The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-01-14 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCXLIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 14th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
To the LEGISLATURE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Another subject, which, from its importance, claims the attention of congress, is the situation of the District of Columbia.
I will not enquire what were the motives that gave rise to that part of the constitution which vests Congress with the exclusive government of the ten miles square, as such an enquiry might not only lead me from my present purpose, but also occasion some unpleasing, and perhaps erroneous remarks.
The situation of the District is this: Her inhabitants are deprived of all political rights, other than those which are derived from Congress, and which may by Congress be taken away at any moment.
Those political rights, which they do possess, are insufficient for their welfare; while the powers inherent in Congress are not ever likely to be exercised, or if exercised, likely to insure effectual remedies for the evils they may be devised to avert.
It has become evident to every mind that Congress neither can or will legislate for a district whose population forms but an atom of the nation.
Forced, by the peculiar and novel nature of its organization, into circumstances that required new and peculiar legislative regulations, the district, under the existing state of things, can not entertain the hope of even a distant provision for her wants.
These evils, great as they now are, and still greater as they will become without the application of some decisive remedy, arise from the constitutional inability of the district to govern itself, and the dread of any other tribunal, however constitutionally competent, to exercise despotic authority over them.
The district knows and feels its own political wants; but how can Congress either know or feel them; or knowing them, what reason have we to expect that they will withdraw their attention from national and party objects, and fix it upon those so local and to them indifferent.
Independent of this practical objection to the present state of the district, derived principally from the situation of its inhabitants, there are other considerations of greater interest, and which, from their application at once to our rulers and the whole nation, may, perhaps, being duly impressed, awaken an attention which the rising concerns of a few thousand obscure individuals might fail to excite.
Suppose the present situation of the district to continue, and what will be its probable effects upon the government, and through the government upon the nation at large?
The district is denied all political rights. There is a pride in the genuine American mind that disdains political degradation, and that cherishes the possession of equal rights. All our political institutions inspire a sentiment of devotion to these rights. They are, in truth, inseparable from freedom, and he is a slave who does not enjoy them. The ambition they inspire produces great talents and extends the sphere of their empire.
Such being the habitual convictions and feelings of our citizens, who, that feels as every American should feel, will amuse himself in the dreary regions of Columbia? Who will abandon his rights as a free citizen of an independent state, rights which open the door to the attainment of all legitimate power and honorable distinction, for the badges of interminable slavery, that must attach to him the moment he enters the territory? The answer is ready. No man, who entertains a proper respect for himself, that kind of respect which can also render him respectable in the eyes of others. The effect will necessarily be that we shall have few inhabitants, or that we shall have a body of men indifferent or disaffected to the principles of liberty and those of a republican government. Men without talent and laudable ambition. Should any such for a season flourish among us, no sooner shall they have attained their object, which in general will be gain, than they will depart to enjoy the common rights which every where else attach to the character of a citizen. From this, another fatal effect will ensue. The departure of our wealthiest inhabitants, with their property, will be a constant source of impoverishment.
This prospect must surely be pronounced dreary. We shall not only be slaves; but we shall be poor. We shall be robbed of elevated ideas, without possessing the common substitute of ostentatious pleasure.
Such will be the effect on the inhabitants. What will be the effect upon the government of the Union? The influence, which governments impart and receive, is reciprocal. View then the degraded state to which this district is destined to descend, unless arrested by the hand of patriotism, and climate, if you can, the mighty influence of prejudice, ignorance and servility, constantly operating upon the members of the government. We all know that what is called the custom of the country is every where almost omnipotent; few possess strength of mind sufficient to resist it. The custom of this country will enervate and desecrate and contaminate all whom it touches. The legislator, instead of beholding in each surrounding citizen, the mirror of an independent spirit and an enlightened understanding, and deriving an increase of energy and virtue from the sight, will contemplate the crouching slave, obedient to every nod, and submissive to whatever promises the least forced profit. That information and correct principle, which the metropolis of a nation, and especially of a republican nation, ought to supply, will be entirely wanting; and those centinels of the rights of their fellow-citizens, which the inhabitants of the district adjacent to the seat of government, ought to furnish, will not exist even in name. Dreary, indeed too, will be the situation, in which it will be the perpetual tendency of bad to grow worse, without a gleam of hope bustling in to break the obscurity.
But dark as this picture of probable events is, there is one, which, in all its gloominess, forces itself upon the imagination of the patriotic citizen that feels solicitous for the perpetuity and perfection of our republican principles.
We have heretofore only noticed the effects of the probable situation of the district upon the administrators of government, whose views are pure and honest. Let us contemplate the national effects that would ensue, in case the governors had views impure and dishonest. By views impure and dishonest, I mean views anti-republican and monarchic. And let us not flatter ourselves that such views do not exist. Let us not flatter ourselves that, if they do not now exist, they will never exist. The truth is, they do exist; and the more extended the empire becomes the greater the prize of ambition will of course be, and the more insatiable the passion to obtain it. The sword will be drawn against an external enemy, and that sword will, (the experience of the world proves it) that sword will be turned against the liberties of the country. Other instruments will be used. Some will attempt to refine away, by undermining our rights.
These means will generally be used by bad men in power. Columbia, ill-fated Columbia, will be their favourite, and should they succeed, perhaps their successful instrument. Enured to habits of servile submission, like the slaves of other regions, her inhabitants will have their price. Money and pleasure will give them any direction willed by their beneficent masters.
Under these circumstances, let ambitious and unprincipled men once get the government into their hands, and their path will be plain. Holding an absolute command over the ten miles square, their first act will aim a deadly blow at the liberty of the press. This will be little felt, and less resented by a body of slaves, who will find more than a compensation for it in the erection of a theatre or a circus. With the liberty of the press will fall the liberty of speech; for one cannot survive the other. With both will expire the liberty of correspondence; of this momentous right, as exercised between the representative and constituent, either in receiving or imparting information, there will be an end; for the post office, its only effectual organ, will be in the hands of the government, which, while it prohibits this right to its opponents, will monopolize it itself, and by partial and false statements, corrupt the public mind, and bend it to its own will.
What then becomes of freedom of debate in the legislature, that great preservative of liberty? It is gone! The power that has destroyed the liberty of the press, the liberty of speech, and the liberty of imparting or receiving information hostile to its views, will imprison, if that shall be necessary, the patriot that dares to oppose the usurpation. For let it be remembered the government over the ten miles square, and all its inhabitants, is supreme. These steps being taken, the system of tyranny is established. The despots are enthroned; and it will require a civil war to dethrone them.
In any other district of country, inhabited by freemen, under the protection of state laws, such an attempt would either never be made, or if made, would
be nipped in the bud. Its death would be coeval with its birth. The alarm would be founded as soon as the danger was discovered, and the people would instantaneously interpose.
This is a danger the more to be dreaded, as it is superadded to every other danger attending a free government. No such existing or past government is known, wherein such an engine of power existed.
Such are some of the evils that now attend, or may hereafter attend the district of Columbia. They are believed to be but a few of them. But, without the mention of others, they are abundantly sufficient to awaken the solicitude of every inhabitant, and of the legislature, and of the nation to apply proper corrective. The citizen who values his political rights must feel a deep interest, the man of property must feel a still deeper, from his greater stake, and the government ought to feel still greater anxiety from its superior power, to rescue themselves and the nation from the perils that surround them. The proper corrective can be none other than those of a constitutional nature. Laws may palliate present evils, but cannot remove the possibility or probability of future dangers.
The subject is unquestionably difficult and delicate. While the evils attendant on the present state of things are obvious and glaring, the remedies are not so easily discerned.
We may safely, however, assume as a postulate, that the constitution must be amended, inasmuch as any improvement which Congress by law may make in the condition of the district may by a subsequent Congress be annulled.
In amending the constitution, two courses may be pursued. The district may be remanded to the several states to which it originally appertained—Or, it may be admitted to the enjoyment of state rights, with a participation in our federal councils.
Either of these provisions would restore to the inhabitants their lost rights, without, in the opinion of the writer, depriving them of a single acquired right political or pecuniary. The ten miles square would still be the seat of government; and as the district has been established the permanent seat of government, the obligation of the government to remain w old not in the least be impaired either by the restoration of the territory to the states of Maryland and Virginia, or the establishment of it as a new state. And as every pecuniary benefit that has accrued to individuals flows more from this being the seat of government, than from the actual exercise of legislation over it by Congress; as indeed this last power by denying that of the states operates to the prejudice of property; it is confidently presumed that every enlightened citizen will on mature reflection, prefer a restoration to the old state to the continuance of the new one.
The writer is aware that a strong objection to a re-union of the portions of the district with the respective states to which they first belonged exists in the pride felt by the inhabitants at constituting a state independent either of Virginia or Maryland.
But it may be answered that this pride, however pure in motive, rests not on reason. The citizen of a small state, however splendid his talents, cannot command the enlarged sphere of action presented by a larger state, and of consequence cannot obtain that political weight, or effect that political good that are within the power of the citizen of the large state. Whatever, therefore, may be the future talents of the Metropolis, they will, under present circumstances, or under those derived from a distinct sovereignty, languish for want of objects; whereas they might be employed with eminent utility, if Columbia formed a part of a respectable state, in the administration of its concerns.
It is not, however, the object of these remarks to recommend a re-union of the district with the states of Virginia and Maryland; though not a doubt is entertained of that step being preferable to a continuance in the present state.
It is believed that an intermediate measure between the existing state of the territory, a re-union, and an immediate admission of it to state rights, would be at once most conducive to the welfare of the district, most promotive of national interest, and most likely to liberate Congress from the numerous inconveniences to which they are at present exposed. With this view, the following plan is respectfully submitted without further comment.
 1. Let the constitution be amended.  2. Let it provide that when the population of the district shall amount to 
50,000, it shall constitute a state entitled to one representative in Congress and one Senator; and that as the population extends the representatives shall be increased, and that when the population amounts to 100,000, it shall be entitled to two Senators.
3. Let it further provide that immediately and until the population amounts to 30,000, the district be entitled to a delegate in Congress possessing the right of debating but not of voting.
4. Let it further provide that immediately and until the population amount to 50,000, the laws of Maryland and Virginia passed or to be passed, shall apply to the several parts of the district originally appertaining to them, with the right of Congress, and of the President during the recess, to declare any new law passed null, providing that the President's declaration shall expire one month after the commencement of the next session of Congress.
For the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
"Stick to your party at all events," is a maxim erroneous in theory, and mischievous in practice. It involves an abandonment of principle, and of that right to judge for himself, of which no man of an independent and generous mind will ever permit himself to be deprived. It enjoins an implicit, blind, and unmanly submission of the many to a few, in violation of the radical principles of all free governments. It is, in effect, a conspiracy of the worst and most dangerous kind. It debaseth the mind that receives it, and paves the way to a state of abject slavery. It is a corruption of the first principles, and a gross perversion of the ultimate object, of all equal and free government. It naturally and directly tends to a sacrifice of the interests of the community to the capricious whims, the arbitrary views, and the ambitious schemes of unprincipled and aspiring men. For men in authority, for legislative bodies in particular, to avow this odious maxim, and to act accordingly, is no other than a professed and practical adoption of that detested and malignant sentiment, that the end and object of government is the interest of a party composed of themselves, and not the good of the nation at large, whose servants they are.
These are positions so obviously just, that no argument is deemed necessary to evince their truth. The terms in which they are expressed need only to be understood, in order to command the assent of every honest, candid, and independent mind.
Men therefore in public office, especially in a government like that of the United States, who adopt this maxim, and act accordingly, do no less than betray their trust, and degrade even the lowest office that can be named. It is possible that conduct like this, as hitherto been the case, may be attended with momentary success; but it must in the end, defeat the object designed, and as it has invariably done, bring odium on the cause itself which is found to require such unmanly and despicable aid.
May the citizens of the United States continue to enjoy the blessings that naturally result from "a government of laws, and not of men." In order hereto, may principles, rather than men, invariably influence the deliberations and acts of the several departments of that government under which it is the glory of Americans to live.
NO PARTY.
For Sale or to Rent.
LOT No 3 in square 233 city of Washington, on which are erected a convenient two story frame House, Kitchen, stable and wood house, with a good cellar under the House, and a well enclosed garden. ALSO, a two story brick house on square 432, of 24 feet front and 34 feet back, with a good cellar, calculated for a store and private family; the Lot is 80 feet deep, with the benefit of a back alley; also 28 feet front joining Strelles Hotel, and 95 feet ten inches back. Lot no 10 square 143, on which is erected a one story brick house—Lot no 6, square 104, on which is erected a large frame House, with a well enclosed garden, containing nearly one eighth of an acre—for part payment of the three first a small piece of Land convenient to the City will be taken in payment, and the rest part cash and some credit. As to the other two Lots will be sold at one, two and three years credit, giving good security with interest.
To Rent for fourteen years,
LOT No 1 in square 147. Also, for a term of years to be agreed on, No. 1 and 23 in square 376 near the Federal Spring, and for sale Lot no 8, square 288, and no 3, square 225, on which are erected a two story brick House, stable, &c. For terms apply to JAMES R. DARMOT, Capitol Hill.
Dec. 23.
LETTER
From the SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, enclosing Information respecting Timber deposited in the Navy Yards of the United States, for the purpose of building Ships of War, in pursuance of a Resolution of the House, of the third instant.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, 6th January, 1803.
SIR,
In obedience to the resolution of the honorable the house of representatives of the 3d inst. calling for information as to the situation of the timber deposited in the navy yards of the United States, for the purpose of building ships of war, and whether in order to preserve the same, it should not be covered with sheds.
The following report is respectfully submitted.
Under the impression that adequate means ought to be provided for the effectual preservation of the timber of the United States, deposited and to be deposited in the navy yards, amounting in value to the sum of 580,000 dollars, I sent to the several navy agents a circular letter bearing date, Feb. 22, 1802, which, among other subjects, contained the following instruction.
"It is presumed that all the public property committed to your care, but more especially the timber, will be kept in a state of due preservation. This is an article of such immense consequence and may suffer so much for want of care, that no pains or expense ought to be spared to season and preserve it in the most effectual manner. You will be pleased to state the situation of all the timber in your custody."
After I had received in answer to this letter, the reports of the navy agents, stating the situation of the timber in their respective navy yards, and after the passing of the act of congress, entitled, "An act making an appropriation for the support of the navy of the United States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and two," the following circular letter dated 20th May, 1802, was sent to the navy agents, at Portsmouth, Boston, New-York, Philadelphia, and Norfolk.
"Such of the timber as is not entirely covered with water, must be immediately put under a shed, and if necessary, a shed may be built for that purpose."
"We cannot allow you for the erection of a shed, should it be necessary to erect one, a sum exceeding two thousand dollars. The shed however, should be so constructed, that it may be enlarged at pleasure."
"You may draw on me for this sum, for this object; but our appropriations will not admit of a cent beyond it."
And in reply to these letters, the following reports have been received, viz.
FROM PORTSMOUTH,
14th October, 1802.
"The shed is finished; it is a very good one and as cheap as I could possibly procure it done. The plank, wall pieces and other thick stuff are completely housed, and it will be unnecessary to build any more sheds, unless all the timber in the docks was to be put into sheds, the cost of which would be very considerable."
FROM BOSTON,
22nd June, 1802.
"I beg leave to observe, that all the live-oak timber, which has been delivered into the navy yard here (excepting three loads received this month) has been covered from the sun and weather under a building and shed erected for the purpose. No part of it has at any time been docked or touched with sea water. Another shed is now preparing to cover the freights lately received and the remaining quantity to be delivered here. The timber and thick stuff exposed to the sun and weather in the basin, at low water, is oak and pine."
FROM NEW-YORK,
1st of June—29th July, 1802.
"The necessary directions for securing the timber (agreeably to your letter of 20th of May,) I have given to the carpenter of the yard, and every expedition is making to its completion. Two vessels with timber have arrived from Georgia for the 74 gun ships; all which, together with what was on hand, is perfectly secured from any injury, being well docked."
FROM PHILADELPHIA,
22nd June 1802.
"The shed would cost 2,500 Dolls. and the expence of hawling exclusive of labourers, 160 to 200 dolls. exceeding the appropriation at least 1,100 dollars. I therefore, with the best advice I could obtain, determined on levelling the tim-

ber in its present situation, and getting it into the water as far as possible with safety, and then covering the whole with boards to be secured to the timber, and in addition to be kept down with some old iron ballast. Two respectable shipwrights, Messrs. Bowers & Tanton are of opinion that it will not only be as well, but better preserved than by shedding. The expense will not exceed 200 dollars. For the preservation of the white oak, (gun carriage stuff) yellow heart pine boards, and cedar, I have taken a shed in the yard. For the live oak excepted, I shall erect a shed."
FROM NORFOLK.
27th May, and 8th June 1802.
"We have no timber in the yard entirely covered with water. The greater part of that which lately lay in the dock has been drawn out, and we are now busily employed in removing the remainder."
"After making every possible arrangement at the navy yard, for the preservation of the public property, it is now my intention to visit my family in Jefferson county. At present it may perhaps be only necessary to say that things are in such a train as to admit of my absence for a time, it is thought, without the smallest inconvenience or detriment to the public service."
The timber at the navy yard at Washington is principally docked, and for the present it is thought, is in a state of security and preservation.
From the arrangements that have thus been made, my opinion of the necessity of the timber for the preservation of the timber of the United States, is apparent, and this opinion is confirmed by universal experience. Among practical men, there exists a difference of opinion as to the time when they ought to be used. Some are of opinion that the timber ought to remain immersed in water, for a certain period of time, before it be put under sheds. Others think that it ought not to be previously deposited in water, but that it should in the first instance be placed under cover. All, however, agree that without sheds or roofs, timber cannot be completely seasoned, and preserved.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, Sir, Your most obedient servant, R. SMITH.
The hon. the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States.
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their accommodations are earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a domain to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation.
Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinner &c. in their apartments.
The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the Bays of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island &c. &c.
A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up on the principal floor; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in.
Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT.
N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. espf.
JUST PUBLISH'D,
An old selling at WILLIAM DUANE'S Book store, between the Capitol and the President's House, Penn- sylvania Avenue.
A LETTER
FROM THOMAS PAINE
TO
GENERAL WASHINGTON, TO WHICH ARE ADDED, Several curious and important papers, explanatory of Mr. Paine's conduct and writings.
Jan. 5. St.
To Rent on moderate terms.
A TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE ON South Capitol street—in front is a large lot completely fitted up for the wet and dry goods business, with a Parlor adjoining, which may be used separate from the House, and leave sufficient room for the accommodation of a private family—a kitchen with servants room over—with a small smoke House adjoining—three stall stable and inclosed garden. Enquire of Mr. CHARLES VARDEN, New Jersey Avenue, or on the premises, of THOMAS JONES Nov. 23.
National Intelligencer.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, JAN. 11, 1803.
Mr. Griswold moved that the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, for the purpose of taking up his resolution, laid some time since on the table, calling for papers relative to the cession of Louisiana.
Mr. Griswold observed that the principal argument against taking up this resolution some days since was, that a subject with which it was connected was then before the House, which was of a confidential nature, on which it was proper first to act. On that subject the House had come to a result, and the result had been made public. There was now therefore no weight in that argument. It now appeared that his resolution was when offered perfectly correct, and did not in the least interfere with the subject then before a secret committee.
It was agreed on all hands that the subject was important. Documents were necessary to a right understanding of it. It was important to know officially, whether the cession were made, the time when made, and the conditions and stipulations under which it was made. These were all doubtless in the possession of the Executive. For it was not possible that the Executive would neglect to demand from the governments of France and Spain an explanation of these circumstances; and if refused, make a communication to that effect to the legislature. As they were, therefore, not now embarrassed by any subject before a secret committee he hoped his resolution would be suffered to go to a committee of the whole, and be there decided upon. He concluded by calling for the Yeas and Nays.
Mr. Dawson opposed the going into committee; and stated that in case that motion should be disagreed to, he would move the postponement of the consideration of the resolution till some time in next month.
Mr. Moss declared himself against the resolution; but in order to get clear of it, he should vote for going into a committee, that it might immediately be got rid of.
Mr. Dana said the refusal to go into a committee would be a virtual refusal of information. The postponing the resolution would be a milder mode than negating it; but it would be substantially the same. The enquiry, therefore, was, whether it was proper to ask for this information at this time. That it was sufficiently important to ask appeared from the recommendation of the President.
On what principle, can it with propriety be refused? Were the information asked of such a nature as to be as well known by the members of the House, as by the Executive, the arguments in favor of the request would have less weight. But in this instance the Executive possessed the whole information. It was exclusively in the Executive cabinet, if any where. Will gentlemen assume it as an argument that the Executive knows nothing on the subject? Are we to suppose that it is mentioned in the message merely as the news of the day; and that the Executive has not had vigilance enough to discover the circumstances attending the cession? It must be with the Executive. Can it be presumed that the Executive is indisposed to give the information. This is not admissible. Are the House disposed to act upon this subject without information? Neither was this admissible. For these reasons, in his opinion, the resolution ought to be agreed to.
Mr. Randolph was averse to going into a committee of the whole house on the state of the Union, if it were understood that the resolution of the gentleman from Connecticut was to be taken up. It was not very material to him in what way the house signified their dissent to the measure. But preferring that which was least circuitous he hoped they would refuse to take it up in committee. Much pains having been taken to impress a belief that the president had communicated to the house a fact of which he possessed no official information, Mr. R. begged the house to recollect that the tortured ingenuity of gentlemen had been unable fairly to infer the fact from the Executive communications; nor could it be implied from a refusal to concur in the proposed resolution. His opposition to it grew out of the resolution itself. It conveys the suspicion that Spain has ceded Louisiana to France indefinitely.—Hereby giving to France some color of claim to the countries formerly comprised under that appellation; or that she has made the cession by limits incompatible with her engagements to us: and that in either case our right to the navigation of the Mississippi may have been impaired. For if you suppose in this transfer of her property that Spain has paid due regard to her stipulations with us, the resolution ceases to have an object. Now, Sir, wherefore
cast this imputation on Spain?—especially at this crisis when, as I am informed from a respectable source, one of the first characters in the union is recently nominated minister to that court, for the purpose of adjusting all differences on this subject.
I should have supposed another reason would have deterred the gentleman from persisting in this call. That gentleman and his friends had recorded on the journals of this house their solemn determination, however sensibly they might feel the injuries inflicted on the rights and interests of these states, to refuse all co-operation in the support of those rights and interests so long as the direction of the government should be retained by those who now possess it. For after having expressed their disapprobation of that clause in a resolution lately adopted by the house to assert our rights of limits and of navigation through the Mississippi, objecting to no other part of it, they had, nevertheless, refused to give their assent to it because of this objectionable passage. There was a time, Sir, when such conduct would have been denounced by a portion of this house as the essence of Jacobinism and disorganization. Mr. R. concluded by laying that he thought it unwise at this time, in the very cradle of the negotiation, to throw out insinuations which would have a tendency to irritate or dilux the Spanish court.
Mr. Griswold did not expect that the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) in the face of the knowledge of every gentleman on the floor, who was in secret committee, in the face of the public Journal, would have made a representation of proceedings, such as the House had just heard. Have we given our votes against those measures which the violated rights of the country require? Have we given them to that effect? He appealed to the Journal. It would there appear what had been done in secret committee; and that would contradict the misrepresentation of the gentleman.
Upon that resolution, which the gentleman from Virginia had emphatically called his resolution, several votes had been taken. On motion was made to expunge these words:
"And relying with perfect confidence on the vigilance and wisdom of the Executive, they will wait the issue of such measures as that department of the government shall have pursued for asserting the rights and vindicating the injuries of the United States."
This motion did not prevail. But, said Mr. Griswold, I voted for it for two reasons; first, because I could not express a confidence which I did not feel; and secondly, because I was not willing that we should pledge ourselves to that, which would leave every thing in the hands of the Executive, and prevent us from doing any thing. I thought that we ought to do something; that we should at least prepare for an event which might arise that might acquire the whole energies of the government. I was, therefore, not willing to pledge ourselves to wait the issue of the Executive measures.
There was another vote on a part of the resolution, in these words:
"Holding it to be their duty, at the same time, to express their unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries, and the rights of navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi, as established by existing treaties."
How did we vote on this part? Did we vote as the gentleman represents? Did we refuse to pledge ourselves to this? No—the vote was unanimous; and every gentleman so far stands pledged.
The only points on which we differed were as to the expression of confidence in the executive, which we did not feel; and our pledging ourselves not to take any legislative measures, when we thought we ought to take them. There was one description of gentlemen, who had full unlimited confidence in the Executive, that they were disposed to leave every thing to him; and who were ready to tie their own hands from all interference; there was another description of gentlemen, who did not feel this confidence and were themselves ready to do that which they thought proper. Now, with what face can the gentleman charge us with an indisposition to do any thing I do not know. This is truly astonishing when the recollection of every gentleman must be fresh, and when the Journals will contradict him in his endeavours to throw such unmerited aspersions upon the characters of those who voted with him (Mr. Griswold)
As to the objection that this resolution was calculated to irritate the court of Spain, he did not understand it. What was there in it that could irritate either Spain or France? (Mr. Griswold here read his resolution.) Is there a single word contained in it, calculated to irritate or to impede that negotiation which the gentleman from Virginia has, told us is about to be commenced at this late period, when more than a year has elapsed since the cession? Not a word. Indeed, if any legislative measures shall be found to be necessary, this they are calculated to accelerate the negotiations. If the measures of the legislature exhibit a preparation for the most disagreeable events, it will accelerate negotiation.
This every man acquainted with human nature knows. But an appearance of weakness, and a perfect silence on the part of that department of government invested with the most important duties, will impede successful negotiation, and deprive the negotiator of the most forcible arguments in his power to urge.
Mr. S. Smith said, it would be recollected that on the first day the resolution of the gentleman from Connecticut was offered, it struck him as improper, and that it was at his instance it had been ordered to lie on the table. The more he had considered the nature of that resolution, the more averse to it had he become. So far from his original dislike to it having been removed by the arguments advanced, it had been confirmed; and particularly by what had fallen from the gentleman from Virginia. The gentleman from Connecticut does not perceive, or is unwilling to acknowledge that there is any thing in his resolution that implies unfairness on the part of Spain, or that derogates from the honour of her character; but let him read the resolution. (Mr. Smith then read as follows: "That the President be requested to direct the proper officer to lay before this house copies of such official documents as have been received by this government, announcing the cession of Louisiana to France, together with a report, explaining the stipulations, circumstances and conditions, under which the province is to be delivered up.")
Does not the gentleman who drew this resolution seem to believe, from the express words of it, that the conduct of Spain has been unfair, and that she may have adopted measures derogatory to her character and honour? Shall we send a minister, hampered by such a resolution?
Let the gentleman recollect the conduct of this house on a similar occasion. When an order of the British court issued to seize all American vessels, wherever found, certain spirited resolutions were proposed in that house, to shew the dissatisfaction of the government at this unjust measure, and its disposition, if necessary, to resist it. The gentleman will recollect, that at that crisis, depending those very resolutions, a minister was appointed. Did not the gentleman's friends immediately state the impropriety of passing those resolutions? The fact was, that gentlemen on both sides felt the force of the suggestion, and the resolutions were withdrawn. Mr. Smith shot it wise, prudent, and proper, to pursue on this occasion the same course. He could conceive of no good end which could be answered by the resolution. Is the gentleman really in earnest in his enquiries at this time; and if the effect of his resolution should be to shew that the stipulations are injurious to our rights, would he know how to act? He would be for acting spiritedly, no doubt. And yet at this very moment, when he professed such a declaration, he declares to the world, that he has no confidence in the Executive, who is now pursuing the proper measures. I cannot, therefore, said Mr. Smith, conceive the gentleman in earnest after the vote which he and his friends have given of a want of confidence in the Executive. I cannot conceive their conduct as intended to promote the real interests of their country; but as calculated to bring the country into a situation from which it cannot withdraw, without pursuing measures attended with expense and blood.
Mr. Randolph. I trust neither this house nor the American people can be deceived as to this transaction. What I have stated the journals confirm, and I should call for the reading of them, if I were not informed by the clerk that they were at the printers. A resolution passed at this house, expressing its disposition to assert the rights of the United States, in relation to their established limits, and to the navigation of the Mississippi. That resolution contained an expression of confidence in the Executive. Gentlemen moved to strike it out and failed. In every other part they concurred, separately and distinctly. But to the whole they gave their negative. What is the inference?—That they will not assert our rights, because they have no confidence in the Executive. Liken this to a bill:—a clause is moved to be stricken out: it is retained. Those who object to that clause, vote against the final passage of the bill. It is nevertheless carried—it becomes law. Are not those who voted against it fairly to be considered as enemies to the law? So have I a right to enumerate that gentleman, and his friends, opponents to the measure which I submitted to the house. And yet, Sir, although I stated every fact mentioned by the gentleman himself, (Mr. Griswold) except the final vote, which he took care to keep out of sight; although I mentioned expressly their concurrence in every other part of the resolution, it is asked with what face I can make such a statement in the teeth of your journals? Sir, let me tell that gentlemen, not with the face of a prevaricator, but with the face of a man of honor and a gentleman; not with the face of one using terms intended to convey more than meets the ear, with a view of explaining them away when convenient; not with the design of simulating what I do not believe, or of disseminating my real purpose.
The house will recollect, Sir, that in committee, the objection of the gentleman from Connecticut was confined solely to the expression of confidence in the Executive, there was then no reason to believe that there was any other. After protesting against this expression, and suffering it even to prevent his concurrence in any measures for the common good, he came forward with another resolution, whether to benefit that cause which he has refused to espouse, or to diminish that confidence which appears so much to have disturbed him, I leave the house to determine.
But Louisiana is ceded to France:—'Tis so. Of this fact we have official information. But let it be remembered, that it is yet in the hands of Spain. The injury which we have received is from officers of that crown. The reparation is to be demanded from the same quarter. Now what has the information desired by gentlemen to do with any such negotiation?
When France shall have taken possession of this province, when she shall have made pretensions inconsistent with our honor, or with our rights in that quarter, then will it be time enough to take up this subject. This is a train fashion, which, if it ever does take place, must pass under the immediate cognizance and control of this house. Let gentlemen recollect, that the treaty of cession is of an old date, and that Louisiana is, notwithstanding, still in the possession of Spain. Shall we then suggest to France our expectation that she will set up a claim inconsistent with our rights, that she may have received a colourable pretence for violating them? Shall we thereby invite her aggression? In whatever hands this country may be eventually placed, or by whomsoever our rights may be invaded, I doubt not a disposition will always be found to defend them. But it is with the actual possession that we must negotiate, it is from them we must demand redress, and not from any nation who may possess a reversionary right to the province of Louisiana.
Mr. Bacon said there was one question before the House, and they were debating upon another, in an animated manner and on an extensive scale before they came to it. It would be recollected, he hoped, that this question was not then before the House. To what point therefore could these discussions tend? He was for going into a committee of the whole, and meeting the resolution face to face.
Mr. Dana. The observations of the gentleman from Massachusetts would be correct, were it not for the objections made to the resolution. That question is therefore fairly before the House, and the real point is whether the House will or will not adopt the resolution requesting information. To adopting this resolution one objection is urged by the gentleman from Virginia, and endorsed by the gentleman from Maryland. This resolution, say they, may irritate the court of Spain and this will be improper. One gentleman has said, the language of propriety is uniform and consistent. Let gentlemen look then at the resolution, long since offered by the gentleman from Virginia requesting papers in relation to a violation of compact on the part of Spain in the late proceedings at New-Orleans. Let me ask, is there any thing in this, calculated to gratify the courtly delicacy of a Castilian? Here Spain is explicitly charged with a violation of her engagement with us—Look at the resolution that took its birth in secret committee, and which might be termed the offspring of the intellectual energies of the gentleman from Virginia. It is "willing to ascribe this breach of compact to the unauthorised misconduct of certain individuals, rather than to a want of good faith on the part of his Catholic majesty."—If this were not the style of direct complaint, it was at least harsh, and no wile courtly.—Look now at the resolution proposed by my colleague. Compare them; and if there is not a resolution in the force of language as well as in other things, say if the language of my colleague's resolution is not that of civility, moderation, and even flattery, compared with the language of the other two?
[Mr. Dana have read Mr. Griswold's resolution.]
What is there here that implicates the character of Spain? If there is any fault in mentioning the cession; if that is calculated to irritate Spain, the fault lies with the President; for he first mentioned it.
This argument then must be abandoned. There is nothing in this resolution that can impede negotiation. It is not my intention that this House should take any measure to impede, but that she should take measures to give additional force to negotiation. If I understand what will give most efficacy to executive negotiations, it is when the world are assured that this House will support the President in all proper and necessary measures for vindicating our rights. But, say the gentlemen, is it possible that we can be for vindicating the rights of the nation, at the same time that we show no confidence in the executive? It is true we could not agree with gentlemen in their terms when they avowed "a perfect confidence in the vigilance and wisdom of the executive." The gentleman

from Virginia represented this as the theory of the government. We could not agree with him. We voted for striking this out. It is unnecessary to mention our motives for this in detail. This might be repugnant. What I "relying with perfect confidence in the executive" is this the language of the constitution; as it respects any man? The resolution does not limit the confidence reposed to any degree, but ascribes a perception of wisdom and vigor, which ought not to be reposed in any being subject to the ordinary frailties of human nature. Besides, there is an expression of confidence resulting from the constitutional powers of the executive, which may be correct. But it will be recollected that the powers of the executive are not competent to ulterior measures. He has only the power of negotiation—he has no other. Though he may prevent an aggression by employing force, he cannot enforce compensation for injuries received. It was therefore, improper to agree to a resolution that pledged ourselves to abstain from doing any thing.
The solution to the case with Great Britain was not correct. Will it be said that less success attended the measures of our negotiation than because the House manifested a disposition to adopt spirited measures? Or that there were in that case no measures adopted? Measures were adopted. But here not a single measure had been.
Mr. Randolph said it was extremely painful to him to be obliged to explain what appeared to him almost self-evident. The journals have been quoted, Sir, to show that I have cast an imputation on the Spanish court more injurious than that contained in the resolution of the gentleman from Connecticut. I am perfectly willing that the decision of the question before us, should depend upon that fact. The resolution, Sir, which I had the honor to submit to you, spoke of a fact notorious to the whole world, of a breach of compact—of a violation of treaty, on the part of Spain, which could neither be denied nor justified. It contained an inquiry into this circumstance—and information having been received respecting it, was followed by a declaration of our willingness to ascribe it to the unauthorized misconduct of their agents rather than to the court of Spain. On the contrary, the resolution of the gentleman from Connecticut implies a less highly dishonorable to the Spanish nation: That the Government, and not subordinate, unauthorized persons, have, secretly, entered into stipulations repugnant to their engagements with us—put the case between two individuals: Suppose a gentleman of this house to receive an injury from either of the gentlemen from Connecticut—in an open and manly manner he speaks of this injury, in undignified terms of resentment: He enquires into it, having found that it was the act of a subordinate agent, and no proof being exhibited that it was at the instigation of the principal, he frankly says—There is a violation on your part of your engagements with me, but I am willing to ascribe it to the unauthorized misconduct of your agent. On the contrary, suppose him to insinuate strongly, that his opponent has, covertly, taken steps to injure him by treacherously entering into engagements incompatible with those previously made with him—Sir, that honor which would feel itself wounded by the first of these proceedings, whilst it was insensible to the other, is very little alluded to the Castilian.
But it seems, Sir, that this unfortunate resolution betrays an ignorance of the distribution of the powers of our government as to clothe the executive with an authority not only not devolved upon it by the constitution, but which is the peculiar province of this and the other branch of the legislature. The gentleman (Mr. Dana) denies the power of the executive to redress injuries received from foreign nations. The resolution, however, speaks only of a disposition to redress those injuries. But let us examine into the fact. Have I indeed so far mistaken, and contrary to my own avowed principles, am I disposed to augment the executive powers at the expense of the other departments of the government? Suppose, on the representation of the executive to the court of Spain, that court, which is more than probable, should restore the rights of navigation and deposit, disavow the conduct of their officers in violating those rights, and, moreover, punish them for it? Would any person deny that, through the agency of the executive, constitutionally exercised, the injury was redressed? There were other criticisms of the gentlemen which I well remember, and to which he seems willing to call the recollection of the House. They were chiefly of a verbal nature. The gentleman objected to the expression "vindictive injuries," which he contended implied the justifying, and not the redressing of them. I could only reply, that I had been in the habit of hearing that word used in the sense in which I applied it, as well as in that contended for by the gentleman: That the meaning of terms in our copious and flexible language should not be settled by provincial acceptance; and that by the only authority then accessible to us (knowing
the disposition of the gentleman to bow to authority) it was decided, that the word vindictive extended as well to the avenging of an injury as to the assertion of a right. I am, however, willing to confess that I have never attended to the technical structure of language with a precision so minute as that of the gentleman from Connecticut; and if the House are again to go to school to become acquainted with it, if again we are to be subjected to the lash of the pedagogue, no man shall have my vote for that office so soon as the gentleman from Connecticut.
When the resolution which I submitted to you was under consideration, I did defend the expression, contained in it, "confidence in the executive, on the theory of our government. I am still ready to defend it on the same principle. By the constitution of the United States the executive is the representative of the United States to foreign nations. It is furnished with organs by which to receive their propositions and to communicate our own. The constitution, therefore, presumes that to this department may be entirely confided our negotiations with foreign states. To this house is given the sole power to originate money bills, and the constitution supposes that a perfect reliance may be had upon it for executing this all-important trust. On the Senate, in like manner, is devolved the right of trying impeachments, and perfect confidence is placed in the wisdom and justice of their decision. The same confidence is reposed in the executive with respect to exterior relations. Without advertising, therefore, to the character of the individual, we had the same right to presume that the constituted authority would take the proper steps in relation to his department that he has to presume that we will raise the necessary revenue and pass the proper laws. Until then it could be shown that some specific act of the executive had rendered that department unworthy of our confidence, we might, consistently express it. And even if proof of such misconduct could be established, it would not alter the theory of the constitution, however the individual might be affected by it. For your constitution, Sir, is not of that precarious nature which depends on the fluctuating characters of particular men. Mr. R. concluded by declaring his reluctance, then increased by indisposition, to be so frequently called upon the floor, but he felt himself in honor bound to defend a motion made by himself, and which had called forth such repeated animadversions from the other side of the house.
WEDNESDAY, January 12, 1803.
Mr. Moore made a report on the petition of sundry inhabitants residing on French Broad Creek, declaring that the prayer of the petition could not be granted.
Agreed to. Mr. Greene moved a resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of repealing so much of the ordinance of the 13th July 1787 for the government of the territory north west of the Ohio, and of the act of Congress of the 7th of April 1798, as provides for the establishment of a court of justice and the appointment of judges by the government of the United States in the Mississippi territory.
Carried, and referred to the committee of the whole to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate, returning the bill making appropriations for the military establishment during the year 1803, with two amendments, making additional appropriations, the one of 2,000 dollars for maps, &c. and the other, 4,500 dollars for postage of letters to and from certain officers in the War Department.
Referred to a committee of the whole. Mr. Davis presented a petition from Abraham Stout, praying relief.
On the reference of this petition, a conversation took place, on the propriety and justice of making provision for persons wounded during the revolutionary war, notwithstanding the interference of the statute of limitations; this provision was warmly urged by Mr. Elmer, and supported by Messrs. Helms and Claiborne.
It was finally agreed that the petition should be referred to the committee of claims.
When Mr. Helms moved a resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of allowing pensions to persons labouring under existing disabilities from wounds received in the service of the United States, & not heretofore provided for—to report by bill or otherwise.
Carried, and referred to a select committee of five.
Mr. Varnum presented to the House a map of Massachusetts, in two parts, which he had been requested to present by the Secretary of State of Massachusetts, agreeably to a resolution of that legislature of that date.
Mr. Varnum further stated that an additional copy had been presented for the use of the library of Congress, and another for the use of the Senate.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the Speaker was requested to acknowledge the receipt of the map.
The Speaker observed that, unless otherwise instructed, he should direct the map to be set up in a conspicuous part of the Chamber of the House.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the committee of Ways and Means on the petition of Hugh Alexander.
Mr. Varnum in the Chair. The report is favourable to the claim of the petitioner.
No objection having been made to the report, the committee rose and reported the resolution without amendment. The House immediately concurred, and ordered the committee of Ways and Means to bring in a bill.
The House then went into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee of Commerce and Manufactures on the petition of Henry Mellon. The committee, after some discussion, concurred in the report, which is favourable to the prayer of the petition, and rose; whereupon the House immediately agreed to the report of the committee of the whole and ordered a bill to be brought in.
Mr. S. Smith called for the clearing the galleries on the subject yesterday before the House; the galleries were accordingly cleared, and remained so for about ten minutes, when the House adjourned.
THURSDAY, January 13, 1803.
Mr. S. Smith offered a resolution instructing the committee of Ways and Means to enquire into the expediency of prolonging the period of payment of bonds given for duties by merchants of Portsmouth who may have been sufferers by the late fire at that place.
Mr. Smith submitted a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury to him as chairman of the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, stating, that if the prolongation depended upon him, he should be inclined to grant it—also enclosing a letter from the collector of the port of Portsmouth.
The resolution was immediately taken up and agreed to.
Mr. Dennis reported a bill to incorporate an Insurance Company in the City of Washington, which was twice read, and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Mr. Brent presented a petition from the mayor and commonality of Alexandria, stating the having incurred considerable expenses, viz. 1017 dollars in carrying into effect the quarantine laws of Virginia, which, before the cession of the district of Columbia was defrayed by Virginia, and praying to be reimbursed by Congress, and also for the passage by Congress of an adequate quarantine law.
Referred to the committee of Claims.
The House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. Dawson in the chair—on the amendments from the Senate to the bill making appropriations for the military establishment for the year 1803; the amendment appropriating 2,000 dollars for maps, &c. was agreed to.
On the other amendment, appropriating 4,500 dollars for the postage of letters, a conversation of considerable length took place, on the mode of making provision for the transmission of letters by several subordinate officers in the war department. It was ultimately carried that the committee should rise. The committee accordingly rose. The house refused their leave to sit again, and recommitted the amendment to the committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. Randolph, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for the relief of Hugh Alexander and others, which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. Newton made a report, from the committee on the Bankrupt Law, that it was not expedient to repeal the Bankrupt Law.
Mr. Smilie asked if the report were final.
Mr. Bayard observed that if the report were in part, it might be received; but if final, it could not. He therefore moved that it should be recommitted to the same committee who brought in the report.
Mr. Newton replied, that it had been the opinion of the committee, that it would be best in the first instance to have decided by the House the main question of repeal, before any efforts were made to amend it.
Mr. Dawson moved to strike out the word not—This motion was declared not in order, as it had not been yet determined to take up the resolution.
The House agreed to take up the resolution.
Mr. John C. Smith moved its recommittal to the committee who brought it in.
Mr. Randolph spoke on the merits of the main question of the repeal, and aligned reasons in favor of a repeal.
Mr. Bayard moved an instruction to the select committee, to enquire, whether any, and what amendments are necessary in the Bankrupt Law.
Mr. Bayard also replied at considerable length to the arguments of Mr. Randolph.
Messrs. S. Smith, Bacon, and other gentlemen, considered all debate on the merits of the question premature.
Some gentlemen, originally hostile to the principles of a bankrupt law, declared
themselves, under existing circumstances, against a repeal, particularly as the law was limited to five years.
In the course of the debate, Mr. S. Smith defended the general principle of the Bankrupt law; and Mr. Varnum spoke against its operation; and in favor of a repeal.
A reference of the resolution to a committee of the whole was finally carried.
When Mr. Randolph moved that it be made the order of the day for Monday next.
Mr. Mitchell moved that it should be the order of the day for Monday fortnight.
This motion was supported by Mr. Eustis and Thatcher, and carried: Ayes 30; Nays 29.
WASHINGTON CITY
FRIDAY, January 14, 1803.
The King of Spain has been pleased to confer on the Chevalier D'YRUJO, His Catholic Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near the United States, the title of Count for himself, his children, heirs, and successors, under the denomination of Marquis de Cala Yrujo.
12th January, 1803.
At a meeting of the committee appointed by the citizens of the county of Washington, who met on the 7th inst. it was
Resolved, that the sense of this committee, that it is expedient that a convention be authorized by Congress, for establishing a government for the Territory of Columbia; it seemed advisable by the said convention.
Resolved, That it is expedient, that a redress of such grievances as at present exist, and require immediate remedy, be asked of Congress.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare a memorial to Congress on the subject of the foregoing resolutions.
Ordered, That the above be published.
ROBERT BRENT, Chairman.
An act supplementary to the act entitled, "An act to regulate weights and measures."
Sec. 1. BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That to carry into effect the objects of the act entitled, "An act to regulate weights and measures" the further sum of one hundred dollars shall be and is hereby appropriated.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That the scale of weights and measures shall have time until the first day of March next to rectify and brand weights and measures, and he shall not until after the said first day of March enter into shops or other places to examine weights and measures; nor shall any person incur any fine or penalty under the act to which this is a supplement until after the said day, anything therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding.
JAMES BARRY, President of the First Chamber of the City Council of Washington.
DANL. CARROLL of Dudn. President of the Second Chamber of the City Council of Washington. Approved, January 10th, 1803.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the City of Washington. True Copy, Test,
THOMAS HERTY, Reg.
Annapolis, 7th January 1803.
This day the bill to alter, change and abolish such parts of the constitution, and form of government as relate to the establishing a general court and court of appeals, was read the second time, agreeably to the order of the day, and the question put that the said bill do pass.
The yeas and nays being required, appeared as follows:
Affirmative.
Messrs. Angier, Hatchison, Frisby Moore, Stanbury, Love, Lemmon, Lloyd, Rols, Sheredine, Miller, Alexander, Veasey, Bowie, Wood, Van Horn, Carr, Thompson, Neilson, Hawkins, Montgomery, Harwood, E. Davis, Lyttle, Orell, Hardecastle, Dixon, Keilluer, Smith, Tilghman, Bayard, Simkins Crap—33.
Negative.
Messrs. W. Neale, P. Miley, Harwood, Merricken, Hall, Blake, Graham, Summersville, Bourne, P. Stuart, Jones, Chapman, M'Pherson, Dathell, Cottom, Hyland, Goldsborough, S. Fraser, E.ene, Steele, Quinn, Ridgely, Quinton, Purnell, Willson, Kemp, Purvis, Sweetman, T. Davis, Selby, Veach, Tomlinson—32.
So it was resolved in the affirmative by a majority of one vote.
Foreign Intelligence.
HAGUE, November 7.
The following is the substance of letters dated the 1st. which have just arrived from Berne, Zurich, and Basle: "Two French Generals are to direct the operations in the Canton. The General in Chief Ney, is to confine himself to the western; Gen. Serras to the eastern.—Gen. Ferras has established his head-quarters at Zurich."
"On the 29th ult., a battalion of French Infantry arrived unexpectedly at Zurich; and the 13th regiment of horse chassurs. On the next day, and on the 31st, several more French battalions of the 37th, 42d, and 16th demi-brigades arrived; a part of those troops are destined to form a garrison of Zurich; the remainder have passed through that city on their march to Schwitz, Glarus, St. Gall, Frauenfeld, Zug, and other places."
"On the 21st Gen. Ney arrived at Zurich to confer on measures with Gen. Serras."
"In consequence of an intimation from the French General, the provisional Government was obliged to dissolve itself on the 30th, as well as all the administrative and judicial authorities which had been recently established in the canton. The Constitutional authorities have refused their functions. Before the Provincial Government itself, they addressed a Proclamation to the inhabitants of the city and country parts, assuring them, "that they yielded only to force of arms, and that they reserve to themselves, by a solemn protest to Switzerland in general and to the Canton of Zurich in particular, the right of establishing a constitution adapted to their interest; a right which the treaty of Lunéville had formerly insured to them."
"A courier extraordinary which arrived at Basle, Berne, and Munich, on the first inst. brings the important news, that the Diet of Schwitz at length dissolved itself on the 28th of last month. But they previously published a protest couched in the same bold and manly terms which have been remarked in all their preceding proclamations."
"General Bachmann, who is also at Schwitz, has, on his side, sent a circular letter to all the chiefs of the confederated troops who are still in the field, enjoining them to disband their troops and to return to their homes. As soon as this order was published on the banks of the Rhine, the army which was posted there dispersed, and began to march to the different cantons of eastern Switzerland."
"It is asserted, that the cantons of Uri and Unterwald have been occupied by French troops from the Valais who passed the Furka and the Grimel, and that a corps of French and Italian troops several thousand strong, have entered Valterline and the Grisons, to re-establish order and tranquility. The town of Solleure is occupied by 570 French and Helvetic troops."
Such is the latest intelligence from Switzerland. Basle, Antwerp, and Ghent expect a consular visit before the end of this month. Fresh orders have been issued, and the Prefect of the department of the Scheidt has even taken a tour for the purpose of adopting measures to prevent the introduction of British merchandise from the coast of Dutch Flanders.
The corporation of Dublin is pursuing active measures for checking rebellion in its source. On November 5th, a meeting of the lord mayor, aldermen and common council, was held, to consider a charge against an alderman for drinking as a toast "James Napper Tandy, general of division, and success to his men." The opinions of the Recorder and Attorney General, that the crime was punishable by indictment, were read. The Alderman attended, and offered full submission and ample apology for his rebellious conduct. The matter is not, however, at an end.
ADVERTISEMENT.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber has obtained from the Orphans Court of Calvert County in the State of Maryland, letters testamentary on the personal estate of capt. ROBERT GAYER, late of Calvert County, deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the eighth of July next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefits of the said estate. Given under my hand this 8th day of January, 1803.
MARY COVER, Executrix. Jan. 14. rwyg
The subscriber intends to decline business, and offers for sale those two beds and bins north eastward of the War Office, with a number of wheelbarrows moulding tables, boards, &c. complete for carrying on the brickmaking extensively—ALSO, at the same place may be had 260,000 bricks, notes negotiable at the office of Discount and Deposit Washington will be taken in payment.
All persons having claims of any description against the subscriber will please to call and receive payment, and the above mentioned are particularly requested to come forward and pay up their respective accounts on or before the first day of February next, as no further indulgence will be given.
TIMOTHY CALDWELL. Dec. 31. 27.

[Concluded.] Leave Sullivan ch, every Friday at 6 A M, arrive at Knoxville next Monday by 10 A M—Leave Knoxville every Monday at 2 P M, arrive at Sullivan ch, next Thursday by 6 P M. 93. From Orrville by Powell Valley Robinsons Mills, at the foot of Cumberland Mountain, Hazel patch, Richmond and Jefferson ch; to Lexington once a week—Leave Orrville every Saturday noon, arrive at Lexington the next Tuesday by 6 P M—Leave Lexington every Tuesday at 4 A M, arrive at Orrville the next Saturday 7 A M— 94. From Knoxville by Scierville to Newport once a week—Leave Knoxville every Saturday at 6 A M, arrive at Newport Sunday by noon—Leave Newport every Thursday at noon, arrive at Knoxville on Friday by 6 P M. 95. From Knoxville to Maryville once a week—Leave Knoxville every Saturday at 6 A M, arrive at Maryville by 11 A M—Leave Maryville every Saturday at 1 P M, arrive at Knoxville by 6 P M. 96. From Knoxville by Campbells Station, South West Point, Fort Blount, Dicks Springs, Grafton and Hendersonville to Nashville once a week—Leave Knoxville every Friday at 2 P M, arrive at Nashville on Monday by 8 P M—Leave Nashville every Monday at 5 A M, arrive at Knoxville on Friday by 10 A M. 97. From Springfield by Port Royal and Clarksville to Palmyra once a week—Leave Springfield every Saturday at 6 A M, arrive at Palmyra by 4 P M—Leave Palmyra every Saturday at 8 A M, and arrive at Springfield next day by 7 P M.
NOTES
 The Post-master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.  Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.  For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails delivered for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.  Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument and for what sum without that emolument.  Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.  Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of February, May, August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.  No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.  Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.  The Post-master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.  The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next; and are to continue in force for one year from that time. 
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-master General.
General Post-Office, Washington City, Nov. 5, 1802. ept15
FOR SALE OR RENT,
THAT elegant three story BRICK HOUSE, on the corner of Falls & Frederick street in George Town, lately occupied by Mr. Picciani.
Likewise,
THE two well finished three story BRICK HOUSES, adjoining that occupied by Mr. Samuel H. Smith, Printer, on the Pennsylvania Avenue, east of the centre Market House, City of Washington—Apply to GEORGE T. THOMPSON, George Town. Geo. Town, Oct. 20. tf.
The George Town and Annapolis STAGE,
WILL commence on the first Monday in October next to run three times a week; leave Annapolis every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, and return from George Town every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday—Fare and allowance as usual.
JOSEPH SEMMES, JOHN SMITH.
This is intended to accommodate such gentlemen and ladies as are going to and from Frederick and Hager's Town. October 12th, 1802. tf.
By Authority.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY For completing St. AUGUSTINE'S CHURCH in the City of Philadelphia.  THE LAST CLASS.    1 Prize of Six Thousand dollars, 6,000   1 two Thousand, 2,000   1 one Thousand, 1,000   4 five Hundred, 2,000   5 two Hundred, 1,000   15 one Hundred, 1,500   20 fifty, 1,000   25 twenty, 500   3000 six Dollars, 18,000   1st drawn number on the 1st day, 500   1 20th. 500   1 30th. 1,000   1 35th. 1,000   1st drawn number on the last day, when only five hundred tickets shall be in the Wheel, 4,000 
3,077 Prizes. Dols. 40,000 4,923 Blanks.  8,000 Tickets at Five Dollars, is 40,000 [7] Less than 1 2-4 Blanks to a Prize—Subject to a deduction of fifteen per centum. The public are respectfully informed, that the Tickets of this Lottery will be offered for Sale at the original price of Five Dollars until the first day of February next, when such of them as may remain, are to be delivered to a company of gentlemen of this city, by whom they have been purchased. The drawing will commence at the State House in this City, on the first Monday in May next; or sooner, if the sales of the Tickets should warrant it; and continue till finally completed; thirty days after which, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers—Such as shall not be demanded within twelve months will be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the Church. From the punctuality and good faith observed in the management of the former classes, and the great advantages of the present Scheme, in which there are not one blank and two thirds to a prize, the managers entertain the fullest confidence that the Tickets will meet with a rapid sale.
M. CARR, Secretary.
N. B. The tickets are now for sale by Patrick Byrne, No. 72, } Chesnut Mai. McConnell, No. 82. } Street. Geo. Taylor, Fur. No. 67. } Letters addressed to either of the above for Tickets, post paid, and inclosing the cash, will be duly attended to. Philadel. Nov. 25. Dec. 21.—tawam
Members of Congress, Travellers, and those gentlemen whose business call them to the City of Washington, are respectfully informed that the subscriber has established the  UNION TAVERN THE WASHINGTON HOTEL, On Pennsylvania Avenue, first house east of the President's, and one mile from the Capitol.
THERE is a pavement all the way, and the accommodations are equal to any in the United States, having thirty rooms fitted up in an elegant manner. Also, a large Coffee Room, 34 feet by 22—and a room over the same, now finishing, convenient for the reception of any public meeting, with a pleasant view of the Potomac and the surrounding country. All the principal newspapers in the Union are taken and regularly filed. WILLIAM LOVELL.
N. E.—To Let, a coach and single horse empha. Nov. 26. 3m.
Wanted to Hire, During the Session of Congress, A GOOD COOK, To whom liberal wages will be given—Enquire of the Printer. Jan. 12. 3m.
FOR SALE, Or would be exchanged for a woman house servant that does not breed, A likely NEGRO WOMAN & CHILD—The Child a boy two years old, the mother has been chiefly used to house service, and is an excellent washerwoman. The present owner has no need for parting with her except her breeding, which is inconvenient in a family—Enquire of the Printer. Nov. 29. tf.
TO LET, And be entered upon immediately, three well finished BRICK HOUSES, NEARLY opposite Morin's Tavern, on Twelfth street very near Pennsylvania Avenue, built for the WASHINGTON BUILDING COMPANY. The Houses will be rented on very reasonable terms. Apply to THOMAS CARPENTER near the President's Square. eptf. Dec. 18.
Henry Cassaway, & Co. Bridge street, a few doors above the Union Tavern, George Town, has just received an extensive assortment of Dry Goods, consisting of— Superior cloths and calicoes, Chintzes and calicoes, flannels, Cotton tassels fringes, Second do. do. Cotton worsted and Fashionable fancy cord, milled hosiery, and velveteens, Muffs and cippets, Coatings & half thick, Shoes, Fashionable Lace clock, Fashionable tambour'd silk hose, mouselin, Fine flannel flannel, Cambric mouselin, Diaper table cloths and Linen cambricks, Towelling, Federal bed ticking, Irish, German, Plain Flanders, ditto, drows and Ruffles, Shawls, waistcoats of Fashonable lace clock, robe and striped cotton hose, blankets, ditto-piles and platill- Hats, les, Bed Lace. And a number of other articles too tedious to mention, all of which will be sold very low for cash. Jan. 5. xm
I will sell on very reasonable terms, the following squares in the City of Washington, or either of them, viz. no. 253, 437, 438, 439 and 440 of 439. The titles will be such as to give entire satisfaction to the purchaser. By an examination of the plan of the city, the foregoing squares will be found most advantageously situated, both as to their convenience to navigation and their central situation. Application to be made to ROBERT BRENT in the city of Washington, or to the Subscriber near Picciani. NICOLAS YOUNG. Dec. 31. ept3M-
The Little Cottage. SPRING GARDEN & ICE CREAM HOUSE, Near Dr. CUNNINGHAM's brewery. ANDREW J. VILLARD returns his sincere thanks to the Ladies and Gentlemen of the city of Washington and George Town, for the encouragement he has received since he has opened his Spring Garden. Those who will honor him with their custom will be accommodated with a fine large room, well warmed, furnished with a variety of handsome pictures, models in architecture, and different games, such as the Rocks of Scilla, Back gammon, Domino, Checkers, &c. He flatters himself to merit the attention of the public, by keeping always the best of Liquors, Cordials, Sweet cakes, Macaroons and Ice Cream. His Ice Cream in future will be reduced to the price of twelve and an half cents per glass. Others cooked in any manner, or in fluids may be had now. A. I. VILLARD will execute any models in Architecture and in mechanism, and hopes by the neatness of his work to please those who will honor him with their orders—Different models of his own execution, in both kinds, may be seen any time at his house.
IMPORTANT DISCOVERY Of extracting pure, wholesome, and fresh water from the salt water of the Ocean, by means of evaporation and condensation—WITH a new and useful improvement in the carbocle of a vessel for working said machine without any additional expense for fuel, and supplies at sea a sufficiency of fresh water for the ship's use. Invented by GLEASON ROUSE, and by him assigned to JOHN LAMB, who has obtained a PATENT from the United States, signed by the President the first day of January 1803. Many gentlemen have examined the drawing and description of the said machine, and are firmly of opinion that it is of the utmost importance, and will be highly beneficial to all nations forever hereafter. It is understood the Patentee will shortly procure the machine (complete on board one of our National ships (or some other) for satisfactory experiment, when the terms of Vending will be made known and published in the several sea ports in the United States. The Inventor and Patentee are citizens of the State of New York. Printers (friendly to the public good) will publish the above if they please. Jan. 6. 6t.
T I M B E R
Wanted for cash on delivery. The Directors for building a Bridge over the Eastern Branch, at the City of Washington, will contract for timber of the following kinds and scantlings, viz: 80 pieces white oak 4 ft long to be 14 in. by 14 200 do do 42 8 by 10 400 do do 22 8 by 10 80 piles do 18 14 14 20 do do 20 14 14 20 do do 30 15 15 32 do do 28 14 14 40 do do 18 14 14 60 do do 40 15 15 35 do do 26 14 14 40 pcs. white } 38 12 12 or blk. oak } 80 do do 24 12 13 80 do do 12 12 13 480 pcs. w. oak 19 5 7 480 do do 12 5 7 The piles will be required square only 15 feet from the butts, and may taper to 10 inches square at the small end. The timber must be cut before the first of March, and delivered in April. Proposals for contracts will be received until the 25th day of January next. by WM. BRENT, Secy. Dec. 29. ept25J.
170,038 Acres of Land. THIS body of land, in one entire and inclusive survey, is offered for sale to any individual or company, who may incline to purchase for the purposes of settlement and emigration. It is situated in the State of Virginia, on the Great Kenawha River, Montgomery county, and is distinguished by the name of "The Great Bend of the Kenawha," being intersected by the Piney river, Great and Little Bluestone rivers, Coal river, and uyandot river, as also by numerous other creeks and waters, running into said rivers. Numerous mill-sites, inexhaustible bodies of coal, and great appearances of ores, metals, salt springs and salt licks, are to be found on this tract, besides which, sugar may be made thereon to any amount, the sugar treacand bouing in almost every part. For fertility of soil, growth of timber, fitness for cultivation, salubrity of climate, and natural advantages, this body of land stands unrivaled by any tract of equal quantity in Western America; it will be submitted for sale on an entire purchaser, until the first day of June next, on very advantageous terms; after which, it cannot be disposed of at any price the present proprietor being compelled to a division thereof. An indispensible title will be given, and for further particulars, as to terms of sale and payment, enquire of JOHN BECKLEY, Esq. Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States, at the city of Washington. November 1, 1802. tf
A LIST OF LETTERS, Remaining in the Post-office at Washington City on the 1st day of January, 1803. A Mr. Davis Apcur, Capt. Adlington, William Henry Allen. B Johnston Blakely, 2, Jacob Baur, I. B. Bond, Elzey Burroughs, Joshua Brody, Doctor William Baker, Samuel S. Brewer, Samuel Boots, John Boyce, Thomas Brakely, Laurence Brown, Martin Bull, Edward Bauld, Richard Butler, Capt. John Brackleton. C George W. P. Cullice, Esq. 2, John Coles, 3, William P. Cyme, 3, Thomas McLar Carroll, Michael Callico, Thomas Corle, H. Caloff, Charles Cooper, care of Robert Wright, Joseph Coffey, John Clifton, Benjamin Carpenter, Charles Cazeaux, Richard Carroll, James Carty, Zebulon Carpenter, Lieut. John H. Cox, Miss Peggy Cattenhead, Mrs. Cook. D Jeremiah Day, Jun. Patrick Deery, W. M. Duncanson, William Duley. E Major Ninian Edwards, Miss Margaret Eastwood, Pascal P. Eaos, Esq. George Eiling. F Nicholas Fikhugh, Daniel Franklin. G William Green, 2, John Gallagher, John Galafy, Thomas Glisson, James George Gardiner, Andrew Grant, Allen Jones Green. H William Harrington, Mr. Hankart, Capt. Charles Hyde, I. H. C. Heyneken, Samuel Hopkins, Benjamin Hill, Samuel Hurry, James Hicky. I William Johnston, 3, John Imson, Bentley Jones, Mrs. M. Jones, William G. Jenkes. K John Kidder, Thomas King, Mrs. Ann Kelly. L Jacob Lewis, Rev. Mr. Lyles, Messrs. Lear and Co. David Lenox, John Lee, William Lowrey, David Louring. M Doctor Mullet, James M'Cardle, Henry Malle, Esq. 2, John M'Gowan, John M'Gowen, Esq. John M'Gleen, William Magill, M. L. Maillard, James M'Bridge, Major Thomas Miller, Capt. S. Miller, Miss Margaret M'Clean, Reuben M'Comick, Francis Mitchell, Honorable John Marshall. N Robert Nesbitt, William P. Van Ness, Esq. Alexander Nelson, Mr. Nicholls, Miss Martha Nicholls, Mrs. Sulannah Nicholls, Mrs. Nicholls. O Mr. O'Conner, for Sebastian Duffy, John Owen, Major John O'Bannon, James Oglevie, Esq. William O'Neal. P John P. Bell, Augustus Parre, John H. Pettigrew, William Prout. Q William Quinlan. R Mrs. Rebecca Reeder, Francis Ricketts, Charles Rogers, John Ruhl, John Reath. S Robert Smith, John Shwenk, William Stewart 2, Captain A. Scott, John Calle Scott, Captain Campbell Smith, Adam Smith, John Stanger, Eldrid Simpkins, Charles Shoemaker, Mr. John W. Simmons, Thomas Sillick, David Slater, Morgan Sweeny. T Lieutenant Tubble, Mr. Tilton, Doctor William Turner, John Towne, William Tutt 2, John H. Tutt, George Washington Thomas, Richard S. Thomas, Monsr. Jean Baptit Thomas. W Brigadier General James Wilkinson 5, Ralph Way, Captain George Washington, Thomas Wilson, Reverend William Waters, Lieutenant Charles W. Wiltoncraft, Reverend David Wiley, Thomas H. Williams, Richard Wilton, James Wicketham, Hugh Wilton, George Wright, Tobias Watkins, Richard Williams.
TO RENT, After the last day of the present month. THE HOUSE now in the tenure of Doctor BULLUS, situated between the six and seven Buildings—it is calculated for a store & dwelling, it being a corner house, three stories high—ALSO, a good stable and coach house a well inclosed garden, &c. For terms, application may be made to the Subscriber, JOEL BROWN. Nov. 17. tf.
TO BE RENTED, And possession given the first day of January next—THE Houses and Farm that WILLIAM WALTER WILLIAMS now occupies on the road leading from Alexandria to Leesburg—the buildings are calculated for a store and tavern. It is about 20 miles from Alexandria, and about two miles above col. Culemans. For terms apply to the subscriber, living in Montgomery county Maryland, near the mouth of Seneca. HAR. LANE. December 29. ept4w.
I wish to Rent a Warehouse and Wharf on Square 472, and two Houses on Square 501. The wharf is situated in a central part of the City, most advantageous for the reception and sale of lumber, the Warehouse is a commed three story House with a garrat, the whole length of the house, it is conveniently divided for storing goods of any kind, and has several rooms with five pieces. The Houses on Square 501 consist of a brick house with a garden new palced in and a framed wood house near to it. The whole or any part of the above property will be let on reasonable terms. ROBERT BRENT. Jan 12. epaw
Doctor FENDALL, TAKES the liberty to intimate to the inhabitants of the City of Washington, George Town, and their vicinage, that he means to pay them a visit about the 15th of the month, to exercise his skill in the line of his profession. The Doctor's knowledge of the natural history of the human teeth—their adjacent parts, and the disorders to which they are subject, acquired by assiduous attention, unremitting study, and experience of an extensive and successful practice for upwards of twenty eight years, will, he hopes, entitle him to the confidence of all those who wish to employ him—He fondly flatters himself he is happy in his power to appeal without fear to such as have been his patients in the states of Maryland, Virginia, &c. for that degree of reputation which his conduct as a dentist has merited, and given him just claim to—the doctor hopes at least he is considered as entitled to the highest grade among those of his profession in this country. The Doctor will entreat here on his arrival, to offer to the public his Columbian anti scrobutic Dentifrice for preserving the teeth, gums, sockets, &c. a dentifrice infinitely superior (he thinks) both in elegance and efficacy, to any thing hitherto used for the teeth and gums. It renders the breath sweet and agreeable, is a powerful anti scrobutic, and free from any corrosive quality whatever—No family, and especially where there are children, should be without this excellent and valuable preparation, which doctor FENDALL avers to be productive not only of those effects and consequences as a sovereign Dentifrice and remedy for the disorders of the teeth and gums, but will also prevent them. This admirable dentifrice is still sold (only) by Doctor FENDALL at the moderate price of one dollar a pot with directions. Jan. 12. tf.
The Dey of Algiers. This beautiful notice Arabian Horse, IS NOW FOR SALE. The proof of his age and origin may be inspected, and the noble animal himself may be seen, by applying to Charles C. Jones at his farm, seven miles from this town: he is young, healthy and in fine spirits, and condition, and the trial of last season, (the only one he has stood in this part of the world) proves him a sure foal-getter. As to his form, let those judge who are inclined to purchase. The best judges have pronounced him perfect; his color is white; he is of full stature for his age, measuring exactly 14 hands 2 and an half inches. As, if not sold, he will be advertised to cover on the 1st February. I cannot receive propositions later than that day. JOHN MASON. George-Town December 22. 1802. ep4w
FOR SALE By Edgar Patterson, GEORGE TOWN.
BEST old London Particular Madeira Wine, Sherry, ditto, 4th proof Cognic Brandy, ditto, 1st Proof Bordeaux Ditto, Cherry Bounce, Wine and cyder Vinegars, Sugar House Molasses, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars of a very superior quality, East India, ditto, Hyslop, Young Hyslop & Hyslop skin Teas, Loaf, Lump and Brown Sugars, Green and white coffee, American Cheeses of superior quality, Raisins and Lemmons, Rice and Chocolate, Pearl and common Barley, Oat Meal and Sago, Spermaceti, Wax, and Tallow Candles, Brown Soap, by the box only, Demijohns, Liquor Casks, &c. &c. Dec. 23d. ept3w.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR. HAS received a very handsome assortment of goods, consisting of superfine cloths, cassimers and coatings of all colours. Patent water proof Cloths, Silk and woolen Molekins, Tailincates, velveteens, &c. of superior quality. From which, and an acquisition of the newest fashions and the best workmen, he can assure whatever commanded. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President Square, and New Jersey Avenue, about eight houses from Capitol square. Dec. 1, 1802. tf.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR. FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cassimers, Silk floratine, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Maritelles, Swandowns, Tolincates, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regiments and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol square. December 2, 1802. tf.
The Subscriber has for Sale, London particular Madeira Wine, in pipes and quarter casks; West-India Rum in hds. and barrels; Brown Sugar of excellent quality; and 55 bbls of Cargo Beef. WM. BRENT. Washington, Nov. 12. tf.