The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-06-16 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 60.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 16th, 1802.
PAY IN ADVANCE.
LATEST FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
MAY 31.
THE DEFINITIVE TREATY.
Mr. WINDHAM rose, and spoke nearly as follows: I do not wish the house to come to any final decision upon the merits of the definitive treaty of peace which has been laid on the table; but, simply to move a day for taking it into consideration. As one of the persons who have the misfortune to differ from his majesty's ministers, I do not conceive there can be any objection to this proposal. His majesty's ministers think that no discussion is necessary upon the definitive treaty, the preliminaries having met the approbation of the house, and consequently they have declined to introduce any motion respecting it. Whether this be an invariable custom, or one that would be "more honored in the breach than the observance," I shall not say to enquire. If there be precedents that do not render any such proceeding necessary, they must be founded on the presumption that, by its approbation of the preliminary treaty, the house has sanctioned the definitive. Now I think it is quite the contrary in the present case. I think that the question is completely open, and that there may be perfectly good grounds in giving a different judgment upon the definitive treaty from that which the preliminaries have received. The best order in which to consider this subject, will, I think, be under the four following heads: 1stly. The variation of certain points in the definitive treaty from their state in the preliminaries; and 2dly. Those points which took place in the interval between the preliminary and definitive treaty. 3dly. The variation of certain points in the definitive treaty from their state in the preliminaries; yet may not be considered as a departure from them.
As to the first class, namely, the circumstances which did exist, but were not known before the preliminaries, there are three principal ones: first, the cession of the Isle of Elbe; secondly, the limit of French Guiana; and thirdly, the cession of Louisiana. The cession of the Elbe has been already mentioned; and, when the necessary papers shall be laid before the house, it will be proper time to enter into it fully. I shall now touch on the manner of cession only, leaving it to the house to judge the value of the acquisition to the French, as an excellent station, an important harbour, and an impregnable fortress. The argument by which our assent is sought to be obtained for this advantage given the French, is the immensity of objects of equal if not greater value, which destroys its single importance: that is, we are told, why continue the war for the sake of the Isle of Elbe when so many points of greater value have been surrendered? Without dwelling then on its value, I shall consider the manner, which is in my mind more important than the thing itself. There is in it such tricking and chicanery, as requires constant explanation; and the more it is examined, the more odious is the light in which it appears. The house will recollect that by the treaty of Munich, by which a transfer was made of the duchy of Tuscany, it was expressly stipulated that Porto Ferrajo should remain as it was before, attached to the dukedom of Tuscany. Now what do the French? They have recourse to that sort of algebraic calculation by which an algebraist would proceed to exterminate a quantity that he wished to get rid of: they transfer it to another person—they leave it with the duke of Tuscany. But as if they were playing a game of chess, they remove the duke and put a king in his place.
They take a king of Spain, and, having placed him in the duke's stead, they negotiate with the court of Spain, that it shall not remain with Tuscany, but be transferred to France. This was not known at the time when the preliminaries were signed. It comes out then that the real state of Porto Ferrajo was artfully concealed; that instead of being a station in the hands of the duke of Tuscany, or against the French, it was to be transferred to France to facilitate her attack upon Naples, or any other ally we might have in that quarter in a future war. Now, surely nobody will say that these circumstances, if the thing stood single, are not such as put the case upon a new footing, & leave it a res integra open to discussion.
Passing over this we shall proceed to the next point, which is much the same in manner, but greater in magnitude: I mean the boundary assigned to French Guiana. I shall consider it as the former, not so much with regard to its importance, as the consequences attending it, which I contend were a gross breach of good faith. When the preliminaries were signed, we were given to understand by them that the dominions of Portugal were to be maintained in their integrity. Therefore, when the treaty of Madrid came out which violated them, there was a general outcry and alarm. We were told it would be given up. As for myself I could not understand that the French would have made this excursion into the Portuguese territory purely for the purpose of giving it up again. It seems, however, they did do so, as his majesty's ministers take credit for making them give it up and take another. A few leagues of wilderness in one place or another are no great object. The question is, the command which it gives them of the Mississippi, and that they have as much by the one as by the other. Either boundary is equally a breach of faith. They should have gone to the treaty of Utrecht for to impose a new boundary upon us is equally a fraud as if they had retained the former. As to the treaty of Badajos, which has been referred to on this subject, there is no such paper before the house, and therefore I leave it out of my consideration. What I complain of is the fraudulent exchange. It has been said of a peace that it was only a change of war; the French mode of plain dealing may be perhaps a substitution of one fraud for another.
The next point in this rising climax of frauds, is the cession of Louisiana. Into this subject I am not now disposed to enter minutely.
By this acquisition the French are established in a space as unbounded as the view it opens, whether north or south. What a present have we made it to Americans! We have placed a serpent at their feet, by which they will ultimately be devoured. We have put them in that state in which they must become willing slaves under the dominion of France. We all know something of human nature. We know that men detest the instrument less than the cause, and turn their resentment upon those whom they can make to feel it most. They will not of course hesitate between us and the French; and thus we shall eventually forfeit the friendship of America, by the aggrandizement of the French in that quarter. As to the wealth which this establishment opens to them, it has no limits but their will. On the continent of South America there is no power that can resist them. There are the sources of the wealth of the world; but if gentlemen do not feel the consequence of their passing into the hands of the French, it would be in vain for me to impress them with an idea of their importance.
I have now gone through the three principal points, which, though not known in this country, existed at the time of the preliminary treaty. There is not one of them that does not call for the revision of the Preliminaries, and cancels the obligation.
Now, sir, under the next head of things, namely, those that happened in the interval between the Preliminaries and the definitive treaty, the catalogue is not numerous; but what it wants in number is made up in magnitude. It consists of the Italian Republic; and next, though not so great, or bearing so directly upon the present question, the naval and military force, sent out from France and now established in the West Indies. The first is the question of a new kingdom (for whether kingdom or presidency, differs but little in the language of the present day) in the heart of Italy. I say, that if such a situation of things had happened without the act or interference of either party, it was competent to a minister to say "here comes a change upon which we did not calculate, therefore it is quite a new case." I say further, that the history of Europe furnishes us with precedents to show that such a change would have been the cause of a war; but what will it be said when it appears that this was done during the interval of the preliminaries, and by one of the contracting parties! ( Hear! Hear! ) It is not that this is not felt as a good cause of war: but the fact is, Europe is so altered that no interested power dare attempt to question it. What most Austria thinks when the Cisalpine republic, which might have originally regarded as a barrier against France, is now a barrier to France for her destruction? We know what Austria feels; but she feels her danger too much to venture upon any steps for redress. The second point bears less upon the present question; but it is of extreme importance, and may hereafter prove a measure of serious enquiry. The way in which I look at it is the establishment of the French power in the West Indies earlier than it could otherwise have taken place; and which, if it had not taken place so early, would not perhaps have ever been established at all. This is of the most importance which we consider how much expectation has been formed of the chances and events which time might produce in the uncertain and unprecedented state of things which the world has so long presented. We do not know what effect delay might have had, or what advantage it might not have given us. We are therefore in a situation in which we should not otherwise have been; for, whatever may be said of the policy of the measure on our part, nobody will contend that by it we were not giving before the conclusion of peace a helping hand to that which during the war we had expended so many millions of money, and sacrificed so many lives to destroy.
The third head is that which relates to those points on which the definitive is a departure from the Preliminaries. [Under this head Mr. Windham noticed first, the article respecting prisoners; and second, the cession of Malta—on which he observed, that instead of providing for Malta in the spirit of the Preliminaries, a covered way had been devised by which England is completely cut off, and France put in possession. The revenues formerly belonging to the order in France, Bavaria, and the different parts of Germany were already confiscated, and those in Spain were on the eve of becoming so, making in the whole 4-5ths of its ancient revenues, and reducing it to that produced on the island only, amounting to about £30,000 sterling annually; he contended, therefore, that the order must fall for want of support.]
The next point is in the Cape of Good Hope. France has always been mistress of a happy knack of expression, and I do not find that the resolution has changed her side. She has stipulated that it shall be delivered over in full sovereignty to Holland. Now there is nothing to bind Holland from making it over to France, and putting a French garrison in it the moment she shall receive it. When, then, we consider the word sovereignty was used in the case of Tuscany and the Isle of Elbe, we cannot suppose that it was intended to be otiosus a mere idle term in the definitive treaty. On the contrary, this industrious use of it affords a lively persuation that the same will be the result with regard to the Cape.
I shall now pass on to things occurring in the definitive, and which make no part whatever of the preliminaries. The first is one of a gigantic nature, the total absence of all previous treaties. It is the first instance of the kind. It opens to a world of conjecture. It is argued that we shall gain as much as we shall lose by it, but how this is to happen I am at a loss to comprehend. It may be supposed that the renewal of these treaties would have embroiled us with
the continent.—But I do not know what these obligations are that would have outweighed the benefits of the treaties; because these treaties were not made for France, but against her, and for the protection of the other powers. The non-renewal of these treaties leaves us, however, with respect to other countries, just in the same situation in which we stood before; so that, by this diplomatic analysis, France only is relieved. But, as was said at Lisle, why get rid of the treaties all in a lump? We were not in the situation of a man with his hand limited to a minute. Surely seven months would have afforded time to make a selection of what should remain and what should be cancelled.—There are other points of this class that touch us more nearly. There is one particular part of the empire for which we feel a lively interest—an interest that must be increased in proportion to the loss of so many other acquisitions, and to which we must cling as the last wreck of our empire—I mean our East India possessions. The treaties of 1763 and 1768, the two great epochs of our rights in that quarter, are given up. We are left without the advantages, whatever they may be, of these compacts, and our right placed upon its original foundations. Now, let that right be ever so good, for I do not dispute its validity, it is material to consider what rights or what claims the French exercised before 1763. Our present state is, therefore, that state of litigation in which we were previous to the treaty of that year. By that treaty we put a guard upon our rights; yet, such was the force with which the French preferred their claims, that a ship was sunk in the Ganges, and we were on the point of hostilities when the convention of 1767 took place. We are now in a situation in which an attorney might say to his client, you have a good right of action, go to law; but if I had a facility in my hands confirming my right, and removing my adversary's, I should not be well advised were I to break off the seal and throw it in the fire, that I might go afterwards to trial where the arbitrator is the sword, and the court a field of battle.—We are now left to our right of action; and perhaps, the first news from India will be the notice for going to trial. The French were never backwards in asserting their claims; and that they should be less forward now I have no reason to suppose.
There are other rights of minor importance abandoned; rights which tacitly and longingly are of great magnitude, but which sink into nothing in the neighborhood of the towering heights that surround them. As to the importance of the privilege of cutting logwood in the Bay of Honduras, we read of nothing but quarrels between France and Spain about it. We do not pretend to a right of sovereignty in that quarter. We hold the right by convention; and France will, no doubt, reassert her pretensions.—What pretensions these are does not appear: but this state of ignorance and uncertainty shows the necessity of calling for papers and giving the most mature consideration to the subject. The gun trade is another which we exercised by convention; and I shall not forget the right claimed by the Dutch to trade in the Eastern Seas. We know the jealousy of Holland in that particular—we know the credit our ministers took for the settlement of 1784 on that point; but how this right is to be exercised in future, what precautions have been taken for its security, and whether they are to come from above or below, does not appear.
Among the other points that come next without contravening the preliminaries, is the House of Orange. When we talk of all the territories and acquisitions we have surrendered, we are told of those wonder-working things, credit and capital. I wish we could transfer the word credit from the change to credit of another kind, to a high sense of honor, to national spirit and immunity from insult; but of all these qualities that make us great, we are now diverting ourselves as if they were functo officio and their sole object to obtain us money. France may have ill-treated other powers under her protection; but she has shown that she will not suffer another to abuse them. The dog though beaten by his master will fly forward in his defence; and we do know that powers, though crouching under France, will be bold and vigorous in her cause, they will fight like Janissaries in the pay of their master. One of them we are aware, has not waited for the wax to be cold upon the treaty before it has evinced this temper and disposition. That power which never spares an enemy, and gives protection to those under it will make all pow-
ers to range upon its side. In the case of France, there is no instance of the contrary. Even in the evacuation of Alexandria she acted upon that principle. I will I could say the same for this country with respect to the House of Orange. In our abandonment of that prince, no provision has been made for the loss of his private property, or his stadtholdership authority. I might have been expected some indemnification would have been secured for the sacrifice of his patrimony and power; but we have not only done nothing, but the manner in which he has been treated forms the most ridiculous feature of the treaty. The very day we were stipulating a provision, on that very day, and in that very room, and at the very table at Amiens, did the French and Dutch plenipotentiaries sign a defeasance . Our stipulations stated generally that he was to have an indemnity; but the stipulation of the Dutch minister Schimmelpennick states that it shall not be in Holland, the only place in which it can be obtained. So much for the good faith of France in the case of the Prince of Orange.
See now the king of Sardinia. We could be under no fear of reviving treaties with him; his kingdom was gone, unless, indeed, we might fear to see him come like the ghosts that drew Priam's curtains in the night. It seems as if all sense of national honor was lost; but though the feelings may be lost to us, it is not so with the bye-flander. These things are of consequence, and are founded in reason. I want to know what value France sets upon subjecting us to indignity. I want to know what the other nations think of our submitting to it?—The sentiments of Holland I do know, from a curious paper which she lately published. If these sacrifices were made by us from magnanimity, it would be another thing; but they are made against our will. If I wanted a voucher for all this, I find one in a French paper received this day, and which, if translated, I should have read as part of my speech.—In it the writer talks of Malta as of a place that, by the terms of the treaty, must eventually belong to France; and reasons upon several other points in the same disadvantageous line for England.—Now, the necessary information upon all these points is only to be had from newspapers, of which there are none upon the table. Without such papers the real cause cannot be known. We cannot know without them, whether the cordial drop of Peace which we take into our stomachs, may not be something of a deleterious quality that must destroy us. Let us then consider, while we have time, and at least consider the cup in which it is administered. I should wish, therefore, to fix to-morrow fortnight for the consideration of the subject, as not too distant for a business requiring so much previous information. "I move, therefore, that the house shall take into consideration, the definitive treaty of Peace, concluded between his majesty, the French and Batavian republics, and the king of Spain, on the 18th inst."
For Sale,
A TRACT or parcel of land consisting of 220 acres, more or less, late the property of Robert Buchan, deceased, lying in Prince George County, Maryland, and on the point branch of the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River. Any person inclined to purchase, may view the wood and meadow land, as also the improvements and situation. If the above land is not sold before the 25th day of August, it then will be offered for public sale.—And also the whole of the following property of said estate: Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, household and kitchen furniture, and plantation utensils. Terms at public sale for the land one third cash, and a credit of twelve months for the balance, by giving bond with interest and approved security. For the personal property all sums over 50 dollars 12 months credit, by giving bond as above; all sums not exceeding 50 dollars, cash. The above land is situated about five miles from Bladensburg and ten from Georgetown. Possession will be given in December next.
JAMES BUCHAN, Aging Heir.
April 26, 1802.
lawt25
Tennessee Company.
THOSE interested in the Company, and who have not signed the deed of trust, are hereby notified, that the subscribers will attend at the city of Washington on the 20th of December next, to give them an opportunity of complying with this regulation of the company.
JAMES STRAWBRIDGE, May 26, 1802. lawt26D

TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. No. IV.
Having fairly exhibited, in the very words of the leaders of the federal party in the legislature, the inflammatory and disorganizing sentiments avowed during the last session, I will now offer, for comparison, some notice of the style in which the most distinguished republican characters in circumstances alleged to be similar expressed themselves.
During the late session the federalists were in a minority composed of little more than one-third of the house of representatives. In the antedated resolutions the republicans were in a minority but a few votes below the majority. In the last case, therefore, public opinion is to be considered as more unequivocally expressed on the side of the majority than in the last. It follows that, should any doubt, in either case, be entertained of the real national sentiment, that doubt should diminish in proportion to the superior numbers of the majority in the legislature, the members of which must be considered not only as the legal, but as among the most correct organs of the ideas of the people.
If this inference be just, it ought to have influenced the minority in the present legislature with diffidence in their own opinions, and should have taught them the peculiar propriety of moderation in their expressions. It should have restrained the turbulence of passion, and checked the duty of forbearance. Such a deportment was expected, certainly by the republicans, and, it is believed, also by all moderate federalists, who form the great mass of the citizens of that political character. But the expectation, however rational, has been disappointed, and it remains for time to shew, whether the lofty tones of insolence which were thundered over the heads of the government, and the people will not eventually, and at no remote period, leave the present leaders of the federal party the unenvied distinction of deriving as little support from honest federalism as from pure republicanism. It remains for time to shew whether the malevolent flinders of disappointed ambition will not sink the faction that circulates them as much below the night-owl of federal candour, as below that of republican truth.
Be this discussion, however, for the present waived. Let the conduct of the republicans when out of power be contrasted with that of the federalists in a like situation.
From the era of the British treaty the Pandora box of political evil was opened. From the period of this federal measure foreign danger awaited us, and domestic harmony perished. The government, ceasing to rest upon the affections of the people, attempted to effect, and too well succeeding in effecting the gross task of impairing the energies of that liberty which it feared. To accomplish this, it invaded, by unconstitutional acts, the sacred rights which had been expressly forbidden to be touched; it subverted the liberty of the press; it destroyed the freedom of aliens and made them a dangerous instrument of executive influence. It scattered with a liberal hand the seeds of oppression, by incurring wanton and useless expenses. It courted war, as the pretext for immense armies, and undefined powers.
These were the prominent acts of the late administration; some of which the republicans, with united suffrage, pronounced unconstitutional, and some of which they viewed as destructive of liberty, and therefore as infractions of the spirit, if not of the letter of the constitution.
Whatever tended to inflame their passions and to bury them into an intemperate affection of rights daringly violated, was forced upon them. The aristocracy of the country, with all their instruments of oppression, were let loose upon the democracy, and the government armed the former to the exclusion of the latter whom they stigmatized as rebels.
Had the same succession of events marked the annals of this country, that have marked those of all other nations, the page of history would have been the record of a sanguinary scene. But liberty, firm on her rock of truth, stood unshaken amidst the surrounding convulsions, and disarming them by the energies of her mind, brought to her ultimate support the enlightened and virtuous of the nation, before whom error and crime disappeared in dismay.
Though the constitution, the sacred charter of our rights, was invaded to prostrate the republicans, they said we will not oppose force to force, we will not even threaten it. We will trust to a constitutional remedy; we will enlighten the public mind, and those who from ignorance or passion joined in the violation of our rights, shall, when informed, be the earliest to restore them to purity. This was a dignified, a sublime spectacle. It represented man as capable of error, but as capable also of rising above it; as temporarily feeling the imperfections of his nature, but as containing within himself the power of overcoming them.
Such was the deportment of the republicans. Prodi not only can, but shall be furnished of it.
The most distinguished hand made against the anti-republican measures of the administration originated in the legislature of Virginia. In the year 1798, the citizens of that state, awake to the necessity of arresting the unconstitutional course so long pursued, called into her legislature a band of her ablest citizens.
In December 1798, the legislature, awfully impressed with the danger of the crisis, came to certain resolutions expressive of their solemn convictions, and instructing their Senators to propose some, and to oppose other measures in the federal legislature. These resolutions they forwarded to the respective states, from whom various answers were received. By the greater number of the states they were disregarded or rejected, while by others they were treated with more avowed respect.
On the 7th of January 1800, the legislature adopted the celebrated report, ascribed to the pen of Mr. Madison, containing an examination of the most important measures of the federal government, made with so much perspicuity and logical force, as to have had the happiest effect in producing that change, which very soon afterwards took place in the public mind. This document is of the utmost importance. Without any deficiency of correct spirit, it discusses with calmness points of great interest, and forces the understanding of the reader to acknowledge the soundness of its reasoning.
As this is a production, which, from its general character merits frequent perusal, it is proposed to give copious extracts from it, most of which will shew the honorable and dignified manner in which the republicans conducted the opposition, at the same time that they developed the great principles by which they are guided.
The report commences in the following words:—
"Whatever room might be found in the proceedings of some of the states, who have disapproved of the resolutions of the general assembly of this commonwealth, passed on the 21st day of December 1798, for painful remarks on the spirit and manner of those proceedings, it appears to the committee most consistent with the duty, as well as dignity of the general assembly, to hasten an oblivion of every circumstance which might be construed into a diminution of mutual respect, confidence and affection, among the members of the union."
"The committee have deemed it a more useful task, to revise with a critical eye, the resolutions which have met with this disapprobation; to examine fully the several objections and arguments which have appeared against them; and to enquire whether there be any errors of fact, of principle, or of reasoning, which the canour of the general assembly ought to acknowledge and correct."
"The first of the resolutions is in the words following:
"Resolved, That the general assembly of Virginia doth unequivocally express a firm resolution to maintain and defend the constitution of the United States, and the constitution of this state, against every aggression either foreign or domestic, and that they will support the government of the United States in all measures warranted by the former."
"No unfavourable comment can have been made on the sentiments here expressed. To maintain and defend the constitution of the United States, and of their own state against every aggression both foreign and domestic, and to support the government of the United States in all measures warranted by their constitution, are duties which the general assembly ought always to feel, and to which on such an occasion, it was evidently proper to express their sincere and firm adherence."
"In their next resolution—the general assembly most solemnly declares a warm attachment to the union of the states, to maintain which, it pledges all its powers; and that for this end, it is their duty to watch over and oppose every infraction of those principles which constitute the only basis of that union, because a faithful observance of them can alone secure its existence and public happiness."
"The observation just made is equally applicable to this solemn declaration of warm attachment to the union, and this solemn pledge to maintain it; nor can any question arise among enlightened friends of the union, as to the duty of watching over and opposing every infraction of those principles which constitute its basis, and a faithful observance of which can alone secure its existence and the public happiness thereon depending."
"The third resolution is in the words following:
"That this assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government as resulting from the compact to which the states are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no farther valid than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the states
who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound to interpose, for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them."
On this resolution the committee have bestowed all the attention which its importance merits; they have scanned it not merely with a brief but with a severe eye; and they feel confidence in pronouncing, that in its just and fair construction, it is unexceptionably true in its several positions, as well as constitutional and conclusive in its inferences."
After noticing the first members of this resolution, the report proceeds:—
"The next position is, that the general assembly views the powers of the federal government "as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact," and "as no farther valid than they are authorized by the grants therein enumerated." It does not seem possible that any just objection can lie against either of these clauses. The first amounts merely to a declaration that the compact ought to have the interpretation plainly intended by the parties to it; the other to a declaration, that it ought to have the execution and effect intended by them. If the powers granted be valid, it is solely because they are granted; and if the granted powers are valid because granted, all other powers not granted, must not be valid."
The resolution having taken a view of the federal compact, proceeds to infer, "that in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound to interpose, for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them."
"It appears to your committee to be a plain principle, founded in common sense, illustrated by common practice, and essential to the nature of compacts; that where resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the authority of the parties, the parties themselves must be the right judges in the last resort, whether the bargain made, has been perverted or violated. The constitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the states, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority of the constitution. The states then being the parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity, there can be no tribunal above their authority, to decide in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and consequently that, as the parties to it, they must themselves decide in the last resort such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition."
"It does not follow, however, that because the states, as sovereign parties to their constitutional compact, must ultimately decide whether it has been violated, that such a decision ought to be interposed either in a hasty manner, or on doubtful and inferior occasions. Even in the case of ordinary conventions between different nations, where, by the strict rule of interpretation, a breach of a part may be deemed a breach of the whole; every part being deemed a condition of every other part, and of the whole, it is always laid down that the breach must be both wilful and material to justify an application of the rule. But in the case of an intimate and constitutional union, like that of the United States, it is evident that the interposition of the parties, in their sovereign capacity, can be called for by occasions only, deeply and essentially affecting the vital principles of their political system."
"The resolution has accordingly guarded against any misapprehensions of its object, by expressly requiring for such an interposition "the case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous breach of the constitution, by the exercise of powers not granted by it. It must be a case not of a light and transient nature, but of a nature dangerous to the great purposes for which the constitution was established. It must be a case moreover not obscure or doubtful in its construction, but plain and palpable. Lastly, it must be a case not resulting from a partial consideration, or hasty determination; but a case stamped with a final consideration and deliberate adherence. It is not necessary because the resolution does not require, that the question should be discussed, how far the exercise of any particular power, ungranted by the constitution, would justify the interposition of the parties to it. As cases might easily be stated, which none would contend, ought to fall within that description; cases on the other hand, might, with equal case, be stated, so flagrant and so fatal as to unite every opinion in placing them within the description."
"But the resolution has done more than guard against misconstruction, by expressly referring to cases of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous nature. It specifies the object of the interposition which it contemplates, to be solely that of arresting the progress of the evil of usurpation, and of maintaining the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to the states, as parties to the constitution."
"From this view of the resolution, it would seem inconceivable that it can incur any just disapprobation from those who laying aside all momentary impressions, and recollecting the genuine source and object of the federal constitution, shall candidly and accurately interpret the meaning of the general assembly. If the deliberate exercise of dangerous powers, palpably withheld by the constitution, could not justify the parties to it, in interposing even to far as to arrest the progress of the evil, and thereby to preserve the constitution itself as well as to provide for the safety of the parties to it; there would be an end to all the relief from usurped power, and a direct subversion of the rights specified or recognized under all the state constitutions, as well as a plain denial of the fundamental principle upon which our independence itself was declared."
"But it is objected, that the judicial authority is to be regarded as the sole expositor of the constitution, in the last resort; and it may be asked for what reason, the declaration by the general assembly, supposing it to be theoretically true, could be required at the present day and in so solemn a manner."
"On this objection it might be observed first, that there may be instances of usurped power, which the forms of the constitution would never draw within the control of the judicial department; secondly, that if the decision of the judiciary be raised above the authority of the sovereign parties to the constitution, the decisions of the other departments, not carried by the forms of the constitution before the judiciary, must be equally authoritative and final with the decisions of that department. But the proper answer to the objection is, that the resolution of the general assembly relates to those great and extraordinary cases, in which all the forms of the constitution may prove ineffectual against infractions dangerous to the essential rights of the parties to it. The resolution supposes that dangerous powers not delegated, may not only be usurped and executed by the other departments, but that the judicial department also may exercise or sanction dangerous powers beyond the grant of the constitution; and consequently that the ultimate right of the parties to the constitution, to judge whether the compact has been dangerously violated, must extend to violations by one delegated authority, as well as by another; by the judiciary, as well as by the executive, or the legislature."
"However true therefore it may be that the judicial department, is, in all questions submitted to it by the forms of the constitution, to decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in relation to the authorities of the other departments of the government; not in relation to the rights of the parties to the constitutional compact, from which the judicial as well as the other departments hold their delegated trusts. On any other hypothesis, the delegation of judicial power would annul the authority delegating it; and the concurrence of this department with the others in usurped powers, might subvert for ever, and beyond the possible reach of any rightful remedy, the very constitution, which all were instituted to preserve."
"The truth declared in the resolution being established, the expediency of making the declaration at the present day, may safely be left to the temperate consideration and candid judgment of the American public. It will be remembered that a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles is solemnly enjoined by most of the state constitutions, and particularly by our own, as a necessary safeguard against the danger of degeneracy to which republics are liable, as well as other governments, though in a less degree than others. And a fair comparison of the political doctrines not infrequent at the present day, with those which characterized the epoch of our revolution, and which form the basis of our republican constitutions, will best determine whether the declaratory recurrence here made to those principles ought to be viewed as unseasonable and improper, or as a vigilant discharge of an important duty. The authority of constitutions over governments, and of the sovereignty of the people over constitutions, are truths which are at all times necessary to be kept in mind; and at no time perhaps more necessary than at the present."
"Such are the extracts which the limits of this paper justify at this time. Keeping in view the object wherewith they are made, they require no comment."
SYDNEY.
FOR SALE,
LOOKING-GLASSES & FURNITURE.
The subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has just received from New-York various kinds of Looking-Glasses, from 5 to 70 dollars each.—Also card tables, bureaus, &c. of an elegant and fashionable make. He continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of ornaments for chimney pieces, door caps, frontispiece pieces, metal fishes, &c. &c.
GEORGE ANDREWS. April 14, 1802. eptl
BOOKS & STATIONARY,
Just Published and for sale, at PAUL PINK, CORNER OF CO. & CO. Book store, New Jersey avenue, a little South of the Capitol.
A Dissertation on the freedom of Navigation and Maritime commerce, and such rights of states, relative thereto, as are founded on the Law of Nations—adopted more particularly to the United States—by W. I. Barton, Member of the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, &c.
Secret Memoirs of the Court of Peterburg—intended to show the end of the reign of Catherine the 2d and the commencement of that of Paul the 1st.
Physical investigations and deductions, from medical facts, relative to the causes, nature and remedies of the diseases of a warm and vitiated atmosphere—by William Barnwell, M. D. &c.
Observations relative to the peace with Bonaparte—by William Cobbett.
The Political writings of John Dickinson, Esq. late President of the State of Delaware, and Governor of Pennsylvania, in 2 vols.
Lectures on History, delivered in the Normal School of Paris—by C. F. Volney, author of the Ruins of Empires, &c.
Ebenezer D. Dillards, with other Poems—by W. Wainwright.
A Voyage round the World, performed in the years 1785, 6, 7, & 8—by M. De la Peyrouse.
The Poetical works of Hester Manseill, Esq. 2 vols. with plates.
R. C. & Co. have always on hand a general assortment of Stationary, of a good quality, as also a good collection of School books adapted to the Greek, Latin, and English classes.
In a few days will be published "Select No. vels," vol. 5th & 6th, in that uniform handsome set with preceding volumes.
A valuable collection of London and Dublin publications, particularly periodical works in the best repute, are expected in a few days. June 10, 1802.
FOR SALE,
THE Subscriber offers at private sale, those a joining and highly improved lots in the town of Camden, on which he now lives, having an east front of 128 feet on Broad-street, & a west of the same extent on Church-street, a north front of 198 feet on the central street of said town, and being 328 feet deep, from Broad to Church-street.
On the premises at the corner of Broad-street and the square, is a large commodious and well finished dwelling house, measuring 25 feet by 50, two stories high, consisting of six rooms, apartments in the garret, a piazza, and a cellar under the whole building—also a brick house fronting 50 by 32 feet on Broad-street, with a tiled roof, having on the first floor a dry goods store, and one for groceries, &c. communicating with each other, also a counting house with a fire place; on the second floor two rooms, one of which is used for the storage of dry goods, and the other as a chamber for clerks. This building, taking into view its safety from accident by fire, with the convenience of its plan, for mercantile business, is superior to any in this place.—Also a back house of 12 by 28 feet, and a side house of 26 by 14 feet, both adjacent to the brick house before described.—Also a convenient kitchen and wash-house with a fire place in each, and lodging room for servants, a brick oven, a smoke house, poultry house, carriage house and stable, a pump with good water in the yard, and a large garden in excellent order, with a number of choice fruit trees. The front on Broad-street handsomely enclosed with a brick wall, and the whole of the premises on the other sides with a good plank fence; having part thereof separately enclosed as a grain plot for horses, &c. with every other accommodation suitable for a large and genteel family, and for carrying on the mercantile business extensively; the stand being acknowledged equal to any in the place.
Situated as the town of Camden is, on a fine navigable river communicating with Charleston by the Santee Canal, as well as by its natural channel with a trade for several years, has increased with a rapidity almost unequalled, renders it unnecessary to comment on the advantages so obvious to a purchaser of the above described property, who intends to advance his fortune in the commercial line.
This valuable property is only offered for sale on account of the subscriber's intention to decline the mercantile business which he has carried on for several years past.
Terms will be one fourth of the purchase money in hand and the remaining three fourths in three equal annual payments, with a mortgage on the premises, as security for the three latter payments, and interest from the date.—For further particulars, and for a view of the premises, apply to the subscriber in Camden.
JOHN ADAMSON.
Camden, S. C. May 17, 1802. law2m
PROPOSALS
By THOMAS HERTY, For publishing by subscription an ABSTRACT of his Digest of the Laws of the United States.
IT will contain all the public acts of the two preceding and present session of Congress, that is, the acts of the first and second sessions of the sixth, and the first session of the seventh Congress. It will be printed in the same order of arrangement, and have reference to such parts of the aforesaid work, as shall be repealed, is suffered to expire, or which may otherwise undergo alterations subject to which, will be given, a correct table of the acts on imports and tonnage, and a new index; this, connected with the foregoing, will embrace the whole law in force.
CONDITIONS.
It will be put to press immediately after the close of the present session of Congress, (provided a sufficient number offer to defray the expense of the work) and be ready for delivery in about two months thereafter.
The price to subscribers will be one dollar and fifty cents in boards, to be paid for on delivery. It shall be neatly printed on good paper.
Subscriptions received by the Editor, at his Conveyancing Office, near the Treasury Department, City of Washington; and by those in whose hands proposals are left. March 12, 1802. law2m

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 16, 1802.
On Monday the Council of the City of Washington convened at the Capitol.
Daniel Carroll, of Dulington was chosen Chairman, and
John Hewitt, Secretar.
When the members of the Council proceeded, agreeably to the act of Incorporation, to ballot for five members, to compose the second chamber; on counting which the following citizens, having the greatest number of votes, were declared to form the
SECOND CHAMBER.
Daniel Carroll, Benjamin Mays, William Prout, John Hewitt, James Huban,
Who thereupon retired into a separate apartment.
THE FIRST CHAMBER
Then elected unanimously by ballot James Barry P. Kent, and Nicholas King Secy.
When the oath to support the constitution was administered individually to the members.
After which sundry resolutions were adopted, and committees appointed; and the council adjourned to meet the ensuing day at 9 o'clock A. M.
The Second Chamber
Assembled in their apartment, and elected Daniel Carroll of Dulington, President, and John Hewitt, Secretary.
Yesterday the respective chambers of the Council convened, when several resolutions, additional to those agreed upon on the preceding day, were adopted, and committees appointed to make report; when the Council, to give time to the committees to report, adjourned to Monday next. We shall in our next paper state the objects acted upon.
By a letter from a respectable gentleman residing at Cape Francois, dated the 23d of May 1802, we learn that the Yellow Fever, or what is there termed La Frévie Putride et Maligne, has lately made great ravages in the town and harbor of the Cape, particularly among the troops. It is remarked, that there have been very few or no instances of its attacking the old inhabitants, from which it is inferred that the disorder does not originate so much from the impurity of the air, as from the influence of strangers. It is further said to prevail on shore, and on board the American shipping.
The letter, from which the above is an extract, takes no notice of the rumored defection of Toussaint, and his having defeated the French troops and taken two of the out-posts of the Cape.
War Department,
June 11, 1802.
Sir,
It has been represented that sundry persons who have lately deserted the service of the United States, are desirous of being pardoned for this offence, and re-admitted into the army. But it is the determination of the President of the United States to exclude such dishonorable characters from the ranks for the future. He therefore directs, That no officer of the army as organized in pursuance of the act of the 16th of March, entitled "An Act fixing the military peace establishment of the United States," be hereafter considered as belonging to the army. That proper means be taken for apprehending such persons as have deserted since the completion of the said organization, or who may hereafter desert, to the end that they may be tried and punished agreeably to the articles of war; and that all officers be strictly enjoined not to recruit, or receive as a recruit, any man who has been guilty of desertion.
In the absence of the commanding general you will take the necessary measures for carrying the foregoing orders into effect.
I am respectfully,
Your most obedt. servt.
(Signed) H. DEARBORN.
Lt. Col. T. H. Cushing, Adjts. and Inspector.
Inspector's Office,
Washington City, June 14, 1802.
The foregoing communication from the honorable Henry Dearborn Secretary of War, is published for the information of all persons whom it may concern.
T. H. CUSHING, Adj. & Insp. of the Army.
[From the Albany Centinel.]
WESTERN CANAL.
It is a matter of the most grateful exultation, that the prospect at length brightens, and that the best promoters
of this splendid undertaking, have now a rational prospect of soon seeing their original anticipations realized.
Many doubts and anxieties have existed in the public mind on this subject, from the commencement of the enterprise. The recent liberality of the legislature, and the astonishing rapid increase of the tolls, are such as to place the issues beyond the reach of doubt. The following exact state of the tolls collected at the Little Falls, speaks a language not to be mistaken.
Table with 2 columns: Year, Tolls collected. Rows: 1796, 1769 50; 1797, 2550 26; 1798, 2938 29; 1799, 2599 23; 1800, 3087 43; 1801, 4390 35.
In the present year, as far as can be ascertained, the tolls have nearly doubled those received the year past, up to the present period. The tolls collected at the canal at Rome, have, averaged about 2000 dollars a year, since 1797. The rate of tolls at that important junction of the eastern and western waters, being reduced 50 per cent. The last year, has tended greatly to increase instead of diminishing the product.
The company have wisely appropriated the product of the last year, to facilitate a passage from the canal at Rome to the junction of Canada creek with Wood creek, and to remove also the few obstructions on the Onondaga and Seneca rivers; which, when effected, will greatly increase the aggregate product—open a prospect highly advantageous to the public, and equally beneficial to the stockholders.
LONDON, May 1.
By the returns to the house of commons, it appears the population of England and Wales is 9,343,978. Scotland contains 1,700,000, and Ireland 4,000,000.—London contains nearly 900,000.
The little Republic of St. Marino, which has supported itself an gift the revolutions of Italy, is going to give itself a new constitution. The little council is enlarged from nine to twelve members, the great council from 160 to 300.
May 3.
The willfulness of the present government of France has been rarely exemplified in a more distinguished point of view, with respect both to conciliation and precaution, than in the act of amnesty lately passed in favor of the emigrants. This amnesty is granted to every individual accused of emigration, and not hitherto definitively exiled. They must return to France before September 1803. The following, however, are excepted from the amnesty, "1. The individuals who have acted as leaders of armed assemblages against the Republic; 2. Those who have held officers rank in an enemy's army; 3. Those who, since the establishment of the Republic, have held situations in the household of the late French princes; 4. Those known to have been or actually to be, the movers or agents of war, civil or foreign; 5. Commanders in the sea and land services, and also representatives of the people, who have been guilty of treason towards the republic; 6. Those archbishops who, in contempt of lawful authority, have refused to give in their resignations."
To the 4th class of exception we object. It is in the nature of emigration not to be purely passive. The very Act is the consequence of decisive opinions and strong passions. It cannot, therefore, be expected that a man who has emigrated will be totally inactive with respect to the persons or the government, or the principles that induced him to emigrate. The exception is too loose and general. We object also to the 6th.
All emigrants are required to return to France before the 23d of September next. Immediately upon their arrival on the French territory, they are to declare, before commissioners appointed for that purpose, they have returned in consequence of the amnesty—they are then to take an oath of fidelity to the government. This oath is to be taken within a month by the emigrants who have already returned to France.—After the emigrants have made the above declaration, taken the oath, and renounced all places, titles, distinctions, or pensions, which they may have received from foreign powers, they are to receive a certificate of amnesty signed by the minister of justice. They are for ten years to remain under the special superintendence of the government, who may, if they think proper, remove them to twenty leagues from their place of residence.—their place of residence.—They are to enjoy, even during these ten years, all the rights of French citizens. Such of the property of the emigrants as remains in the hands of the government is to be restored to them, with the exception of woods and forests declared inalienable; immovable property applied to the public service; rights upon the great canals; and dividends of stock since their emigration.
The number of persons definitively maintained upon the lists is not to exceed one thousand; five hundred of whom
are to be named before the 23d of September.
Blessed and prosperous be the man who has done the deed of mercy and has completed the great work of pacification, by restoring not only peace to France, and to the church, but peace also to private families, which have been harassed, divided, and dispersed, during the progress of the revolution. Nothing in the character and conduct of Bonaparte, has exalted him so much as this act. It has entitled him to the gratitude of the emigrants, to the applause of the whole world, and will transmit his name with glory and honor to the latest posterity. In the words of the new French liturgy, we pray—Domine, salvum fac Consulem.
London Courier.
The Editor of the Morning Post, speaking of the decree in favour of the French emigrants, thus indignantly expresses himself.
"We regard [the decree] as a mockery of humanity, and one of the most cruel acts of despotism which has disgraced the French revolution. Under pretence of a general amnesty, exceptions are made, which leave it in the power of the French government to crush every individual as a traitor who is now invited to return. What emigrant is there who may not be comprehended in the description of those who are known to have been, or to be at present, instigators, or agents of civil or foreign war? Every emigrant has willed success to the arms fighting against France, and by wiles expressed in conversation, may be convicted of instigating civil or foreign war. All the Emigrants must return before the 23d of September; the exceptions shall not amount to more than ten or twelve hundred, five hundred of which shall be named in the course of the year 1802, that is, before the 23d of September; so that the emigrants must return and risk the chance of being dealt with as traitors before they can know whether they will be included in the exceptions. If they do not return before the 23d of September they cannot take the benefit of the act; if they do return, they may find they have been excepted. And how is any one to know he is not included in the five or seven hundred not indicated before the 23d of September?"
"The part of the law relating to property is still more cruel and insulting. The returned emigrant is not only to submit to ten years of slavery, but, as the price of this state of bondage, he must sign away the whole of his property, except such parts as may still remain in the hands of government; which, under such circumstances, must no doubt be very small. Nothing can strike the mind of an Englishman with more horror than the thought that a French emigrant, not included in the exceptions made (of course the most innocent Frenchmen alive) shall be obliged to give away all his property, and submit to being for ten years a prisoner at large, as the price of breathing his native air. To every man who feels the least spark of freedom in his bosom, this must appear an act of refined despotism, far exceeding, in cruelty the common place, vulgar proceedings of Turkish and Russian governments."
Deprived of their property and no provision made to protect them against their creditors most of those who return may be imprisoned for debt the moment they arrive. Or should they be free from such embarrassments, and attempt to gain a livelihood by the exercise of their talents, some rival may take advantage of their situation to have them conveyed to another quarter. On the alarm of a foreign war or domestic conspiracy they may be banished. No confidence will be placed in them; they will neither enjoy tranquility, nor possess the means of subsistence. They will form a class of Helots, they resemble the whites at St. Domingo, under the yoke of Toussaint and Christophe, who have been employed in quiet times, to the advantage of their black masters, and rendered on the first shock. Those who formerly constituted the upper classes of society will now be reduced to the most degrading condition, exciting and consolidating the power of Bonaparte by the ruin of their character, their influence, and their hopes."
This law is confused, unintelligible, and ridiculous. The first exception is to individuals who took up arms, &c. This includes the Choisans of La Vendee, who fought for the restoration of the very religion which Bonaparte has just restored! They fought against the power of the convention and directory, whom Bonaparte has overthrown, he himself having attained his present power by placing himself at the head of his armed assemblage acting against the existing government of the Republic. Bernier, who framed the concordat, comes directly within the first exception. He was a leader of these assemblages; but he has been made a bishop, while his colleagues, Bourmont, Daudingeus, &c. have been shifted prisoners from fortress to fortress, notwithstanding the pacification. This subject is so important, we shall resume it to-morrow."
VIENNA, April 15.
A convention, dated the 2d of March,
has been concluded with the Sublime Porte, by which the Ottoman government engages to protect against the attacks of the Barbary States, all vessels belonging to subjects of his Imperial majesty, which shall be provided with a Turkish firman.
STOCKHOLM, April 26.
After the naval convention, renewed in 1800, between the northern powers, was dissolved by the Emperor Paul I; his Swedish Majesty almost alone resisted the claims which England advanced, to the prejudice of the Northern Convention.—Convinced of the justice of their claims, with regard to the losses sustained by the late war, and of the rights of the Swedish flag, his Majesty, notwithstanding the defection of other powers, and notwithstanding the examples set before him, delayed to give his consent to the convention concluded at St. Petersburg, on the 17th of June, 1801, in the hope that a change of circumstances might enable him to obtain more advantageous stipulations for the commerce of the Northern powers; in the time of war. His chief prospect of securing this object, was directed to the negotiations about a general peace, which was then in agitation. His majesty did not fail, on his side, to propose that the rights of neutrality should be considered and secured in the general peace; but as a great variety of interests came to be discussed between the contracting parties, and as many delicate points required to be adjusted, with regard to these rights, by which means the treaty might have been delayed, and have missed its object, his majesty saw that it could no longer be of any advantage to remain in a state which was considered by England as merely a cessation of arms, although he had shown himself extremely anxious in the accession of Sweden to the convention, as far as possible to remedy the evils which had come to pass, and to establish a good understanding between the courts.
With this view, his majesty, in the beginning of February, sent full powers to his majesty's ambassador at Petersburg, to conclude a treaty of peace, as well with the court of Russia, as with the English ambassador lord St. Helens, which was done accordingly. This day his majesty has been graciously pleased to sign the ratification of the treaty concluded with lord St. Helens, and is now sent off by the Jerramans frigate to London, to be there exchanged. That concluded with the Russian court will also presently receive the same sanction, and will then be transmitted to Petersburg.
As soon as the ratifications shall have been exchanged at London, the Jerramans frigate will sail to the island of St. Bartholemew, to convey to the English commandant, the orders of the British government for the restoration of that island to the Swedish government. Thus is good understanding betw. the two courts completely re-established.
The Imported Horse DRIVER,
Will stand the ensuing season, at the City of Washington, at the stable of the subscriber, at sixteen dollars the season, and five shillings to the groom. The season will commence on the first of March, and end on the 1st of August next. This will probably be the last season that Driver will stand here, as he is provisionally engaged the next season to stand in North-Carolina. Driver was seven years old on the 28th of April last. He is fifteen hands three inches high, of great beauty, uncommon bone, strength and agility. He is a beautiful blood bay, with a star, small lip, a circle of white round each hind foot, with black mane, tail and legs. Three hundred pounds each were refused for him, at ten months old. Applications made at Mr. Rhodes's, and Mr. Johnson's Tavern.
PEDIGREE.
Driver was got by Lord Bedgeman's famous running horse Driver, which now runs to high in England, and won twelve races out of fourteen in one year against the best horses; his dam, bred by Lord Offory, was full sister to Strawberry, by Dormont, an extraordinary good runner; his grand dam the famous running mare Mofe, gotten by old King Herod; his great grand dam by Shepherd's Crab; his great great grand dam Miss Meredith by Godeff; all brother to old Crab, by the Coco-phin Arabian; his great great great grand dam the Little Bartley Mare, by Bartley's Children, full brother to Flying Children, and Sire of Squirt, which was the sire of Marks and grand sire of Relpier; his great great great great grand dam Flying Wing, by Williams's Woodcock Arabian, gt. gt. gt. gt. grand dam by the St. Victor Barb, out of a daughter of Whynot, son of the Fenwick Barb.
Lord Bedgeman's Driver, foaled in 1793, was gotten by Trenton, out of Cagette, who was gotten by the Compton Barb, out of a Godolphin Arabian Mare, own sister to Regulus; her grand dam Grey Romintun by the Bald Galloway; great grand dam by Snake, out of old Wilkes, who was gotten by Fleut boy, out of Miss D'Arcy's Pet Mare, a daughter of a Sedbury Royal Mare.
Dormont was foaled in 1772, gotten by Otho, his dam by Babraham; grand dam by the Hampton Court Children, out of the Duke of Somerset's Bald Charlotte. Dormont won eleven thousand two hundred and ninety-five guineas, besides cups, knives, subscriptions, and the jockey club plates.
W. THORNTON.
N. B. The dam of Driver was purchased by my relation Isaac Pickering esq. of Foxcote, Hampshire, England; who sent her to the Earl of Egremont's by one of his own grooms. The individual pedigrees were examined in the Sun book by Governor Ogle.
April 5, 1802. 50 cents per week. azaaw&rawtf.
SONNET TO PEACE.
HUSH! 'tis the fallen temp'st's angry roar, And past'd the drooping cloud furchag'd! The fleecy wave rolls gently to the shore, And clear blue skies disclose their sun again.
Lo! from yon op'ning ether, all serene, And with those smiles she wore in days of yore, Peace, cherub-like, descends to bless the plain, And War and Terror's voice are heard no more.
Sad nature, lately grim with death and fears, And all her pathways strew'd with sorrow's tears, Awakes emerging from a flood of tears, And bids new raptures hail the rising morn.
Her hand's a rod, her brow fresh foliage wears, This soothes the form, and that the desert clears.
District of Columbia, County of Washington By the Orphan's Court June 8, 1802.
JOHN A. BURFORD and Hugh Deneley, having applied for letters of administration on the estate of William Clarke, late of the District of Columbia, deceased, it is ordered, That they give notice of their application by inserting a copy of this order once a week for four successive weeks, in the National Intelligencer, and that letters issue to them, unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the 23d day of July next.
Test. JOHN HEWITT, Regt. June 16, 1802. LAW 37.
Advertisement.
Will be sold for ready money on the premises the 24th inst. if not sold before at private sale.
A NEGRO WOMAN about 40 years of age—Also about 6000 barrels, shell Lime. As the above property is to be sold for whatever it will bring in ready money, it is expected it will go off very low.
BRIGHAM & LYUS. Young's Wharf. June 16 1802. cpts
Summer Establishment.
MAIL PILOT.
WILL in future leave the Washington Tavern, Alexandria, every morning at 5 o'clock, and arrive at John H. Barney's, at the Columbian Inn, Georgetown, to breakfast at 7 o'clock, and then proceed on to Baltimore, where it will arrive at 5 o'clock in the evening at Mr. Peck's Columbian Inn, and regularly on to Philadelphia, to that persons traveling in this line may be sure of no hindrance on their way.
Being provided with as good horses and carriages as any on the road, we flatter ourselves that such as favor this line of stages with their custom will find the accommodations equal, if not superior, to those provided by any others.
Returning—It leaves Baltimore every morning at 6 o'clock, and arrives at Alexandria the same evening.
Seats for Alexandria taken at Georgetown, at J. H. Barney's Stage-office. PETER BEISKELL, J. H. BARNEL. Alexandria, June 14, 1802. cpts
FOR SALE.
A large quantity of Mahogany, sawed into different sizes to accommodate purchasers. Apply to the subscriber in Fairfax-street, near the market. Alexandria.
RALPH DOUGLAS, BEN. ADAMSON, Cabinet Makers and Joiners. Alexandria, June 15. Jany 37.
New Invention.
The IMPROVED SAW-MILL, for which the subscriber has obtained a Patent.
THIS improvement gives the sawyer much labour, and the work is also much more expeditious. The log being fastened, turned down, and the saw started, the whole operation proceeds without further manual aid; and for the while the cut is finished, the log moves back, and at the same time is guaged to the utmost exactness by the machine, ready for another cut in two thirds of a minute. The saw resumes its action in the log, and thus moves in alternate succession until the whole be cut up in any given dimensions, at which time the mill stops no if required, or at any number of cuts for which the sawyer prepares, for his attendance is unnecessary.
Any person or persons inclining to purchase the privilege of erecting this valuable and simple machine, or of adding the improvement, will may readily be assured to say Saw Mill already in use, will please to apply to the subscriber at Well Brandywine Bridge, on the Philadelphia and Lancaster turnpike road, Pennsylvania, or to Dr. Thornton, commissioner, City of Washington.
MOSES COATES. Washington, April 3, 1802. azaaw&rawtf.
We the Subscribers, inhabitants of Chester county in Pennsylvania, having been called upon by Moses Coates, to view his new invented plan of sawing, were eye witnesses to the following facts:—
First, that in consequence of hands playing on a ragiron attached to the common rag wheel, the saw is relieved from the log.
Secondly, that by the action of another principle the log is moved the required distance for the next cut, and that the saw is kept in motion after the log is stopped and turned down, until the same is cut into the kind of boards required. The whole of the above is accomplished by his new invented plan exclusive of manual labour.
Francis Gardner, John Fleming B., Isaac Coates, Thomas C. Vickers, William Baity.

PROPOSALS
For carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City, until the 12th day of July next, inclusive.
113. From Fort Defiance by Miami Fort, and Frenchtown on Raisin River to Detroit once in two weeks (supposed to be 120 miles.) Leave Fort Defiance every other Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Detroit the next Monday by 6 p m. Leave Detroit every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Fort Defiance the next Friday by 10 a m.
114. From Marietta by Middletown, Chillicothe and Williamsburg to Cincinnati once a week. Leave Marietta every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Chillicothe on Friday by 10 a m. Return—Leave Cincinnati every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Marietta the next Monday by 7 p m.
IN KENTUCKY.
115. From Frankfort by Georgetown, Cynthiana, Pendleton c. h. and Campbell c. h. to Cincinnati once a week. Leave Frankfort every Monday at 3 p m and arrive at Cincinnati on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Cincinnati every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Frankfort on Monday by 9 a m.
116. From Lexington by Winchester, Montgomery c. h. and Fleming c. h. to Washington once a week. Leave Lexington every Wednesday at 8 a m and arrive at Washington on Friday by 4 p m. Leave Washington every Saturday at 8 p m and arrive at Lexington on Tuesday by 4 p m.
117. From Frankfort by Shelbyville to Louisville once a week. Leave Frankfort every Friday at noon and arrive at Louisville on Saturday by 5 p m. Return—Leave Louisville every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Frankfort on Tuesday by 11 a m.
118. From Frankfort by Shelbyville, Middleburg, Bairdsburg, Beaufort & Hardin c. h. to Brackenridge c. h. once a week. Leave Frankfort every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Brackenridge on Sunday by 8 a m and arrive at Brackenridge c. h. on Monday by 5 p m. Leave Brackenridge c. h. every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Bairdsburg on Wednesday by 3 p m and arrive at Frankfort the next Friday by 10 a m.
119. From Brackenridge c. h. by Hartford, Russellville and Springfield to Nashville T. once a week. Leave Nashville every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Springfield on Saturday by 8 a m at Russellville by 4 p m, at Hartford on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Hartford on Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Brackenridge c. h. by 5 p m. Return—Leave Brackenridge c. h. every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hartford by 7 p m. Leave Hartford on Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Russellville on Thursday by 7 a m. Leave Russellville at 8 a m and arrive at Springfield by 3 p m. Leave Springfield at 4 p m and arrive at Nashville on Friday by 10 a m.
120. From Bairdsburg by Shepherdville to Louisville once a week. Leave Bairdsburg every Thursday at 7 a m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Louisville every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Bairdsburg on Saturday by 6 p m.
121. From Brackenridge c. h. by Henderson c. h. Eddy Grove, Eddyville and Smithfield to Fort Massie once in two weeks. Leave Brackenridge c. h. every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Fort Massie the next Friday by 6 p m. Return—Leave Fort Massie every other Saturday at 8 a m and arrive at Brackenridge c. h. the next Tuesday by 6 p m.
122. From Hartford by Vienna to Greenville, Muhlenburg c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Hartford every other Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Greenville on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Greenville every other Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Hartford on Friday by 6 p m.
123. From Russellville by Christian c. h. to Eddy Grove once in two weeks. Leave Russellville every other Saturday at 7 p m and arrive at Eddy Grove on Monday by 6 p m. Leave Eddy Grove every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Russellville on Wednesday by 6 p m.
124. From Russellville by Bowling Green and Glasgow to Greenburg once in two weeks. Leave Russellville every other Thursday at 9 a m and arrive at Greenburg on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Greenburg every other Saturday at 3 p m and arrive at Russellville on Tuesday by 3 p m.
125. From Frankfort by Harrodsburg, Danville and Pulaski c. h. to Wayne c. h. once a week. Leave Frankfort every Friday at 3 p m, arrive at Danville on Saturday by 3 p m and arrive at Wayne c. h. the next Monday at 10 a m. Return—Leave Wayne c. h. every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Frankfort on Friday by 10 a m.
126. From Danville by Standford to Lancaster, once a week. Leave Danville every Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Lancaster by 11 a m. Leave Lancaster every Monday at 1 p m, and arrive at Danville by 8 p m.
INDIANA TERRITORY.
127. From Louisville, K. to Vincennes, once a week. Leave Louisville every Saturday at 10 p m, and arrive at Vincennes on Tuesday by 4 p m. Leave Vincennes every Wednesday at 8 a m, and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 6 p m.
128. From Vincennes by Kaskaskia to Cahokia once in two weeks. Leave Vincennes every other Wednesday at 8 a m, and arrive at Cahokia the next Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Cahokia every other Thursday at 6 a m, and arrive at Vincennes the next Tuesday by 4 p m.
MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY.
129. From McIntosh's by Gindlone Ford, Brackliss and Greens to Natchez, once in two weeks. Leave McIntosh's every other Sunday at 4 a m, and arrive at Natchez the next Monday by 4 p m. Leave Natchez every other Sunday at 4 a m, and arrive at McIntosh's the next Saturday by 7 p m. The contract to continue until March 31, 1804.
NOTES.
I. The Postmaster-General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra-expence that may be occasioned thereby.
II. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
III. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails delayed for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
IV. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mails; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument and for what sum without that emolument.
V. Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.
VI. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August, and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.
VII. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
VIII. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
IX. The Postmaster-General reserves to himself the right of declining any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.
X. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the full day of October next, and to continue in force for one year, from that time, excepting such routes as have a particular note respecting the continuance of the contract.
GIDEON GRANGER, Post Master General. General Post Office, Washington City, May 9, 1802.
Wants, Employment
In a Gentel Family. AN ELDERLY LADY as House-keeper, who has served in that office for three twelve Years past, can come well recommended. A line directed to Mr. SAMUEL SCOTT, Bladensburg, will be attended to. June 7, 1802.
FOR SALE.
A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORN ON Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low ground on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is wavy high, an extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out-houses, all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk—there are two good mill seats for grist, or sawmills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber which if saved up into scuttling will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser or purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary.—Apply to RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 85, Walnut-street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 11.
For New-York,
The Schooner Enterprise, to sail in all next week. For freight or passage apply to Capt. Mitchell on board, or R. B. JAMESON. June 12.
For Sale,
A VERY elegant saddle HORSE, seven years old, paces, trots, and canters, and is in other respects completely broken to the bridle.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. Steele on Capitol Hill, and see the horse at his livery stable. April 26, 1802.
Thomas Carpenter,
TAYLOR, HAS just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cassimeres; India, Manchester, and silk striped nankeens; cotton calimeres, boglepoor, Bengal elegant white chord for pantaloons, white and coloured marlilles, janes and satin crosovers, silk ginghams, black and other coloured striped satins, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner—Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's square. May 24, 1802.
CHARLES VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of Bell superfine cloths, Cassimeres, Swan-down, Toylenettes, Velveteens, Fancy Cords, Coatings, Flannels, &c. N. B. Regiments, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice—Washington City, New-Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801.
Annapolis, May 4, 1802.
St. John's College.
ON the 22nd day of June next the trustees of St. John's College purpose to proceed to the appointment of a professor of English and Grammar in St. John's College, who shall receive for his services at the rate of 2000, to be paid quarterly—Dolls. 533 33. His duty is, in connection with an assistant, to teach English grammatically, and the Latin grammar, the vocabulary, and Corderius, so far as to prepare students for the schools of languages. He and his assistant are likewise to teach writing, and arithmetic, and the other branches of the mathematics, if required, to such of the students as are not destined for the upper schools. By order of the visitors and governor of St. John's College. A. C. HAASON. May 14, 1802.
HEDGAR PATTERSON,
INFORMS his friends and former customers, that he has again received a fresh supply of Liquors &c. which he warrants to be of the very best quality, and now offers them for sale by wholesale or retail, viz Bell and Madeira, Sherry, Port and Clarets; Wine, best French Brandy, Cherry Bounce, Holland and Country Gin, Wine Vinegar, Sperm Candle Oil, Hylon, Young, Hylon and Byson Tea, TEA, S. Leaf and Brown Sugars; Chees, Spices and East India Secs, Rs, Brown Soap, Candies, a few tea sets of very elegant China. ALSO, for approved Notes at 60 and 90 days, a few packages East India Goods, consisting of Benjamin Handkerchiefs, Nankens, Curcans, Mammodis, Cinas, Garden and Cotton Fins. George Town, 4th June, 1802.
TO RENT,
And possession given immediately; A TWO STORY brick house on F Street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Doyler, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM DYEY. April 7, 1802.
Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W.D.
Valuable Property for Sale.
WILL be sold on Friday the 8th day of October next, at the dwelling house of the subscriber in Prince George's county, Maryland, about two miles from Bladensburg—for Cash. A valuable and pleasantly situated tract of land, containing about 100 acres; also a quantity of corn, wheat, rye and tobacco, with sundry articles of household furniture farming utensils and flock. A private sale will be preferred—But if not so sold, before the 8th day of October next they will be sold on that day, on the terms abovementioned. The land if not sold, will be rented on reasonable terms. WILLIAM BROWN. June 10, 1802.
Lots for Sale,
OR TO LET ON GROUND-RENT. THE Subscriber offers to sell or to lease one hundred Lots, advantageously situated; some in the vicinity of the Capitol, and others near the Navy Yard; for cash, credit or wet or dry goods. WILLIAM PROUT. Washington City, April 5, 1802.
Public Sale.
In pursuance of an order of the orphans court for the county of Washington in the district of Columbia, will be exposed to Public Sale, on Thursday the 16th day of June next, at 10 o'clock in the morning (and continue from day to day until the whole is sold) at the corner of South E. Street and New Jersey Avenue, in the City of Washington.
ALL the personal property of Jasper De Carnapp, late of the county aforesaid, deceased, consisting of a quantity of store goods of various kinds, chiefly in the dry goods line—Also household and kitchen Furniture, Beds, Bedsteads, Tables, Chairs, Looking Glasses, and a variety of other articles. Terms of sale, all sums under 20 dollars, cash; all above that amount 6 months credit, the buyer giving bond with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale. HENRY INGLE, Administrator. ELIZ. DE CARNAPP, Administrator. May 28, 1802.
City Hotel,
BROADWAY NEW-YORK. THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments. The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the State of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c. A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story, where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in. Ladies diners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT. N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802.
Now Landing
AND FOR SALE, BY the subscriber at his store in Jefferson Town Street, at very reduced prices, by wholesale and retail, for cash, country produce, or approved notes at 60 and 90 days. Leaf, lump and brown Pepper, sugars, Molasses, Rum of different kinds, Holland gin, Cherry bounces, Madeira, Sherry, Liqueurs, Bon, and Malaga wines, Claret in boxes—of superior quality, French Liquors, Hylon, Young Hylon, Imperial and Souchong teas, Coffee, Chocolate, Almonds, Raisins, Prunes, Frith Lucca oil, Capers, Anchovies, Olives, Lemons, Brown and white soap, Mold and dipped candles, Ginger, Pimento, and a few dozen very cheap long and short kid and fancy gloves. B. G. ORR. April 30, 1802.
Fifty Dollars Reward,
For apprehending and returning the following Criminals, who broke the Jail of this place and escaped therefrom on the Night of the 6th of June, 1802, viz. DANIEL Hinefey, an Irishman, stout, lusty fellow, has a scar on his right arm and shoulder, is a noted villain, has broke this and Alexandria Jail twice, is about five feet 7 or 8 inches high, supposed to be about 35 or 40 years of age. Charles Housman, a Dutchman, is about 50 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, has a number of scars on his back and is a lusty fellow. Thomas Naylor, born in Virginia, slender made fellow, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, about 10 or 20 years of age. William Pickerson, an Englishman, bred to and follows the sea, is a noted villain in supposed his back is much scarred from a whipping he received at the public post of this place, is about 25 years of age and 6 feet high. A Negro woman named Mille, born in Virginia, stout maid, 5 feet 2 or 3 inches high, 25 or 30 years of age. Whoever will take up and return the above named Criminals, shall have the above reward—or 10 dollars for each, if returned to ROBERT MCLELLAN, Gaoler, for DUNCAN PRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Washington City, June 8, 1802.
For Sale,
A NEGRO WOMAN about 38 years of age; she is an excellent Cook, and good washer. For terms apply to the Editor. April 5, 1802.
To Subscribers.
SUBSCRIBERS to the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER who have not made the necessary payment in advance, are respectfully requested to do it immediately. If other opportunities do not offer, remittance can be made in Bank Paper through the Post Office. June 9, 1802.
This day is published
A the Office of the National Intelligencer—Price 6 cents. A VIEW Of the proceedings of the last Session of CONGRESS. May 31, 1802.
WAR DEPARTMENT,
May 24, 1802.
Notice is hereby given,
THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until the expiration of the 31st day of July next ensuing, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October, 1802, until the 30th day of September 1803, both days inclusive, at the following places, viz.
First—At Niagara, at Detroit, at Michilimackinac, and at Fort Wayne.
Second—At Cincinnati and at Vincennes.
Third—At Fort Massie, near the mouth of the Ohio, and Kaskaskia.
Fourth—At South West Point, Tellico, Knoxville, and on the road from Nashville to the line between the Chickasaws and Choctaws, and any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Tennessee.
Fifth—At the Chickasaw Land, Natchez, Fort Adams, Mobile, and on the road from Natchez to the boundary line between the Choctaws and Chickasaws, and at any place in the Chickasaw or Choctaw country, between Bear Creek and Natchez.
Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January 1803, until the 31st day of December, in the same year, both days inclusive, within the several States herein after mentioned, viz.
Sixth—At Fort Wilkinson, at Corkus Island, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Georgia.
Seventh—At Charleston, at Rock Mountain, on the head waters of the Santee, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the States of South and North Carolina.
Eighth—At Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Virginia.
Ninth—At Fort McHenry, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Maryland.
Tenth—At Fort Mifflin, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the States of Pennsylvania, New-Jersey and Delaware.
Eleventh—At Fort Jay, at West Point, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of New York, excepting Niagara.
Twelfth—At Fort Trombull, at Fort Wolcott, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the States of Connecticut, Rhode Island and Vermont.
Thirteenth—At Fort Independence, (Dorchester) and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Massachusetts, the district of Maine excepted.
Fourteenth—At Portsmouth, at Portland, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of New Hampshire and district of Maine.
A Ration to consist of eighteen ounces of bread, or flour, or when neither can be obtained, of one quart of rice, or one and an half pound of fitted or broken Indian meal, one pound and a quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, one gill of rum, whisky or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and an half of candles to every hundred rations. The price of the several components of that ration, as well as substitutes and alternatives, must be specified.
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, as that there shall at all times during the term of the proposed contracts, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Niagara, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance; of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commanders of fortified places or posts, to call for at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in the case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commander shall be deemed proper. It is to be understood that the contractor is to be at the expence and risk of shipping the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depreciation of an enemy, or by the means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for by the United States, at the price of the article captured or destroyed, on the deposition of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is to be understood to be reserved to the United States of requiring that none of the supplies which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed, and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the sea board or Indian frontiers, not exceeding three months. HENRY DEARBORN, Secretary of War. May 31, 1802.