Alexandria advertiser and commercial intelligencer (Alexandria [Va.]), 1802-01-28 00:00:00

Alexandria Advertiser  AND COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCER.
Vol. 11.]
THURSDAY, JANUARY 26, 1802.
[No. 35.]
Sale by Auction.
On SATURDAY next,  At ten o'clock, will be sold at the Auction Room,  Rum in hhds. and bls. Sugar in do. Coffee in bags, Soap and Candles in boxes, Raisins in do. Starch in do. Tobacco in kegs, &c.—ALSO,  A quantity of Dry Goods, Viz.
Kendal Cottons,
Kerseys, Halfthicks, Plains, Plaids, Coatings, Duffils, Flannels, Irish and Sheeting Linens, German Osnaburgs, Calicoes, Durants, Shawls, Handkerchiefs, Ladies' Silk Gloves, Sewing Silks, Threads, &c. H. and T. MOORE, Auctioneers. Jan. 22.
Public Sale.
On FRIDAY ,  At ten o'clock, will be sold at the Vendue Store, 3d and 4th proof Antigua and Jamaica Rum in hhds. and bls. French Brandy in bls. Holland Gin in bls. Teneriffe Wine in casks, Cordials in bls. Sugar in hhds and bls. Molasses in hhds. Rice in tierces and bls. Soap in boxes, Queens and Earthen Ware in crates, handsomely assorted, 30 boxes Havanna Segars, Cotton in bales—on a credit.
ALSO, A variety of DRY GOODS.
—AMONG WHICH ARE— Broad and narrow Cloths, Flannels and Planes, Carpets and Carpeting. Irish and German Linens, Worsted and cotton Stockings, Calicoes and Ginghams, A variety of Mullin and Mullin Handkerchiefs and Shawls, Table Cloths, Hats, Boots and Shoes, Hardware, and A number of other articles. P. G. MARSTELLER, Vendue-Master. Jan. 26.
Public Sale.
On the 11th of February next  WILL BE SOLD,  On the Premises, A neat and convenient Store and Dwelling-House, on Prince-Street, near the corner of Royal-Street. The stand is equal to any in the Town, fronts on Prince-Street 15 feet 4 inches, and is in depth 78 feet, with the benefit of an alley; subject to a rent of Twenty Pounds. Terms, &c. will be made known previous to the sale. P. G. MARSTELLER, V. M. January 22.
Public Sale.
On FRIDAY next, will be sold at the Vendue Store, A NUMBER OF  ELEGANT PRINTS,  In Gift Frames, Consisting of Washington, Jefferson and other leading characters—Prints of Liberty, Columbus, Washington's Family, and others. Sure at dozen small Looking Glasses, &c. &c. P. G. MARSTELLER, Auctioneer. Jan. 27.
ROBBERY.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. THE subscribers' store was last night broke open and the following Cash and Goods taken therefrom, viz. About 100 dollars in cash, Cross-barred and striped coarse swansdown, 1 Piece of superfine brown cloth, 1 do. do. dark bottle green, 1 do. of dark brown superfine, 1 do. dark mixed brown superfine, 2 do. of blue fine cloth, 1 do. of dark mixture fine cloth, 3 do. lapet muslins, Of sprigged muslins a number—also dimities; camel hair shawls; brown, red and blue bandannoes; yellow flaggs and cinnamon silk shawls; a number of India book muslins; womens' blue and white worsted and cotton stockings, mens' fancy cotton stockings; a few pieces of Marseilles vest patterns and silk nankeen, together with a variety of other articles not particularly recollected. The above reward will be paid to any person for discovering the Cash and Goods and convicting the thief or thieves; or Fifty Dollars for all the Goods, or in proportion for any part of the Goods recovered.
It is hoped all well disposed persons will interest themselves in discovering and bringing to condign punishment the perpetrators of this daring attack upon the property of citizens. J. & M. SCHOLFIELD. January 2. d
Such Printers as are disposed to detect villainy are requested to insert the above.
SOAL LEATHER
And Mens' coarse Shoes, Just received a quantity, for sale by JOHN G. LADD. Dec. 19. d
For Charter.
THE SCHOONER  LUCY, Captain Snow, 90 Tons burthen, to Europe, or any port in the West-Indies—apply to the Master on board at Vowell's Wharf or to the subscribers. JANNEY & PATON. January 22. d
FOR CHARTER,
The Schooner  RACHAEL, Burthen about 86 tons.—Apply to Capt. Russell Stevens, or to KORN & WISEMILLER. January 7.
For Sale,
Antigua Rum by the hhd. Raisins by the box, Sugar by the barrel, Dates, fresh from the coast of Barbary,  With a variety of other  FRUITS and GROCERIES. ABEL WILLIS.  The HOPE will sail for Norfolk on Thursday next. Jan. 11. d
JUST PUBLISHED,
AND FOR SALE AT Cotton & Stewart's Book Store, ST. LEON: A Tale of the Sixteenth Century. By William Godwin. Two vols.—Price Two Dollars.  Also, for Sale, THE  PHILADELPHIA CARPENTERS' BOOK OF PRICES. Price 75 cents, stitched. Fraternal Discord; or the Writing Desk; Abbe de l'Epée, or the Orphan, and False Name, by Kotzebue. Jan. 9. d
FOR SALE,  An elegant GELDING.
Enquire of the Printers. January 26. d 3/2
JANNEY & PATON HAVE FOR SALE, 90 Pieces of Russia Duck, 30 Ravens do. 6 Chests of Souchong Tea, Havanna white & brown Sugars in boxes, West-India do. in hhds. and barrels, Coffee in bags and barrels, Holland Gin in barrels, Sweet Oil in boxes of 12 bottles each, Castile Soap in boxes, Shoes in boxes assorted, East-India Goods.  Also, The Cargo of the Schooner Lucy, captain Snow, consisting of 43 Tons Plaister of Paris, 40 Casks of Wine, 10 Barrels of Tanner's Oil, 115 Reams of Wrapping Paper, 40 Boxes of dipt Candles. January 22. d
The Inhabitants of Alexandria are respectfully informed, that  KENNEDY, CARVER & GILDER, of Baltimore, late from Philadelphia, is in this town, and will remain until Saturday—Such persons as wish to have their prints and looking glasses new framed, old looking glasses new polished and silvered (which will render them equal to new) old frames new gilt, gold letters or ornaments on glass, &c. will favor Kennedy by leaving their orders for him at Capt. Davidson's tavern, Prince street.
The advantages to be acquired by Kennedy's being here, are that the applicants will be made acquainted with the expence of the work (which will be as low as in Philadelphia) their orders received and executed correctly, their goods carefully packed, and they exonerated from the risk and expence of carriage. Jan. 27. d 3/2
FOR SALE,
At public Auction, on Wednesday the 10th of February next, on a credit of 60 days,  The Sloop Lively, Burthen 21 tons, in good order—a very handsome and fast sailing sloop, particularly well calculated for a Packet between this town and the City of Washington, or to run rock and white fish during the approaching season. H. and T. MOORE, Auctioneers. Jan. 27. eo
SECOND MEETING.
The Commissioners named and authorised in a commission of bankruptcy, against Andrew Ramsey and Wm. Ramsey, will attend at the Washington tavern in Alexandria, at three o'clock in the afternoon, on Thursday the 28th of January, 1802, in order to proceed on the said commission, at which meeting the said bankrupts are hereby required to attend to undergo their second examination, and such creditors as have not yet proved their debts, under the said commission, may then and there attend and prove the same, and the creditors who shall have proved their debts under the said commission, are required then and there to elect and appoint an assignee or assignees of the bankrupt's estate and effects under the said commission. By order of the Commissioners. HENRY MOORE, Secretary. Jan. 27.
NOTICE.
THE citizens of Alexandria, indebted to the editors of the WASHINGTON FEDERALIST, are requested to pay no debts of theirs to any person, except receiving their printed Receipts, Signed RIND & PRENTISS. Washington, January 27, 1802.
Extra Sheet.
PROPOSALS,
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION,  THE LIFE OF  JASON FAIRBANKS:  A NOVEL, FOUNDED ON FACT. WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF HIS TRIAL AND EXECUTION. By a Gentleman of Massachusetts.
Extract from the Preface.
IN recording the actions of those persons, whose lives are to be monitory examples of the passions, and the dreadful consequences of their unbridled indulgence—prudence, as well as sensibility and principle, should prompt us to do it in such a manner, as to unite the greatest possible utility to the public, with the least possible injury to the feelings of their friends. On the former principle, the style should not be too much elevated, nor should it be too highly charged with that kind of sentiment, which, however fashionable it may be, tends only minister to the refinement and corruption of a pampered imagination. As the facts in themselves stand in no need of colouring or embellishment to heighten their effect—so neither will the simplicity of the moral, which so naturally flows from them, derive any new force from rhetorical decoration. The style therefore should be simple and narrative, without affectation or false sentiment, in order to strike with undivided impression, the curiosity, as well as the understanding of the yuuth and gay. It should be intermingled with such reflections and remarks only as are intimately connected with the events, and flow immediately from them. The History of JASON FAIRBANKS, must necessarily be a kind of History of the human Heart, wandering under the delusions of a disordered imagination, irresistible passions, and perhaps the poisonous consequences of wicked and visionary theories, whose effects he could indeed feel, but whose falsehood and sophistry, he had neither the maturity of judgment nor learning, to despise or detect.
The mind revolts from evident falsehood, and fiction loses its force, when it departs from the resemblance of reality. As the action, therefore, and the incidents are extremely limited, and the recency of the event, (however pious might be the intention) precludes the substitution of general fiction, such only can be introduced, as is in the most intimate analogy with the subject, and might be supposed reality, without any violation of truth or probability. The gravest historians furnish from their own stock, the speeches of their orators, and the harangues of their heroes: and the wise sayings they put into the mouths of all their great men, serve to illustrate in the most striking point of view, the manner of thinking most peculiar to the characters and the situations of those they celebrate.—Thus far, then, an author may be allowed to proceed, justified by authority, and invited by public good: whatever sentiments, therefore, may be supposed analogous to those opinions, and illustrative of those dispositions, which produced the various incidents, and eventually the tragic scene in which the whole terminated, may be considered as the faithful transcript, not indeed of what was actually written or spoken, but of what was thought and intended by the principal actor in this fatal catastrophe."
CONDITIONS.
It shall be printed on the finest paper, with a new and handsome type, forming a volume neatly bound and lettered, of between three and four hundred pages, duodecimo. To subscribers, the price will be one dollar: to non-subscribers, one dollar and twenty-five cents. Those who subscribe, or procure subscriptions for eight, shall have one gratis. The names of the subscribers (if requested) shall be alphabetically arranged, and printed at the end of the volume, with the number of copies they subscribe for. The work will be put to press as soon as 600 subscribers are obtained. Subscriptions will be received at the office of the Alexandria Advertiser. Boston, January, 1802.
JUST RECEIVED,  COARSE WOOLLENS,
Consisting of Nap'd cottons, half thicks, pladdings, striped blankets and kersey duffils—For sale on very moderate terms by the package, on the usual credit. Wm. HODGSON. Oct. 6. d

SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Thursday, Jan. 14, 1802.
DEBATE
On Mr. Brackenridge's motion to repeal the act passed last session for a new organization of the JUDICIARY SYSTEM.
JUDICIARY ESTABLISHMENT.
[Mr. Morris's Speech continued.]
But as a further reason to restore, by repealing this law, the old system, an honorable member from North Carolina has told us the judges of the Supreme Court should attend in the states to acquire a competent knowledge of local institutions, and for this purpose should continue to ride the circuits. I believe there is great use in sending young men to travel; it tends to enlarge their views, and give them more liberal ideas than they might otherwise possess. Nay, if they reside long enough in foreign countries they may become acquainted with the manners of the people, and acquire some knowledge of their civil institutions. But I am not quite convinced that riding rapidly from one end of this country to the other is the best way to study law. I am inclined to believe that knowledge may be more conveniently acquired in the closet than upon the high road. It is, moreover, to be presumed that the first magistrate would, in selecting persons to fill these offices, take the best characters from the different parts of the country, who already possess the needful acquirements. But admitting that the President should not duly exercise in this respect his discretionary powers, and admitting that the ideas of the gentleman are correct, how wretched must be our condition! These, our judges, when called on to exercise their functions, would but begin to learn their trade, and that too at a period of life when the intellectual powers with no great facility can acquire new ideas. We must, therefore, have a double set of judges. One set of apprentice judges to ride circuits and learn, the other set of master judges to hold courts and decide controversies.
We are told, sir, that the repeal asked for is important, in that it may establish a precedent, for that it is not merely a question on the propriety of disbanding a corps of sixteen rank and file; but that provision may hereafter be made not for sixteen, but for sixteen hundred or sixteen thousand judges, and that it may become necessary to turn them to the right about. Mr. President, I will not, I cannot presume, that any such provision will ever be made, and therefore I cannot conceive any such necessity; I will not suppose, for I cannot suppose, that any party or faction will ever do any thing so wild, so extravagant. But I will ask, how does this strange supposition conflict with the doctrine of gentlemen, that public opinion is a sufficient check on the legislature, and a sufficient safe-guard to the people. Put the case to its consequences, and what becomes of the check? Will gentlemen say it is to be found in the force of this wise precedent? Is this to control succeeding rulers in their wild, their mad career? But how? Is the creation of judicial officers the only thing committed to their discretion? Have they not, according to the doctrine contended for, our all at their disposition, with no other check than public opinion, which according to the supposition will not prevent them from committing the greatest follies and absurdities? Take then all the gentleman's ideas, and compare them together, it will result that here is an inestimable treasure put into the hands of drunkards, madmen, and fools.
But away with all these derogatory suppositions. The legislature may be trusted. Our government is a system of salutary checks. One legislative branch is a check on the other. And should the violence of party bear both of them away, the President, an officer high in honor, high in the public confidence, charged with weighty concerns, responsible to his own reputation, and to the world, stands ready to arrest their too impetuous course. This is our system. It makes no mad appeal to every mob in the country. It appeals to the sober sense of men selected from their fellow-citizens for their talents, for their virtue—of men in advanced life, and of
matured judgment. It appeals to their understanding, to their integrity, to their honor, to their love of fame, to their sense of shame. If all these checks should prove insufficient, and alas! such is the condition of human nature, that I fear they will not always be sufficient—the constitution has given us one more. It has given us an independent judiciary. We have been told, that the executive authority carries your laws into execution. But let us not be the dupes of sound. The executive magistrate commands indeed your fleets and armies; and duties, imposts, excises, and all other taxes, are collected, and all expenditures are made by officers whom he has appointed. So far indeed he executes your laws. But these his acts apply not often to individual concerns. In those cases so important to the peace and happiness of society, the execution of your laws is confided to your judges. And therefore are they rendered independent. Before then that you violate that independence—Pause—there are state sovereignties, as well as the sovereignty of the general government.—There are cases—too many cases—in which the interest of one is not considered as the interest of the other. Should these conflict—if the judiciary be gone, the question is no longer of law but of force. This is a state of things which no honest and wise man can view without horror.
Suppose, in the omnipotence of your legislative authority, you trench upon the rights of your fellow-citizens, by passing an unconstitutional law: It the judiciary department preserve its vigor it will stop you short. Instead of a resort to arms there will be a happier appeal to argument. Suppose a case still more impressive. The President is at the head of your armies. Let one of his generals, flushed with victory, and proud in command, presume to trample on the rights of your most insignificant citizen. Indignant at the wrong, he will demand the protection of your tribunals, and safe in shadow of their wings will laugh his oppressor to scorn.
Having now, I believe, examined all the arguments adduced to show the expediency of this motion, and which fairly sifted, reduce themselves at last to these two things. Restore the antient system, and save the additional expence: Before I close what I have to say on this ground, I hope I shall be pardoned for saying one or two words about the expence. I hope also, that notwithstanding the epithets which may be applied to my arithmetic, I shall be pardoned for using that which I learnt at school. It may have deceived me when it taught me that two and two make four. But though it should now be branded with opprobrious terms, I must still believe that two and two do still make four. Gentlemen of newer theories, and of higher attainments, while the smile at my inferiority, must bear with my infirmities, and take me as I am.
In all this great system of saving; in all this ostentatious economy, this rage of reform, how happens it that the eagle eye has not yet been turned to the Mint? That no one piercing glance has been able to behold the expenditures of that department? I am far from wishing to overturn it. Though it be not of great necessity, nor even of substantial importance, though it be but a splendid trappings of your government; yet as it may be impressing on your current coin, the emblems of your sovereignty, have some tendency to encourage a national spirit and to foster the national pride; I am willing to contribute my share to its support. Yes, Sir, I would foster the national pride. I cannot indeed approve of national vanity, nor feed it with vile adulation. But I would gladly cherish the lofty sentiment of national pride. I would with my countrymen to feel like Romans, to be as proud as Englishmen, and going still farther, I would with them to veil their pride in the well bred modesty of French politeness. But can this establishment, the mere decoration of our political edifice, can it be compared with the massy columns on which rest your peace and safety? Shall the striking of a few half-pence be put into a parallel with the distribution of justice? I find, sir, from the estimates on your table, that the salaries of the officers of your mint amount to 10,600 dollars, and that the expences are estimated at 10,900: making 21,500 dollars.
I find that the actual expenditure of
  the last year, exclusive of salaries amounted to Dolls. 25,154 44   Add the salaries, 10,600   We have a total of, 35,754 44 
A sum which exceeds the salary of these sixteen judges.
I find further, that during the last year have they coined cents and halfcents to the amount of 10,473 dollars and 29 cents. Thus their copper coinage falls a little short of what it costs us for their salaries. We have however from this establishment about a million cents, one to each family in America. A little emblematic medal, to be hung over their chimney pieces: and this is all their compensation for all that expence. Yet not a word has been said about the mint, while the judges whose services are much greater, and of so much more importance to the community, are to be struck off at a blow, in order to save an expence, which, compared with the object, is pitiful. What conclusion then are we to draw from this predilection?
I will not pretend to assign to gentlemen, the motives by which they may be influenced; but if I should permit myself to make the enquiry, the style of so many observations, and more especially the manner, the warmth, the irritability, which have been exhibited on this occasion, would lead to a solution of the problem. I had the honor, sir, when I addressed you the other day to observe, that I believe the universe could not afford a spectacle more sublime than the view of a powerful state kneeling at the altar of justice, and sacrificing there her passion and her pride. That I once fostered the hope of beholding that spectacle of magnanimity in America. And now what a world of figures has the gentleman from Virginia formed on his apprehension of that remark. I never expressed any thing like exultation at the idea of a State ignominiously dragged in triumph at the heels of your judges. But permit me to say, the gentleman's exquisite sensibility on that subject, his alarm and apprehension, all shew his strong attachment to state authority. Far be it from me, however, to charge the gentleman with improper motives. I know that his emotions arise from one of those impressions in our nature which we cannot remedy. They are excited by causes which have naturally made him hostile to this constitution, though his duty compels him reluctantly to support it. I hope, however, that those gentlemen, who entertain different sentiments, and who are less irritable on the score of state dignity will think it essential to preserve a constitution, without which the independent existence of the States themselves will be but of short duration.
This, sir, leads me to the second object I had proposed. I shall therefore pray your indulgence while I consider how far this measure is constitutional. I have not been able to discover the expediency, but will now for argument sake admit it; and here, I cannot but express my deep regret for the situation of an honorable member from North Carolina. Tied fast as he is, by his instructions, arguments, however forcible, can never be effectual. I ought therefore, to wish for his sake, that his mind may not be convinced by any thing I shall say; for hard indeed would be his condition, to be bound by the contrariant obligations of and order and an oath. I cannot however, but express my profound respect for the talents of those who gave him his instructions, and who sitting at a distance, without hearing the arguments, could better understand the subject than the senator on this floor after full discussion.
The honorable member from Virginia has repeated the distinction, before taken, between the supreme and the inferior tribunals; he has insisted on the distinction between the words shall and may ; has inferred from that distinction, that the judges of the inferior courts are subjects of legislative discretion, and has contended that the word may includes all power respecting the subject to which it is applied consequently to raise up and to put down, to create and to destroy. I must entreat your patience, sir, while I go more on this subject than I ever supposed would be necessary. By the article, so often quoted, it is declared "that the judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme court and in such inferior courts, as the congress may from time to
time establish." I beg leave to recall your attention to what I have already said of these inferior courts. That the original jurisdiction of various subjects being given exclusively to them, it became the bounden duty of congress, to establish such courts. I will not repeat the argument already used on that subject. But I will ask those, who urge the distinction between the supreme court and the inferior tribunals, whether a law was not previously necessary before the supreme court could be organized. They reply that the constitution says, there shall be a supreme court, and therefore the congress are commanded to organize it, while the rest is left to their discretion. This, sir, is not the fact. The constitution says, the judicial power shall be vested in one supreme court, and in inferior courts.—The legislature can therefore only organize one supreme court, but they may establish as many inferior courts as they may think proper. The designation made of them by the constitution is, such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish. But why, say gentlemen, fix precisely one supreme court, and leave the rest to legislative discretion?—The answer is simple. It results from the nature of things, from the existent and probable state of our country. There was no difficulty in deciding, that one and only one supreme court should be proper or necessary, to which should lie appeals from inferior tribunals. Not so as to these.... The United States were advancing in rapid progression. Their population of three millions was soon to become five, then ten, afterwards twenty millions. This was well known as far as the future can become an object of human comprehension. In this encrease of numbers; with a still greater encrease of wealth, with the extension of our commerce, and progress of the arts, it was evident that although a great many tribunals would become necessary, it was impossible to determine either on the precise number or the most convenient form. The convention did not pretend to this prescience; but had they possessed it, would it have been proper to have established then all the tribunals necessary for all future times?—Would it have been wise to have planted courts among the Chickasaws, the Chocktaws, the Cherokees, the Tuscaroras, and God knows how many more, because at some future day the regions over which they roam might be cultivated by policed men? Was it not proper, wise, necessary to leave in the discretion of congress, the number and the kind of courts which they might find it proper to establish for the purpose designated by the constitution. This simple statement of facts; facts of public notoriety, is alone a sufficient comment an explication of the word on which gentlemen have so much relied. The convention in framing, the people in adopting this compact, lay the judicial power shall extend to many cases, the original cognizance whereof shall be by the inferior courts; but it is neither necessary, nor even possible now to determine their number or their form; that essential power therefore, shall vest in such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time, in the progression of time and according to the indication of circumstances, establish. Not provide, ordain, or determine , but establish . Not a mere temporary provision, but an establishment . It after this it had laid in general terms, that judges should hold their offices during good behaviour, could a doubt have existed on the interpretation of this act, under all its attending circumstances, that the judges of the inferior courts were intended as well as those of the supreme court? But did the framers of the constitution stop there? Is there then nothing more? Did they risk on these grammatical niceties the fate of America? Did they rest here the most important branch of our government?—Little important, indeed, as to foreign danger; but infinitely valuable to our domestic peace and to personal protection against the oppression of our rulers. No. Lest a doubt should be raised, they have carefully connected the judges of both courts in the same sentence; they have said "the judges both of supreme and inferior courts," thus coupling them inseparably together. You may cut the bands, but you can never unite them. With salutary caution they devised this clause, to arrest the overbearing temper which they knew belonged to legislative bodies. They do not say the judges simply but the judges of the supreme & inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behavior.

They say therefore to the legislature, you may judge of the propriety, the utility, the necessity of organizing these courts; but when established you have done your duty. Anticipating the course of passion in future times, they say to the legislature, you shall not disgrace yourselves by exhibiting the indecent spectacle of judges established by one legislature removed by another. We will save you also from yourselves. We say these judges shall hold their offices: and surely, sir, to pretend that they can hold their office after the office is destroyed, is contemptible.
The framers of this constitution had been much, read much, and deeply reflected. They knew by experience the violence of popular bodies, and let it be remembered that since that day many of the states, taught by experience, have found it necessary to change their forms of government to avoid the effects of that violence. The convention contemplated the very act you now attempt. They knew also the jealousy and the power of the states; and they established for you and for their protection, this most important department. I beg gentlemen to hear & remember what I say. It is this department alone, and it is the independence alone of this department, which can save you from civil war. Yes, sir, adopt the language of gentlemen, say with them, by the act to which you are urged, "if we cannot remove the judges we can destroy them." Establish thus the dependence of the judiciary department. Who will resort to them for protection against you? Who will confide in, who will be bound by their decrees? Are we then to resort to the ultimate reason of Kings? Are our arguments to fly from the mouths of our cannon?
We are told that we may violate our constitution, because similar constitutions have been violated elsewhere. Two states have been cited to that effect, Maryland and Virginia. The hon. gentleman from Virginia tells us that when this happened in the state he belongs to, no complaint was made by the judges. I will not enquire into that fact, although I have the protest of the judges now living before me. Judges eminent for their talents, renowned for their learning, respectable for their virtue. I will not enquire what constitutions have been violated, I will not ask either when or where this dangerous practice began, or has been followed. I will admit the fact. What does it prove? Does it prove that because they have violated, we also may violate? Does it not prove directly the contrary? Is it not the strongest reason on earth for preserving the independence of our tribunals? If it be true that they have with strong hand seized other courts, and bent them to their will, ought we not to give futurs a fair chance for justice in our courts, or must the suffering citizen be deprived of all protection?
The gentleman from Virginia has called our attention to certain cases which he considers as forming necessary exceptions to the principles, for which we contend. Permit me to say that necessity is a hard law; and frequently proves too much; and let the gentleman recollect that arguments which prove too much prove nothing.
He has instanced a case where it may be proper to appoint commissioners for a limited time to settle some particular description of controversies. Undoubtedly it is always in the power of Congress to form a board of commissioners for particular purposes. He asks are these inferior courts, and must they also exist forever? I answer that the nature of their offices must depend on the law by which they are created; if called to exercise the judicial functions designated by the constitution, they must have an existence conformable to its injunctions.
Again, he has instanced the Mississippi Territory, claimed by, and which may be surrendered to the state of Georgia, and a part of the union which may be conquered by a foreign enemy. And he asks triumphantly are our inferior courts to remain after our jurisdiction is gone? This case rests upon a principle so simple, that I am surprised the hon. member did not perceive the answer in the very moment when he made the objection. Is it by our act that a country is taken from us by a foreign enemy? Is it by our consent that our jurisdiction is lost? I had the honor, in speaking the other day, expressly and for the most obvious reasons, to except the case of conquest. As well might we contend for the government of a town swallowed up by an earthquake.
General Mason explained—He had supposed the case of territory conquered and afterwards ceded to the conqueror, or some other territory ceded in lieu of it. (To be continued.)
SALEM, January 18. FROM GUADALOUPE.
By captain Bradshaw, we learn, that the island is in a very unpleasant situation. The blacks are extremely insolent, and unless troops speedily arrive from France, they will assuredly possess the island. Several of the ringleaders of the last insurrection had been taken and sent on board the French frigate cruising off Basseterre. The whites and mulattoes are very much alarmed for their safety, and several temporary embargoes have been laid on to prevent their quitting the island.
BOSTON, January 15. Arrived, ship Hibernia , Lake, Malaga, 61 days; and brig Alert , Fisher, Guadalupe, both via Vineyard, ship news published in our last.
January 16. Arrived, ship Tamerlin , Eames, Alicante. December 11, lat. 37, 45, long. 60, spoke sch'r Roebuck , Decision, from New-York, for Cadiz. Dec. 15, in lat. 35, 45, long. 59, 35, ship Sarah , of Boston, from Charleston, could not learn where bound. Dec. 21, lat. 34, 30, long. 62, spoke sch'r Venus , Hathaway, from Aux Cayes, for New-York, had been blown off the coast, sprung his bow-sprit, sails split to pieces, shifted his cargo, short of provisions, was bearing away for nearest port, it blowing fresh. capt. E. could not give relief.
Same day, ship Romulus , capt. Freeman, from the isle of France. Left there ship Lydia , Wayne, for this port, to sail next day. The Merry Quaker , failed ten days before for this port. Left at Bourbon, capt. Brown of Salem, capt. Matthews of New-York. Oct. 25, was boarded by three English ships, detained some time, and permitted to proceed. Nov. 21, lat. 22, S. long. 27, 55, W. spoke a Portuguese ship from Lisbon for the Brazils, who informed that they on the 18th of November, spoke the brig Equator , capt. Bradwell, two months and twenty days from Portsmouth, N. H. had carried away his main-mast, (& from the little English captain F. could understand from them) he judged the Equator , was bound to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, but that they intended to touch at the Cape to repair. Jan. 1, 1, 31, 19, long. 67, 30, spoke a schooner from Norfolk, for Antigua, 7 days out. January 3, lat. 33, 37, long. 69, spoke two brigs, one from Virginia, the other from Philadelphia, five days out, for Jamaica.
We are happy to announce the safe arrival at the Vineyard, of the ship Eliza , captain Jackson, 135 days from Madras, for this port. Left Madras, November 3, no American vessels there; touched at the Cape failed from thence November 18. Left there captain M'Lellan , from Sumatra, for New-York, had put in there in a leaky condition, was nearly ready for sea, no other American there. Spoke nothing of consequence.
NEW-YORK, January 23. The sloop Three Brothers , with a cargo of wheat, consigned to Merritt and Clapp, arrived at this port yesterday in 5 days from Troy. We mention this circumstance as a proof of the uncommon mildness of the season. Perhaps no other instance of the North River being open during the whole of the month of January has occurred within the memory of man.
Entered, schr. Betsey , Steel, C. Francisco; sloop Louis , Hartford.
Cleared, ships Amsterdam Packet , Green, Greenock; Gen. Mercer , Moores, Liverpool.
The ship Flora arrived at Charleston from this port.
The schr. Union , Steele (formerly Stanwood ) from Jamaica for N. York, out 45 days put into Rhode Island 17th Jan. in distress.
Arrived since our last. Schooner Betsey , Steel, from C. Francisco. During the passage capt. S. experienced very hard weather which did much damage to his sails and rigging; and while lying at anchor within the hook, parted both his cables in a heavy squall from the N. W. and was towed up by a pilot-boat.
On Thursday evening last a schooner from sea came in sight of the light house;
but as nothing of her appeared in the morning, it is supposed the storm obliged her to put to sea again.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, January 26. Mr. Smith, from the committee of commerce and manufacture reported a bill for the relief of S. W. Cox and others respecting the exportation of salted provisions, committed to the committee of the whole and ordered to be printed, together with the report of the committee.
Mr. Heister presented petitions from batters in Washington and Frederick county in Maryland.
Mr. Piater presented a similar petition from the batters in George-Town, both referred to committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Sprigg, from the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill for the government of the Territory of Columbia.
The bill proposes to establish a legislature to be composed of a house of representatives, to consist for the present of 25 members, 7 to be chosen by that part of the county of Washington lying on the East of Rock Creek, 7 from that part of said county West of Rock Creek, and 11 by the county of Alexandria. The numbers to vary according to the population of the Territory. There is to be a governor to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. A census to be made every four years. The legislature to be paid out of the treasury of the Territory. The salary of the governor to be paid out of the treasury of the United States. The judges to hold their offices during life, unless removed by the President on the application of two full legislative sessions. The qualification of voters to be—a male white person, a citizen of the United States, and a resident one year in the territory, and having paid a tax. The bill was referred to the committee of the whole, made the order of the day for Tuesday, and to be printed.
Mr. Brent presented a memorial and remonstrance signed by a number of inhabitants of Alexandria, against having a legislature and governor for this Territory. Referred as the bill, and to be printed.
Mr. Giles presented a petition from the proprietors of coal pits, praying a duty may be laid on imported coal. Referred to the committee of ways and means.
Mr. Fearing presented a petition respecting lands in the N. W. Territory, praying an extension of the time for complying with the law of last session.
The bill on the subject of foreign coin, was read a third time and passed. The house then went into committee, on the act passed by the legislature of the N. W. Territory, for altering the boundary lines of the three states, laid out of the Ohio, by ordinance of Congress of 1787.
Mr. Fearing proposed the following resolution. Resolved, that the Congress of the United States, with the consent of the legislature of the Territory N. W. of the Ohio, alter the boundaries, of the states to be established in said Territory. Mr. F. wished the constitutionality of the measure to be decided. If the house should be of opinion that it was unconstitutional, there would be an end to the application.
Mr. Davis hoped the resolution would be rejected, in that case he would offer one as to the expediency of the measure.
Mr. Giles opposed the resolution, he thought congress had not the right to pass a law similar to the one sent from the legislature of the N. W. Territory. Mr. G. gave his reasons at length on the subject. Mr. Fearing and Mr. Macon spoke for the subject, it was then moved for the committee to rise, to give members an opportunity of examining the map of that country, and the manner in which it was proposed to alter the lines. The committee rose and had leave to sit again.
The bill for the relief of Samuel Dexter was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to morrow.
Mr. Mitchell reported a bill revising and amending the laws respecting naturalization. Made the order for Monday.
Mr. S. Smith moved the order of the day on the report of the committee of commerce and manufactures, on the petition of T. K. Jones of Boston. The report proposed to allow drawback of ten pipes of
Malaga wine re-exported. After considerable debate, the committee of the whole disagreed to the report of the committee of commerce and manufactures, rose and reported their disagreement to the house. It was moved to take it up in the house, but an adjournment was carried before a decision took place.
Wednesday, January 27. A bill for the relief of Philip Sloan, was read twice and made the order for to-morrow.
Mr. J. C. Smith, from the committee of claims made a report on the petition of John Carr, which adopted the report of a committee of claims, made at a former session, and that the prayer of the petitioner ought not to be granted. On motion for taking it up Mr. D. Heister, and Mr. Nicholson opposed it. It was referred to the committee of the whole and made the order for tomorrow, to be printed.
The bill to provide for the payment of the expenses of Samuel Dexter, which have or may occur in consequence of the suit commenced by Joseph Hodgson, was read a third time. Some debate took place. Messrs. Allston and Smilie opposed the bill. Messrs. Griswold and Bayard supported the propriety of it, as it was only to provide for paying Mr. Dexter's expenses, in defending a suit which arose in consequence of an official article as Secretary at War. Mr. Giles wished farther time to consider the subject and it was postponed until Monday.
The house went into committee, on the unfinished business of yesterday.
The resolution offered by Mr. Fearing occasioned a long debate, it was opposed by Messrs Davis, Giles and Bayard, and advocated by Messrs. Fearing and Griswold. The resolution was not carried.
Mr. Giles then moved a resolution: Resolved, that the act of the legislature of the Territory North West of the Ohio, for altering the lines of states as heretofore established, ought not to be agreed to by this house which after some debate was agreed to.
The committee rose and it was taken up in the house where the question was taken by ayes and nays, ayes, 81, nays, 5.
A message was received from the President of the United States, containing an account of the Indian trading houses and recommending an extension of the plan, and that some measures should be taken, to prevent spirituous liquors from being sent among the Indians.
Also recommending the substitution of military executions, instead of hanging, when Indians committed murders, on the whites, as they are particularly opposed to the latter mode of putting to death, it makes them more averse to deliver up criminals.
Alexandria Advertiser.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 28.
In the Senate of the United States, Tuesday, January 26, the Bill to repeal the judiciary act of the last session, was taken up and amended.
When Mr. Dayton moved in substance, that the bill be referred to a select committee, to consider what alterations it may be expedient to make in the judiciary system of the United States, and to make provision for the judges appointed under the act of last session, in case said act be repealed.
On this motion the question was taken without debate, by yeas and nays. yeas 14---nays 16.
Mr. Colhoun voted in the negative; and Messrs. Ross, and Ogden, voted in the affirmative. The votes were otherwise the same as on the resolution on which the bill was founded.
It was then moved, that the bill be engrossed for a third reading. The question was taken by yeas and nays without debate; and were yeas 15---nays 15, viz.
Yeas. Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Elmer, Th. Foster, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, S. T. Mason, Nicholas, Stone, Sumner, Wright.
Nays. Messrs. Colhoun, Chipman, Dayton, D. Foster, Hillhouse, Howard, J. Mason Morris, Ogden, Olcott, Ross, Sheaf, Tracy, Wells, White.
Whereupon the Vice President decided, that the bill should go to a third reading.
Wanted to Purchase Marine Shares of Alexandria. Apply to WILLIAM HODGSON.

By virtue of a Deed of Trust from Robert Hamilton and Esther, his Wife, to the Subscribers, for securing the payment of a sum of money to the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of Alexandria, on the 30th instant will be exposed to sale, on a literal credit, on the premises.
A Lot or Parcel of Ground, lying upon the East side of St. Asaph-Street, and south side of Wolfe-Street, in the Town of Alexandria; beginning at the intersection of the said Streets, and running eastwardly with Wolfe-Street to Pitt-Street; thence southwardly with Pitt-Street 96 feet 6 inches; thence westwardly parallel with Wolfe-Street 80 feet; thence southwardly parallel with Pitt-Street 80 feet; thence westwardly parallel with Wolfe-Street to St. Asaph-Street; thence northwardly with St. Asaph-Street to the beginning. Upon this piece of ground there are a large, commodious frame dwelling-house, well calculated for the accommodation of a genteel family, a kitchen, stable and carriage-house, a well of water in the yard, with a pump. The situation is elegant. It was formerly occupied by Mr. Robert Hamilton, lately by Mr. Stier, and at present by Mr. James Hamilton. The lot being large, a sufficient proportion of it will be attached to the improvements, and the residue laid off into convenient building lots; a plan of which will be exhibited on the day of sale.
ALSO, One other Piece of Ground, lying upon the south side of Prince-Street, and to the eastward of Water-Street, in the said Town; beginning upon Prince-Street 22 feet to the eastward of Water-Street, and running thence eastwardly with Prince-Street 23 feet; thence southwardly parallel to Water-Street 44 feet 4 inches; thence westwardly parallel to Prince-Street 23 feet; thence northwardly to the beginning. Upon this piece of ground there are a convenient two-story frame dwelling-house, with a kitchen and other conveniences; now in the the occupation of Mr. Smith.
ALSO, One other Piece of Ground, adjoining the last; beginning upon Prince-Street 45 feet to the eastward of Water-Street, and running thence eastwardly with Prince-Street 40 feet; thence southwardly parallel to Water-Street 44 feet four inches; thence westwardly parallel to Prince-Street 40 feet; thence northwardly to the beginning. Upon this piece of ground is a large frame warehouse, two stories high, now in the occupation of Messrs. Smith and Bartleman. It formerly composed two distinct warehouses, and may easily be put into the same situation again.
JAMES KEITH, JOHN C. HERBERT. January 1. d23t Valuable Property (Within a quarter of a mile of Alexandria) TO BE RENTED.
12 Acres of land, on the East side of the George-Town road, well enclosed, with a post and rail fence, and a growing hedge all round, about 5 acres of this lot is cultivated as a Garden, and well manured, in which there are a variety of excellent bearing fruit trees, grape vines, raspberry, gooseberry, and currant bushes, a variety of herbs and flowers and 38 asparagus beds, highly manured and produced abundantly, there are also on this lot, two dwelling houses, a cow-house, stable, corn and sheep-house.
23 Acres of land on the West side of the said road, enclosed in like manner, about 15 acres of it is in timothy, and produces good crops of hay, about 6 acres has been in clover, and since a crop of rye has been taken from it; at a proper season it may be again laid down, in either clover or timothy; about two acres is in wood—this lot may be conveniently divided into four good grass lots.
No person or persons need apply to rent the aforesaid property, but such as can come, well recommended, for their honesty, sobriety and knowledge in the gardening and farming business. The two lots will be let separate or together as may best suit, and good security will be required, for performance of the covenants, in the lease or leases. For terms apply to the subscriber. PHILIP R. FENDALL.
January 20. d Printing in all its variety, executed at this office, with neatness and dispatch.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT COTTON & STEWART'S Book-Store, Royal-Street, POLITICAL ESSAYS, RELATIVE TO THE War of the French Revolution; —VIZ.— AN ARGUMENT Against continuing the War, for the subversion of the Republican Government of France:
A LETTER To the Duke of Portland, being an answer to the two Letters of the late Right Hon. Edmund Burke, against treating for Peace with the French Republic:— And
A MEMORIAL, Proposing a Plan, for the Conquest and Emancipation of Spanish America, by means which would promote the tranquility of Ireland. BY JAMES WORKMAN, ESQ. Nov. 20.
L A W. MERIT v. DEMERIT. The Rival Clergy for Chaplainship to Congress.
For Sale at this Office, The Clerical Candidates, A POEM. The above work is printed on fine wove paper, containing 36 pages, octavo, price 25 cents. Dec. 3. d
William Harthorne Has for Sale at his Mill, or in Alexandria, Plaster of Paris by the ton, or ready ground by the bushel, Indian Meal and Rye Meal, bolted or unbolted, Corn, or any other grain, ground for toll at the mill. At his Store in town,
Hay in bundles, Corn by the bushel, Loaf and lump Sugar by the hogshead or barrel, First and second quality James R Tobacco, in kegs, A few very good Mill Spindles, Two good Scale Beams. For Sale,
One Share in the Potomac Company, A number of valuable Lots in town. Also, for Sale or Rent, A valuable Brick House on King street, now in the tenure of Thomas Cruise.
To Let, A two story Frame House on Duke street, with a large garden and well of good water at the door. 1ft mo. 18. d
FOR SALE, The Cargo of the brig Little Sally, capt. Cozens, From Rhode-Island, now landing and consisting of
French Brandy, Holland Gin (entitled to drawback) Country Gin, West-India Rum, N. England do. Loaf Sugar, Castile Soap, Tanner's Oil, R. I. Chees of an excellent quality, Soal Leather, Russia and ravens Duck and Sheetings, Cordage, 1 bale of Ticklenburgs, &c. For Sale, Freight or Charter, The said brig Little Sally , burthen about 650 barrels, an excellent vessel and well equipped. Apply to J. G. LADD. Jan. 4. d
FALL GOODS. CUTHBERT POWELL Has received, per the Eliza , from Liverpool, an Importation of
Fall & Winter Goods, which he is now opening at the store lately occupied by Messrs. A. and W. Ramsay, on King-street, and which he offers for sale on moderate terms by the piece or package. Also, 25 Crates Earthen Ware, well assorted. Sept. 29. eo Cash given for clean linen and cotton rags at this office.
District of Columbia, Alex. } andria County, TO WIT. } I, PETER WISE, jun. one of the U. States' Justices of the Peace for the County of Alexandria and District of Columbia; To all Marshals, Sheriffs, Mayors, Bailiffs, Constables, and Headsboroughs, within the United States, Whereas complaint is made to me this day, upon the oath of James Campbell, jailer of the aforesaid county, that Dennis Hennessy, laborer, who was lately committed to the jail of the said county of Alexandria, by warrant from Jacob Hoffman, a justice of the peace of the said county, for breaking and escaping from the jail in the county of Washington, did, on the night of the 25th of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and two, last past, forcibly break and escape from the said jail, and is now going at large; these are therefore, in the name of the United States, to require you, and every of you, in your respective counties, cities, towns, and precincts, to make diligent search, by way of hue and cry, for the said Daniel Hennessy, and him having found, to seize and retake and safely convey, or to cause him to be safely conveyed, to the jail of the said county of Alexandria or Washington, there to be kept until he shall be thence discharged by due course of law.
Given under my hand and seal this twenty-sixth day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and two. PETER WISE, jun.
I will give TWENTY FIVE Dollars reward for the apprehension of the abovementioned Daniel Hennessy, to be paid on his delivery at either of the jails in the District of Columbia. JAMES CAMPBELL, Jailer, Alex. County. Jan. 26. d
House of Entertainment. Randolph Mott, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has opened an INN in the Town of Alexandria, in the house lately occupied by captain Charles M'Knight, where he intends using his utmost exertions to give general satisfaction to those who may favor him with their custom, which from his experience in the business he flatters himself he shall be able to do on the most reasonable terms. January 5. 1aw2teo
ABEL WILLIS Has for sale, at his store on Prince-street, (Just from Norfolk) Soft shelled Almonds, Figs, Oranges, Lemons, Grapes; best Jamaica Sugar by the barrel or smaller quantity, Havana white and brown do. best English Chees, elegant Travelling Cases, best Spanish Segars and Crab Cyder. Dec. 4. eo
Ricketts, Newton & Co. HAVE FOR SALE, AT THEIR WAREHOUSE, 12 hhds. Antigua Rum, 20 qr. casks Port Wine, 8 tiers of Rice, 6 hhds. and 20 bhs. Sugar, 2 hhds. Verdigrease, 200 salted Hides, Coarse and fine Salt, 6 hhds. Clover Seed, 10 crates Queens Ware, 10 boxes 8 by 10 Bohemia Window Glass.
And at their Brick Store, German Linens of very kind; Russia sheetings and duck; two trunks low priced prints; two do. chintzes; one do. boot legs and boots, and a quantity of letter paper uncommonly cheap by the ream or case, &c. &c.
They want to Purchase A quantity of Black Ey'd Pease, and are giving Cash for Wheat. January 4. 2aw.
For Sale or Rent, THAT handsome, convenient three story BRICK-HOUSE, lately occupied by Edmund J. Lee, Esq. in King street, a few doors west of Pitt street. SAMUEL CRAIG. Dec. 15. eo
An Apprentice wanted at this office.
PROPOSALS, By G. F. HOPKINS, No. 118, Pearl-street, New-York, For publishing by Subscription, In two handsome octavo volumes, THE FEDERALIST, ON THE NEW CONSTITUTION. BY PUBLIUS. WRITTEN IN 1788. TO WHICH IS ADDED, PACIFICUS, ON The Proclamation of Neutrality. WRITTEN IN 1793. The whole revised and corrected, with new passages and notes.
THE FEDERALIST was written in a series of numbers, under the signature of Publius, shortly after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution, and addressed to the People of the State of New-York, with the design of enforcing the propriety and necessity of its adoption.
It is principally the production of a man, whose name will be held in sacred respect long after the pitiful attempts which have been made to slander his fame shall have sunk into oblivion. Two other gentlemen, of distinguished talents, occasionally contributed some essays, which will be marked in the publication.
All parties seem at length united in professions of regard for the Constitution; if they are sincere, the consideration cannot fail to enhance the value of a work, which, by employing in its favor all the energy of argument, and all the persuasion of eloquence, was eminently useful in promoting its general ratification.
Whoever is desirous of being well informed of the principles and provisions of our Government, and the manner in which they have been supported and vindicated, of the objections that were made to the Constitution by its first opponents, and how they were answered, will find these volumes fraught with ample and satisfactory instruction. The study of them must form an essential part of the education of the American statesman. Politicians, indeed, of every country, will here discover materials in the science of government well worthy of their attention; a science, of all others, the most interesting to mankind, as it most deeply concerns human happiness. The Federalist contains principles that may be remembered and studied with advantage by all classes of men in other countries than our own, and in other ages than that in which we live. The People of America alone have afforded the example of a pure Representative Republic. In this work it will appear, that the principles of this form of Government have been well understood, and thoroughly developed, and should, unfortunately, the experiment which we have made, hereafter fail, it will be in vain to attempt the renewal of similar systems, as no rational hope can be entertained, that more correct notions on this subject will prevail than are here exhibited.
To preserve these papers, therefore, which have so much intrinsic merit, and such lasting utility, in a dress suitable to their character, is the inducement to their re-publication.
PACIFICUS is from the pen of the same enlightened statesman who was the chief author of the Federalist. These Essays were written in defence of the first leading step which our Government took to preserve that Neutrality which it continued to maintain during the late Transatlantic conflict; a conflict which has annihilated the minor powers of Europe, and shaken the civilized world.
Now that the storm has passed over, and the angry and tumultuous passions which at that time agitated our country, have in some measure subsided, these papers will be read with profit and pleasure by the intelligent man of every party. Candor will probably wonder, that any should have doubted of the timeliness of the measures which this writer has so ably advocated, and which experience has so forcibly proved to have been the best adapted to the interests of the country.
To give to these latter Essays a form which shall outlive the fleeting impressions of a newspaper, they are incorporated in these volumes. Publius and Pacificus will serve to keep in just remembrance two very important events in the history of our country.
The first gentleman here alluded to is General Hamilton—the other two, Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay.
CONDITIONS. I. The Work shall be put to press immediately after 400 subscribers are obtained, and finished with the utmost expedition. II. Where practicable, the books shall be forwarded, free of expence, to such places as may be designated, and a person appointed to deliver them. III. It shall be printed on a superfine medium paper, with a neat type, handsomely bound and lettered, and delivered to subscribers at Two Dollars a volume. To non-subscribers the price will be enhanced. IV. Subscribers to pay, where convenient, one dollar in advance. Subscriptions received at the Office of the Alexandria Advertiser, and by the different Booksellers in Alexandria. New-York, January, 1802.
PRINTED DAILY BY S. SNOWDEN & Co.