The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-01-16 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCXVII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 16th, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 1805.
Debate on receding the District of Columbia.
In Committee of the whole—Mr. TENNEY in the chair.
The following resolutions being read:
1. Resolved , That it is expedient for Congress to recede to the state of Virginia, the jurisdiction of that part of the territory of Columbia, which was ceded to the United States, by the said state of Virginia, by an act passed the third day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine, intitled "An act for the cession of ten miles square, or any lesser quantity of territory within the state, to the United States in Congress assembled, for the permanent seat of the general government;" Provided , The said state of Virginia shall consent and agree thereto."
2. Resolved , That it is expedient for Congress to recede to the state of Maryland, the jurisdiction of that part of the territory of Columbia, without the limits of the city of Washington, which was ceded to the United States by the said state of Maryland, by an act passed the 19th day of December, in the year 1791, intitled "An act concerning the territory of Columbia, and the city of Washington;" Provided , The said state of Maryland, shall consent and agree thereto."
Mr. STANFORD said it was his wish to make a few observations on the resolution now before the committee, for the retrocession of that part of the district of Columbia, which had been ceded to the United States by the state of Virginia, in support of the vote he should give, expecting that what was said on the first, would be generally applicable to the last resolution also. He begged leave, however, in the first place to suggest that in bringing forward the motion he had not had any the least intention to take any step that should go to a removal of the government. He trusted no gentleman of the committee would entertain such an opinion of his views. Had such been his intention he would have preferred a direct motion to that effect.
As then both the resolutions together made but a single object, that of ceding back again to the respective states of Virginia and Maryland, all the district of Columbia, except the city of Washington, he should in the course of the discussion consider it more incumbent on those adverse to the measure to show the original wisdom, and utility of the provision in the constitution, than on its friends. It would be enough for them to show its present evil tendency, and that it was an encumbrance, no way necessary or useful to the general government.
Upon a former occasion some question had arisen, and might yet lie in the way of some gentlemen, whether Congress, having once accepted the cessions of the states, had now the power of recession . On that head, he had not himself ever found reason to doubt. By the 3rd section and 4th article of the constitution, "Congress has power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States" —and besides the 8th section of the 1st article, which assigns to Congress the "exclusive legislation over this district, in all cases whatsoever," does not appear to come from such a power. Like authority is also given in the same paragraph of the constitution over all places purchased by the consent of the state, in which the same shall be, "for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings." Congress, thus possessing the right of disposal, had exercised that right by an act passed two sessions ago, authorizing the Secretary of the navy to convey to the Salem turnpike and Chelsea bridge companies a part of the navy yard at Boston. With it, will any one pretend that jurisdiction did not also pass to the state of Massachusetts, whence it had been obtained? It certainly would by every fair and bona fide view of the circumstances. If, for instance, murder should be committed on that part of the turnpike, which was formerly a part of the navy yard, could it be contended that such murder was not punishable by the laws of Massachusetts? That the general government was the only competent authority to punish? He hoped otherwise. A like discretionary power of cession was also exercised, when Congress anticipa-
ted the ordinance, and transferred the jurisdiction to the people of the North Western Territory, which now forms the state of Ohio. It would be remembered, that at the time of the transfer, the United States held the exclusive jurisdiction of that territory.
But, Mr. Chairman, we have a case of recent date still more conclusive, as being more directly in point. The very term itself cede is used. In the 2d article of the late "articles of agreement and cession" with Georgia, after accepting the cession of Georgia, the United States go on to say "and they cede to the state of Georgia whatever claim, right, or title they may have to the jurisdiction or soil of any lands, lying within the United States, and out of the proper boundaries of any other state, and situated south of the southern boundaries of the states of Tennessee, North Carolina and South Carolina, and east of the boundary line herein above described as the eastern boundary of the territory ceded by Georgia to the United States." It is worthy of remark that Congress never even took exception to this act of cession, and interchange of cessions, as it respected the power of doing so—nor did the state of Georgia, though she had both a federal and state interest to serve upon the occasion, and, had to pass a solemn act of ratification and acceptance of such cession from the United States; for it made a part of her compensation for the Mississippi territory. That state has moreover since extended her authority, and erected a county in the very territory thus ceded . Other cases might be cited of a similar exercise of power on the part of the general government, but he must be allowed to consider the present as sufficiently conclusive and unanswerable.
As to the expediency of a retrocession, he did not know that much need be said. Every debate during the present session in relation to the affairs of the district was but an additional argument for the expediency as well as policy of the measure. Whole days had been lately taken up with local and unimportant matters, to the neglect of the greatest concerns of the nation. He did not think there could be found another district of country of the same extent, with the same variety, not to say contrariety of interests. There seemed indeed a perfect turmoil of contending interests not possible to reconcile, and as impossible to legislate for in peace. He would ask, did it accord with the genius of the general government to be thus occupied with this small portion of the country? Could it be supposed we should be able to get along with such an appendage? He thought not. With the exception of territorial jurisdictions, the powers of Congress were as they ought to be, not of a local but general nature, and yet with one local concern, or another, within this ten mile square, Congress had been harassed with petitions, counter-petitions and memorials, more than from one half of the states in the union besides. This fact would appear by a reference to the journals of the different sessions since the assumption of jurisdiction. But the time consumed in this way was not all; the existing government of the district formed annually no inconsiderable item of expense in an aggregate point of view. To this should be also added the expense of printing. Our journals are much enlarged, voluminous bills and other matters printed, which, no doubt, went far to swell the contingent expenses of the House; or late so justly complained of as enormous.
But, said Mr. S. over and above the consideration, that the district of Columbia is no way necessary and every way expensive to the general government, in fact a kind of governmental nuisance that ought to be removed, there was another objection still more serious with him, the people of the district were the mere subjects in their condition. If they held rights they were not apparent to him in the constitution. He believed all they held were those of courtesy. In the constitution no immunity, no privilege, no political right had been, in so many words, reserved to them. They had been specifically given away, consigned to the ideal convenience of the general government without a single specific reservation. This was not the case as to the people of the states. If he were told the people were content, and did not wish a change, that with him was a good reason why the motion should at once prevail. If twenty or twenty five thousand people had already become willing subjects, without wishing any share, or control in their own affairs, such an example ought no longer to remain under
our system of government, and he trusted would not. He concluded by expressing a hope that the resolutions might be adopted.
Mr. DENNIS. Mr. Chairman, as a resolution, analogous in all its leading features to those now under consideration, was submitted to the consideration of a former Congress, by a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) and as that resolution was put at rest by a very decisive majority, I had not expected that its ghost would have risen up at so early a day to haunt the people of Columbia, or to interrupt the deliberations of this body. That the gentleman who has offered these resolutions, has acted from the best lights of his own understanding, and has believed the object intended to be thereby effected, is both within the pale of our constitutional authority and politically expedient, it is not for me to question. To me, however, they appear unconstitutional and politically inexpedient, and I will moreover add, cruel, unjust, and tyrannical in their operation on the people of this district.
In order to ascertain the extent of our power on the subject, we must resort to the 8th section of the 1st article of the constitution. Here we find that, amongst other powers therein enumerated, it is declared as follows: "That Congress shall have the power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the general government," &c. This clause contemplates first, a place to be acquired lying at the time within the jurisdiction of some of the states, but which was to be put out of their control and within the exclusive jurisdiction of the general government. This was to be done in order, that a permanent seat might be established, which should not be liable to be changed by legislative caprice, and in order that the jurisdiction over the place in which its operations were to be conducted, might be like the government itself, the property of the whole people of the union and free from the influence of any one of its component parts.
This appears to be as much a part of the constitution, that you should always have this federal district, as that there should be a legislative, executive and judiciary department.
2dly. It points out the manner in which this district shall be acquired, and the agents who are to be instrumental in the acquisition. The convention, on behalf of the people of the United States, who are the principals, appoint Congress the attorney in fact to receive the conveyance, and constitute the legislatures of the states from whom the cession or conveyance is to be made similar agents to make it. The several agents have performed their respective offices, the district has been acquired in conformity with the authority given, the right to the property vested in the American people, and possession held of it by us, for their benefit, for whose use it was acquired. All the power which was given as to the acquisition of the territory has been exhausted, and no other power remains but that of exercising over it exclusive legislation. To explain and illustrate this subject to the most ordinary capacity, let me compare the transaction to a case in common life.—If I gave a man a power of attorney to purchase for me a tract of land, in a particular district of country of a specified quantity of acres, leaving it to him to make the location, and he accordingly make a purchase, and I consent to the act, receive the conveyance, and take possession of it, can my agent afterwards make another choice, divest me of my right, and reconvey the property without my consent? No man will answer this question affirmatively; and yet it is clear there is a perfect similitude between the cases, and that Congress are agents acting in this case under a limited authority and confined in the exercise thereof to a specific object. That Congress are special agents, and not vested with a general power over every possible case is manifest, from the whole tenor of the constitution; and I will lay down in this instance a rule which has been generally recognized as the standard, by which to tell the extent of congressional authority in any given case. It is that Congress can exercise no power on any subject but what is expressly delegated and specifically enumerated in the constitution, or necessary and incidental to the execution of the specified powers. What is their power in the present instance? To accept a cession and exercise over it exclusive legislation.
Can you infer from hence a power of recession ? To do so is at war with the amendment of the constitution, which declares that all powers not given to the general government, are retained by the states or the people respectively. Why is not the power confined to the acceptance of the district directed to be procured for a specific purpose, and when so acquired, to continue an object over which Congress, as a permanent body, might always have it in their power to exercise exclusive jurisdiction? Can you then claim the power of reconveying the district and receiving one as often as your caprice may dictate, or of divesting your successors of the same control over this district which we may exercise ourselves? The power is not expressly delegated, nor is it a necessary power to carry into effect any power given; for it will not be contended, but we may exercise all our powers and perform all our duties, and still retain the jurisdiction over the district?
It has been said, that Congress and the legislatures of Maryland and Virginia being the parties to the contract, may like all other parties by mutual consent dissolve the obligation. The premises might be admitted, and the conclusion does not follow. For it is not always true, and never to where the rights of third persons are involved, that the original contracting parties can dissolve the contract. If I draw a bill of exchange, and the drawee endorse it to a third person, it is not in the power of the drawer and drawee to cancel the obligation. This case will apply as well to the people of the United States as to those of the district of Columbia, whose vested rights are mutually affected by the proposed resolution. But surely the premises are incorrect, and this is to be regarded as a contract of the American people, and not the contract of Congress, made with the people of the ceded territory, that if they would consent to give up their property, and the states in which they lived would make the cession, Congress should accept it, and exercise over them exclusive legislation?
Again, Sir, it is said that Congress are not imperatively commanded to exercise this power, but have an option to exercise it or not at discretion. Be it so. But does this give the power to transfer its exercise to a foreign jurisdiction?
This district has been completely severed from Maryland and Virginia; and has been erected into two countries by the name of Washington and Alexandria, and forms, at this time, no more a part of the territorial limits of Maryland and Virginia, than of New Hampshire or Georgia; and you may by the same authority that you propose to re-annex them to these states, unite them to Delaware or Jersey, and put the people, many of whom never were citizens of Maryland or Virginia, under the jurisdiction of the emperor of Hayti.
"Congress shall have the power to exercise exclusive legislation," &c. What Congress? Is it the Congress of 1804-5; or 1820 or 1850?—if indeed the Union is to long endure. Surely, Sir, we can exercise no power which our successors may not also exercise on an object declared by the constitution to be a subject of legislation for Congress; and if you should give up the exercise of the jurisdiction for the present and repeal the act of assumption, your successors may repeal the repealing act and resume the jurisdiction. Otherwise you may deprive your successors of all the powers of legislation. In the section in which the power of exercising exclusive legislation is given, is also contained, amongst other powers therein enumerated, the power "to coin money and regulate the value thereof," &c. "the power of making a uniform system of bankruptcy," &c. These powers Congress may exercise or not; but can they vest in Maryland and Virginia or any other state the power of legislating for the Union on these subjects and thereby deprive their successors of the exercise of these powers, should they hereafter deem it advisable to resume them? No, Sir. Neither can we by any act of ours (nor can it be done in any way but by an amendment of the constitution) divest our successors of an ultimate control over this territory and of the right of resuming jurisdiction over it, when you in vain attempt to give away.
Then it may be problematical, at least, whether the states of Maryland and Virginia, will consent to exercise powers, in consequence of this kind of legislative deputation, over a people, not within their territorial limits, and no form no more a portion of the citizens of those states than of any other section of the Union? Why should they expend their
time and money, and encounter those difficulties as your viceroys and mere tenants at will, which you are afraid to encounter yourselves? You might as well vest in Maryland and Virginia the exclusive right of legislating for Louisiana.
But, Mr. Chairman, I should be glad if the gentleman who proposed the resolution, and who by the term recession and some kind of magical operation, is to produce a re-annexation of this district to the states from which it has been severed, would inform me precisely what he understands by the term, and what is to be the result of the measure on the rights of the people of the district. I presume however, he expects, by the adoption of these resolutions to reinstate them in all their former rights. Will this be thereby effected? Having been cut off completely by the cession, the acts of cession on the part of the states, and by the acts of acceptance in 1790, from their parent states, they will be in the same situation as a purchased or conquered people, and entitled to no other rights and privileges but such as their new masters may think proper to concede. They were, before you separated them from their parent states, a part of the sovereignty of those states and their rights secured to them by their respective constitutions.
But it will be said, you may annex a condition to the retrocession compelling Maryland and Virginia to reincorporate them into their respective political systems, with all the immunities and privileges they formerly enjoyed. Even then they are dependents for their rights, not on the constitution of those states respectively, but on compact and legislative promise. But you have already made one legislative promise, which you are about to violate, and where is the security that the legislative promise now to be made will not be violated again, specially as the very act which makes the new one, violates a former one, accompanied with greater solemnity. Sir, we have had some experience as to the difference between a people who have their rights secured by a constitution, and one who depends for that security, on compact, in the people of Louisiana. By the treaty they were to be incorporated into the Union with all the rights, immunities and privileges of American citizens. We know the latitude of discretion and the various constructions which have prevailed, to deprive these people of the rights stipulated by the treaty. Suppose the cases to whom you propose the retrocession to be made should assume a similar latitude, to whom are these people to apply for redress? They must invoke the aid of Congress, instead of appealing as before to the constitution of the states as the guarantee of their rights.
But, Mr. Chairman, are the people of the territory unworthy of a moment's consideration, and will their remonstrances against the measure be altogether disregarded? Let us take a retrospective view of the circumstances under which they were seduced from their parent states, and the manner in which they consented to dissolve the civil and political bonds by which they were formerly connected: what induced them to alienate their native allegiance, and with a generous confidence to submit themselves to your authority. First, the constitution held out the pledge and formed the basis of the contract, in giving a promise, that if the people living in the district of country, which should be fixed upon for the seat of government, would give up the rights possessed under the government of the states to which they belonged, they should forever remain under the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress. By the act of Congress accepting the cession, the territory received, is declared to be the place fixed on for the permanent seat of the government, and the states cede forever the jurisdiction of the persons and soil within the same to Congress, for the purpose of exercising therein exclusive legislation. Finally, you assume the government, establish your own systems, and annul those of the states. Confiding in these promises, they gave up the control of their persons, and some of them divided with you their property. They came to you with one consent, and hailed your arrival here as the most fortunate epoch in the annals of their country—and now, will you let them abandon without deigning to listen to their prayers?
But all this is to be done to restore them to their lost liberty; to emancipate them from the shackles of despotism with which they are encumbered, and to elevate them from their degraded condition to the rank of freemen. These are very pretty theories, but like

many other theories on the subject of the abstract rights of man, which pushed to their extent and every thing made to bend to them in order to give them complete effect, are found to be in their practical operation oppressive and unjust. I deny, Sir, that the people of this district are in that deplorable state of slavery which some theorists imagine. They are entitled to, and are in the enjoyment of all the rights secured to the people of this country by the various restrictions on the powers of their governors. No man in this territory can be deprived of life, liberty, or property, but through the medium of the judiciary department, operating in the same way, and under the same circumstances as in every other part of the Union. The clause relative to the independence of the judicial power, applies itself to the courts here as well as to any other court of the Union. But if it should not be so considered, since the new doctrine has been established, that the tenure of good behaviour in your judges is no bar to the omnipotency of the legislative power, the people here in this respect have the same security for the independence of their judges, as their fellow citizens in other parts of the Union. The principal difference between the people of this district and of the different states is, that they have no immediate and actual representation; but notwithstanding the importance of the right of representation, to a people generally speaking, and however correct may be the general principle, that a people cannot enjoy perfect freedom without it, yet in a place situated as is this district, there is more of theory than of fact, in the assertion that the people who are without it, are in a state of civil and political despotism.
Thus being the seat of government where all the representatives of the nation are collected, & who from the responsibility which they owe to their respective constituents and to the whole people of the United States, are under every moral and political tie to do justice, and to protect the rights and interests of the people here. Here every citizen of the district has access to every member, and he may personally communicate his wants, his wishes, and solicit his particular patronage of his interest; and instead of being confined like a district of country in the remote parts of the Union to a single member who may not possess the talents to explain his interests to the legislative body, the citizens of this place may make a selection out of the whole, of the member or members to whom he may choose to confide his application. Like the seat of government in all other places, without having any actual representation, this district will have more than its equal share of influence and its weight will always be felt more sensibly in the legislative councils of the nation, than the remote parts of the union. Our theoretical philosophers, however not only contend that in order to make these people free & happy, we must force liberty upon them whether they will have it or no, and that even with respect to the convenience or inconvenience of being governed by this body and the states of Maryland and Virginia, they are incapable of judging for themselves.
But is there no convenience resulting to them from having all their concerns brought within the narrow limits of 10 miles square? Is there no convenience in having their own courts of justice at their very doors, instead of travelling to Richmond and Annapolis? It is an old fashioned idea perhaps, but it is one which very generally prevails, even at the present day, that to bring justice home to every man's door, is a great political and civil blessing; and in this respect the people of this place enjoy an advantage, which is unknown to any other people in the world.
The great advantages contemplated as likely to result from being represented in the legislature of Maryland and Virginia, and the powers of self-government which it is supposed may result from the measure, is merely ideal. What weight will the district on the Virginia side of the Potomac, have, in the large body of the legislature of that state; when they will only form a part of the county of Fairfax, and have a share in choosing two members to the assembly? The same question might be asked in relation to the district of country formerly comprehended within the counties of Prince George and Montgomery, in Maryland: They would be regarded with a jealous eye, a sort of aliens, who were forced contrary to their remonstrances, to submit to their respective jurisdictions.
But the trouble of governing these people is urged as a serious objection—we certainly have had sundry applications and some legislation has been necessary to accommodate our laws and political systems to this new situation. But this has been in a great degree already accomplished; and I believe little more is now necessary to be done: And with respect to the imaginary wants which have sometimes constituted the basis of troublesome applications, it is believed there is now prevailing a very general disposition to suppress them in future. This resolution however proposes to retain the city and the same objection applies and nearly to the same
extent, to its government, as to the whole. The laws of this territory have been enacted; its systems established, and the officers appointed with reference to the whole; and it will require nearly as much legislation to accommodate your laws to the city alone, as will probably be requisite if the whole be retained. Lastly, I have a another objection to these resolutions. Because they go to dismember the plan of the territory which was the favorite child of that illustrious man who may justly be denominated the political father of his country. This great and patriotic statesman whose energetic and comprehensive mind viewed things on a grand, liberal, national scale, fore saw the necessity of bringing nearer together the Atlantic and western divisions of his country. He considered this place from the contiguity of its position to the western waters, destined to occupy, at some future day that situation which would render it the great market of western products, and which would stand at one end of a great national turn-pike connecting the western and Atlantic frontiers. He knew full well the local jealousies which will forever exist and which we know do exist, between places situated like George town, Washington and Alexandria. He fore saw that these local jealousies, if properly restrained, would by the action and re-action which they would produce, operate as a general stimulus to the whole, and thereby become rather an advantage than otherwise to the general prosperity, that by gradual approximation these places would be brought together and form one great whole. This could only be effected by making the general government the common centre around which these rival towns, revolving in their respective orbits, would revolve free from collision. But put them under three different and hostile jurisdictions, three different centres of attraction would be formed; and in revolving around which these hostile bodies might meet each other and mutual injury ensue. He knew that by restricting the inspection of the produce descending the Potomac and coming from the west side of the river to Alexandria, Virginia might fore close all her produce by the city of Washington—And that by a similar operation on the part of Maryland, all her exports might be stopped at Georgetown. That the destruction of the city and of all her prospects would be the consequence; and therefore the wisdom of the plan as originally adopted, and to support which, free from dismemberment, under whatever pretext, I shall always contribute my exertions. To discourage local jealousy I have always thought desirable when likely to be carried to a pernicious extent, and have always determined to leave each place to the enjoyment of its own natural advantages. I beg leave to conclude by remarking upon one or two observations of the gentleman from North Carolina, on the constitutional question. He has produced some legislative precedents respecting the transfer of navy-yards, arsenals, &c. If these precedents were in point, having passed sub silentio they ought to have no obligatory force. But I am not aware that Congress has ever done any thing in this respect but to sell the right of soil in places acquired for such purposes, and it still remains a question if they do not retain the jurisdiction if they do not retain the jurisdiction if they do not retain the jurisdiction. That gentleman seems to make no distinction between the right of soil and power of legislation over it, though the one may be in one body and the other in another. I do not deny but you may sell all the lots in the city of Washington either to individuals, states or other bodies politic, but I do deny that you can sell your right of governing it. The next precedent adduced was the case of the compact with Georgia and by which we acquired an extensive territory. Perhaps this may be considered as growing out of the treaty making power, and it is not denied that the government may acquire territory and jurisdiction over it, through the medium of the treaty making power.
I trust, Mr. Chairman, I have shewn when I intended in the outset of my remarks to establish, that Congress are not competent to effectuate the object of the resolution; that if they could do it, it is not demanded by the general interest, and that it would be unjust and tyrannical as it relates to the people here to make the contemplated transfer. Mr. Smilie supposed the committee was now considering the resolutions of recission generally, previous to giving a separate opinion on the two resolutions before them. Under this impression he would make one cautious observation. He knew that it always had been on all occasions the practice of those opposed to the recission, to connect that question with another subject, wholly and totally distinct; that was the removal of the seat of government from this place. If it was possible to separate these two things in the minds of some of the members of the present House, he was persuaded they would find no difficulty in restoring the inhabitants of this district to their natural, their political and civil rights; a thing so desirable in a government founded as the government of the Union was founded, and as almost
every citizen of the Union contended for, the sovereignty of the people. For his part, he never did, nor ever should, connect these two ideas. Advocate, as he was, for recission, he had no idea of removal. He would go farther, and declare it as his opinion, that Congress could not remove the seat of government honorably, nor of right, and he trusted Congress would never hereafter feel power, to exert right. Having made this observation, he would briefly enquire whether the arguments of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Dennis) were well founded. If he is correct in stating that, under the constitution, the Congress have no right to legislate on the present subject, there was an end of the business. If he thought, with that gentleman, he would be the last man to vote for the recission; but as he thought differently, he would assign the reasons upon which his opinion was founded.
The gentleman read a part of that section of the constitution, which granted certain specified powers to the Congress of the United States. He wished he had read the whole, and shown that there was a particular restriction placed on this particular power. For his part, he conceived this to be a general grant of power under no restriction. In the several grants of power under the 8th section of the 1st article, there were three out of the eighteen that were grants, with particular restrictions. All the rest were complete and full grants of power, and the eighteenth grant had relation to them without limitation; of course they had complete legislative control over the seventeenth, respecting the exercise of exclusive jurisdiction over the district of Columbia.
He here read over the whole of the 8th section of the 1st article, observing upon each. That Congress shall have power, I. To lay and collect taxes, &c. but all duties, &c. shall be uniform throughout the United States. Here is a restriction—Congress have power to lay duties, but they cannot lay them, unless they shall be uniform throughout the United States. So of imposts, and so of excises. To raise and support armies: But no appropriation of money for that use shall be longer than for two years. Here, although Congress may raise and support armies, they cannot order any money to be applied to that use for more than two years, however desirable or convenient a longer appropriation might appear to them to be.
Respecting the militia, they may provide for organizing, arming and disciplining and governing the militia. But they can neither officer nor train them; that is a restriction, and the latter powers are reserved to the states.
The other powers, such as to borrow money, to regulate commerce, to establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws of bankruptcy, to coin money, to fix the standards of weights and measures, to punish counterfeiting the securities and coins of the United States, to establish post-offices and post roads.
To promote the progress of science and the useful arts in a prescribed mode; and this also may be considered as a restriction upon their general power, as they cannot give to science and the useful arts any other encouragement than by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their writings and discoveries.
They have also complete and exclusive powers to constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court; to define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations; to declare war and other consequent powers; to provide and maintain a navy; to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and navy forces; to provide for calling forth the militia of the Union for special purposes only; perhaps this also may be considered as a restriction on the general power to call forth the militia.
And then they have the power given by the seventeenth grant, viz. to exercise exclusive legislation, &c. to the end of the paragraph; and to the whole is added, the sweeping clause, as it used to be called, which was formerly urged to give unlimited power to the general government. That Congress have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or any department or officer thereof.
What, he asked, was the conclusion to be drawn from this view of the constitution? Surely and fairly this: that Congress may of right exercise all the powers which are unrestricted under their found discretion, to promote the general welfare; then it is clear that Congress may assume the exclusive legislation of this district, or they may not. If, however, they do assume it, they have equal power to recede. Congress in the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional power passed a bankrupt law, and a naturalization law; on experience they were dissatisfied with their effects, and they repealed them. Was
it ever imputed to Congress as a violation of the constitution? No: there being no restriction, they felt themselves either free to act or free to refrain, as circumstances rendered the one or the other expedient.
He would, however, agree that gentlemen had thrown some obstructions in the way, which, though it did not touch the right of Congress to act, yet rendered the action a point of extreme delicacy. We are told we have no right to transfer a people satisfied with their destinies in life, to another government, without their consent. The gentleman has gone upon the idea that we are about to injure these people. Why, if he thought this was the case, he should not any longer incline to vote as he had intended to vote. But if he conceived, as he did conceive, that so far from injuring these people by restoring to them the right of self-government, and all the consequent rights of freemen, he was about to render them essential service, he should persevere in his object. That gentleman also finds the people here secure from injury under a government over which they have no control, and in the choice of whose members they have no vote; by observing that the government of the Union can have no interest in injuring a people depending upon them for their laws and their protection.
This argument, if such it may be called, goes too far; it would apply to all other governments, because it can be demonstrated that the best interest of all governments is to promote the best interests of their subjects. It is the interest of even despotic governments; but does experience teach us that these governments do not often, nay almost always, sacrifice these interests to their own whim, caprice, self-gratification, or to the villainy and avarice of subordinate agents.
He denied the security which the people of this district had for their natural rights. Political rights they had none, and they depended upon Congress from time to time for the civil rights which indulgence might afford them. What advantages then did Congress receive by retaining the jurisdiction proportioned or equivalent to the disadvantages. Was it that half their time was occupied in deliberations productive of no one satisfactory measure to the people they meant to befriend? Was it that too much of the money of the federal states of the union was expended uselessly at this place. He was confident no individual would sacrifice his time in this way, nor expend the money of his employers on such objects; and what was worse in private life would be politically right in public. He therefore believed it the reverie of good policy in the American nation, to restrain the jurisdiction of the district.
On the point of expense he would add one idea, he deemed it enormous. Congress spent near half their time in legislating for ten miles square at the rate of 1400 dollars per day—at that ratio what would be the expense of legislating for the extensive territory of the United States, or even what would be a proportionate expense of legislating for a small state.
Let gentlemen stop for a moment and contemplate the subject in this point of view, and ask themselves individually would their own state agree to such an enormous expenditure under any circumstances than those of absolute and uncontrollable necessity. He was satisfied, not a member on the floor would accede to such a monstrous measure. If then no state could be justified by its individual representatives, he would ask for the arguments whereby the representatives of the United States were to justify themselves to their constituents.
Why then retain this exclusive jurisdiction. We do not know their situation, we are strangers or sojourners here, we have not therefore their feelings. But restore them to the parent states, and they will be admitted to the full participation and enjoyment of every principle which elevates the prosperity and happiness of America over every other nation on earth.
It is said that dangers may hereafter happen, that the freedom of debate and deliberation may be overawed by the inhabitants. He admitted it to be possible, but the day was remote indeed. There was more danger to be apprehended on the other side. Congress, possessed of arbitrary power over this district, might grow infatuated with that power, and when the people of the district grew numerous, it was more probable that they would be called upon to assist in pulling down the citizens of other states to their miserable condition. It was the nature of Envy to destroy what it could not reach.
He expected that gentlemen opposed to recission would shew that superior advantages were likely to accrue from retaining the jurisdiction, or that on conviction they would join with him, and agree to adopt the measure of a total recission, which for himself he was in favor of doing.
Mr. EARLY—Mr. Chairman, the resolutions which we are now called upon to decide, possess a high degree of importance, not only from their object, and the consequences likely to result,
but also from certain principles which have been contended for, as applying themselves to the subject. In the outset of the discussion we are met with objections upon constitutional principles against our right. We have been told by the people of this district, that we cannot recede the territory of which they are inhabitants, without their consent; and the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Dennis) has told us to-day that the proposed recission cannot be made without the consent of the people of the whole United States.
It is certainly desirable that all questions of this nature should receive a solution from the principles and practice of our own governments, without having resort to foreign sources. But much I fear that the condition of the district of Columbia is one of a nature so peculiar to itself, that no such solution can be found. For it is impossible to conceive that the principles of a government whose essence is right, should be found to apply to the situation of a people stripped of all right.
The proposition that the consent of the people of this district is necessary to give validity to an act of Congress, having for its object a recission of the territory, carries with it the refutation of itself. It proves too much. The same reason by which they maintain this position, would go to prove that their consent was necessary to give validity to any act of legislation over them. That Congress possess the power of exclusive legislation over them, cannot be denied. We exercise, and we are authorised to do so, a power over all their rights of life, liberty and property. Now there cannot be presented to my mind a greater absurdity than to say that the consent of the people of Columbia is necessary to any act in relation to them, when they are stripped of all the rights of self-government.
I know, Sir, that a distinction has been made between the right of legislation, and the power of transferring that right to others. And whilst it is admitted that the Congress of the United States possess themselves an exclusive right of legislation over the district of Columbia, it is denied that this right can be transferred to the states of Maryland and Virginia, without the consent of the people who are to be affected by the transfer. Of those who maintain this proposition, I would enquire by what authority was the cession at first made by Virginia and Maryland to the United States? Was the consent of the people who were to be affected by the transfer, then deemed necessary to its validity, and if so, how was such consent obtained? I have heard it argued that the people to be affected, were component parts of counties in the two states, and as such had a representation in the legislatures of those states, through which their consent was given. I ask where is the proof that their consent to the cession was so given? For any thing that that appears, the representatives of those counties voted against the cession acts, in which event the will of the people of this district was so far as the laws could be in that way expressed, directly opposed to the measure. And for the sake of illustration I will suppose the fact to have been so, and ask gentlemen whether the acts making the cession were on that account invalid? I take upon myself the risk of saying, that no one will answer affirmatively. If so, the doctrine is reduced to this dilemma, that a cession of the district of Columbia cannot be constitutionally made without the consent of the inhabitants thereof, but that such cession may be made in the face of their express negative.
The position of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Dennis) and his reasoning to support it have not had weight on my mind. I cannot conceive how the people of the United States are parties to the compact, so as to make any consent on their part necessary. The only parties in my opinion, are the Congress on the one hand, and the states of Maryland and Virginia on the other. These parties negotiated and formed the compact—the same parties can undo it.
But be the reasoning of the people of Columbia, and the reasoning of the gentleman from Maryland never so correct and well founded in abstract, I still have a conclusive answer, that it cannot apply to the case. No reasoning drawn from the principles of free governments can apply to a case, where the people are disfranchised of all rights. The inhabitants of this district are in every sense the subjects of Congress, and Congress are the masters. This is not only the theory of the government exercised here, but in my opinion that theory has in a recent instance (the case of the Alexandria charter) been put into a rigid practice. It is my will, Mr. Chairman, to put an end to this disgraceful state of things—a state of things exhibiting the monstrous phenomenon of a country where the principles of freedom extend to the remotest extremity, whilst there is a despotism at the heart.
If precedents were necessary, they could easily be adduced. The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Stanfield) has already cited several; some before, some since the adoption of the federal constitution. The one most recent is directly in point. It is the cession between

the United States and Georgia. In this instance it is a fact, that a tract of country inhabited by a considerable population, was transferred by the general government to Georgia, and is now incorporated with that state. The gentleman from Maryland has endeavored to evade the force of this precedent, by saying that the compact was entered into under the treaty-making power. The gentleman is incorrect as to the fact. The convention was made by commissioners appointed under and deriving their authority from a special law of the United States on the one hand, and a special law of the state of Georgia on the other hand. It remains to examine the expediency of the proposed resolution.
If no positive good can be proved to arise from the existing state of things, that of itself would with me be a reason amply sufficient to justify the adoption of the resolution upon the table. But, Sir, in my opinion, it is easy to demonstrate, not only that much positive evil does result, but that much more will probably result from the retention of the district. The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Stanford) has forcibly represented the evils arising from the load of business which is thrown upon us from this fruitful source. He has well stated the total impracticability of our legislating with any correctness for those, with whose interests and concerns we are entirely unacquainted. Need I call to the mind of gentlemen the recollection of that which they are in the daily habit of witnessing—the collision of so many rival and contending interests? Need I call to their mind a very recent scene, in which the sensibilities of this House were so strongly excited in the discussion of a question relative to a part of the district? Need I call to their minds, how much the order and tranquility of the House was invaded by the presence and anxiety of the opposing parties? If these things happen in the present infancy of our territorial government, what evils may not be anticipated when with increase of numbers we shall have an increase of interests, wants, pretensions and antipathies? When disappointment shall increase discontent, and we are engaged in the discussion of a territorial party question? The language of petition may be converted into the language of menace, and where now we have a peaceable people laying their complaints at our feet, we may have a mob brandishing their weapons at our heads.
Of a certain part of the people of this territory who have expressed to us their enmity to the resolutions, it may with propriety be asked why they are desirous of continuing to live under the exclusive government of the United States? Why should they wish to continue subject to a government whose laws they endeavor to obstruct? Why with to continue under a system of things, where they not only refuse to execute the laws themselves, but do all in their power to render such execution by others, disgraceful? These inconsistencies remain for themselves to reconcile.
There is another point of view in which this subject deserves to be considered. It is in its relation to the executive officers of the general government. Mr. Chairman, I am not by nature jealous. I believe I am not enough so. When I shall have counted more years and have seen more of human nature it is not improbable I may be more disposed to suspect the correctness of human motives than I do at present. But I have seen enough to convince me that the best prayer which was ever prayed, was that against being led into temptation. The most effectual means of steering clear of temptation is to avoid opportunity. All example teaches that a military force at the command of an active ambitious and unprincipled leader, is the most dangerous foe to liberty. I know, Sir, that faction and rebellion have also had their share in fettering the human race; but faction and rebellion generally carry with them their own cure. The military of this district are subject to the orders of your President. Sir, you may not always have a President whose principles will be a safe-guard for the correctness of his actions. He is to judge of the occasions proper for calling the military of the district into the field, and, the plausible pretext of preserving order, or guarding the government from insult or injury, may array a military force around these walls. Put the case of a contested Presidential election, and the incumbent in office a man of military genius, indicating, bold and unprincipled. The military force of the district is at his command, the officers appointed by him. Gratitude, patronage, emolument, all those principles which operate most strongly with a soldiery, are arrayed on one side and opposed by that weak thing the amor patriae on the other. This House on whom the constitution has devolved the right of settling the choice, may under the same pretext of preserving the public order, be surrounded by the whole military force of the district, and then farewell freedom of decision.
Upon the subject of the city, I wish to be distinctly understood. There is no
gentleman in this House who wishes more for its prosperity than myself. None who would more resist any attempt to unsettle any of the existing establishments within it. I feel it to be the duty of this government to nurse it by every aid within their power. Let us Sir give permanency to our station within it, and give the inhabitants the right of governing themselves. But I believe for myself, that we shall witness no prosperity or settled confidence here until we strip ourselves of the district. I believe the district is a dead weight about the city, which if not shaken off, will sooner or later, bury the whole in ruins.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 16.
We learn that Mr. Rembrandt Peale has arrived in this city for the purpose of taking portraits of distinguished characters for the museum at Philadelphia.
Extract of a letter from Vincennes, dated 8th ult.
The governor has just issued a proclamation for the election of members of the General Assembly; and we now may say we have entered into the second grade of government. It is said, and I believe truly, that Judge Davis intends being a candidate for Congress. The election is to be on the 3d of Jan. and the members to meet on the 1st of February to choose the Council.
Washington Assemblies.
The Subscribers are informed that the first Assembly will be held at the Theatre, on Wednesday Evening, at six o'clock.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JANUARY 14.
Mr. Anderson presented a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Chester and Lancaster counties (Pennsylvania,) praying that a new Post road might be opened from Norriston to Lancaster. Referred to the committee on Post offices and Post roads.
Mr. Nicholson presented a petition from Col. Freeman, Major Butler, and other officers in the army of the United States, stationed at New Orleans—stating that the subsistence money allowed them proportioned upon the ration, was inadequate to its object, and praying to have the same extended to a sum equal to meet their necessary subsistence—Referred to the Secretary at war to report to the House thereon.
The bill from the Senate delivered on Friday last by Mr. Otis their secretary, entitled an Act, to amend an Act, entitled an Act, for imposing more specific duties on the importation of certain articles, and also for levying and collecting light money on foreign ships and vessels, and for other purposes, was read, and on motion referred to the committee of ways and means.
Mr. Nelson presented the petition of the heirs of the late Col. J. Hokin Stone, of the 1st Maryland Regiment, who was wounded in the action of Germantown, and disabled from continuing his service in the line of the army, from which he retired with a view of promoting the advancement of his junior officers, who were capable of yielding essential service in the field, praying the allowance of the commutation of half pay. Referred to the committee of claims.
On the motion of Mr. Huger the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the report of the Post Master General, on the petition of Robert Henderson, complaining of his inability to execute his contract for carrying the Mail in South Carolina, and which recommended a further allowance to be made to him of 4200 Dollars.
Mr. Gregg in the Chair.
Mr. Huger proposed a resolution nearly in the words of the recommendation of the Post Master General for allowing Mr. Henderson the sum of 4200 Dollars which was adopted by the committee, and reported to the House upon the committee's rising—to which the House agreed, and referred the subject to a committee of three, to bring in a bill conformably thereto.
On motion of Mr. Thompson the House went into a committee of the whole, on the bill making an appropriation for completing the South wing of the Capital and for other purposes.
Mr. Dawson in the Chair.
After some time spent in considering the same, the committee rose and reported that 110,000 Dollars be appropriated for the purpose of completing the South wing of the Capital—and 20,000 Dollars for other purposes, which was agreed to by the House, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Lattimore, the House went into a committee of the whole, on the bill for regulating the grants of land and disposing of the lands of the United States, South of the state of Tennessee.
Gen. VARNUM in the Chair.
A small amendment was made thereto, authorizing the registering of the
Spanish title to lands within that territory, and the committee rose and reported, and the House having agreed to the amendment, the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Newton, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill to prohibit the exaction of bail upon certain suits, brought within the district of Columbia.
Gen. VARNUM in the Chair. After some time spent in considering the same the committee rose and reported the bill with an amendment, which being agreed to by the House, the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The House went into a committee of the whole, on the report of the committee of claims on the memorial of Captain Alexander Murray, to which was added, a report from the Secretary of the Navy, made to that committee upon their special application. The report was favorable to Captain Murray, admitting that his claim was reasonable and ought to be granted.
Mr. TENNY, in the Chair. A discussion took place on this subject, and it was evinced that the law relating to the capture of French armed vessels in 1799, and of the re-capture of American vessels did not justify the proceeding of Captain Murray in the capture of a Danish neutral—although his instructions from the then Secretary of the navy, appeared to authorize it.
The committee thereupon rose without coming to a determination, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Rhea called for the consideration of his motion, which had been some time laid on the table, requesting the Secretary of War to lay before the House, a list of the officers and soldiers of the Army of the United States, during the years 1803 and 1804, and a statement of the Posts at which they were stationed, &c.
On the question to agree to the motion, the House divided, and were ayes 36, noes 32—but not being a quorum, the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 15. The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanied by a statement of the sums of money paid counsel for advice and assistance to the officers of that department, from the establishment of the government down to the present year. Ordered to be printed.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the committee of claims was discharged from the further consideration of the petition of Joseph Willoughby and others, and leave was given the petitioners to withdraw their petition, and its accompanying documents.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the committee of claims had leave to sit to-morrow during the session of the House.
The bill appropriating a sum of money for finishing the South wing of the Capitol, is the city of Washington, & for other purposes, was brought in engrossed, read a third time and passed, as was likewise the bill regulating the grants of land and disposal of the land of the United States south of the state of Tennessee.
The bill to prohibit the exaction of bail upon certain suits within the district of Columbia, was brought in engrossed, and read a third time.
The final passage of the bill was opposed by Mr. Goddard, Mr. Root, and Mr. Nelson, and defended by Mr. Newton, as a proper measure to prevent the oppression of malignant creditors.
Mr. Eppes desired Mr. Beckley to read that part of the constitution of the United States, relative to the extent of the judiciary power, and that part of the law establishing the judicial authority of the district of Columbia, with a view of showing that the bill was not essentially necessary.
Mr. Early moved a recommitment of the bill to a select committee.
Mr. Bedinger expressed his wish that the bill might go to a select committee, because he considered the principle a valuable one. He imagined, however, that the details were not altogether perfect. He felt concerned on this subject, on account of several of his constituents, who had been tricked out of notes and bonds, for lands in Kentucky, which had been advertised, and we no longer available against the drawers in that state; but should it so happen that business called them to Washington, they might be extremely harassed for want of bail.
The reference was opposed by Mr. R. Griswold, as he was against the principle of the bill altogether.
On the question to recommit it passed in the negative—Ayes 44, Noes 59.
The question was then taken on the passage of the bill, and it was lost, there being but thirty members who voted in its favor.
On motion of Mr. Dana the committee of Claims was discharged from the further consideration of the petition of Stephen Sayre, and the petition with the accompanying documents was referred to the Secretary of State.
Mr. McCreery presented the petition of Wm. Smith of Baltimore, stating his being in possession of four continental
loan office certificates, signed Samuel Hill, wherein four years interest had been paid by Michael H. Keyes, treasurer of the United States, in bills on France, but which certificates the commissioners under the funding system had refused to receive on loan, praying that Congress would make provision for the same.
Referred to the committee of Claims. The report of the committee of Claims, made at the last session, on the petition of J. P. Randolph, and Randolph Magruder, was referred to the present committee of Claims.
Mr. Hager from the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill authorizing the post master general to make farther provision for carrying the mail between Fayetteville, North Carolina and Charleston, South Carolina, not exceeding 4200 dollars per annum. The bill was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole for to-morrow.
Mr. Crownshield presented another petition from the House of Bailey and Bogart of New-York, who had suffered by the recent fire in that city a loss of an immense quantity of merchandise, praying that Congress would extend the time of their bonds given for duties on the same. Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Rhea's (of Tennessee) motion calling on the Secretary at War for the list of officers and soldiers in the service, and the names of forts, &c. where they are stationed, being the unfinished business of yesterday, was at his own request postponed till Monday next.
On motion of Mr. Dawson the petitions of Marcella Stanton and two others, praying for divorces presented at the last session, was referred to a select committee of five.
On motion of Mr. Thomas a committee was appointed to enquire whether any and if any what alterations are necessary in the laws regulating the grants of land appropriated for the refugees from the British provinces of Canada and Nova Scotia—with liberty to report by bill or otherwise.
On motion of General Stanton the petition of Edmund Briggs and others, praying to receive the bounty withheld from them by the collector of Newport, (Rhode Island) because they had not in every respect complied with the forms and conditions prescribed by law, was referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
On motion of Mr. Jackson the petition of Jacob Whitzal, praying relief in consideration of losses and injuries sustained in his person and property whilst a soldier in a detachment of troops employed against the Indians during our revolutionary war—was referred to the committee of claims.
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
JANUARY 14.
On motion of Mr. Ellery,
Resolved, That the members of the Senate, from a sincere desire of showing every mark of respect due to the memory of the hon. Samuel J. Potter, deceased, late a member thereof, will go into mourning for him one month, by the usual mode of wearing a crepe round the left arm.
New York, Jan. 11.
The trial of Nathaniel Pendleton, Esq. who was indicted for acting as the second of Gen. Hamilton in the unfortunate duel by which the latter was lost to his country, came on yesterday in the court of oyer and terminer and general jail delivery now sitting in this city.
The prosecution was conducted by the attorney general on the part of the state; and the defendant was ably assisted by the talents of Mr. Benson, Mr. Ratcliffe, Mr. Hoffman, and Mr. Colden. The court was crowded. The trial continued from eleven o'clock in the morning till eight in the evening; and the jury, retiring for about twenty minutes, returned a verdict of GUILTY.
The punishment prescribed by law for the offence of which Mr. VAN NESS and Mr. PENDLETON have been found guilty, is a complete disfranchisement for the term of twenty years.
CHILLICOTHE, December 24.
The legislature of this state have passed a resolution, rejecting the amendment proposed by the state of Massachusetts, to the constitution of the United States, respecting the election of federal representatives. The resolution passed almost unanimously.
In the House of Representatives, on Wednesday last, on motion of Mr. Lewis, leave was given to bring in a bill to change the names of the counties of Hamilton, Ross and Adams.
NEW BRUNSWICK January 3.
New Jersey Internal Navigation.
KINGSTON, December 29, 1804
A majority of the gentlemen, named by the Legislature, to provide for organizing, and putting into operation the "New Jersey Navigation Company," for opening a water communication between the tide waters of the Raritan and Delaware, met at this place yesterday. After considering the estimates of the necessary expense and allowing liberally
for the accidents and contingencies incident to novel undertakings; they agreed that the capital stock of the company should consist of four thousand shares of twenty five dollars each—subscribed by Messrs Ewing, of Trenton, John N. Stimpson or Princtown, George McDonald of Middle Brook, and John Bray, of New Brunswick, to keep open subscription books, for signatures, until the 15th of April next, unless the whole number of shares liquid be sooner subscribed, and to receive the first payment thereon, of two dollars on each share. They also appointed the meeting of Stockholders for choosing Directors, to be held at this place, on the third Wednesday in May next, and agreed that the stockholders, by themselves, or proxies, shall have one vote for each share they respectively hold. Ample security is to be given by each of the persons appointed to hold the subscription books, which are recommended to be opened also at Philadelphia, New York, and Millstone.
TO PRINTERS.
THE subscriber takes Order for Type from the well known Foundry of William Caslon, Jun. and Co. London—specimens and list of London prices to be seen at Mr. Geo. W. Riggs, Georgetown.
CHAS. WIRGMAN,
No. 215, Market Street, Baltimore,
Jan. 16.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED or stolen from Mr. John Roberts's Prince George's county near Piscataway, December 25th. a large ROAN HORSE, 16 hands or upwards high, 12 years old next spring, rocks and gallops well, his files are rubbed by drawing in traces, at the same time a bay HORSE about 14 hands high, 8 years old, marked with a star and snap, one hind foot white, his gait are not very good, he has been most used to the plough. Whoever takes up said horses and delivers them to the subscriber, living with Joseph Young, Charles county near the dwelling of the late Gen. Wm. Smallwood, deceased, or at Mr. John Robertson's living in Prince George's county near Piscataway, shall receive the above reward. Three dollars will be given for either, to be delivered at the above mentioned places.
GEO. N. FORD.
January 16—3t
For Sale,
A NEGRO WOMAN, about 25 years of age—she is an excellent house maid, can wash, iron, &c. For terms apply to the printer.
Washington, Jan. 16—3t
100 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY, two months ago, about the middle of November, a Negro Man, named TOM DANIEL, five feet ten inches high, black complexion, has lost some of his jaw teeth, very knock kneed, about 45 years of age. It is supposed that he has made to the northward, and has a free pass. He took with him a grey mare, and is very fond of driving a cart—Apply to
RALPH LANE, Centreville,
wit
Fairfax county, Virginia.
IN duty to myself and to the obligors of the joint and separate estates of A. Morris, J. Nicholson, and J. Greenleaf, I find myself called on to take a flight notice of Mr. Stoddard's publication in the National Intelligencer of yesterday.
The several contracts made by Morris, Nicholson and Greenleaf, or some of them, with the commissioners of the city of Washington, for the purchase and protection of a large number of lots in the city involve a variety of very important considerations, which can be explained only in a court of chancery, and suits are now instituting by me which will command their explanations. The public sale of lots in Washington, took place under circumstances affecting the pecuniary interests of two of the commissioners, and implicating very incorrect views on their part—this, I am prepared to substantiate in chancery, and to show that such facts can properly be tested—a great number of the lots sold at auction were bid off, and conveyed by deed to one claim, at five dollars per standard lot; when under correct titles, the same lots would have commanded more than twenty fold that sum. Mr. Stoddard bought largely at these sales, and now seeks to sell again in the shape of estate stock—under this state of things, were I to withhold the public avowal of my claim, improper inferences might be drawn therefrom; irremediable evils might ensue to many, and, at least, the unwary and unprovided would have just cause of complaint at my silence—I desire however it may be distinctly understood, that my views go not, (as charged by Mr. Stoddard) to the injury of the city, or its honest inhabitants—I have personally, a deep stake in this establishment, and am (but not alone on that account) most ardently solicitous for its welfare—at while resting in the firm belief, that those for whom I act, have a just and fair claim to the property reported with by the commissioners, I shall maintain that claim in every proper and decent way; and in asking the equity due, I shall hold myself prepared to administer full and complete equity in turn. I conceive it not incumbent on me to notice more particularly Mr. Stoddard's intemperate publication, or at present, or in this manner, to controvert his gross misstatement of acts, and will therefore close by observing, that as I feel perfectly justified in using every honest endeavor to correct the featured wrecks of my estate, I shall continue to act accordingly—if I fail in so doing, be me evil on myself.
JAMES GREENLEAF.
City of Washington, Jan 13
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber intends to embark for Europe in a short time. All those indebted to him are requested to call and pay their accounts, which will be rendered immediately.
ELISHA RIGGS.
George Town, Jan 16—3t
N.B. Cash will be given for a quantity of good tobacco. Apply as above.

PROPOSALS
For carrying mails of the United States on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post Office, in Washington, until the 14th day of Jan. next, inclusive.
[Continued]
84. From Morgantown by Rutherford and Gowens ferry to Greenville, c. h. S. C. once in two weeks.
Leave Morgantown every other Tuesday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Greenville c. h. the next day, Wednesday, by 6 P. M. Returning. Leave Greenville c. h. every other Sunday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Morgantown on Monday by 6 P. M.
85. From Charlotte by Beggars ferry and Hills Iron works to York c. h. S. C. once a week. Leave Charlotte every Sunday at 9 A. M. & arrive at York c. h. by 8 P. M. Returning. Leave York c. h. every Saturday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Charlotte by 6 P. M.
86. From Raleigh by Smithfield, Wendover, Green c. h. & Kingston to Newbern, once a week. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday at 8 A. M. & arrive at Newbern the next Friday by 10 A. M. Leave Newbern every Friday at 2 P. M. & arrive at Raleigh the next Monday by 4 P. M.
87. From Fayetteville by Elizabeth town to Wilmington, and thence by South Washington and Sampson c. h. to Fayetteville, once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by noon.
88. From Fayetteville by Andersonville to Wilmington, once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Wilmington on Sunday by 9 P. M. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fayetteville on Friday by 7 P. M.
89. From Fayetteville by McFarland, Winnsboro, and Cheraw c. h. to Camden S. C. once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 P. M. Leave Camden every Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 8 P. M.
90. From Fayetteville by McFarland, Winnsboro, and Cheraw c. h. to Camden S. C. once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 P. M. Leave Camden every Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 8 P. M.
91. From Richmond c. h. by Packers ferry, Chatham, Cheraw c. h. Bentonville, Darlington c. h. Pauleyville, Jeffords and the Clay House to Ports ferry, once a week.
Leave Richmond c. h. every Monday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Ports ferry on Tuesday by 6 P. M. Leave Ports ferry on Wednesday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Richmond c. h. on Thursday by 8 P. M.
92. From Camden by Statesburg and Jamesville to Nelsons ferry twice a week. Leave Camden every Thursday and Sunday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Nelsons ferry by 10 A. M. and at Nelsons ferry Friday and Monday by 8 A. M. Leave Nelsons ferry every Thursday and Sunday at 5 P. M. and arrive at Camden on Friday and Monday by 8 P. M.
93. From Columbia by Smithville, Nelsons ferry, Monks Corner and Darlington to Charleston twice a week. Leave Columbia every Sunday and Thursday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Nelsons ferry on Monday and Friday by 8 A. M. Leave Nelsons ferry at 10 A. M. and arrive at Monks Corner by 2 P. M. Leave it in half an hour and arrive at Charleston on Tuesday and Saturday by 10 A. M. Returning. Leave Charleston every Tuesday and Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Nelsons ferry on Wednesday and Sunday by 4 P. M. and at Columbia on Thursday and Monday by 6 P. M.
94. From Columbia by Winnsboro, Chester c. h. York c. h. Pinckneyville, Union c. h. and Spartanburg to Greenville c. h. and thence by Reedy Shoal River, B. dist. Laurens c. h. and Newberry c. h. to Columbia once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at York c. h. on Tuesday by 7 P. M. Leave it at 7 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Greenville c. h. on Friday by 8 A. M. Leave Greenville c. h. at 10 A. M. and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by 6 P. M.
95. From Columbia to Statesburg once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Statesburg by 6 P. M. Leave Statesburg every Tuesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Columbia by 5 P. M.
96. From Statesburg by Sumperville, Salem and Kingstree to Willtown once a week. Leave Statesburg every Tuesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Willtown on Wednesday by 6 P. M. Leave Willtown every Thursday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Statesburg on Friday by 6 P. M.
97. From Monks Corner or the Black Oak on Santee Canal, Pineville and Mucuray's ferry to Kingstree once a week. Leave Monks Corner every Thursday
at 6 A. M. and arrive at Kingstree by 6 P. M. Leave Kingstree every Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Monks Corner by 6 P. M.
98. From Nelsons ferry by Orangeburg, Johnstons bridge, Barnwell c. h. Robert's, Treadways and Town Creek to Campbelltown once a week. Leave Nelsons ferry every Thursday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Campbelltown on Saturday by 6 P. M. Leave Campbelltown every Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Nelsons ferry on Wednesday by 6 P. M.
99. From Camden by Columbia, Edgefield, c. h. and Campbelltown to Augusta once a week. Leave Camden every Friday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Columbia by 4 P. M. Leave it at 5 P. M. and arrive at Edgefield c. h. on Saturday by 10 A. M. Leave there at 11 A. M. and arrive at Augusta by 6 P. M. Returning. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Edgefield by 1 P. M. Leave there at 2 P. M. and arrive at Columbia on Thursday by 8 A. M. Leave there at 9 A. M. and arrive at Camden by 8 P. M.
100. From Camden by Lancaster to Charlotte N. C. once in two weeks. Leave Camden every other Friday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Charlotte on Saturday by 6 P. M. Leave Charlotte every other Wednesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 6 P. M.
101. From Edgefield c. h. by Amos Richardson, Cambridge, Southampton, Abbeville c. h. and Rocky River, to Pendleton c. h. once a week. Leave Edgefield c. h. every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pendleton c. h. on Tuesday by 6 P. M. Leave Pendleton c. h. every Wednesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Edgefield c. h. the next Saturday by 10 A. M.
102. From Goosewatches by Black Swamp, Lower 3 Runs and Upper 3 Runs to Augusta once a week. Leave Goosewatches every Sunday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Tuesday by 4 P. M. Leave Augusta every Wednesday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Goosewatches on Friday by 8 P. M.
103. From Pocotaligo to Beaufort twice a week. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday and Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Beaufort by 7 P. M. Leave Beaufort every Tuesday and Friday by 5 A. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 10 A. M.
IN GEORGIA.
104. From Augusta by Little River, Lincoln c. h. Petersburg and Elberton to Franklin c. h. once a week. Leave Franklin every Thursday noon, and arrive at Augusta on Saturday by 5 P. M. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Franklin c. h. on Tuesday by noon.
105. From Augusta by Columbia c. h. to Washington once a week. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 3 P. M. and arrive at Washington on Monday by 4 P. M. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Wednesday by 10 A. M.
106. From Washington by Burris's, Lexington, Athens, Wakaialville, and Clarkiboro', to Jackson c. h. once a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Jackson c. h. on Wednesday by 6 P. M. Leave Jackson c. h. every Saturday at 8 P. M. and arrive at Washington on Monday by 4 P. M.
107. From Washington by Greenbrier, Richardsonville, Sparta, Georgetown and Warrenton to Louisville once a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Jackson c. h. on Wednesday by 6 P. M. Leave Jackson c. h. every Saturday at 8 P. M. and arrive at Washington on Monday by 4 P. M.
108. From Louisville by Saunderson to Fort Wilkinson once a week. Leave Louisville every Friday at 4 P. M. and arrive at Fort Wilkinson on Saturday by 4 P. M. Leave Fort Wilkinson every Saturday at 8 P. M. and arrive at Louisville on Monday by 6 A. M.
109. From Ricboro', by Fort James to Tattall c. h. and from Ricboro' to Sunbury once a week. Leave Ricboro' every Wednesday at 11 A. M. and arrive at Sunbury by 1 P. M. Leave Sunbury every Wednesday at 4 P. M. and arrive at Tattall c. h. on Friday by 6 P. M. Leave Tattall c. h. every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Ricboro' on Sunday by 6 P. M.
IN TENNESSEE.
110. From Wythe c. h. Va. by Crab Orchard, Akinburg Va. Blountville, Boffville, Rogersville, Orelville, and Rutledge to Knoxville once a week. Leave Wythe c. h. every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Blountville on Wednesday by noon, and arrive at Orelville the next Thursday by 2 P. M. Leave Orelville at 3 P. M. and arrive at Knoxville on Friday by 10 A. M. Returning. Leave Knoxville on Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Orelville on Saturday by 9 A. M. Leave Orelville at 10 A. M. and arrive at Blountville on Sunday by 11 A. M. Leave it at noon, and arrive at Wythe c. h. the next Tuesday by 6 P. M.
111. From Orelville by Powell's Valley Cumberland Gap, Barkersville and Raccoon Spring to the Road Forks or Hazle patch in Kentucky once a week. Leave Orelville every Saturday at 11 A. M. and arrive at Hazle patch on Monday by 6 P. M. Leave Hazle patch every
Tuesday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Orelville on Thursday by noon.
112. From Blountville by Maffitt's, Jonesboro', Greeneville, Cheeks Cols Roads and Danubridge to Knoxville once a week.
Leave Blountville every Wednesday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Knoxville on Friday by 11 A. M. Leave Knoxville every Friday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Blountville on Saturday by 11 A. M.
113. From Orelville by Cheeks Cols Roads to Newport once a week.
Leave Orelville every Thursday at 4 P. M. and arrive at Newport on Friday by 10 A. M. Leave Newport every Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Orelville on Saturday by 8 A. M.
114. From Knoxville to Marysville once a week.
Leave Knoxville every Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Marysville by 7 P. M. Leave Marysville every Friday at 7 A. M. and arrive at Knoxville by 11 A. M.
115. From Knoxville to Burrville once a week.
Leave Burrville every Friday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Knoxville by 11 A. M. Leave Knoxville every Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Burrville by 9 P. M.
116. From Jonesboro' to Elizabeth Town once a week.
Leave Jonesboro' every Thursday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Elizabeth Town by 9 A. M. Leave Elizabeth Town at 11 A. M. and arrive at Jonesboro' by 3 P. M.
117. From Knoxville by Campbell, Gerdner, Kingdon, Blackburn Springs, Fort Blount, Dixons Springs, Craigfont, Gallatin and Hendersonville to Nashville once a week.
Leave Knoxville every Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Nashville on Monday by 7 P. M. Returning. Leave Nashville every Tuesday at 7 P. M. and arrive at Knoxville on Friday by 10 A. M.
118. From Springfield by Port Royal and Clarksville to Palmyra once a week. Leave Springfield every Wednesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Palmyra by 4 P. M. Leave Palmyra every Thursday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Springfield by 5 P. M.
119. From Dixon's Springs, by Lebanon and Rutherford c. h. to Nashville once in two weeks.
Leave Dixon's Springs every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Nashville on Tuesday by 4 P. M. Leave Nashville every other Wednesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Dixon's Springs on Thursday by 6 P. M.
IN KENTUCKY.
120. From Lexington by Nicholasville, Richmond, Woods, and Metcalfe to Hazle patch once a week.
Leave Lexington every Sunday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Hazle patch on Monday by 6 P. M. Leave Hazle patch every Tuesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Lexington on Wednesday by 6 P. M.
121. From Danville by Lancaster, Stanford and Crab orchard to Hazle patch once a week.
Leave Danville every Sunday noon and arrive at Hazle patch on Monday by 6 P. M. Leave Hazle patch every Tuesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Danville on Wednesday by noon.
NOTES.
1. The Postmaster-General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alteration desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.
6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of August, November, February and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Postmaster-General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first
day of April next, and are to continue in force for two years.
GIDEON GRANGER,
Postmaster General.
General Post Office, Washington } City, Nov. 13, 1804. }
1 w t Jan 15.
NOTICE.
It is hereby given that the sale of all those lands and lots heretofore advertised in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer and the Baltimore Federal Gazette on the 20th day of August last for a tax due the county of Washington in the territory of Columbia for the year 1801 (which sale was to have taken place on Monday the 20th day of December next at Rhodes Hotel in the City of Washington) is postponed until the first Monday in February next, when, at the same place and at 11 o'clock A. M. the sale will commence and continue from day to day until all are sold or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon unless the said tax and charges be paid previous to the day of sale.
By order of the commissioners of the Levy Court, WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of Washington County, December 8th, 1804. eptdf
ROBERT CHERRY.
HAS removed his store, to the house of Mr. George Blayden New Jersey avenue on the Eastern Branch, where he has just received (in addition to his former stock) by the Schooner Lyland from Philadelphia a general assortment of groceries and liquors of superior quality, with a few boxes India china of the best quality eighty pieces to the set; all of which he will sell wholesale and retail at the most reduced prices for cash, or in exchange for country produce—All orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch; he flatters himself from the quality of his articles he will be able to render ample satisfaction to his friends and all those who may be pleased to favor him with their custom. All kinds of commission business will be attended to with the utmost attention. Washington city Dec. 12—tf
FALL GOODS.
THOMAS CARPENTER,
TAYLOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square.
HAS just received a very handsome assortment of Fall Goods. Orders executed with the greatest dispatch and fashion, and on the most moderate terms. Oct 31—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent-Benner's cord, toiletries, fancy and white Marcellas, black and figured silks, molekins, fancy silks, Marcellas, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and fatten Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, lately occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARRY—where they have for sale, low, loc ash or in exchange for country produce.
 Genuine Cogniac brandy,  Inferior French do.  Old Jamaica spirits,  Madeira, } Wines, by the quarter cask  Sherry, } and safe, or smaller quantity.  Lisbon, }  Claret, }  Brown Sugar, R & ad quality,  Lost and Lump, do.  Molasses,  Firkin Butter,  Mould Candles,  Sweet Oil,  Spices of different kinds,  Fig Blue,  Starch,  Almonds,  Anchovies, } In bottles.  Capers, }  Power and Shot,  Excellent Wine Vinegar,  Gin,  Whiskey,  Hylon, } Teas, fresh, and of su-  Imperial, } perior quality.  Young Hylon, }  Salt Herrings in Barrels, 
PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
ALL persons who are indebted to the estate of Michael Roberts deceased (or debts contracted at his store in George town) are requested to come forward immediately and make payment to Edgar Paterson, who is duly authorised to receive the same, otherwise their accounts will be put in suit without discrimination—those who have demands against said store, if any there are, are requested to apply as above for payment. FRANCES ROBERTS, Executrix.
THOMAS CUMPSON } Executor
JOSEPH WILLIAMS } Executor
George town, 26th Dec. 1804—epm
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
DESERTED from on board the United States frigate United States, on the night of the 6th inst. RICHARD BOWERS ordinary seaman, 5 feet 4 1/2 inches high, dark complexion, dark short hair, full face, dirtily dressed in sailors dress—whosoever will apprehend the said deserter and deliver him to the subscriber shall receive the above reward. JOHN CASSIN. January 9—3t
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
DESERTED from on board the United States frigate United States, on the night of the 6th inst. HENRY MORRISON, seaman, about 5 feet 10 inches high, dark complexion, short dark hair tied behind, thin face and make, much marked with the small pox; his clothing half boots, short jacket and small hat—whosoever will apprehend the said deserter and deliver him to the subscriber shall receive the above reward. JOHN CASSIN. January 9—3t
District of Columbia, Washington County.
I hereby certify that Daniel Geyer brought before me a stray BAY HORSE, about 15 hands high, in very bad order, appears to be about 11 years old, with a small white spot on his forehead, a strip on the right side of his nose, and a small white place under his belly. Given under my hand this 11th day of January, 1805. SAMUEL HAMILTON.
The owner of the above described horse may have him again by paying his expenses, and the cost of this advertisement by application to the subscriber near the Centre Market House.
DANIEL GEYER. January 14—3t
In the case of Henry Dunlap an insolvent debtor.
District of Columbia Washington county to wit:
ON the petition of HENRY DUNLAP an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. It is ordered that notice be given to the creditors of the said Henry Dunlap that on the 28th of January inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. at the court room in the Capitol, the oath of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Henry Dunlap and a trustee appointed agreeably to the act, for the relief of insolvent debtors within the District of Columbia, unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary. It is also ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist three times previous to that day. It is also ordered that this notice published in a paper published daily in Philadelphia twice previous to said inst. By order URIAH FORREST, CLERK. January 14—3t
ADAM KING, & Co
AT their wine Store in High Street George Town, in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
Office of Discount and Deposit,
Washington, Jan. 8. 1805.
ALL persons applying for recommendations at this office are particularly desired to take notice, that from and after the 10th inst. no bills or notes will on any account whatever be received or admitted to discount, that shall not be lodged in bank every Tuesday before the hour of 3 o'clock P. M. the day preceding the weekly meetings of the Board. Jan. 11—3t
Ten Dollars Reward.
DISCOVERED on the night of Monday the 7th inst. from on board the United States frigate United States, a man named MICHAEL BEZELER, about 5 feet 9 inches high, stout made, brown hair and light grey eyes. Said Bezeler speaks English very imperfectly. Whosoever will apprehend the said Deserter & deliver him to the subscriber, shall receive the above reward and reasonable expenses. JOHN CASSIN. January 12—3t.
NOTICE.
THE ASSIGNEES of the joint estate of ROBERT MORRIS, JOHN NICHOLSON and JAMES GREENLEAF, and the assignees of the separate estate of James Greenleaf, hereby give notice to all persons concerned, that they have claims in equity to a large part of the lots in this city advertised by BENJAMIN STODDERT, as being engaged for his "WASHINGTON TONTINE"—The said assignees also give notice, that they mean to rely on strict principles of law and equity, many of the acts and doings of the Commissioners of the City, relative to lots and property, purchased of them, by R. Morris and J. Greenleaf; and that they mean also to rely on like principles, every act and doing of R. Morris and J. Nicholson, relative to lots or property, grounded on J. Greenleaf's deed of conveyance, to said Morris and Nicholson, dated 13th May, 1796, which is on record in this city. The very extensive estates conveyed by that deed, being among other provisions, exceptions and restrictions subjected to the following "to all liens now binding or affecting the same property, on account of any part of the purchase money which remains unpaid to the commissioners of the said city of Washington, or any other person or persons from whom the same was purchased, by either of the parties to these presents; and to all other liens, restrictions, reservations, exceptions, conditions, regulations and agreements, to which the said property, or any part of it, was subjected by the contracts under which the same was purchased, as aforesaid"—excepting, also, all such squares, lots, lands or tenements, as were either conveyed or sold, or agreed to be conveyed, either by all or either of them the said James Greenleaf, Robert Morris and John Nicholson, or any of the agents or attorneys, to any person or persons whatever, at any time prior to the tenth day of July, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety five.
JAMES GREENLEAF,
Agent and Attorney for the assignees, &c. &c.
Washington, January 9th, 1805. eptf
IN virtue of an order from the Orphan's court of Calvert county [state of Maryland] I shall offer for sale on a credit of six months on bond with approved security, at the late dwelling of Benjamin Ward late of said county deceased. Two negro men, horses, cattle, sheep and hogs, with all the household and kitchen furniture, plantation utensils, and also corn, fodder, wheat, and the crop of tobacco now in the house—the sale of the above property will take place on Tuesday the 29th day of January 1805, (if fair or the first fair day thereafter) and commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon—all persons having claims against the estate of the said Benjamin Ward, are requested to exhibit the same on the day of sale, or they will be excluded from a distribution; and all persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment to ZACHARIAH WARD, Admr. Calvert Co. Jan. 9—3w