. Every man must see the manifest differences between such a power as this, and an unqualified power to make, revoke, or repeal a law. The distinction is evident, and perceivable by every discerning mind. It may be proper here to notice a position taken by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) which at first view possesses some plausibility; but it vanishes upon a close examination, and will be found not to justify the conclusions he draws from it, as applicable to the subject before you—and what will be said here on this subject, will apply as well to his arguments as to those of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) on the same point. He tells you that a law once made cannot be repealed, revoked or suspended by any power inferior to that which enacted it—and that the act of repealing or revoking a law is a legislative act, and the power exercised in doing so a legislative power. This statement may be admitted in general to be correct, as far as it applies to the case in question; but what conclusion does the gentleman draw from it? He says if the President suspends a law by virtue of the power proposed to be given him in the resolution before you, he exercises a legislative power, and acts in a legislative, instead of an Executive capacity—this conclusion is not justified by the premises. The legislative power necessary to be exercised in order to suspend a law, is in this case, to be carried into effect by Congress. They are to make the legislative provisions; the law you are about to pass is the legislative act, which is to operate on the embargo laws according to the provisions therein contained; that law, grounded on this resolution will carry into effect the legislative power, and the President is only authorised to execute that law according to the restrictions therein contained; there is therefore vested in the President no legislative power; but only a power to ascertain and determine when the events described in this law shall have taken place, and when he decides they have, he is to execute the provisions of the law, and thereby suspend the embargo laws, during the time to be specified therein. From this it is clear the President is not to exercise a legislative power, or perform a legislative function, only an executive. We ourselves perform the legislative by enacting the law; the carrying of which into effect is left with the President of the U.S. If further argument were necessary to prove that we ourselves perform the legislative act in this instance necessary to suspend the laws in question, it would be necessary to enquire, what
effect the law we are about to pass is to have. The object of it is to produce on the occurrence of certain events, a suspension of the embargo laws; if it be executed it will have this effect; it can have no other; without it such effect could not be produced by any act of the President; it must therefore be considered as the efficient act that produces such suspension; if it has not this effect it is a mere nullity; for it can answer no other purpose—in passing it we certainly exercise a legislative power, perform a legislative act, and only authorise the President to decide when the same shall be carried into effect—hence it is clear, that we in this instance perform the legislative function necessary to suspend the laws in question, and do not vest in the President any legislative power whatever. The argument therefore, that the exercise of a legislative power is necessary to repeal or suspend a law, is no sound objection to the resolution before you, for in acting upon that resolution, we ourselves exercise such legislative power, and therefore completely perform what this argument seems to require.
After what has been said it will not be necessary to examine the objections made to the President's exercising legislative powers, and the arguments used to show that by the constitution all legislative powers were vested in Congress; because it has I presume, been satisfactorily shown, that by the resolution before you, no such powers are intended to be vested in, or exercised by the President; that he is to exercise Executive powers only, and therefore those arguments cannot affect the question before the House; they might have much weight in shewing that Congress could not constitutionally authorise the President to exercise unqualified legislative powers, or to perform the functions which the Legislature of the Union alone are competent to perform—but the measure before you does not propose giving the Executive any such authority. It was not intended, and the resolution itself will not justify such a conclusion. In order to enforce the objections made to this measure, you have been told, that if you can authorise the President to suspend one law, you may give him the power to suspend all the laws of the Union. This argument furnishes no substantial proof against the correctness of the general principle in question. The mere circumstance that a principle may be abused is no proof that it does not exist, or that a power given may be abused is no proof that such power cannot be constitutionally transferred; it only shews you ought to be cautious in making such transfer. Every power that can be exercised either by individuals or public bodies may be abused, and so may every principle that is acknowledged to exist in ethics or politics. This, however, is no proof that the former is not to be used, or that the existence of the latter is to be denied. Congress might by one single act repeal all the laws of the union, which would be a very extraordinary proceeding, and as far as can be perceived a very great abuse of power;—but that is no proof they do not possess such power to repeal laws, or that they ought not to possess and exercise it on a proper occasion. To say, therefore, that the Executive may abuse a power, is no proof that it may not be constitutionally vested in him. To authorise the President to suspend, on the occurrence of certain events, all the laws of the union, would be an abuse of power on the part of Congress, which might possibly take place (and it is barely possible;) but which, it is presumed, and may fairly be calculated, never will take place. But is this possible abuse of the principle in question, or of the constitutional power we possess, any proof against their existence, or any substantial reason why we should not exercise such power on a proper occasion, and authorise the President under proper restrictions to suspend certain laws, when the public good and the interest of the nation evidently required it? Certainly it is not, and cannot be so considered. The practice and precedents of former legislatures under former administrations, as well as under the present, justify this measure, as has been already stated to the House, when I was first up on this subject. You have by a law passed in the year 1804, authori-

ed the President to organise, in the recess of Congress, a government in the territory of Orleans. Then you made the law; he carried it into effect. The power given was more important than that proposed to be transferred in the present instance. The cases before cited and read, may again be brought to the notice of the House. In the year 1794, a law passed, empowering the President to lay, revoke, and reinstate at pleasure, during the recess of Congress, an embargo without any limitation or restrictions whatever. In 1799, the President was authorised by law to suspend during the recess, the law interdicting all intercourse with France, at his pleasure, without any qualifications of his power whatever; and in 1800, his powers were renewed in the same words. To all these, (except, perhaps the first) no serious objections were made on the ground of principle, according to the best information we have been able to obtain. But at all once it is discovered by some gentlemen, who are in the habit of acting with those who passed the said laws, that though at those respective periods it was perfectly correct and unexceptionable to vest in the Executive the power in question, in the most extensive latitude; yet at this time to give him the like power, though qualified and greatly restricted, would be dangerous, contrary to principle, and a violation of the constitution. I will not pretend to account for those extraordinary changes in the opinions of gentlemen, but leave it to themselves to account for them. But, to notice a more modern instance of an act passed by this House, similar to that now proposed. In the year 1806, a law was passed, authorising the President to suspend, during the recess of Congress, at pleasure, without any restrictions, the non-importation act. So many instances of the same power being vested in the President without any limitation whatever, which is now proposed to be given him under very specific restrictions, would seem to require the most serious consideration, before the right to give it should be denied this House, and would seem to require of those who oppose the measure, to adduce very strong and cogent reasons indeed, before they would expect to convince either the House or the nation that in all those cases that have been cited, Congress had acted in manifest violation of the constitution. It has been attempted by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. R.) to make a distinction between empowering the President to suspend an act which has not commenced its operation, and empowering him to suspend one which has gone into operation. This is manifestly a distinction without a difference; a resort to a kind of reasoning which was hardly to be expected from that gentleman, with whom, it seems, nice legal distinctions are in great disrepute, and considered inconsistent with the enlarged views of a great mind. Let us for a moment, however, examine the difference between stopping the operation of a law, and preventing a law from commencing its operation. I should suppose it required the same power to do the one as it did to do the other. These laws were enacted by the same power; and must require equal power to stop or suspend their operation. In sound reason there can be no difference between suspending the operation of a law that went into effect yesterday, and preventing a law from going into effect which was to have commenced its operation to day. When the moment arrives at which a law is to take effect, it requires the same power to arrest it from going into operation, that it would to stop its operation if it had actually commenced. There can be no difference. If therefore it was constitutional to empower the President to suspend the non-importation law, which had not commenced its operation, it is equally so to empower him to suspend the embargo-laws which have gone into effect. There is certainly no legislative power necessary to be exercised in the one case that is not equally so in the other. I shall not pursue the examination of this extraordinary distinction further, as it was abandoned by the gentleman who advocated it, by saying that he was opposed to giving the President a power to suspend a law in any possible case, whether it had commenced its operation or not. Another discovery of an extraordinary nature has been made during this discussion—that Congress have no power by the constitution to lay an embargo. Although this question can have no relation to the case before you, or in any manner affect the decision thereon, (for whether we have the power to lay an embargo, or not, it has been laid, and surely those who deny us the power to lay it, will not contend that when it is laid we cannot remove it;) yet as it has been made and insisted on, we will briefly examine it. If this construction of the constitution be correct, our powers of legislation will be found to be confined within very narrow limits indeed, and so far as regards commerce with foreign nations, would be little better than a mere mockery. The only means we have to coerce foreign nations is thro' the medium of our commerce—particularly by withholding from them our productions, which consist of articles that are the necessaries of life and all important to them, without which some of them could not well subsist, and most of their West India colonies would certainly be reduced to a state of famine. But if in this respect our hands are tied up, and we have no power by the constitution to deprive them of the benefit of our produce—to keep from them those articles so necessary for their subsistence, they may impose what restrictions they please on our commerce, and laugh at our resentment, as we would be left without a remedy, without the means of retaliating the injury or compelling them, by making it their interest to do us justice. If this construction of the constitution were correct, it would prove at once that those who framed that instrument did not know the true interests of their country; if they did, that they totally abandoned them. A fair exposition of the constitution, however, will authorise no such construction—there is no clause in it that would sanction it. In art. 1. Sec. 8. of the constitution, it is declared that Congress shall have power "to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes." This is a general delegation of power and gives to Congress the right of passing all laws on the subject, which they may deem necessary for the public good, unless in the cases expressly excepted out of this general power, in the constitution. It may be material here to remark that in the constitution when general powers are delegated, if any exceptions thereto are intended, they are expressly made in that instrument. Without such exceptions the general powers delegated are considered unrestricted. Whence do you derive the right to prohibit the migration or importation of slaves from Africa? From the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations. Let us see if there be any exception from this general power to regulate commerce, that would support the objections made to laying the embargo. The first exception is in the 9th sec. of the same art. and prevents Congress from prohibiting the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states then existing should think fit to admit prior to the year 1808, &c. This exception was made, because when the constitution was framed, it was not intended that Congress should have the power to prohibit the importation of such persons as are stated therein until the time therein stated should arrive; and to take this out of the general power delegated, an exception became necessary. I state this case to show that where any exceptions to the general power were intended they were expressly made; therefore in the case before you, if there be no exceptions made to the general power affecting the point in question, it is a fair construction, that the constitution never intended to restrict Congress from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any articles whatever, or the adoption of any other measures calculated to regulate and control commerce. Another exception in the same section is, that "no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state, are no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another," &c. These are the only exceptions made in the constitution of the power given to regulate commerce—and none of them in the least degree supports the position that Congress have not power to lay an embargo. On the contrary they prove that such a power was intended to be left with Congress, otherwise it would have been excepted. In particular the exception that prohibits the imposition of a tax or duty on articles exported, clearly proves that it was not intended to prevent Congress from prohibiting the exportation of those articles, but only from imposing on them a duty; otherwise it would have been so expressed. And although this exception was used as an argument against the power of Congress to lay an embargo, it certainly is, when properly understood, the strongest proof in favor of their possessing such power. This general power then given to Congress to regulate commerce, must include the power to determine to what nation our trade shall go, and on what terms and to what extent we will permit it to be carried on—without this power,
the power to regulate commerce would be altogether nugatory. If you cannot prohibit the exportation of your produce in whole or in part, how can you regulate commerce? If you have the power to restrict your trade in any degree, you have the like power to restrain it to the full extent of an entire prohibition both of exports and imports. If gentlemen attempt to fix a point beyond which you are not to go, they will find it impossible. They would hardly venture to say that you could not by law prevent the exportation of a single article; and if you can prohibit the exportation of one article, you can of every article—there is no exception made in the constitution—the power is, as it ought to be, co-extensive with the exigencies of the country. There is another clause in the constitution, art. 1. sec. 8. which might be deemed sufficient, if it were necessary to resort to it, to warrant the laying an embargo. "Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. If therefore Congress consider an embargo necessary to carry into effect the power given to regulate commerce, they are by this clause empowered to pass a law laying such embargo. But it is not necessary to resort to this provision in the constitution, the general power given to regulate commerce, necessarily confers the power to lay an embargo; and no reasonable doubt, I trust can exist on this subject."
(Mr. Campbell's Speech to be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 8.
MR. HENRY WHETCROFT is appointed to the office of Treasurer of Washington City.
It will be seen by the London news in this day's paper, that the OSAGE was to have sailed from Falmouth about the 18th May, and was supposed to have been seen on her passage. She may of course be hourly expected.
At a numerous and respectable meeting of the Republicans of the Seventh Ward, of the city of New York, convened agreeably to public notice, among other things, it was
"Resolved, That we do cordially acquiesce in the nomination of James Madison for the office of President, and George Clinton for the office of Vice President of the United States: But notwithstanding we acquiesce in the nomination of James Madison for President, we do still entertain the highest regard for our venerable patriot, George Clinton, whom we consider eminently entitled to our esteem and respect."
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
THE FARMER—No. V.
Mr. Madison's election is, in the next place, recommended, because it will be the best fitted to the destruction of schism among the republicans.
Those divisions which exist among the republicans, have arisen either from local disputes, from a difference of opinion with regard to the extent to which our naval establishment ought to be extended, or from a difference of opinion with respect to the principles which ought to regulate appointments to office.
Before these topics are distinctly examined, it may be proper to notice two points which may be thought worthy of consideration; the Yazoo claims, and the opposition of the republican minority of Congress.
The atrocious character of the Yazoo speculation has most deservedly consigned it to universal execration. Dark as the shade is which it casts on its authors, the universal abhorrence it excited throughout America as soon as it was understood, is among the highest attestations to the virtue of the American people. It is, perhaps, impossible for any abhorrence to transcend that which at present reigns throughout the United States at this transaction. Can there, then, under the existence of such a sentiment, be any rational danger that the general government will be so regardless of their constituents, or so lost to a sense of their interests, as to become particeps criminis in so unpopular an affair? Nothing short of the basest corruption can have this effect; and to suppose that such an effect can be produced, is to suppose that the House of Representatives, the Senate and the President, will be corruptible. Is there an American ready to avow this belief? If there be not, the danger apprehended is altogether ideal.
A stranger, unacquainted with the nature of our institutions, would suppose, from the controversies waged in our newspapers, that the whole power of the government resided in the President; that his will was the law, and that the representatives of the people and the states were merely so many registering parliaments. Whereas, the truth is, that if we except our foreign relations, a review of Congressional proceedings, since the commencement of the government, will shew that the President has rarely interposed by submitting any specific plans to Congress, and that when he has interposed Congress have most frequently followed their own ideas instead of those suggested to them. This has happened under all administrations, as well that of Washington as an Adams; as well when the President was the idol of the people, as when he was the chief of a distinct party. To be convinced of this, we have only to recur to the journals of the two Houses. We shall there see recommended by the Chief Magistrate a national university, a peculiarly organized militia, a particular mode of laying up our ships of war, and various other recommendations, none of which have been complied with by the legislative body. The fact is, notwithstanding party declarations to the contrary, that Congress have invariably enjoyed, the purest independence of the Executive, & have not, probable, in a single instance upon any point of national importance unconnected with our exterior concerns, been guided by his opinion at the sacrifice of their own.
With regard to exterior relations the case is certainly far otherwise. And why is it so? Because the constitution, which may be denominated a permanent expression of the will of the people, has so ordained. By it the whole legislative power over the interior is vested in Congress; but the regulation of exterior affairs is to a great extent vested solely in the President, or in the President jointly with the Senate. He nominates every foreign minister, instructs him to enter into treaties, which are ratified only with the advice and consent of the Senate. From the very nature, too, of foreign relations, he alone can ordinarily be acquainted with those circumstances which are indispensable to the formation of correct opinions. It is true, then, that the legislature as well as the people are, and must be in a high degree, dependent upon the Executive, with regard to the measures called for by our exterior concerns. But it does not follow that they are, in any wise, dependant upon him with regard to interior objects. Here the constitution has bestowed the entire power on Congress, and there is no candid man, uninfluenced by the illusions of party or personal prejudice, that will not acknowledge that Congress have been jealously independent. Under the administration of Mr. Jefferson, which, it is admitted, ought to be the model of all succeeding administrations, it is not alleged that the President has, on any one specific object, extended his influence beyond the open constitutional recommendation of a particular measure; while it is equally admitted, that in many cases Congress have, notwithstanding such recommendation, thought and acted differently. The truth is, that there is a strong and steady republican jealousy of the Chief Magistrate entertained by the legislature, and that the individual members feel infinitely more dread of being considered dependent on the Executive than of resisting his favorite measures. This is so emphatically the case, that the adversaries of the republicans in Congress have constantly reproached them with the want of a leader, of one who might be considered in the light of an organ of Executive ideas.
With regard then to the Yazoo claim, supposing, for argument sake, Mr. Madison friendly to it, there is not the least danger of his interposition in its favor in case he shall be elected President. He would be too sensible of the little weight of Executive influence on interior concerns to hazard it on so doubtful a die. In such a case it could not have the weight of a feather; in a case, in which every man's mind is made up; which has been so fully explored; and, in which, the popular feeling is all on one side. Why would he urge the claim? Not for corrupt motives. No one is hardly enough to allege this. Would it be to extend his popularity? To suppose this, is to deny him a ten thousandth part of the sense allowed by his greatest enemy. No, whatever his individual feelings might be, his official duties would not be tinged by them. He would have difficulties enough to overcome without outdoing the valorous knight of La Mancha in fighting
wind-mills. He would not, like a mischevous boy for want of employment, attack every hornets nest he met.
But there is no reason to consider Mr. Madison friendly to the Yazoo claim. The allowance of a claim is one thing; its compromise, another. The very act of compromise, indeed, attests its invalidity; and, in this case, may have been solely recommended by the wish to sell the lands of the United States at the best prices by removing all dispute as to their title. It is solely on the ground of expediency that the measure is recommended by the commissioners, who unequivocally pronounced the claims unsupported by justice. How then can he be said to be friendly to a claim, which he expressly declares unjust?
On this head, then, there is no cause for alarm. Mr. Madison is not proved to be friendly to the claim; and whether he is or is not, if elected President, the prudence with which he is allowed to be eminently gifted, will effectually restrain him from raising a host of enemies to his administration by urging a measure which would render him unpopular.
The opposition of the republican minority in Congress is next to be considered. In every point of light in which this opposition can be viewed, it must be considered as more an opposition to men than measures. There may be a few scattered instances in which different motives prevailed; but a recurrence to votes will shew that it has not been the offspring of any marked differences of opinion. It might not, perhaps, be going too far to trace it to a deliberate purpose to frustrate the election of Mr. Madison to the Presidency, by opposing every measure calculated to render the administration, of which he is an efficient member, popular. The most correct construction, however, perhaps is, to view the minority as influenced by the common ambition of raising themselves to power by the ordinary means practised by an opposition. Of this, the country from which we sprung gives us too many distinguished proofs, to be in the dark. The party, out of office, keeps up an uninterrupted fire on those in office, until, through the instrumentality of public opinion their purpose is answered. So, in the present case, we find a steady and indiscriminate opposition. Nothing is right; every thing is wrong. All the measures proposed are vehemently opposed. The necessity of doing something is admitted; but nothing is proposed. This is the grand touchstone, that exposes the character of a party. A body of men, uninfluenced by personal considerations, may oppose the measures of the dominant party; but, in a crisis of danger, they will boldly offer their project. They will not rest satisfied with exposing the weakness of the plan offered by their adversaries, but will come out with their own; thereby giving the people an opportunity of judging between the two. Has this been done in the present instance, notwithstanding the solemnity of the crisis? No such thing. Every thing has been opposed, and nothing proposed: I say nothing, because the propositions made would have been worse than nothing. They felt those who offered them on their oars, and committed them to no specific conduct.
These considerations justify me in the belief that the present republican minority would continue in opposition under any administration of which they should not form a part. The only effectual way then to heal this division, is to give them the absolute reins of power. But could any thing be more absurd than to throw the government at the feet of men not forming a tenth, perhaps not a hundredth part of the people, thus exposing to their subjection the great body of the people themselves. This would be an original way in this country of healing divisions, where it is the fundamental principle that the will of the majority shall govern. We might, however, solace ourselves with the reflection of finding a happy prototype for it in Turkish and French story, where the will of one or a few is the only fountain of power.
Of these general remarks it is but an act of justice to make some qualification. Of those, who ordinarily compose the republican minority in Congress, it is admitted several are guided by the most honest and disinterested motives. There is a native independence in the mind of man, which is the greatest blessing bestowed upon him by a beneficent Being. This independence, whilst properly regulated by a sound judgement, leads to the most desirable results. It invites to an active exercise of our best faculties, and extracts the best affections of the soul; but unregulated, like every other estimable quality, it degenerates and be-

comes productive of evil. The very existence of such a spirit of co-operation is impossible. But, notwithstanding its indispensable necessity to preserve every thing valuable in society, there are certain honest minds, which, from the influence of physical temperament, or moral habits, are totally insensible to its obligation. Such men, necessarily, under every modification of society find themselves in a minority. There are such, we have no doubt, in the republican minority. It will be their good fortune always to stand alone. Should their will prevail, we should have neither government nor laws. Such an opposition, it is manifest, is incurable; and consequently, any attempt to destroy it is criminal.
A FARMER.
The Editors of the northern papers appear to be still misinformed as to the political complexion of this state. A few weeks ago, it was asserted in the Washington Federalist , and the paragraph was copied by most of the federal papers throughout the U. States, that North-Carolina was become completely federal . This, in a late Register, we flatly contradicted. Since which, we have observed, in the Washington Monitor , a respectable republican print, an estimate of the probable result of the ensuing Presidential election, in which the votes of this state are equally divided betwixt Madison and Clinton . So far from this being correct, we do not believe (as we have before stated) that Mr. Madison will lose a single vote in North Carolina.
Raleigh Reg.
The East-India Sago plant ( Cycas circinalis Lin. ) is now in full bloom, in Mrs. Forest's garden in this city. It is the largest and most perfect plant of the kind we have ever seen. It has been in her possession about twelve years, and has never blossomed before. Mrs. F. has very politely given permission to any person, who feels an interest in acquiring Botanical information, to examine this valuable exotic, which now, unquestionably has been proved, can bear the cold of a Carolina climate. It is the only plant of the kind which has ever blossomed in this country.
Char. Courier.
The brig Charles , of Baltimore, captain Brownlow, has been taken at sea by the United States brig Argus , and sent into Savannah, where she arrived three days ago. This is the same brig that was "robbed," some fifteen or twenty days ago, of a quantity of flour, by two French privateers, while she was lying at anchor in Amelia Sound. Our readers will recollect we published captain Brownlow's account of that affair some days ago.
Ch. City Gaz.
By a gentleman arrived at New London, from Martinico, it is stated, that on the 20th ult. there were 4 vessels there, and those sailed by permission: among them the brig Susan , G. W. Lee, of N. Y. who was taken on his passage out, on suspicion of having provision on board, and carried to Barbadoes. His cargo was taken out, and finding nothing but lumber and water casks, was permitted to proceed. Provisions at St. Pierres were amazing scarce, and only sufficient flour for ten days consumption. The inhabitants greatly alarmed. No sale for produce.
Phil. paper.
Mr. John (late lieut. gen.) Whitlocke, intends, it is said, shortly to embark for America.
London Paper.
FROM THE PETERSBURG REPUBLICAN.
To the electors of the Congressional District, composed of the counties of Mecklenburg, Lunenburg, & Brunswick.
It was not before March, that I was able to take my seat in Congress the last session; and even then I was unable to perform my duty as your representative, from the state of my health, which continues such as to leave no room to expect it would be in my power to represent you the next session, whatever favorable change may occur. I have, therefore, determined to resign my seat, and thereby leave you at liberty to select a representative, who may be competent to your service.
About to dissolve the ties by which I have been bound to you as a representative, it would afford me pleasure to congratulate you on the continuance of national prosperity and happiness; but notwithstanding the just policy pursued by our government towards foreign nations, we appear to be on the eve of war. Indeed, nothing but
the laying an embargo, could have kept us from war for some months past. Necessity, and the calculation that the embargo would have an ultimate effect highly useful to our interest, led to the adoption of it. It is still hoped it will have the desired effect. That it is a serious temporary evil to ourselves, cannot be denied; but the fortitude with which you have met its consequences, affords a proud proof of a genuine patriotism, promising a readiness to encounter all hardships and every hazard, to maintain that liberty, so gallantly achieved by the heroes of our revolution, whether assailed by foreign or domestic enemies.
It was my wish to have given you my views of the state of our country and of its foreign relations, but health does not permit it.
Although disabled, perhaps forever, from serving the public in any shape, my sincerest wishes and hopes are, that our present difficulties may eventuate in the perpetuation of liberty and happiness to our beloved country.
Since I have been entrusted with your interests, you have had my best efforts to promote them, and the public welfare; and it is with sensibility not a little excited, that I add, that I have been honored by you with marks of a liberal confidence, and a generous approbation of those efforts, which will always claim the grateful recollection of
Your Fellow-Citizen, JOHN C. CLAIBORNE.
FROM THE NORFOLK LEDGER.
Frigate Chesapeake, Hampton Roads, 15th June, 1808. TO THE EDITOR OF THE PUBLIC LEDGER.
Sir,
On perusal of Commodore Barron's defence, (lately published in your paper) I find it is calculated to make impressions on the public mind injurious to me, and diametrically opposite to the decisions of the court in the cases of him and myself.
In my defence I have expressed a wish that those who read the defence of Commodore Barron will also read his evidence. I have therefore to request you will publish with my defence the enclosed evidence of the Commodore on my trial, and let the impartial reader judge whether the two statements corroborate.
I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant, CHARLES GORDON.
TO CAPTAIN CHARLES GORDON. Norfolk, June 26, 1808.
Sir,
Your letter of the 15th with your defence and the evidence of commodore Barron, were put into my hands two days since. I certainly shall with cheerfulness insert your defence, but I feel great difficulty in the publication of abstracts of the evidence given on the trials. You will readily perceive that the publication of the evidence given by Commodore Barron, might produce a request from him for the publication of some other part of the evidence, and perhaps with comments illustrative, or in support of his positions, and which might produce a replication on your part. This is not all—other officers will perhaps desire abstracts of the evidence to be published in their vindication, and (what I more than all wish to avoid) personal discussions would unavoidably follow.
Under these considerations I am compelled to decline the insertion of the evidence, but will insert your defence with pleasure, if you desire it to appear without the evidence.
I am, respectfully,
Your obedient servant, JOHN COWPER.
[After this follows Captain Gordon's defence.]
Columbia, (S. C.) June 22.
The House of Representatives were yesterday occupied in committee of the whole, on the representative reform. Captain Planding introduced sundry resolutions, forming the basis of the future representation of the state, which were adopted in committee unanimously.
These resolutions contemplate the following arrangement: taxation and population are to be equally represented, and sixty-two members assigned to each; where there are fractions of population and taxation, they are to be combined; and if both entitle a district to a representative, and the possibility of any district not being represented on the general plan for want of a sufficient population or taxation, every district in the state is to be entitled to one representative at least.
In the Senate, the only alteration contemplated, is to give to the election districts which are not now entitled to a whole senator, one member in that
body. It also contemplates a new apportionment of representation on the above principles every ten years.
From the spirit of mutual concession, and the harmony discovered in the discussion, little doubt is entertained of the success of the plan.
Staunton, June 24.
Yesterday morning past through this town to the northward, a large flock of sheep, to appearance all in good order; there were in the flock 342, and were raised near New River, in this state.
New-York, July 2.
Excessive heat. —The following shews accurately the degrees of heat by Fahrenheit's scale.
9—12—3 o'clock.
Sunday, June 26—78—81—86 Monday, 27—82—87—89 Tuesday, 28—85—87—88 Wednesday, 29—86—88—88 Thursday, 30—83—89—92 Friday, July 1—87—90—91 Saturday, 2—88—92—*
Average heat for 6 days, at 9, 12, and 3—86 1-2.
A degree of heat much greater than has been experienced before, in this city, for a great number of years. The Thermometer, from which the above is taken hangs in a spacious airy entry at the corner of Nassau and Pine-streets, where it has hung for ten years past.
* At 2 o'clock 93 1-2.
New-York, July 4.
The ship Cornplanter , Gillies, on her passage from London for Philadelphia, ran ashore on Monday last near Montog-Point, Long-Island, where she lay fifteen hours, but was got off by the assistance of several whale boats, and has proceeded for Philadelphia.
Eight of her passengers reached New-York on Saturday afternoon; and one of them has favored the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with the London Courier of May 11th, from which the subjoined extracts are copied.
We learn verbally from the passengers, that the Cornplanter left Gravesend on the 5th May, Deal on the 14th, passed Scilly on the 18th, and saw a ship which was supposed to be the Osage from Falmouth for New-York, so that she may be hourly expected. They understood that our affairs with Great Britain were not in the most favorable train of adjustment; and that the Cornplanter had dispatches from Mr. Pinckney to the government. The British Orders in Council were still in operation, and not likely to be rescinded.
From the London Courier of May 11th.
LONDON, May 10.
The Renommee frigate is arrived with dispatches from admiral Purvis, whom she left about a fortnight since. It is said that the news she brings confirms the report of the combined Toulon and Rochefort squadrons having got safely back to Toulon. The Spartan frigate, capt. Brenton, saw ten sail of the enemy's ships on the 8th ult. off Sardinia, steering down the Mediterranean.
The expedition sailed from Yarmouth yesterday morning, with a fair wind for the northward. It was a grand spectacle. The naval force consists of 9 sail of the line, 5 frigates, 6 sloops, and 15 gun brigs, with upwards of 200 sail of transports with troops, 80 of which have horses on board. Several gun-boats accompany the expedition; they are made upon a new construction; they draw only two feet water, and carry a long 18 pounder and a carronade. It is conjectured that they are to cover the landing of the troops.
The conferences between Mr. Secretary Canning and Mr. Pinckney have for the present terminated; and this day Mr. Nourse sets out on his return to America with the result. Much discussion is understood to have arisen upon the subject of the right of searching merchant ships; and it is scarcely necessary to observe, that the interests of Great Britain have not been compromised by any concession of ours on this important point.
On the 7th inst. an American vessel arrived in Guernsey, which left Rochefort on the night of the 30th ult. in consequence of a private but positive communication, that an order had been received at the custom-house, to embargo all American vessels at Charente and the other French ports, and which would be carried into effect the following morning.
Late last night a Portuguese officer arrived at South Audley street, with the long expected and joyful intelligence of the safe arrival of the Prince Regent of Portugal at Bahia, on the 25th January; and after remaining there about a month, had sailed for the Rio de Janeiro. His royal highness
made several excursions into the surrounding country, and was present at a great hunting party at Cachoeira, about 15 leagues from Bahia. The concourse of people from the interior was incredible, and his royal highness, with his usual affability, gave audience to every one.
It appears that the Principe-Real was separated in a gale of wind from the rest of the squadron, and it was not until the night of the 15th that she was joined by the Bedford man of war.
The remaining persons of the royal family had arrived at the Rio de Janeiro, with the rest of the Portuguese and British men of war, a few of which had entered Pernambuco in distress.
MAY 11.
Some details have just been received from Spain, which are highly interesting, and which strongly mark the national feelings.
At Madrid, in the Plaza Maya, 4000 French troops were collected, with artillery mounted, and every other manifestation of hostile designs against the inhabitants. It is stated, that this force was successfully resisted by the populace, and that all ranks of persons united in publicly proclaiming their indignation at the conduct of these intruders. When Murat expostulated with the people, he observed, that his countrymen appeared not to injure, but to protect the Spanish people as friends; he was told that weapons of war were not necessary for the intercourse of friendship, and that the valor of the Spanish people was equal to their own protection.
In another place a large body of French troops are said to have been disarmed and deprived of their cannon; the people declaring that, if they came as friends they did not want cannon, and if as foes, it was proper for the Spaniards not to suffer them to have any.
A volunteer of Arragon is reported to have been affronted by three of the Mamelukes, two of whom he killed, and wounded the other, but was at length killed himself.
A man had been tried according to the short ceremonies of martial law, for a robbery, and had been found guilty. He was to undergo military execution; the regiment was drawn up which was to inflict the punishment, and before he reached the ranks he was rescued by the populace, who conducted him to the commander in chief, and loudly demanded his liberation and pardon. Murat thought fit to condescend to the wishes of the citizens, and the man was conveyed away amidst loud acclamations.
The journey of the new king to Bayonne had produced an almost general dissatisfaction, which was loudly expressed in the different places through which he passed. It is said that in one of his proclamations issued on his journey, he declared that but for the best assurances his royal person would be safe, he would not have acquiesced in the invitation to go to Bayonne; and that in the course of four or five days he shall, with the assistance of his good brother and ally, settle the affairs of Spain to the content and joy of his subjects.
This proclamation, which shewed that Bonaparte was to interfere in the affairs of the country, did not by any means tend to quiet the people, and on the next day, 19th April, another was published, the people having assembled in crowds round the new king's residence at Vittoria. The duke de l'Infantado addressed them, and at last persuaded them to retire, though not without expressions of much dissatisfaction. The new king, it is added, means to represent to Bonaparte the antipathy the people have to the French troops, and to press their immediate recall.
Meanwhile Catalonia has offered to raise and maintain 160,000 men, for the support of the new king, and Andalusia 50,000. The Castiles have not imitated the example of these two provinces, and in Newcastle the public opinion does not seem favorable to the new monarch. It is feared that Spain will be convulsed by the partisans of the deposed king, and the new king, for every one sees that the abdication of the former was a measure of compulsion, not of choice. Indeed it is reported that he himself protested against it, and is gone to Bayonne, to interest Bonaparte in his favor. Bonaparte the usurper himself of the crown of one branch of the Bourbons, will thus have a legitimate sovereign belonging to another branch of the Bourbons pleading against his son for having usurped his crown and dignity!
But it is impossible not to fear and feel that these disturbances may be detrimental rather than beneficial to Spain, and that Bonaparte may take advantage of them, to fix his yoke more firmly upon her neck.—That he will assist her in rendering herself independent of France, it were absurd
to suppose—that he will withdraw his troops, because they are hated by the Spaniards, it were impossible to believe.—Partial successes indeed the Spaniards may have had against isolated bodies of French troops, but irregular and undisciplined valor can effect but little against them when their force is united and concentrated. We wait with anxiety for the full development of Bonaparte's plans and intentions.
Treasurer's office, Washington city, July 1, 1808.
WHEREAS by an act of the City Council of Washington, entitled "An act laying a tax on slaves the property of non-residents," it is among other things enacted, that from and after the 1st day of July 1808, there shall be paid for all slaves hired to labor or service in the city of Washington, & owned by persons not residing in the city, by the owners of such slaves respectively, the following sums, to wit:
For all male slaves under eighteen years of age, eight dollars per annum; for all male slaves above eighteen years of age, fifteen dollars per annum; for all female slaves under sixteen years of age, four dollars per annum; and for all female slaves above sixteen years of age, six dollars per annum.
Notice is therefore hereby given to all persons hiring slaves of the above description, that the subscriber will attend at his office, near the Theatre, every day (Sunday excepted) from 12 o'clock in the forenoon until 2 o'clock in the afternoon, to receive the taxes due thereon.
HENRY WHETCROFT, Treasurer of Washington city.
July 8—3t
10 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber an Apprentice boy by the name of THOMAS A. JUSTIN , a Taylor by trade. All persons are forewarned against harboring or employing said apprentice. The above reward will be given to any person who will deliver him to me.
JOSEPH S. CLARKE.
July 8—3t
TO HIRE
BY the month or year, a Negro man COOK , about 23 years of age who is supposed to be perfectly acquainted with the business, as he has been for the last six or seven years learning the art of cooking in the first taverns in Baltimore. For terms, &c. apply to the Printer.
July 8—
TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District; among which are,
Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoats & g, Silk met skins do. Taffetas, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and deffil blank ts, bunnels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicos, coined cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambray Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask do. do. Camep's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and jackets, Persians and Medes, Thuret and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, tablecloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, Ross threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c.
ALSO,
Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havanna segars.
T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms.
February 3—tf
TO LET.
THE House occupied by Mrs. Wilson, West End of the Six Buildings. Apply to her at the same.
July 6th—3t

THE ADVERTISEMENT dated April 25, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive.
Concluded. 27. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, P. Brock & Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday Thursday and Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Plymouth by 6 P. M. Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 6 P. M.
NOTES.
1. The mail will be carried on the routes, number four to fourteen inclusive, in the same time through the year; and the contractor must calculate upon conveying the mail in a sulkey, when the roads will not admit of its being conveyed by the usual stage; or if it shall be shown, that the roads are too bad for a sulkey, the mail of letters will be separated from the newspapers, which are to be conveyed by stage, as fast as the roads will admit, and the letters conveyed on horseback within the time limited, so that bad roads shall never be admitted as an excuse for non-performance.
2. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract; he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
3. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
4. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any succeeding mail, whereby the mails destined for such succeeding mail lose a trip, a forfeiture of double the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip shall be incurred, unless it shall be made to appear that the delay was occasioned by unavoidable accident, in which case the amount of pay for the trip will, in all cases, be forfeited and retained.
5. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.
6. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
7. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage he is desired to state it in his proposals.
8. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
9. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 16, are to be in operation on the first day of Oct. next and to continue in force two years from that time; for the routes from No. 17 to 25 to commence at the same time, & to continue in force until the 31st of March, 1811. For the routes, 26, 27, and 28, to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster General General Post Office, Washington City, May 26, 1808. May 16—w4a.
DR. JAMES H. BLAKE, Offers his services in the line of his Profession, to the Inhabitants of Washington city and its vicinity. His residence is on 13th street, between the Pennsylvania avenue and F street. June 29—3t
FOR SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land late the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Toynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of an order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be exposed to public sale at the late Dwelling Plantation of Zephaniah Prather, deceased, on Monday the 11th of July next the whole of the deceased's Personal Estate, remaining unsold, consisting of Negroes and sundry articles of Household Furniture. A credit of six months will be given on the purchases giving bond with two good securities with interest from the date. sale to commence at 10 o'clock.
ZELPHANIAN PRATHER, Adm'r. Prince George's county, June 22—tds
List of Letters remaining in the Post Office Washington city, July 1, 1808.
Henry Addico, William Adams, Paruel Auterein, J. B. Avidley, Henry Adams, James Archbold, Abel Anderson, Thos. Addison, Wm. & Alexander Ardry, John Jacob Aston 4, L. Albain, Priscilla Allen.
B. Thomas Bullitt 2, Henry Ballard 2, Mrs. Bayley, Robert Barclay, George Blake, Robert C. Barton, Samuel Burgess, William Brown 3, Theop. Y. Burch, James Berry, Amelia D. & J. G. Brashears, James Burgess, Walter Barron, John Barnett, H. Berry, George Beall, Wm. Bond, Henry Baker, Wm. Bushel, Henry Butler, Dr. J. Beall, Truman Burns, Ezekiel Bull, Wm. L. Brooke, Dillon Brook, James Bankhead, Phineas Bradley, Mary Bramble, Jas. M. Brown, Mrs. Baker, Daniel Brownhill, Mrs. J. S. Blount, D. Bissell, Chester Bailey, Wm. Boswell, Quintain Baine, M. W. Bush, Edward Briscoe, Wm. T. Beall, Daniel Bailey, Mrs. Boss, Wm. Barkedale, W. C. Beard, P. N. W. Burton.
C. Michael Crager, Robert Clark, Tim Crowley, George Cox, Wm. Cooke, Thos. Cross 2, Capt. H. G. Campbell 2, Clarke, J. Coyle, H. Carberry, P. Clapdore, Thos. Coleman, Edward Cox, James Clark, Mr. Cooper, J. Cole, James Camp, Thos. Chrystie 2, M. B. Carroll, George Clarke, Wm. Cummings, Thos. Cohoon 2, Rev. T. Campbell, W. Chapman 2, John Clarke, Wm. Carbell, Wm. Carter, Charles Ceguere 2, Alice Lee Contee.
D. Bernard Dougherty, Elizabeth Ditterly, Charles Dent, Edward Douglass, John Dempsey, John Davis, Martin Downs, Morgan Donoho, James Dant, John H. Dent, R. Dimmore 2, Gaz. Douglass, D. Davis, Jas. Davis, Charles Dawson, J. H. Davis, R. Duplantys, L. R. De Niroth, Josiah Dean, J. W. Dorsay.
E. Joel Elliott 2, Mr. Esmanard, Ab. Ennis 3, E. and L. Edelin, B. Elliott, Deborah Essex, Mrs. Jane Eastburn, George Ellsworth.
F. Thos. Fletcher, John Fletcher, Frederick Fleming, J. F. Fry, R. Frazier's heirs, Betsey Fletcher, Robert Fulton, John Francis, Wm. Fitzhugh, John Fazenmyer, Dr. W. Foushee, Wm. Flower, N. Fitzpatrick.
G. James Graham, John Gibbons, Minto Garrett, Timothy Garrett, John Gough, Wm. Gates, Jos. Gideon, John Green 3, Matthew Gordon, Robert Gray, Jas. Gray, Jona. Grout, William Gray, Robert Gillam, Ebenezer Granger 2.
H. Robert Harris, John Harris 2, Henry Hureford, Robert Hugh, Isaac Hanson, Christ. Handspiker, Adam Hoops, John Horner, Leo. Harbaugh, John Hunter, P. Hall, P. Hall, James Holliday, Jos. Hodgson's heirs, S. Harbaugh, Martha Hall, John Hall, Wm. Hall, Wm. Hamilton 2, Mrs. S. Hamilton.
I. Robert C. Jennings 4, J. Johnson, jun., Samuel Jones, Alexander Ingraham, Samuel Jones, David Jones, Nat. Ingraham, John Johnson.
K. Laurence Keene, Geo. Knetler, H. Kramer, James Kemp, Vincent King, M. King, John Kneale, P. King, T. King, W. Keene, Th. Ketland, Jas. Knight, Thomas Kennedy, J. Keith, Stephen Kingston.
L. Gen. Henry Lee 3, George Lake, John T. Lindsay, James Lane, Mary Lane 2, Owen Lyon 2, Wm. Lynch 2, John Lewis, Edward Livingston 3, Dr. T. Leonard, Richard Langford, Lowry, James M. Lingan, W. Lightcoe.
M. Mr. McCormick, Jas. McNail, Lewis Morin, sea. Gen. V. Moreau, Thos. McCabe, Rosanna M'Kenney, James Maitland, James McCormick, James Murphy, Robert McCoy, Thomas McLan, Robert McMahon, Lt. Charles Morris, John Moss, M. Morgan, H. Moore, Peter Minoux, Samuel McAdy, John G. Marsden, Mrs. Marriott, Owen McDermot Roe 2, Cornelius McDermot Roe's heirs, Bernard McDermot Roe's heirs, Edward McDermot Roe.
N. George Newman, A. Newcomb, J. Neale, Anthony New, John Nicholson, midshipman Norton, Thomas Nevitt's heirs.
O. Mr. Oneale, Mrs. Oliver, Mrs. E. Oliver, Nathaniel Orme.
P. Colonel P. B. Porter 2, Public Printers, Joseph Poudrel, David Porter, captain N. Pinckney, George Puffier, general Charles C. Pinckney, P. Philbrick, J. and J. Perkins, J. Parsons, John Pickersel, Stephen Perry, W. Prime, W. Parsons, midshipman J. Porter, E. Patten, J. Perry.
R. Jonathan Russell 3, Isaac Reed 2, William Russell, W. Robinson, D. Rawns, heirs, Mr. Read, Andrew Reinhart, John Rumney, Francis Russell, Gerardus Randolph, Edward Rodgers, D. P. Ramsay, P. Read, J. Rimgington, George R. Riley, James Rice, T. & J. Ringgold.
S. Eben. P. Sturges, James Somerville, Jos. Strother, Capt. John Smith 2, John Smith, John Snowden, James S. Swearingen, John Stanley, James Sorms, R. Strong, Jacob Sampson, Ann Smith, Isaac Shoemaker, Miss S. Seutorius, Mr. Shew, Maker, Miss P. Spanangle, S. H. Smith, R. Spalding, Minto Sullivan, Messrs. Smith, Calhoun and Co. Wm. Spaling, John Stuart, Thomas Sandiford, Cor. Smith, H. Smallwood,
David Slater, John Sinclair, John Somers, D. Smith, D. Slater, Wm. Shaw, P. Staunton.
T. John Templeman, Thomas Taylor, Arthur Thompson, Wm. Thompson, Henry Teitgeon, James Tool, F and I Taylor, Geo. Thomas, Nelly V. Thomas, Martin Tolmy, John Terrence, Henry Thompson, Wm. G. Thomas, Patrick Tool, Jonathan Thorne, Glancey Thomas, Stephen Thomas, Francis Tharey, Samuel Tucker, William Tubman, Joseph Tubman.
V. H. Van Norden, John Vermillion's heirs.
W. Jonathan Ware 6, John Wilkins, Thomas Wilson 2, Samuel Winter, Thomas H. Williams, I. M. White, T. Webster, James Wilson, Thomas Wheatley, A. Waugh, George Walker, Thomas Webb, Benson White, Ann Wade, William Wheatley, William Wheedon, Jesse Wheeler, N. Willis, Capt. E. Watts, Mrs. M. Wilson, I. Wright, B. Williams 2, Dr. John Willis 2, Dr. C. Wistar 2, F. Wittig, Edward Way, Michael Wilkinson 2, C. Wirgman, Jeremiah Weaver, E. Washington, L. White, W. H. Watson.
Y. A. Young, Mary Young, Moses Young.
NEW BOOKS Just received and for sale by J. MILIGAN at J. Murch's bookstore, George Town, the following BOOKS,
Johnson's works, 12 vols. octavo 33 00 Chancer's tales, 3 vols. 6 00 Blumenbachs anatomy 4 25 Winer in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Discarded son, 2 vols. 2 50 Sampson's memoirs 2 50 Shakespeare's plays, 9 vols. 14 00 Bryan Perdue, 3 vols. 4 00 Thompson's works, 3 vols. calf gilt, plates 13 50 Do. seasons, calf, plates, fine 3 50 Knock's Sermons 2 25 Hill's life of Blair 1 25 Medical Guide 2 50 Playfair's Geometry 2 00 Parkinson's Tour 2 vols. 7 00 Sinclair on the Revenue, 2 vols. 6 50 Sully's Memoirs, 5 vols. 8 00 Chesterfield's Letters, 4 vols. 5 00 Evening at Home, 2 vols. 2 50 Conversations on Chemistry 2 25
Also a large supply of Foolscap, quarto and folio Post of a superior quality, together with a valuable assortment of Stationary, which will be sold low for cash.
June 29—6t
LANDING THIS DAY.
From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and cannisters of this spring's importation.
For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town Jan. 20—tf
PUBLIC SALE.
On Monday the 18th of July next will be sold at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE, with adjacent FRAME Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 925, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel.
The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct'r. June 15—tdos
DOCTOR GREENFIELD
Having removed from the state of Maryland to the city of Washington, on F street, next door to Mr. Calvin—offers his professional services to the public. His credentials will sufficiently establish his qualifications in every branch of medical science. July 6—3t
WANTED
At the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—p8
A MIDDLE AGED RESPECTABLE WOMAN IS WANTED.
To take charge of a Small family in George Town. She must produce good recommendations and be qualified to attend to children. To such an one liberal wages will be given. Apply at the Office of the Washington Federalist in George Town. June 17—6t
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY.
THE Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company are hereby notified that the second instalment of Ten dollars on each share is called for by the Directors and must be paid on or before the 1st day of August, next, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia."
By order of the Directors. DANIEL CARROL of Dudn' President. June 20—w5t
NOTICE
Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet, capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz.
   Denominaton of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11,000   1795 May 11. 13168 806   1795 July 16. 13450 250 08   1796 June 11. 14337 2,000   1796 June 11. 14341 247 81   1797 February 7. 14942 277 50   1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   1799 December 17. 16918 882  
Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. 19,999 99
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet, viz.
   Denomination of the Stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   1796 June 14. 14345 2,000   1796 June 14. 14346 2,000   1796 June 14. 14347 2,000   1796 June 14. 14348 738 42   1796 June 14. 3616 2,000   1796 June 14. 3617 2,000   1796 June 14. 3618 2,000   1796 June 14. 3619 2,000   1796 June 14. 3620 2,000   1796 June 14. 3621 458 15   1797 February 7. 14944 223 05   1797 March 3. 15005 1,500   1797 June 3. 15204 766 78   1797 June 16. 15287 1,700   1798 February 1. 15604 1,508 65   1799 December 17. 16917 980  
Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. 25,091 05
WILLIAM WHANN.
June 20—ep6w
TO RENT.
AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to MR. THOMAS HERTY. Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—entds
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offot, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN
MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT
Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Molskias for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
By virtue of an order of the Orphan's Court of Calvert county the subscriber will offer at Public Sale at the late residence of Gilbert Smith, of the aforesaid county, on Wednesday the 29th inst. at 2 o'clock if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, all the Personal Property of the said Gilbert Smith, consisting of two Negro men, 2 boys 1 Woman, and 3 Girls, Horses, Cows, Hogs, Household and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, five hogheads Tobacco, and the crop on the ground—the greater part of this property will be sold for cash, and the balance on a credit of six months—the particulars will be made known on the day of sale by MORDECAI SMITH, Adm'r. June 24—tdos
JAMES A. PORTER, ATTORNEY at LAW, hath just settled in the city of Washington, and opened his Office in the house of THOMAS HERTY, Esq. opposite Mr. Rhodes's tavern, Pennsylvania avenue; where, he can be consulted, and employed in the line of his profession, at almost any time, and will use every necessary attention and exertion to merit public confidence. May 11—w2m
FOR SALE.
FOUR HUNDRED acres of land adjoining land of Samuel Aurent, lying in Beaver Township, Northumberland county, state of Pennsylvania—off exchanged for merchandise or good property well situated in this city. For terms apply to JOSEPH WARATON. Washington City, May 18—wtf
BUZZARD'S ISLAND.
I WILL sell at private sale or exchange on liberal terms for other Landed Property, provided the situation is approved, the tract of land on which I reside, called Buzzard Island, lying on Patuxent river in Calvert county, and nearly opposite to Benedict, containing about eight hundred acres of rich fertile land as can be found in the state of Maryland, one third of which is in wood and very heavily timbered; likewise a great quantity of Locust, Cedar and Chestnut.
The arable part of this plantation is level and much of it covered with oyster shells, and is divided into three fields, each of which will produce two hundred barrels of corn, with a reserve of prime tobacco land sufficient to grow fifty hds. annually, and with very little labor more meadow may be reclaimed than will be found sufficient. No land can be better adapted to the growth of corn, tobacco and wheat, and few plantations hold out stronger inducements to stimulate an industrious man. It binds for a considerable distance on the river, has several landings and lies nearly in a square—fish, oysters, and wild fowl are to be had at all times—stock of every description, particularly sheep, thrive and improve wonderfully when removed to this land, a convincing proof of the goodness of soil and the nutritious quality of the grass which it produces in great abundance. The improvements are sufficient to accommodate a small family. A more particular description is not necessary—a purchaser will naturally view the premises. RICHARD W. HARWOOD, June 3—w5t
District of Columbia, Washington County.
Orphan's Court, 11th June, 1808. WILLIAM RHODES having, this day, applied for letters of administration on the personal estate of HENRY KNIPMER, late of the City of Washington deceased—claiming the same as a creditor. Ordered that he give notice thereof by advertisement inserted once a week for six weeks in the National Intelligence, one paper published on the Eastern Shore, Maryland, and one in the city of New-York. TEST. JNO. LIEWITT, Reg. wills. June 13—w6t.
FRESH TURNIP SEED.
Early Turnip, Yellow do. Ruta baga or Swedish do. Hanover do. Large white do.
For sale at Theo. Holt's Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and Dr. Ott's Medicine store, George Town. Washington city, June 20—w6w