The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-04-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCXXIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, APRIL 26th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, February 26.
DEBATE.
On the bill received from the Senate, entitled "An Act to repeal certain acts respecting the organization of the courts of the United States."
MR. DENNIS. Mr. Chairman, in dispensed as I have been, since the first commencement of this discussion, and indisposed as I still am, prudence perhaps, would have dictated to me, silence on this occasion; and sure I am, I should not have risen at this late hour of the day, but for the observations of my honorable colleague (Mr. Nicholson). Had I offered my sentiments at an earlier period of this discussion, it would have been my primary object, to have endeavored to have taken an analytical view of the constitutional question, to have shown what the constitution has said, and to have proven that it means what its language certainly imports, no less a restriction on legislative, than on executive power. But this will now be but a subordinate consideration, and my object will be rather, to point out certain gentlemen through their boundless excursions into almost every region of our political history, than to attempt a methodical investigation of the subject before us. In the course of my observations, I beg my colleague to be assured, I shall not omit to pay him the homage of my most profound respect and high consideration, yet he must excuse me, since he has thought proper to reiterate the preliminary remarks of his friend from Virginia (Mr. Giles) if I should assign to that gentleman the priority in the application of my remarks. And here, Mr. Chairman, I will not promise, like Little David (Mr. Randolph) to slay the Philistine (Mr. Giles) but will endeavour to aid my friends in repelling his unprovoked and ungodly attacks on the children of Israel and their illustrious chieftains; that chieftain who may be emphatically denominated the father of his country, and who was the President of the convention who formed that sacred instrument which you are about to make a burnt offering, a propitiatory sacrifice to appease the vengeance of party prejudice and political hostility, to a few obnoxious individuals. Great genius, Mr. Chairman, in the political, may be aptly assimilated to comets, in the natural world; they serve rather to excite our admiration and wonder and astonishment, than contribute to the order or perfection of the general system. Such a genius is the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles). That gentleman we all know has light in abundance, and if the path we have to explore be dark and intricate, he might have taken his lantern and have gone before us; we should have been glad to have followed him and had the benefit of his illumination. But he has departed from the highway leading to the place of destination, and like an ignis fatuus , has attempted to lead us through bogs and morasses, in order that we might mire, or get lost on the way. My friend from Delaware has, however, taken him by the skirts and never let go, and is the evil spirit which haunts and pursues him wherever he flies. The honorable gentleman from Virginia commenced his observations by giving us a retrospective narrative of the rise and progress of political parties, their respective views & their different tendencies. And truly, for the history which he gave us was such a one as I have long since read in Callender's history of the United States, and his Prospect before us ; but such a one as I had not expected from the urbane, accomplished and very enlightened gentleman from Virginia. It the more resembles these histories, because to the best of my recollection, there is in them both an open attack on that illustrious name which was once dear to us all, and which, however, it may now be sought to be tarnished by foreign convicts and a few gentlemen who stand high in the honors of their country, is, I trust, still sweet in the lips of the great mass of the American people. This great name is now to be put down, together with all those federal ramparts which have originated under its auspices, and been sheltered in its shade. But whence this hostility to this name? That great man (Washington) whose strong penetrating intellect, and sound discriminating judgment seldom led him astray, in a letter to a citizen of
Maryland, happened to express a sentiment, that the democratic party in this country had been the cause of all the expense incurred in our preparations for resistance to the French aggression. And is this the reason why to this moment, with all power in their hands, no one has been found, in making one solitary effort for the erection even of a pedestal statue, expressive of a nation's gratitude to a nation's savior, to whom there has been alluded by the chief magistrate of our country, for his revolutionary services (nothing, sir, for his civil labors) the fairest page in the volume of faithful history. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) proceeded to state, that there exists in this country, a certain party whose object it has ever been, to embrace every opportunity of extending executive patronage, and of serving the executive arm, for the purpose of elevating the constituted authorities above responsibility to the public will; that, with this view they, with that great man at their head (Washington) had recognized, as a favorite maxim, the paradoxical maxim, that a national debt is a national blessing. My colleague has also observed, that such a party has existed and still does exist, and has endeavored to enforce the assertion of the gentleman from Virginia. I will, sir, these gentlemen had been a little more particular and condescending, instead of dealing in general assertions, to have given us the names, the time when and place where these sentiments have been expressed. But it is well understood that these gentlemen allude to Mr. Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury, and the author of the funding system. I think it is time these assertions should be repelled, or supported by better evidence than mere assertion; in order to see how far these categorical allegations are supported by the fact, I must solicit the indulgence of the committee whilst I read to them, from Mr. Hamilton's report of the 15th of January, 1795, a few passages illustrative of this subject. The report begins thus: "The President of the United States, with that provident concern for the public welfare which characterizes all his conduct, was pleased in his speech to the two houses of Congress, at the opening of the present session, to invite their attention to the adoption of a definitive plan for the redemption of the public debt, and to the consumption of whatsoever may remain unfulfilled of our system of public credit, in order to place that credit on grounds which cannot be disturbed, and to prevent that progressive accumulation of debt, which must ultimately endanger all government." In page 56 of the same report, after recapitulating the different acts of the government relative to the public debt and the revenues provided to meet it, he goes on strongly to urge the propriety and necessity of establishing a sinking fund , for its speedy extinguishment. Here follows his remarks on that proposition: "There is no sentiment which can better deserve the serious attention of Congress, than the one expressed in the speech of the President, which indicates the danger to every government, from the progressive accumulation of debt; a tendency to it is perhaps the natural disease of all governments; and it is not easy to conceive anything more likely to lead to great and convulsive revolutions of empire. On the one hand, the exigencies of a nation creating new causes of expenditure, as well from its own, as from the ambition, rapacity, injustice, intemperance and folly of other nations, proceed in unceasing and rapid succession. On the other hand, there is a general propensity in those who administer the affairs of government, founded in the constitution of man, to shift off the burthen from the present to a future day; a propensity which may be expected to exist in proportion as the form of the state is popular. To extinguish a debt which exists and to avoid contracting more, are ideas almost always favored by public feeling and opinion; but to pay taxes for the one or the other purpose, which are the only means of avoiding the evils, is always more or less unpopular. These contradictions are in human nature; and the lot of a country is enviable indeed, in which there were not always men ready to turn them to the account of their own popularity, or to some other sinister account. Hence it is no uncommon spectacle to see the same men clamouring for occasions of expense, when they happen to be in unison with the present temper of the community, well or ill directed, declining against a public debt, and for the redemption of it as an abstract thesis, yet vehement against every plan of taxation which is proposed to discharge old debts, or to avoid new, by deferring the expenses of exigencies as they emerge.
These unhandsome arts throw artificial embarrassments in the way of the administrators of government; and co-operating with the desire which they themselves are too apt to feel to conciliate public favor, serve to promote the accumulation of debt, by leaving that which at any time exists without adequate provision for its reimbursement, and by preventing from laying with energy, new taxes, where new occasions of expense occur. The consequence is that the public debt swells until its magnitude becomes enormous and the burthens of the people increase until their weight becomes intolerable. Of such a state of things, great disorders in the whole political economy, convulsions and revolutions of empire are a natural offspring."
How far, this report, when it speaks of a description of characters in all countries, whose business it is to indulge a constant clamor about the existence of a public debt and who are equally noisy whenever a tax is proposed to reduce it, has described the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) and some of his adherents, I shall leave it to this committee and the world to decide; but I am sure his and my colleagues' assertions, are unsupported by the evidence before us. This man (Gen. Hamilton) who has been constantly represented, in all the Jacobinical Gazettes and by the gentleman from Virginia, as willing to create and perpetuate a public debt, it appears was the first to propose a sinking fund for its extinguishment, in conformity with whole proposition that fund was established, and we were rapidly progressing in the extinction of the debt, and in the year 1798 had actually extinguished the sum of 3,973,373 dollars. Here, Sir, our operations were suspended; every body knows the cause, and the gentleman from Virginia and my colleague ought to remember it. French depredations were now at their height, and whilst on the one hand they diminished our resources, on the other they created a necessity for augmenting our expenditures. The question was no longer how we should best diminish our debt, but how we should save our existing commerce, a dilapidated revenue, and defend our territory.
But, Mr. Chairman, with all our anxieties for building up this system of patronage and for accumulating the debt to effect it, with all our predilections for the British government and subserviency to British influence, I believe, there is no man among us to be found, whose felicitous have been so ardent, as to prompt him to propose to lend or rather give to a foreign government, five million of dollars. Is the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Giles) acquainted with the governor of Virginia? Does he recollect of his being our minister plenipotentiary to the French Republic? Does he remember that whilst there he proposed to our government, with no little importunity, to lend to our sister republic, who was engaged in the common cause of republicanism, five million of dollars; not absolutely to be repaid, but only to be repaid "if possible?" And did he express the opinion, that the people of the United States would cheerfully submit to bear the tax to raise this money, when they knew it was thus to be employed?
[Here Mr. Randolph called Mr. Dennis to order, stating it to be improper to allude to the official conduct of a man who was not present to defend himself. Mr. Dennis being permitted to explain, said he had not approved the latitude in which some gentlemen had indulged themselves; but it must be in the recollection of the committee that others had far exceeded him in the freedom of animadversion on absent characters, and that the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) had in a particular manner distinguished himself, by his attack on a judge of Maryland. The chairman decided against Mr. Randolph and declared Mr. Dennis in order. Mr. Randolph appealed, the committee confirmed the opinion of the chairman.]
Mr. Dennis proceeded—It is remarkable, Mr. Chairman, the sum which that gentleman proposed to lend or rather grant, to the French Republic, was precisely the sum, which we have borrowed at 8 per cent. The only difference between us is this; that gentleman was willing to tax the people for the benefit of a foreign government, and the money lent might have been, and probably would have been, employed in building vessels to prey upon our commerce. We were of opinion that it was better to borrow money even at 8 per cent. than to submit to the loss of our commerce; and that to employ it in procuring the necessary implements of war, for the defence of our territory and the assertion of our invaded rights, would be making a
proper use of our money. But does the gentleman (Mr. Giles) suppose that Mr. Monroe, in his willingness to accumulate our debt, was actuated by the political maxim, that a public debt is a public blessing, and is that gentleman, notwithstanding, still high in his confidence? If we have expended money, we have erected forts and fortifications, replenished your arsenals and magazines with arms and military stores, and put into their hands a valuable Navy, which we have employed to much advantage ourselves, a part of which the present administration is now employing to advantage, and still will continue, I hope, so to employ. We have consolidated your resources; provided for the debt of the old confederation, and left in their hands, after all the difficulties we had to encounter during a war, unexampled on many accounts, in the annals of nations, more than four millions of national property.
But my colleague (Mr. Nicholson) has said a great deal about the war-worn soldier, having petitioned congress for a discrimination in his favor, between the original holders of the national debt and those in whose hands it was at the time this government provided for its payment; and that when the petitioned, he was scornfully rejected, sent away to starve, and the speculator is now rolling in his chariot and fattening on his spoils. Here, Mr. Chairman, my colleague is wholly mistaken in point of fact, for your war worn veterans never did petition for a discrimination. They had no interest in a discrimination, for after they had sold their claims to these speculators, though they had great reason to regret they had done so, they had no claim and never set up any claim on the government. The old confederation was considered as bankrupt, unable to pay its debts, and not foreseeing the establishment of a new government better disposed, and more competent to do it; some of these soldiers sold their certificates for whatever they could get; and those who sold, have never petitioned us. Perhaps he alludes to certain cases barred by the statute of limitations; if so he will do me the justice to say, that I have been always in favor of the war worn soldier , who has a claim, though it may be barred by the statute. If he will look around he will find as many of his political friends, who have opposed the opening of this statute, as of his opponents; and it is not at all a question connected with those different views which characterize the different parties. With respect to the proposition for discrimination between the purchaser and original holder, I shall be permitted to remark, that the principle in the first place is extremely questionable, and in the next is impracticable in its execution.
[Here Mr. Dennis proceeded to animadvert on both these propositions at some length.]
He then proceeded—But, Mr. Chairman, why do these gentlemen talk so much about paying the war worn soldier; have they ever consented to a tax, to raise money for them, or for any other purpose?
But, Sir, we have created an army, according to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) not because the threatening aspect of our affairs required it, or our views of impending danger suggested the propriety of the measure, but for the extension of executive patronage; and according to the intimations of my colleague (Mr. Nicholson) to overawe five hundred thousand freemen, with arms in their hands and courage in their hearts, and humble them in dust and ashes. Since these gentlemen so often allude to the expense of the army, without any allusion to the crisis in which it was created, I must beg leave to recapitulate some of the circumstances which existed at the time. France, impired with Roman ambition and setting up pretensions to Roman supremacy, was at this time overrunning Europe, and trampling under foot every republic in that quarter of the globe. The patriots of these republics (for they had their patriots) complained of the tyranny of their rulers, the heavy taxes which they imposed, and called on this kind-hearted republic for aid and assistance, to remove these oppressions—All on the alert, she readily obeyed the summons, invaded them as a friend and demolished their ancient institutions, substituted in their place a military despotism, and at the point of the bayonet, levied contributions in a few months, to an amount greater than these people had before paid for their own benefit in half a century. This, however, was then called liberty and republicanism.
By the treaty of Campo Formio, the armies of France were liberated from employment in Europe, and they had no-
thing to do but look out for foreign conquests. The important demands of the soldiery for their pay, and the inadequacy of the means to pay them, rendered it very desirable to the directory to get clear, on any terms, of fifty or a hundred thousand men. Buonaparte had collected in Brest and Toulon, forty thousand veterans, with every requisite to transport them, wherever his enterprising spirit might direct him. His destination was the subject of conjecture, and we had as much reason to apprehend it was for Louisiana, or some part of the United States, from the irritation which they had discovered towards us, as to suppose it was for the invasion of Egypt, whose Barbarian regions held out much less inducements, and who had not provoked their resentment. In this situation we created a small military force, not to supersede the use of the militia, but who might be in readiness to meet the first onset of the invader, infuse into them a spirit of military discipline, stand in the front of the battle, and cover a retreat if a retreat should be necessary. This was my motive in raising this army, and I believe it to have been that of all those who united in the measure. Nor do I know, but for Nelson's victory and Suwarrows campaigns, which we had not the powers of prophecy to foretell, these gentlemen would now be constrained to acknowledge the wisdom of the measure, and to regret that it was not further extended, instead of denouncing us as the enemies of the liberties of our country and its republican institutions.
Again, Sir, we are told we created a Navy; not because the French republic, after plundering us under one pretext or another, for five years together, at length issued an arrest which authorized an indiscriminate seizure of your merchantmen, and amounted to a universal prostration of your commerce. Not because her gun boats were found within your own jurisdictional limits, searching your most valuable shipping in your very ports and harbors; but for the purpose of strengthening the arm of the executive and introducing principles of the British monarchy. These who are conversant with the history of that period, must remember, that the only question to be decided, when this navy was created, was whether we should abandon the ocean and basely surrender our unquestionable rights; or determine to defend them, with all our energies. Whether we should abandon a commerce, little inferior to that of any nation in the world; give up seven or eight millions of revenue; nine hundred and twenty thousand tons of shipping; sixty thousand seamen; and leave to your merchants the forlorn hope of deriving their subsistence, from the plough, the axe, or hoe, and of being reduced to beggary or starvation; or whether animated with the spirit of freemen we would determine to protect them against the unprovoked aggressions, even of this mighty republic. And it is well known that the party opposed to us, were disposed to consider the mercantile part of the community, as so many out laws unworthy of our protection. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) has now discovered the importance of your merchants, and thinks there ought to be a strong sympathy between them and the government; for they collect your revenues and may greatly defraud you, unless you conciliate them; by a reasonable attention to their interest. A friend in need, Sir, is a friend indeed, and the sympathies of this gentleman and others, ought to have had ample reason for their exercise, on the occasion I allude to. But these benevolent sentiments at that time had no room in their breasts. This navy has reproduced again and again, the reimbursement of its expenses, and in a financial view has been all important. They talk of the direct tax; of their being the repealing system; of abolishing the internal revenues, and claim great credit that they are enabled to dispense with them. What is the source from whence you derive ten million of dollars? You must answer from commerce. What would have become of this revenue, if according to their system, it had been abandoned to its fate, and no navy created for its protection? What if, according to them we had not permitted the merchants to arm their own ships, at their own expense? What would have been the resources on which you would rely for the payment of your debt, which they tell us they mean honorably to discharge without borrowing; and what your means to meet the ordinary expenses of your government? Alas! but for this navy & the measures of those whose motives it is so desirable to gentlemen toasperse, instead of repealing your internal revenues, you would have been

now under the necessity of encumbering them with debt, to pay their friends now at the head of affairs, and to repeal the internal taxes, by the protection of our commerce; and whilst they claim all the credit from this measure of repeal, they trace not to vilify the only act, without which it could not have been accomplished.—The only thing to be lamented, is, that the creation of your navy was so long postponed; for otherwise we should not now be called on by your mercantile citizens for a reimbursement of those twenty or thirty millions which have gone into the pockets of French privateersmen.
But, Mr. Chairman, let us have a word or two on the subject of this executive patronage. My colleague has laid, we have looked up to the British monarchy as our prototype, and has read to us a passage from Blackstone's Commentaries, to prove we have been servilely devoted to the principles therein contained. If he means that there is, and has been a party in this country, that believes, that the House of Representatives are not the sole depositories of power in our government; but that the executive is as much the representative of the people, for executive purposes, and the judiciary the agents of the people, for judicial purposes, as we are for legislative purposes; and that this party has constantly maintained a conflict, for the purpose of preserving to each department, the powers which have been delegated to them by the people, against those who have unceasingly exerted themselves to draw all power into the hands of this body; then I confess myself obnoxious to the charge. We have apprehended on the contrary, that a success on the part of our opponents, in prostrating the executive power with respect to treaties, and foreign intercourse, so often essayed under the former administration by the friends of the present executive, and other powers, which belong to that department, over which this House has hitherto claimed a control; and as we now suppose, the prostration of the judiciary, which will be the inevitable result of this measure, would establish over our free and happy country, a legislative despotism, no less tolerable than the despotism of a monarch.
That having broken down the other branches, they would proceed to organize their committees of interior, and exterior relations, of war and the navy, of finance and ultimately of justice, and absorb all the powers of government, in the tremendous vortex of legislation.
Mr. Chairman, the era of executive patronage is precisely coeval with the commencement of the present administration: yes, for it has been reserved for this administration to attempt to establish a complete dominion over the heretofore free minds of your executive officers, and to invade one of the most sacred rights of an American citizen, the right of suffrage!!—To expect, Sir, that any President of this country, can ever render himself formidable to our liberties by directly arrogating powers, not vested in him by the constitution, is farcical in the extreme. Our ancestors emigrated to this country, when regal prerogative was in its meridian, in the mother country; and persecuted and suffering under the pressure of executive authority, all the jealousies of their descendants, are still directed to that quarter. But they are not aware of the various shapes which the legislature may assume, from the indefinite nature of their powers, for the establishment of an unlimited authority. The executive power is more definite, and the executive magistrate, in this country, who shall ever attempt a struggle with the legislature, must yield in the conflict.
But he may stoop to conquer, and by appearing to submit himself to the will of the legislature, in order the more completely to govern them and through them the people under pretext of economy, or some other pretext, may rule us with an iron rod.
My colleague has said, he has heard of but few removals from office of executive officers, and those dealers, and old Tories. He has formerly been in the habit of reading News-papers, for I recollect, he gave us an account, which he said was taken from a News-paper at the last session, of a man who died a victim under the Sedition law, who turned out still to be alive, and if he continues to be in the same habit still, he must have seen accounts of twenty and fifties of officers turned out of office who were of neither of the descriptions alluded to.
Indeed I have known many war-worn soldiers, deprived of their offices, but no old Tories. But suppose they were some of them old Tories; if they had been ousted to make room for whigs, there would have been some excuse; but to turn out old Tories, to put in old Tories, did not appear to be altogether consistent.
[Mr. Dennis then proceeded to state some instances, in his opinion, of this nature, in support of his proposition.] [Mr. DENNIS—to be continued]
For Sale. A NEGRO WOMAN about 38 years of age; she is an excellent Cook, and good washer. For terms apply to the Editor. April 5, 1802.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, March 31, 1802.
DEBATE on the report of a select committee, respecting the admission of the North Western Territory as a state into the union.
2d Resolution under consideration.
Mr. FEARING referred to the provisions of the ordinance empowering Congress to divide the territory, from which he inferred that Congress had not the right to divide the territory so as to form one part of it into a state, while the remaining section was not made a state, without the consent of the territory: he conceived that Congress must, in such event, form this section also into a state. He, therefore, was of opinion that Congress must consult the people of the territory before they shall divide the territory.
As to the expediency of the resolution, he thought it very inexpedient to make the division therein marked out. The effect of it would be that the whole of Lake Erie would be thrown out of the state to be formed; and the inconvenience to the section of the territory not incorporated in the new state would be very great, if it should be attached to the Indiana territory, from its great distance, which he understood was contemplated.
Mr. GILES said that the committee who reported these resolutions, so far from entertaining a disposition to change the ordinance, had strictly observed the conditions therein prescribed. (Mr. G. here quoted the ordinance.) It appeared therefrom that Congress was under an obligation, after laying off one state, to form the remainder into a state. But when? Hereafter, whenever they shall think it expedient to do so.
Mr. BAYARD agreed that there was no obligation imposed upon Congress to decide definitively the boundary of a state. If the ultimate right of Congress, after the formation of a new state, to alter the boundary be doubted, they have a right to remove all doubts by so declaring at this time. It is certain that at present great inconvenience would arise from drawing the boundary as fixed in the resolution.
The population of the territory does not amount to that which is sufficient to give it admission into the union. He had, however, no disposition to oppose its admission, notwithstanding this circumstance. The population in the eastern state does not exceed 45,000. We are now about to pare off 5 or 6,000 inhabitants, which will bring it down to 39,000. A population of 45,000 is quite small enough for an independent state. It is a smaller population than exists in any of the present states in the union. From this consideration, it might have been expected that Congress would take no step whose effect would be a diminution of that population.
The division, as made in the resolution, is manifestly unjust, as far as it relates to the people north of the dividing line. By it they are about to be severed from their connection with the other portion of the territory. Mr. B. wished to know to whom they are to be attached? If attached to the Indiana territory, the inhabitants, to arrive at the test of government, will be obliged to go across the new state, a distance of two or three hundred miles. Besides, after having advanced them to the second grade of territorial government, you will consign them back again to the first, and thereby give them a system of government extremely odious, and which we ought to get rid of as soon as possible. Thus, after having held out to them the flattering prospect of being elevated to the high rank of a state, you degrade them, contrary to their expectations, to the humble condition in the union. Mr. B. therefore, thought it would be most just and politic to include this population of 5 or 6,000 in the bounds of the new state, subject to the reserved right of Congress to alter the boundary hereafter.
Mr. GILES said he was not tenacious of his opinions; but it was necessary, to justify the contents of the report, by stating some considerations that might not be generally known to the members of the house.
Mr. G. said he supposed the section of the territory, not embraced in the new state, would be attached to the Indiana territory; nor would any great hardship result from this disposition; and such as did result would arise from their local situation, and not from any circumstances over which the national legislature had a controlling power. He believed that people, to reach the seat of government, had as far to go now, as they will then have. His object was to reserve in future to Congress the right of determining the boundary of the states in the territory. If this section should once be admitted, he believed it would be very difficult, however proper, to detach it from the state to which it had become attached.
The report contemplates the forming
a constitution. Should the people on the northwardly side of the line be admitted as a part of the state, they will participate in the formation of the constitution; a constitution which will not be ultimately for themselves, but after a short time exclusively for others. This participation would be unjust. The question then is, whether you will suffer those to form a constitution who are not to be permanently affected by it; and whether, if you once constitute a state, you will be able hereafter to alter its boundaries?—For if this section be now admitted, gentlemen, by looking at the map, will see that the boundary now fixed cannot be permanent.
As to the remarks made by the gentleman from Delaware, Mr. G. said he was extremely glad that gentleman was for giving to the territory the right of a state. If, however, he had attended to the report, he would have found that his calculation of numbers was incorrect. The population of 5,000 had been deducted by the committee, and after that deduction 45,000 remained. Though the numbers in the territory proposed to be formed into a state amounted, a year ago, to no more than 40,000, yet it might be stated upon strong ground, that, before the new government can get into operation, there will be a sufficient population to demand admission as a matter of right.
By attaching the inhabitants on the north of the line to the Indiana territory, they will remain in the same grade of government they now are, and not be degraded, as stated by the gentleman from Delaware, to a lower state. This disposition appeared to Mr. G. the best that could be made. But if, when gentlemen came to the details of the bill, it should be thought best to introduce into the new state the population north of the line, he said he might have no objection.
Mr. Fearing stated the great inconveniences that would be felt by the inhabitants north of the line, if attached to the Indiana territory.
He considered the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) respecting the participation of this description of citizens in forming a constitution for others as entitled to little weight. Such a measure was by no means uncommon. It had been done in the case of Kentucky, and other states.
Mr. F. concurred that the people of the territory had all equal rights under the ordinance; they had been virtually promised that they should not be attached to any other western territory; and Congress had only reserved to themselves the right of admitting them into the union as states. More they could not do, without their consent.
Mr. Bayard moved to strike out of the resolution the words that fix the boundary, for the purpose of introducing words that should prescribe that the new state be circumscribed by the original boundaries of the Eastern state, reserving to Congress the right of making one or more states in said state at any future time.
Mr. Giles said that the state, as formed in the report, was one of the most compact and convenient in the union. The amendment would materially change its character. Besides it would in fact impair the right of Congress to accommodate the boundaries to future circumstances. It was well known, and sensibly felt, that there were many inconvenient boundaries to several of the states now in the union; yet to great was the difficulty attending their alteration, that they could not be changed.
Mr. Bayard was not so sensible of the difficulty of altering the boundaries as the gentleman from Virginia, who had stated that Congress would not have power to alter them when once fixed. This difficulty might exist as to the states now in the union, because congress had not the constitutional power to alter them without the consent of the adjacent states. But if this power be referred to congress, which will be a disinterested tribunal, there will be no difficulty in varying the boundaries as circumstances shall dictate.
Mr. B. asked, if, while gentlemen are attending to the wishes and interests of one part of the people, they are disposed to disregard the interests and wishes of another part. If they were not, they ought to admit the section, proposed by the resolution to be cut off, to a participation in state rights.
Mr. Bacon objected to the amendment. He said that Congress were vested by the constitution with certain powers which they cannot increase or diminish or delegate. By the constitution likewise the several states are vested with certain powers which they cannot increase, diminish, or divest themselves of.
By the third section of the 4th article of the constitution, "New states may be admitted by the Congress into the union."
This act proposes to make this territory a state with state powers under the constitution. How, then, can these people, once a state, divest themselves of these powers. This is a question that does not interest simply the state proposed to be formed, but every state in the union. All are equally interested in preserving the powers vested in them by the constitution.
Mr. Goddard said, that were he to
vote for making the territory a state, he should be in favor of extending state rights to all the inhabitants of the territory.
He moved to strike out the proviso to Mr. Bayard's motion, which refers to Congress the right of altering the boundary.
Mr. Fearing remarked that he was not a little surprised to find gentlemen, who a few days since voted that the legislature of the territory had not a right to alter the boundaries without the permission of Congress, now contending that Congress have that right exclusively.
Mr. Bayard said he did not see any occasion for striking out the proviso. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) goes on the principle that Congress has only a right to admit, without any reservation. Mr. B. said he had always believed the greatest included the smaller. If you are vested with the greater power of admitting, you have certainly the minor powers included in the greater power. From the nature of the ordinance, it constitutes the fundamental principle on which the states are admitted—they are not admitted under the constitution. They are to be admitted exclusively under the provisions of the ordinance. You may, therefore, say that you will not now exercise the whole power committed to you, but reserve the right of exercising it hereafter.
Mr. Smilie did not consider the principle laid down by the gentlemen from Delaware as constitutional. We must be governed by the constitution. If the territory be admitted as a state into the union, when admitted it must be bound down by the constitution, which lays the boundaries of states shall not be altered but with the express permission of the state.
The question on striking out the proviso was lost without a division. The question was then taken on Mr. Bayard's amendment, which was lost—Yeas 18—Nays 38.
Mr. Fearing moved to strike out that part of the resolution which refers to Congress the right of altering the boundary after the state is admitted. Lost—Yeas 20.
The question was then taken on the second resolution, and carried in the affirmative—Yeas 42.
The third resolution was then agreed to—Yeas 42. The fourth resolution was agreed to without a division.
On motion of Mr. Fearing the right to two salt springs, besides those at Scioto, was vested in the new state.
Mr. Griswold moved to strike out the 3d article, which provides that one tenth part of the nett proceeds of the sales of Western lands shall be applied to the making roads leading from the navigable waters emptying into the Atlantic to the Ohio, and continued afterwards through the state of Ohio.
Mr. G. said he objected to this article, because the proceeds of the western lands had been appropriated to the payment of the public debt, and to make roads for the states of Virginia and Pennsylvania would be the sole effect of this article. This, however disguised, would be the effect. Mr. G. said he knew how large and powerful were the delegations of Virginia and Pennsylvania on that floor; yet he hoped, notwithstanding their strength, to unjust a measure would not be agreed to. He knew the proposition came from a public officer, whose estate lay in the western parts of Pennsylvania, whose value must be appreciated by the roads contemplated in the resolution. He alluded to the Secretary of the Treasury; whom he was justified in considering as the author of the plan from his letter accompanying the report.
Mr. Giles said he was sorry, there was any part of the report that had a local aspect. But this was unavoidable. Local considerations were often necessarily blended with principles of general utility. He recollected the passage of several bills for the erection of light-houses; though he did not recollect how many of these were raised at the public expence on the Connecticut shore. Considering them as useful, though they had a local effect, he had always voted for them. He would also mention certain circumstances attending the aiding of the fisheries to the eastward, to which certain benefits were attached that were derived from the contributions of other parts of the union. Yet he had always voted for them, notwithstanding their local application.
So far as relates to Virginia, the simple effect of this resolution will be to form a road over a mountainous country. Mr. Giles said he was himself as little interested as the gentleman from Connecticut. Yet where measures were devised whose great object was the general benefit, though they might be attended with local advantages, he had no objection to them. He believed the state of Maryland, the Federal City, Alexandria, Baltimore, and Philadelphia, would be most benefitted by facilitating an interchange of commodities.
Mr. G. said he considered the circumstances of connecting the different parts of the union by every tie as well of liberal policy as of facility of communication highly desirable. He further believed that the devoting one-tenth of the pro-
ceeds of the lands to the laying out new roads would be in fact no relinquishment on the part of the United States, as the lands would thereby be greatly enhanced in value. If, however, it shall be thought that this sum will be better applied in the opening roads in the interior of the state, he should have no objection to that.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold) affects lately to have discovered a great deal of disguise in the proceedings of this house. What disguise? What were the committee to do? This country is placed in a certain peculiar situation. We have waters running to the east—they to the west; and the committee thought it was desirable to connect these by good roads. With the committee state principles or interests had no influence; they were governed entirely by general principles and the common interest.
The gentleman has also insinuated that the Secretary of the Treasury holds lands that will be benefitted by these roads. It may be so. Mr. G. had not enquired; but he supposed he did not hold all the lands. Congress may lay out these roads as they please. He could not foresee how congress would lay them out, and it is a million to one that they will not touch his lands.
The United States are about making a new contract. These propositions are made as additional securities for the national property. The Secretary of the treasury having estimated the annual product of these lands at 400,000 dollars, Mr. G. said, as chairman of the committee he had applied to him to know his opinion of the manner in which this sum could be best secured; and he gave his opinion that this provision would be most likely to effect that object. This is all the mystery and disguise attending the resolution.
Mr. Smilie said when gentlemen charge particular states with injustice, they ought to be prepared to prove what their advantage. If there had been any co-operation between the delegations of Pennsylvania and Virginia on this occasion, he had never heard of it. The fact was that no peculiar good could result to Pennsylvania from this measure. The great object is to keep up that intercourse which will attach the people of the territory to you. When the territory shall become a state, she will have a right to tax your lands. This benefit, together with the salt-springs, as I understood, is proposed as a substitution for the relinquishment of those rights.
Mr. Fearing said he considered a part of the rights of the territory given up by this resolution: and though the territory would be highly benefitted by the projected roads and the cession of the salt-springs, yet he conceived they would be much more benefitted by laying out the roads within the territory.
Mr. Griswold said he was glad the honorable gentleman from Virginia had assured the house there was no difficulty in this business. If the object be to make an advantageous contract with the territory to secure our western lands, let us offer them 5 per cent. of the proceeds of those lands, to be paid into their treasury. If they shall be disposed to make roads through Pennsylvania and Virginia, he should have no objection.
He was as sensible as the gentleman from Virginia, that whatever improves a part of the union improves the whole; though this was undoubtedly the case, he was not of opinion that a sum of money should be taken from the public treasury, and specially applied to local purposes. Under this resolution, according to the calculation of the secretary of the treasury, 40,000 dollars was the smallest sum that would be annually applied to the laying out those roads. Mr. G. said he thought the sum too large to be withdrawn from the national treasury, and directed to local objects.
The allusion of the gentlemen to light houses raised on the Connecticut shore does not apply. There was but one light house in Connecticut, ordered to be built by this house, for which the enormous sum of 2,500 dollars had been appropriated. Yet this solitary measure had been rejected by the senate. This is the great boon given to Connecticut!
For these reasons Mr. Griswold hoped the article would be stricken out, and that, if it was necessary to make terms with the new state, they might receive 5 per cent. on the receipts of the land, to be paid into their own treasury, disposable by themselves as they saw fit.
Messrs. R. Williams, Jackson and Holland said a few words in favor of retaining the article; when the question was taken on striking it out, and lost—Yeas 17.
Mr. Fearing, wishing that half the proceeds of the western lands should be laid out on roads within the territory, made a motion to that effect—lost—Yeas 25.
The report of the select committee, without fourth amendment, was then agreed to, and a bill ordered in conformably thereto.
NOTICE.
IN consequence of an error in the date of the advertisement under the signature of Samuel Baker, the Sigs advertised for the 27th inst. will not take place until the third day of May next.
April 23, 1802

WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, APRIL 26, 1802.
The reader is desired to substitute in lieu of the 6—10th lines of col. 5, p. 2. of the National Intelligencer, the following, which is a more correct statement of the remarks of Mr. Griswold, in the debate on the resolutions for admitting the N. W. Territory as a state into the Union.
"It is true that the President has a voice in selecting the members of one branch of the territorial legislature, but the choice is substantially made by the immediate Representatives of those people. The ordinance directs that the House of Representatives shall nominate ten persons, from whom the President is to select five, to compose the legislative council, and the other branch, consisting of the House of Representatives, is chosen directly by the people."
DIED—In England, Mrs. CRAPONE, justly celebrated for the useful and instructive exercise of her great and brilliant talents.
On the 21st Feb. at Richmond, Surrey, (England) in the 71th year of his age, the celebrated Dr. JOHN MOORE, author of several productions of high literary reputation; the title of his travels, through France and Italy, is a model of ease and perspicuity; and in the construction of his novel of Zeluco there is a truth, a force, and an originality, which will render it a lasting monument of national genius. Dr. Moore was father of major-general Moore, lately returned to England from serving in Egypt.
Extract of a letter to a respectable mercantile house in Philadelphia, dated Dorchester, (Eng.) March 5, 1802.
"We still remain in suspense as to the Definitive Treaty—Lord Cornwallis still remains at Amiens—it is the inclination of my opinion to doubt if he will be enabled to effect the business. On Saturday last 12 sail of the line were suddenly ordered to sea with sealed orders. Ministers must press the negotiation or the people will be discontented. The navy and army continue in full force; none have been discharged."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.
FRIDAY, April 23, 1802.
MR. GRISWOLD made the following motion:
Resolved, That the committee to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States, respecting the French corvette Bercéau, be instructed to enquire whether any further appropriations are necessary to cover the expense which has arisen for the purchase and repairing that vessel for the French government, and for advancing to her officers their monthly pay.
Mr. S. SMITH moved to amend the motion by striking out the words "for repairing for French government."
Mr. Griswold opposed the amendment.
Mr. Giles hoped the gentleman from Maryland would withdraw his amendment, and that the motion would be agreed to.
Mr. S. Smith withdrew his motion, in order to save time.
The motion was then agreed to without a division.
The bill to amend the judicial system of the United States, as amended, was read a third time.
When Mr. R. Williams moved to recommit the bill, for the purpose of striking out the 15th section, which gives the nomination of commissioners of bankruptcy to the President.
Question on recommitment carried—Ayes 37—Noes 33.
The house went immediately into committee of the whole, Mr. S. Smith in the chair, on this section.
Mr. R. Williams moved to strike it out.
The motion was supported by Messrs. R. Williams, Davis, T. Morris, Goddard, Nicholson, Hastings and Bayard, and opposed by Messrs. Elmhurst and Bacon.
When the motion to strike out was agreed to—Ayes 44—Noes 25.
The committee rose, and reported their disagreement to the 15th section.
Report confirmed in the house.
The question was then put on the passage of the bill.
Mr. Bayard called for the yeas and nays, previously to the taking of which he spoke for about half an hour, against the passage of the bill, without being replied to, when the question was taken, and the bill passed—Yeas 46—Nays 30.
[Debate in course.]
The house then went into committee of the whole, Mr. L. R. Morris in the chair, on the bill for repealing the several acts establishing the Mint.
Mr. Giles stated that a decision on this bill had been deferred to this late period of the session, for the purpose of obtaining all the information respecting the state and expense of the mint, which gentlemen on a former occasion had complained of not possessing. He then stated
the amount of the information received.
The committee went through the bill, and reported it without any amendment.
The house immediately took up the report of the committee.
Mr. Griswold moved to postpone the consideration of the bill to the third Monday of November next.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Griswold, Dana, Eustis and Huger; and opposed by Messrs. Giles, S. Smith, Holland and Elmhurst. Lost—Ayes 32—Noes 37.
[Debate in course.] Mr. S. Smith then moved the recommitment of the bill to a select committee, with the view of making provision for a copper coinage.
Recommitment carried—Ayes 49.
On the motion of Mr. Nicholson, the house went into committee of the whole, on the bill making appropriation for the military service for the year 1802, Mr. L. R. Morris in chair.
The several blanks in the bill were filled up, and the committee reported the bill.
SATURDAY, April 24, 1802.
The House took up the bill making appropriations for the year 1802, in which several amendments were made by general consent.
One of the items of appropriation unites the contingent expenses of the war department estimated at 18,000 dollars, and the expenses of what has heretofore been denominated the Quarter-Master-General's department, estimated at 48,000 dollars, in the sum of 64,000 dollars.
Mr. Griswold moved to separate this sum into two distinct specific appropriations.
On which an interesting debate took place (which shall be given in course) in which the amendment was supported by Messrs. Griswold and Eustis, and opposed by Messrs. Nicholson, S. Smith, and Dana.
Motion to amend L. S.—Ayes 17. The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House, that they have disagreed to the amendments of the House to the Post-office bill, and that they had also disagreed to the resolution of the House, to adjourn the two Houses on Monday next.
The select committee, appointed yesterday, made a report to amend the bill respecting the mint, by providing that the Secretary of the Treasury, under the direction of the President, be authorized to contract with the bank of the United States, or with individuals, for the coinage of cents and half cents, provided the amount coined shall not exceed 20 tons annually, and that no expense shall be incurred by the United States—and by further providing, that all the implements and personal effects of the mint should be retained.
Mr. L. R. Morris moved to postpone the consideration of the report till the 3d Monday in November—Lost—Ayes 19.
Mr. Griswold moved a postponement until Monday next. Lost—Ayes 23.
The report of the select committee was agreed to with an amendment authorizing the sale of the horses employed in the mint.
So amended the bill was ordered to a third reading on Monday.
The house then went into committee of the whole, Mr. S. Smith in the chair, on the bill making appropriations for the civil list.
The several blanks were filled up, and some amendments made; when Mr. Nicholson moved a new section, making appropriation of dollars to the attorney-general, and other agents for services rendered under the British treaty.
Mr. Bayard opposed the appropriation as illegal. He stated that as the board of commissioners, under the article of the treaty to which the appropriation referred, had ceased to sit, and the services of the attorney-general and the agents ceased, in his opinion no allowance should be made.
Mr. Nicholson stated that, under similar circumstances, the late attorney-general had received the additional compensation.
Mr. Bacon opposed the resolution on the same ground with Mr. Bayard, when the question was taken, and the motion lost without a division.
The committee rose and reported the bill, which the house immediately took up.
All the amendments were agreed to without a division, excepting one appropriating 15 per cent. in addition to the permanent allowance made to clerks in the respective departments.
Mr. Griswold moved to disagree to this appropriation, on the ground that the expense of living had decreased, and the duties of the clerks declined.
Mr. Nicholson contested both points. He did not think the expenses of living had diminished since the last year, when the same allowance was made; and if the duties to be performed in some departments had diminished, which he did not allow, they had certainly increased in other departments, viz. the treasury and post-office departments.
Mr. Griswold's motion was lost. Ayes 21—Noes 32.
A bill making appropriation for the military service for the year 1802, was read a third time and passed.
Mr. Griswold moved, that the estimate of the clerk of the contingent expenses of this House for the present session, be printed.
Mr. S. Smith moved, that there be added thereto the estimate for the year 1798.
The amendment with the original motion, were carried.
Stonington, (Con.) April 12.
This day the freemen of this town assembled agreeably to law, to give in their suffrage for Representatives to the general assembly, governor, lieutenant-governor, assistants, and for 18 persons to stand in nomination for members of Congress.
Capt. Amos Palmer, and Latham Hull, Esqrs. from republicans, were chosen almost unanimously, for representatives to the assembly.
Ephraim Kirby, Esq. obtained 221 votes for governor, and David Trumbull, Esq. about the same number for lieutenant-governor.
The republican ticket for assistants prevailed. John Allen, a federalist, had only 2 votes, and John Cheever, of the same principle, only three votes for assistants.
For gentlemen to stand in nomination for members of Congress, the votes were as follows:—
 Asa Spalding 163  Samuel W. Dana, 8  Amos Palmer, 208  Latham Hull, 139  Elisha Hyde, 179  Isaiah Huntington, 149  Elias Perkins, 22  Aaron Olmstead, 175  Nathaniel Palmer, 25  Elijah Munfoll, 170  Rufus Hitchcock, 173  John Welch, 164  Elijah Boardman, 162  Taylor Shearman, 162  Ezsekiah Judson, 171  Samuel W. Johnson, 167  Roger Griswold, 21  Daniel Tilden, 172  Thomas Lyman, 149  Joshua Stow, 120  Jyhn T. Peters, 135  Samuel Whittlesey, 83  Ephah Chambrion, 10  * Federalists,  † Republicans, nominated by the federalists. 
Norwalk, (Con.) April 14.
At the annual meeting of the freemen of this town on Monday last, the following gentlemen were chosen:—William M. Betts, and Dr. Phineas Miller, as Representatives to the general assembly the ensuing session, each by a large majority.
It is with pleasure we announce the happy success of the republicans, as testified by their choice of the above gentlemen; and it may with truth be affirmed, to the honor and credit of the inhabitants of this town; that all appeared to feel and act as became true republicans, when in the exercise of that all important privilege, the right of free election.
We have not as yet been informed of the proceedings of the towns around, but believe them to be unanimous in favour of republicanism.
For Sale,
A VERY elegant saddle HORSE, seven years old, paces, trots, and canters, and is in other respects completely broken to the bridle.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. Steele on Capitol Hill, and see the horse at his livery stable. April 26, 1802. eptf
For Sale,
A TRACT or parcel of land consisting of 240 acres, more or less, late the property of Robert Buchanan, deceased; lying in Prince George County, Maryland, and on the point branch of the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River. Any person inclined to purchase, may view the wood and meadow land, as also the improvements and situation. If the above land is not sold before the 25th day of August, it then will be offered for public sale—And also the whole of the following property of said estate: Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, household and kitchen Furniture, and plantation utensils. Terms at public sale for the land one third cash, and a credit of twelve months for the balance, by giving bond with interest and approved security. For the personal property all sums over 50 dollars 12 months credit, by giving bond as above; all sums not exceeding 50 dollars, cash. The above land is situated about five miles from Bladensburg and ten from Georgetown. Possession will be given in December next. JAMES BUCHAN, Adm'g Heir. April 26, 1802. 1awtA25
NOTICE.
WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, District of Columbia, a negro Man by the name of JESSE, say he belongs to Peyton Way of Georgia; is five feet eight inches high, has a scar on each side of his nose, and his back much scarred. The owner of the above slave is desired to come, prove property, pay charges, and take him away; or he will be sold for his fees agreeable to law.
DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the district of Columbia. April 14, 1802. eptw
[By Authority.]
AN ACT
To establish an uniform rule of naturalisation, and to repeal the acts heretofore passed on that subject.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That any alien being a free white person, may be admitted to become a citizen of the United States, or any of them, on the following conditions, and not otherwise:—
First, That he shall have declared, on oath or affirmation, before the supreme, superior, district or circuit court of some one of the states, or of the territorial districts of the United States, or a circuit or district court of the United States, three years at least, before his admission, that it was bona fide, his intention to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce for ever, all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whatever, and particularly by name, the prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whereof such alien may, at the time, be a citizen or subject.
Secondly, That he shall, at the time of his application to be admitted, declare on oath or affirmation, before some one of the courts aforesaid, that he will support the constitution of the United States, and that he doth, absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whatever, and particularly by name, the prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty whereof he was before a citizen or subject; which proceedings shall be recorded by the clerk of the court.
Thirdly, That the court admitting such alien shall be satisfied that he has resided within the United States five years at least, and within the state or territory where such court is at the time held, one year at least; and it shall further appear to their satisfaction, that during that time, he has behaved as a man of a good moral character; attached to the principles of the constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same: Provided, That the oath of the applicant shall, in no case, be allowed to prove his residence.
Fourthly, That in case the alien applying to be admitted to citizenship, shall have borne any hereditary title, or been of any of the orders of nobility in the kingdom or state from which he came, he shall, in addition to the above requisites, make an express renunciation of his title or order of nobility in the court to which his application shall be made; which renunciation shall be recorded in the said court: Provided, That no alien who shall be a native citizen, denizen or subject of any country, state or sovereignty, with whom the United States shall be at war, at the time of his application, shall be then admitted to be a citizen of the United States: Provided also, That any alien who was residing within the limits, and under the jurisdiction of the United States, before the twenty-ninth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, may be admitted to become a citizen, on due proof made to some one of the courts aforesaid, that he has resided two years, at least, within and under the jurisdiction of the United States, and one year, at least, immediately preceding his application, within the state or territory where such court is, at the time, held; and on his declaring on oath, or affirmation, that he will support the constitution of the United States, and that he doth absolutely and entirely renounce, and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, and sovereignty whatever, and particularly, by name, the prince, potentate, state or sovereignty, whereof he was before a citizen or subject; and moreover on its appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that during the said term of two years, he has behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same; and where the alien, applying for admission to citizenship, shall have borne any hereditary title, or been of any of the orders of nobility in the kingdom or state from which he came; on his moreover making in the court an express renunciation of his title or order of nobility, before he shall be entitled to such admission: all of which proceedings, required in this proviso to be performed in the court, shall be recorded by the clerk thereof: and provided also, that any alien who was residing within the limits, and under the jurisdiction of the United States at any time between the said twenty ninth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety five, and the eighteenth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety eight, may, within two years after the passing of this act, be admitted to become a citizen, without a compliance with the first condition above specified.
Sec. 2. Provided also, and be it further enacted, That in addition to the directions aforesaid, all free white persons, being aliens, who may arrive in the United States after the passing of this act, shall, in order to become citizens of the
United States, make registry, and obtain certificates, in the following manner, to wit: every person desirous of being naturalized shall, if of the age of twenty one years, make report of himself; or if under the age of twenty one years, or held in service, shall be reported by his parent, guardian, master or mistress; to the clerk of the district court of the district where such alien or aliens shall arrive, or to some other court of record of the United States, or of either of the territorial districts of the same, or of a particular state; and such report shall ascertain the name, birth, place, age, nation and allegiance of each alien, together with the country whence he or she migrated, and the place of his or her intended settlement; and it shall be the duty of such clerk, on receiving such report, to record the same in his office, and to grant to the person making such report, and to each individual concerned therein, whenever he shall be required, a certificate under his hand and seal of office of such report and registry; and for receiving and registering each report of an individual or family, he shall receive fifty cents; and for each certificate granted pursuant to this act, to an individual or family, fifty cents: and such certificate shall be exhibited to the court by every alien who may arrive in the United States, after the passing of this act, on his application to be naturalized, as evidence of the time of his arrival within the United States.
Sec. 3. And whereas doubts have arisen whether certain courts of record in some of the states, are included within the description of district or circuit courts: Be it further enacted, that every court of record in any individual state, having common law jurisdiction, and a seal and clerk or prothonotary, shall be considered as a district court within the meaning of this act; and every alien, who may have been naturalized in any such court, shall enjoy, from and after the passing of the act, the same rights and privileges as if he had been naturalized in a district or circuit court of the United States.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the children of persons duly naturalized under any of the laws of the United States, or who, previous to the passing of any law on that subject, by the government of the United States, may have become citizens of any one of the said states, under the laws thereof, being under the age of twenty one years, at the time of their parent's being so naturalized or admitted to the rights of citizenship, shall, if dwelling in the United States, be considered as citizens of the United States, and the children of persons who now are, or have been citizens of the United States, shall, though born out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, be considered as citizens of the United States: Provided, that the right of citizenship shall not descend to persons whose fathers have never resided within the United States: Provided also, that no person heretofore proscribed by any state, or who has been legally convicted of having joined the army of Great Britain, during the late war, shall be admitted a citizen, as aforesaid, without the consent of the legislature of the state in which such person was proscribed.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That all acts heretofore passed respecting naturalization, be, and the same are hereby repealed.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, April 14, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
AN ACT
For the relief of LEWIS TOUSARD. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, That the Secretary of the treasury be, and he is hereby authorised to pay to Lewis Tousard, late lieutenant colonel commandant of the second regiment of artillery and engineers, out of any money in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated, the sum of six hundred and fifty-five dollars and fifty-five cents, being in full payment and adjustment, and to be considered as a final settlement of all accounts between the United States and the said Lewis Tousard, except only the pay and emoluments due to him by the paymaster the regiment lately under his command: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to sanction the conduct of any person who has made advances of money not authorised by law.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. ABRAHAM BALDWIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. APPROVED, April 21, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
To be Sold,
A FEW LOTS in Squares No. 902, and 921, near the Barracks; at a moderate price for cash—Apply to Benjamin More, New Jersey Avenue, who has for sale Rhode Island Limes, by the cask; and he expects in a few days malasses by the hoghead, to be delivered at any wharf in the city. April 14, 1802. ept2

TO RENT, And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on F Street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bedrooms, a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c. The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM DYER. April 7, 1802. epf
Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W.D.
THE MAIL PILOT, Will, during the SUMMER SEASON, LEAVE the Columbian Inn, Georgetown at 5 o'clock A.M. and Mr. William Fendrick's, City of Washington, at 6 o'clock, every day; for Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New-York; arrive at Baltimore about three o'clock. Leave Baltimore next morning and arrive at Philadelphia next day at breakfast. Returning—Leave Philadelphia at 7 o'clock A.M. and arrive at Baltimore the next day at 10 o'clock. Leave Baltimore at 6 o'clock A.M. and arrive at Washington at 3 o'clock P.M. Fare and allowance of baggage as usual—All baggage at the risk of the owners. J. H. BARNEY. April 14, 1802. epm
N. B. Passengers coming in this line will be left on to Alexandria, if required, the same evening; and to accommodate my customers a private stage will be left to Baltimore or Alexandria at short notice. J. H. B.
WANTED, A BARR and BOOK-KEEPER. A young man, who can come well recommended for the above business, will meet with employ at the Columbian Inn; and generous wages, by J. H. BARNEY. April 16, 1802. epm
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK. The Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those friends, parties, and gentlemen who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and fitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments. JOHN LOVETT. N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. epf
FOR SALE. On Monday the 17th day of May next, will be sold at Vendue, at Mr. Semmes's Tavern, George-Town. All those tracts or parts of tracts of land situated in Scotland and Barbadoes, lying on the navigable waters of the Eastern Branch, containing 206 acres more or less, about half this land in wood, mostly chestnut. Mr. Henry Smith lives on the premises, and will show them. At the same time the store and lot at the corner of High and Bridge Streets, at present occupied by Mr. James Doyle, and the square where Mr. Bayly now lives, adjoining to Col. Deering and Mr. Charles Lovendes; which will be divided into small lots. On the premises are a small though comfortable frame house, kitchen, stable, and smoke house; the situation of this property must make it a desirable object. The terms are notes negotiable at the bank of Columbia, at 6, 12, and 18 months, with interest. It will sell at private sale, a mill, mill-seat, and 42 and an half acres, of land, lying on Rock Creek, within one mile of Georgetown and the City of Washington; its situation with its other great advantages must render it truly valuable. This property will be sold on very moderate terms, if speedy application is made. And on a credit of 1, 2, and 3 years with interest, all those tracts called Bradford's Rest and Batchelor's Forrester, lying in Montgomery county, containing 537 3-4 acres; this land will be divided into lots to suit purchasers, if not sold before the first day of August next, it will then be sold at Public Sale, at the house where Mrs. Lynn formerly lived, on terms which will then be made known. It will also sell a number of lots in eligible situations in the City of Washington. For the terms of any or all the above property, please to direct to the subscriber WALTER MACKALL. Benedict, March 29, 1802. 2aw3w
FOR SALE, A Quantity of SHELL LIME, on the most reduced Terms.—Apply to Brohawn & Byus, Young's wharf. April 16, 1802. ep3w
Farming Lands for Sale. THE Subscriber would sell about 1000 acres of the tract of Land whereon Dr. John D. Orr at present resides, in the county of Prince William, situated a few miles from the seat of the district Court, and within convenient marketable distance of the Occoquan Mills and Dumfries. It is of the first rate quality of soil, is abundantly supplied with wood and water, and has a large proportion of ground which is in a peculiar manner adapted to the growth of timothy grass. Also the tract of land adjacent to the above, late the property of Mr. Thomas Swann of Alexandria, together with about 100 acres of woodland, of the above described tract, making about 1550 acres; the quality and advantages being similar to that. The first-mentioned tract will be conveyed to the purchaser free from every encumbrance, a considerable payment in hand will be expected, and the lowest price per acre twenty dollars. Possession to be given the ensuing spring, with a reservation of the growing crop of small grain, but the last-mentioned tract will be sold subject to existing Leases for short terms of years, under strict covenants guarding against waste and injury of the property, &c. and subject to the purchase money which will be due for the same to Mr. Swann, with interest, in about 9 years. The payment required in hand is the remainder of the amount, about two thousand pounds; and the price per acre is eighteen dollars. Also the reversionary interest in the Piedmont Tract, situated below the mountain called the Short Hill, in Loudoun county, consisting of several thousand acres, chiefly under Lease to the occupants, and forming perhaps the best settlement in Virginia, of the same extent, extremely well watered; improved with the best meadows and orchards, and peculiarly adapted to the use of the Plough of Paris. This Land will be sold in Lots consisting of one or more tenements, as may best suit purchasers, together with one or more Lots of woodland to be laid off on the S. E. side of the Short Hill for the convenience of any of said tenements that may be scarce of wood. There are several good mill seats upon this tract, which is not more than 55 miles from Alexandria and the City of Washington, and no part of it more than 15 miles from Leesburg. The price per acre will be various, according to the quality and advantages of the Land, and circumstances of the Leases, but an extensive credit will be given by instalments, upon receiving what it may be convenient for the purchasers to pay in hands. It is desired that persons wishing to purchase this property, will signify their intentions before the wood land is laid off. Also two or three small Farms with every requisite convenience for immediate operation, in the counties of Jefferson and Frederick, and at various prices. And several valuable building Lots, situated upon the Pennsylvania Avenue, in the City of Washington; some upon square 74, near the Six Buildings, and some upon square 38; besides other very valuable Lots in that City. Application to be made in person, or by Letter, (post paid) directed to Charles Town, Virginia, to FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Shan. Hill, March 5, 1802. ep8w
Boarding. Three or four Gentlemen can be accommodated with separate Rooms near the Capitol.—Apply to the Printer. March 19, 1802. ep3w
For Sale, Or to To Let, on Ground Rent for ever, FIFTY LOTS, SITUATE between the President's House and Capitol.—The titles to which is indisputable. ISAAC POLOCK. Dec. 18. epf
HATS. THE Subscriber has received per the General Hunter from Liverpool, an elegant assortment of men, boy, and children's Hats, which he will sell very cheap for cash. ALEX. M'GORMICK. April 27, 1802. epf
WANTED, A LOAN of from one to two thousand dollars, to be secured by a mortgage of improved real property; the title to which is unexceptionable, and unincumbered.—For particulars apply to THOMAS HERTY, Conveyancer, near the Treasury Department. April 21, 1802. ep3t
For Sale, OR TO BE RENTED. THE Subscriber will sell or rent, his buildings on Forest, Lot No. 2, square 289; and give possession on the first day of May. Any person desirous of purchasing or renting the same, may know the terms, on application to Mr. Bond, adjoining the premises, or to the subscriber in Colchester, Virginia. JAMES H. BLAKE. April 29, 1802. 3t
Notice is hereby given, THAT all persons having claims against Gullavus Scott, late of said county deceased, are hereby warned and required to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the first day of June next, they may otherwise by law, be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. ELIAS B. CALDWELL, Adm'r. Georgetown, March 29, 1802. 12aw2m
Looking Glasses. J. COOK Wishes to inform his friends and the public that he has a large and elegant assortment of Looking Glasses and Prints, FOR SALE, At J. March's Store, High-Street, George-Town. THE subjects of the Prints are very interesting, and in superb gilt frames; and the glasses are of the first qualities, in the most modern and elegant frames, and of any size. They are marked at the lowest cash Prices. March 15, 1802. epf
NOTICE. Three Cents, a peck of potatoes, and the Sweepings of the jail, REWARD, FOR apprehending and securing William O'Connor, an Irishman who was born in the County of Tipperary, who absconded from the Washington county jail, District of Columbia, on Saturday evening the 10th inst. I have reason to believe he has gone to Baltimore, where his family resides. Any person that will bring the above named runaway to the jail afore said, shall receive the above Reward; but no charges paid, by ROBERT MCLEAN, Gaoler, April 16, 1802. ep3t
Water Lot for Sale. A VALUABLE Lot on the Eastern Branch, midway between South Capitol Street and the Eastern Branch in the Georgia Avenue. No situation can excel this in point of convenience to a wholesale merchant, being near the junction of the canal and the waters of said branch. The price will be moderate for cash if early application is made—title indisputable. FOR SALE, upwards of 1,000 lots in the best situations in the City. Enquire of Thomas Herty Conveyancer, near the Treasury Department. April 9, 1802. 12aw3w
FOR SALE, A NEAT Frame House and Lot, on New-Jersey Avenue, square 690; sixteen by twenty-four, consisting of a shop in front with a large bow window, a parlour and closet back on the second floor two rooms and a closet, and two rooms on the third floor, together with the lot, twenty-one feet three inches front, running back to an alley one hundred and thirteen or fifteen feet, or thereabout.—For terms apply to JOHN MINCHIN, N. Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. March 5, 1802. epf
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, SOLICITS a continuation of that generous encouragement which he has experienced from the Ladies and Gentlemen of this City and its vicinity. Having procured an elegant assortment of clothes, calimanes, swandowns, &c. and engaged workmen of superior talents. His unremitting attention shall be given to merit patronage. Capitol Hill, next house east of Mrs. Finch's boarding house, and Pennsylvania Avenue between the President's square and Seven Buildings. Dec. 7, 1801. epf
To be Rented, And immediate Possession given, A VERY convenient three story brick house, in a fine airy situation.—Enquire at this office. April 17, 1802. cp4w
Notice is hereby given, TO all persons having claims against Mr. NOTLEY YOUNG deceased, to render them properly authenticated to Robert Brent, in the City of Washington; and all those indebted to him are requested to make payment. BENJ. YOUNG, NICHOLS YOUNG, } Ex'rs. ROBERT BRENT, } April 19, 1802. ep6w
Ten Dollars Reward. STRAYED from the subscribers on the 14th inst. a dark bay mare between 5 and 6 years old, about 14 hands high, with a small white star in the forehead, thick mane and tail, her fore top cut short, cauters and rots. She was seen in the afternoon of the same day following a gentleman riding a white creature on the Pennsylvania Avenue. She was also seen at the Potomac bridge, about sunset of the same day in company with two other stray creatures. Whoever will take up and deliver her said mare to the subscribers, shall receive the above reward. BROHAWN & BYUS, Greenleaf's Point. April 21, 1802. ep3t
Robbery! ON the night of Saturday the 17th inst. the house of the subscriber was entered by some villain or villains, between the hours of twelve and five o'clock in the morning, who took from the house a double bared silver watch with gold wheels and capped, No. 7644, maker J. J. London—Also, six silver teaspoons, a silver fork, a silver spoon, a silver card marked D. O. with an M in the centre on the top, with sundry other articles. Whoever discovers the above articles to the subscriber, and secures the perpetrator or perpetrators to a condign punishment, shall be liberally rewarded. DAVID OGILVIE. April 21, 1802. ep3t
Public Sale. Will be exposed to Public Sale for ready cash only, on the 29th instant, at the dwelling House of Anthony Addison, TWENTY five noble negro slaves, consisting of men, women and children, and a tract of land known by the name of Barnaby Manor, containing one thousand acres; late the property of the said Addison. Taken by virtue of two writs of fieri facias, issued from the general court at the suit of William Stewart, and one at the suit of Nathaniel Washington for the use of George Hawkins. The sale to commence precisely at twelve o'clock. THOMAS MACGILL, Sheriff. April 21, 1802. 12awts
FOR SALE, LOOKING-GLASSES & FURNITURE. The subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has just received from New-York various kinds of Looking-Glasses, from 5 to 70 dollars each.—Also card tables, bureaus, &c. of an elegant and fashionable make. He continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of ornaments for chimney-pieces, door caps, frontispiece pieces, metal stuffs, &c. &c. GEORGE ANDREWS. April 14, 1802. epf
New Invention. The IMPROVED SAW-MILL, for which the subscriber has obtained a Patent. This improvement saves the sawyer much labour, and the work is also much more expeditious. The log being slabb'd, turned down, and the saw started, the whole operation proceeds without further manual aid; for, the instant the cut is finished, the log moves back, and at the same time is guaged to the utmost exactness by the machine, ready for another cut in two thirds of a minute. The saw resumes its action in the log, and thus moves in alternate succession until the whole be cut up in any given dimensions, at which time the mill shuts off if required, or at any number of cuts for which the sawyer prepares, for his attendance is unnecessary. Any person or persons inclining to purchase the privilege of erecting this valuable and simple machine, or of adding the improvement, which may readily be affixed to any Saw Mill already in use, will please to apply to the subscriber at Wm Brandywine Bridge, on the Philadelphia and Lancaster turnpike road, Pennsylvania, or to Dr. Thornton, commissioner, City of Washington. MOSES COATES. Washington, April 5, 1802. 2aw2awtf
WE the Subscribers, inhabitants of Chester county in Pennsylvania, having been called upon by Moses Coates, to view his new invented plan of sawing, were eye witnesses to the following facts: First, that in consequence of hands playing on a rag iron attached to the common rag wheel, the saw is relieved from the log. Secondly, that by the action of another principle the log is moved the required distance for the next cut, and that the saw is kept in motion after the log is slabb'd and turned down, until the saw is cut into the kind of boards required. The whole of the above is accomplished by his new invented plan exclusive of manual labour. Francis Gardner, John Fleming, E. Isaac Coates, Thomas C. Vickers, William Baily.
FOR SALE, An excellent Blacksmith, together with his wife and three likely children, to wit, two boys, 10 and 8 years of age, and a girl 4. The woman has been employed altogether in washing and ironing. An examination of the blacksmith's work will be his best recommendation. To save unnecessary applications the price of the family is 1,400 dollars. V. PETTON. Stafford, March 8, 1802. 2awtf
For Sale, A NEGRO WOMAN about 21 years old who is a good Cook, and a complete house servant in every other respect—Also a large well formed horse, that goes well in a carriage, and pleasant under the saddle.—Enquire at this office. March 5, 1802. pf
Lots for Sale, Or to Let on Ground-Rent. THE Subscriber offers to sell or to lease one hundred Lots, advantageously situated; some in the vicinity of the Capitol, and others near the Navy Yard; for cash, credit, or wet or dry goods. WILLIAM PROUT. Washington City, April 5, 1802. 2aw
The Imported Horse DRIVER, WILL stand the ensuing season, at the City of Washington, at the stable of the subscriber, at sixteen dollars the season, and five shillings to the groom.—The season will commence on the first of March, and end on the 10th of August next. This will probably be the last season that Driver will stand here, as he is provisionally engaged the next season to stand in North Carolina. Driver was seven years old on the 28th of April last. He is fifteen hands three inches high, of great beauty, uncommon bone, strength and agility. He is a beautiful blood bay, with a star, small hip, a circle of white round each hind foot, with black mane, tail and legs. Three hundred pounds cash were refused for him at ten months old. Applications made at Mr. Rhodes's, and Mr. Johnson's Tavern.
PEDIGREE. Driver was got by Lord Egremont's famous running horse Grey , which now stands to high in England, and won twelve races out of fourteen in one year against the best horses; his dam, bred by Lord Offery, was full sister to Strawberry , by Doment , an extraordinary good runner; his grand dam the famous running mare Muse , gotten by old King Heros ; his great grand dam by Shepherd's Crab ; his great great grand dam Milkmaid by Cade , full brother to old Lath , by the Godo phin Arabian ; his great great great grand dam the Little Harley Mare , by Bartlett's Children , full brother to Elyng's Children , and Sire of Squirt , which was the sire of Marble and grand sire of Eclipse ; his great great great great grand dam Flying Winge , by Williams's Woodcock Arabian , gt. gt. gt. gt. grand dam Points , by the St. Vitor Barb , out of a daughter of Whynot , son of the Fenwick Barb .
Lord Egremont's Driver, foaled in 1783, was gotten by Trentham , out of Coquette , who was gotten by the Compton Barb , out of a Godo phin Arabian Mare , own sister to Regulus , her grand dam Grey Robinson by the Cald Galloway ; great grand dam by Snake , out of old Wilkes , who was gotten by Hanboy , out of Mrs. D'Arcy's Pet Mare , a daughter of a Sedbury Royal Mare .
Doment was foaled in 1772, gotten by Otho , his dam by Babraham ; grand dam by the Hampton Court Children , out of the Duke of Somerset's Bald Charlotte . Doment won eleven thousand two hundred and ninety-nine guineas, besides cups, stakes, subscriptions, and the jockey club plate. W. THORNTON.
N. B. The dam of Driver was purchased by my relation Isaac Pickering off of Foxleafe , Hampshire, England; who gave her to the Earl of Egremont's by one of his own grooms. The individual pedigrees were examined in the Red-book by governor Ogle .
Driver was never tried but once, by John Tayloe , Esq. at Tappahannoc , Virginia, when the bets were in favor of the winner ( Yarico ) distancing the field; but Driver lost one heat by only a few feet, and the other heat by only four inches in three mile heats; distancing another horse; which as Driver, like his celebrated sire, is a four mile horse, was thought a great race, especially as he was much out of order in consequence of a bad cough. Col. Hommes told me he was thought, by those who saw him run, one of the best bottomed horses in America, or perhaps in the world.
Driver was put into training the last Autumn, but met with an accident which prevented his starting; however, he proved one of the best of horses Mr. Duvall ever trained, and of everlasting bottom.
I hereby certify, that I trained Dr. Thornton's horse Driver six weeks, and that I never trained any horse that improved more than he did for the time. I think he has great speed for four miles: I think him less even for one quarter of a mile; and if I had trained him at four years old, I think he would have made the best horse on the continent. Signed, CHARLES DUVALL. November 18, 1801.
A filly by Driver , belonging to Walter Bowie , Esq. is so extraordinary in size, symmetry and activity, that although only 2 years old, he informed Mr. Duvall he would not sell her for less than one thousand dollars; and he will run her next fall, against any unraced horse, mare or gelding in the United States, of the same age, for one thousand dollars! W. T.
From a high bred mare only 24 and 1 1/2 hands high, one of Driver's colts is 15 and 1 1/2 hands high, and not three years old. He is likewise so handsome and alive, that 500 dollars cash were offered for him by Mr. Duvall , who having possessed many running horses, may be considered as an excellent judge; but this money was lately refused by Thos. Peter , Esq. This colt slept at 2 years old, over a fence and deep pully in the presence of several witnesses, and the leap was correctly measured by Mr. James White and others, and found to be twenty four feet on the level!
I hereby certify, that my colt, got by Dr. Thornton's high bred imported horse Driver , is large, strong, remarkably handsome and alive. He is a rich, fast, well marked, and 14 hands 3 and 1 1/2 inches high, although not two years old till the 28th of May, out of a bloomed mare, and this is her first foal. I have repeatedly refused five hundred dollars for him. ABNER CLOUD. April 5, 1802.
Yarico has proved a capital runner, having beat many of the best horses in Virginia. General Lingen will supply pasture at 50 cents per week. 2aw2awtf