The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-01-23 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1295.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JANUARY 23, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
JANUARY 17.
Debate on Message of the President, communicating Mr. Canning's letter, with the answer of Mr. Pinkney.—Continued.
Mr. KEY said that he would give his hearty vote for printing the greatest number of copies proposed; for he did conceive that the American people ought to have full information, and that the antidote should accompany the poison. I consider the late publication (said he) as the most direct and insidious attempt of a foreign government to take advantage of and influence the parties in this country, and that too by the most dishonorable means. The paper alluded to could only have been in possession of our own administration or of the British government. It came not from us; it must have proceeded from the other—and from what view? Had fair information been the object, the letter of Mr. Pinkney in reply would also have been made public, that one might have been confronted with the other. It proceeded from that quarter, the separation of the reply from the letter, is evincive of the attempt to impose on the people. I consider it an attempt to set the people at variance with their government, and an insolent attempt of a foreign nation to interfere in our affairs, in three points of view. 1st. Mr. Pinkney is expressly exonerated from the charge of misrepresentation; but no man can understand it otherwise than as having allusion to the Executive of the country—an insinuation which there is no proof to support, and in support of which none can be adduced. Whatever difference of political opinion may exist between us on some points, I respect the administration on the whole, and every honest man of every political opinion must side with me. 2ndly. There is an insinuation that the President of the U. S. had only permitted our minister at London individually , not formally , to make a proposition on the subject of the embargo. This is unfounded in fact, because the documents before the House prove to the contrary. 3rdly. A question is raised whether actual knowledge of the orders in council of November was in the possession of our government at the time of the laying the embargo, which Mr. Pinkney has fully explained, that the American papers showed that it was well known before the passage of the embargo, that such would probably be the measures adopted by the British government. It is upon these three great questions that this letter is insidiously calculated to delude the American people. I think therefore as ample publicity should be given to the truth as may be. However we may differ as to internal regulations, I hope we shall feel as husband & wife, who, however they jar, will not suffer the interference of a third person. In case of such interference, I trust we shall always be ready to rally around the constituted authorities, as protecting the true interests of the country.
Mr. COOK said that these documents showed, that, instead of being more favorable to France than Great Britain (as had been said for party purposes) our administration had been far less favorable to France than G. Britain and less favorable than they ought to have been. I shall never feel cordial (said he) in going to war with France, until we make to her the same liberal offer which we have made to G. Britain, and it shall be refused. The publication of this memorable letter of Mr. Canning's is but another attempt to mislead the people, and rob the Executive of their just confidence. The letter itself is of little consequence. It appears that the conduct of the President has been perfectly correct. It would have caused a false impression had Mr. C's letter been published before Mr. Pinkney's answer was received. Mr. Canning, however, acting with less candor than the President of the U. S. has thought fit to publish one without the other; and therefore I wish the reply to be circulated fully.
Mr. LYON considered the documents of very little importance, conveying
no new information; but made some observations on the mode of printing them.
Mr. STORY said he was sorry to rise, because the patience of the House must be exhausted; but it was a duty incumbent on him to take the floor. This is not a new occasion (said he). More than once in twenty years the same attempt has been made by foreign intrigue; and when the attempt has been made, there was scarcely a man in America but considered it insidious and disgraceful. Like the gentleman from New York, it was before my time; but I gathered the feelings of the moment and held sacred the same feelings as were avowed by the father of his country. Whatever may be our political differences, sir, it is incumbent on all of us to frown indignantly on any foreign government that should attempt to influence the people. The publication of garbled and mutilated documents, purporting to be real correspondence between one country and another, has been a mean used to lead the public mind into a state of distempered jealousy, and array the citizen against his country. It has been too long the case in Europe. Whenever the sword has been drawn, corruption has proceeded it; and when I find the same means used to detach the people of this country from their government by similar attempts, I cannot repress my contempt at them. It is not any importance which I attach to Mr. Canning's letter that excites my indignation, because the very letter, compared with his formal answer to Mr. Pinkney's note, is a complete answer to itself; for in the documents long ago published, we find an offer in the most formal manner by Mr. Pinkney to repeat the embargo as related to G. Britain on the suspension of the orders in Council; and Mr. Canning in his formal reply has not even intimated the least suspicion that the offer was not the open act of the American government. Mr. P. with his usual candor, exhibited his own instructions to satisfy Mr. Canning not only that this offer was made by the authority of the government, but that it was made in the spirit of conciliation and sincerity. And by this letter a new feature is exhibited, for the purpose, almost avowed, of dissolving the union. I regret to see that our miserable little differences have induced foreign nations to tamper with us; that they have dared to believe that we are not intelligent enough to know our own rights. I regret that our divisions have been such as to induce a foreign nation thus to present a picture to the world of what she believed our real state. It is proved too truly that our own conduct has lessened us in the opinion of foreign nations, has induced them to believe that we are a divided people; it is proved too truly that they have thought the American nation either corrupted with luxury or overawed by the iron hand of despotism, and that they have not strength for a moment to sustain their political structure. The letter of Mr. Canning but for this would not have been published in the Eastern part of this country to foment those divisions produced by existing circumstances. Sir, I cannot but notice the honorable conduct of the gentleman from Md. (Mr. Key) who, though opposed in political opinion to the present administration, has shown himself to be a real friend to his country. If the same spirit which he has manifested, was exhibited throughout our country, instead of dissensions on this floor, that moment an attempt was made by a foreign nation to injure our rights, our differences on minor points would dissolve into air. It is not necessary for me to state, because the gentleman from Maryland has clearly shown, the reason of the publication of that letter. As one, sir, I do know that it was not only understood that the orders in council were about to issue, but that, before I heard of the embargo, I had seen letters and newspapers which informed that these orders were signed in the cabinet though not published to the world. In respect to Mr. Canning's saying that the offer to repeal the embargo was not authorized, the dispatches laid on our table, at the commencement of the session show to the contrary; and his own formal letter is a denial of the insinuation in the letter to-day communicated. Why then was this letter published in this extraordinary manner? To add to the divisions and lessen the confidence of the people in their government, to enable G. Britain to take advantage of these divisions and resume her dominion over the Northern states. With this view of the subject I cannot but conceive that this letter is
but a part of a system which has for its object the degradation of our country. I trust we shall on this occasion unite; that we shall not allow any foreign minister to believe that he can publish ex parte statements of garbled extracts of official correspondence; that divided as we may be on other subjects, we are united in a determination to support our rights.
Mr. GARDENER said, by this time the editor of the Columbian Centinel must be pretty well mauled. The fact is (said he) as regards myself, that I have never read with attention the document said to be official; and therefore unfortunately am not in a situation to determine whether in this respect our administration is to blame or not. I am one of those men who cannot comprehend all the details of such a negotiation at first glance. I do not believe that knowledge is to be attained by so rapid a progress.—Therefore, I shall not at present follow other gentlemen in their verdict of acquittal. I hope to be able to do it. A gentleman from Vermont, (Mr. Fisk) appeared to be offended at my mischievous curiosity to the people of N. England. If the gentleman supposes that I mean any harm to the people of New England, he is mistaken. It is not necessary for me to take up any time of the House in expatiating on the respect which I have for the people of N. England. New England was the cradle of American liberty. Sir; it was there the revolution commenced. From that same quarter I apprehend that the same spirit will again arise. A light appears, first in the east which I hope soon to see break forth into the most perfect day. The gentleman from Vermont, after this declaration I hope will not impute to me, any disrespect to the people of N. England. They will not submit either to the insolence or injustice of foreign nations, or to any other. Nature intended them for a great and happy people. The gentleman from Vermont has misunderstood me in one thing. I did not say that Mr. C's letter contained any view of the subject not heretofore given; and therefore have no occasion to answer his question.
The question on printing the documents, was then taken, and 5000 copies ordered to be printed.
SKETCH OF THE DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON THE NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT. CONTINUED.
Wednesday, Jan. 11.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS moved to commit the bill with the amendments to a committee of the whole. His object was to obtain a reconsideration of all the amendments. He felt a conviction on his mind that the House, having had time to consider the tendency of the vote of yesterday, would agree to rescind it. He wished no national measure to be adopted at this session with a poor, party majority of five. The nation, he said, was not to be got along in this way. He said when he had risen yesterday, he had felt an agony of soul which he could not repress or express. He, with his friend from N. Carolina (Mr. Macon) was willing to have adhered to the embargo till the last of September, or till its effect was clearly ascertained. And when the vote of yesterday was taken, he had thought he saw war with all its ruinous consequences, stalking over this once happy land. Under this embarrassment he said he had addressed the Speaker, and appeared to have been misunderstood by the gentleman from Georgia. He wished the bill to be recommitted, because he understood that a part of the seamen were considered as immediately necessary for the public service; he wished not to delay their employment by a discussion of the merits of a naval establishment—for no man opposed to the bill would, he presumed, permit it to pass till he had exerted himself to his utmost to prevent it.
Mr. W. ALSTON was in favor of the motion for commitment. The sum appropriated by this House for the smaller object had been stricken out by the Senate, and a sum inserted for the larger, which would scarcely be sufficient to open a rendezvous for enlisting men; if it were not enlarged, the bill would be a nullity.
Mr. DANA said it was his opinion, if a question had been unexpectedly taken, that it did not establish the point in question. He was therefore in favor of a commitment, in order to accommodate gentlemen. Mr. DANA replied in an humorous manner to Mr. Sawyer's observations on the subject of the music on board the na-
vy; saying that indeed it was true that they had drums and bells on board of a frigate, and even silver whistles for the boatswain's mates. The seamen were such strange creatures too, that they would despise an officer who would not make himself be obeyed within the fair limits of his authority. And this subordination, he said, was necessary. The seaman was subordinate to the midshipman who was subordinate to the lieutenant, the lieutenant to the captain, who was subordinate to the commodore, who was under the direction of the Secretary of the Navy, who acted under the Executive; and thus the Executive held the whole, and wielded it at his pleasure for the execution of the law and the general maintenance of public right. He was willing to have the bill committed, but not for the sake of altering the appropriation; for the bill only settled the principle, and the appropriation was for commencing the work.
Mr. BACON said if the nation was really hungry after debate, or thirsty for long speeches, he should have no objection to go into committee of the whole; but, believing this not to be the case, he should object to it, because it could answer no purpose but delay.
Mr. FISK was in favor of the House taking the responsibility of this matter upon itself, and not for throwing it on the President's shoulders. He wished this force to repel infractions of our laws and rights. Armed ships, in violation of our laws, were now carrying on trade within our waters; and information was received that armed vessels were coming on our coast to force a trade. Was this to be permitted? Of what efficacy were our embargo laws, if armed vessels were to come and go when they pleased. What, he asked, could we get by persevering in a system which was thus rendered of no effect but to injure the honest part of the community? He said he wished to treat such violators of the laws as pirates. Unless such a measure was adopted, our embargo laws would be of no effect. It would answer no good purpose to go into committee of the whole on the bill; for the object of the motion was to defeat the bill. The bill rested on this basis—would they or would they not take measures at this time to meet the crisis, or would they rely wholly on the embargo. This was in fact the true question. The passage of this bill would give of this species of force no more than its due proportion. Mr. Fisk said he was no friend to standing armies or navies, but, in legislating, judgment must be guided by circumstances. It had been said that the sending out our frigates to sea would produce war; that the spirit of our officers was such that they would engage. He hoped they would not, at the same time that he believed they would resist all encroachments on our rights. Decatur had been at sea for many months with a frigate, and no such consequence had been produced. Mr. F. replied to the observations of Mr. Sawyer, in relation to the conduct of captains; and concluded with some general arguments in favor of naval force.
Mr. ALEXANDER was in favor of going into a committee, and was opposed to the amendments of the Senate. He said, if we were to have war, the ocean was not the theatre on which we should attack G. Britain. It was in another quarter. The course which had been adopted by the administration, and wisely adhered to, he wished first to have a fair experiment. Though he was a friend to the embargo, he did not think that it should be continued for a long time. As long as a hope of adjustment remained, he did not wish to make preparations for war.
Mr. BURWELL hoped that, after a majority appeared to be in favor of the principle, no gentleman would delay the adoption of the other amendments of the Senate. He said he had no idea that any gentleman had been taken by surprise in the vote he had given. The observations of Mr. Williams about a bare majority of five, Mr. B. said, was not correct. A majority must always prevail. He was opposed to going into a committee of the whole.
Mr. KEY said, he was not surprised that gentlemen who were wholly opposed to the bill, should wish to have it recommitted. The amendments of the Senate presented but one question to his mind; whether it would be proper, in the present situation of our country, to arm those vessels which we have. He was a little surprised that gentlemen should hesitate, after what had been so often said on this floor. He recollected that
those who a few weeks ago had spoken in favor of a middle course, were treated almost as enemies to their country; it was even said that every man was an enemy to his country, who was not in favor of a continuance of the embargo, or war. Gentlemen had said that the line should be drawn, that the distinction should be made between friend and foe. And now, when a defensive measure was brought into consideration, how stood it? It was no quixotic idea of a navy to meet the mistress of the ocean on her own ground. That (said he) is not the question. Let us not be deceived by the idea. The solitary question is, whether, when our ships are lying in our waters, we shall man and equip them—for what? For the protection and defence of our homes . We have information that the proclamation of the President of the U. S. has been violated, and even at this moment may be violated. The Lion is boarded in his den—the Eagle strangled on his perch. It was for the purpose of compelling foreign nations to respect our rights within our jurisdictional limits, Mr. Key said, that he would give this additional quota of naval force. He was among the number of those who thought that if our frigates, instead of lying in our docks, had been heretofore sent out, no instance of such hostility would ever have taken place. In one case alone had these violations appeared to have been premeditated, when there was a fleet in the mouth of the river watching the motions of the Leopard, and ready to ensure success to her. All other instances had been insulated. Gentlemen had said that they would not provoke war. Mr. Key said neither would he. But was honorable defence of our rights war? Far from it. To be prepared for war was one of the best preventatives of war. Weakness invited, strength repelled insult and injury. He was therefore for arming those vessels which we have, and sending them out, but not for building others. This was very different from an attempt to protect foreign commerce in this way, which he hoped never would be made. The marine league on the coast, he said, was as inviolable as the soil. From head land to head land of the coast, and all the water within this line, had always been considered as part of the territory; and he contended, politically speaking, that an insult on our sovereignty there, was as great as if the forces of a foreign power were to land on our shores, come up to our houses, and murder and plunder the inhabitants. If we had a force upon the water, did any man believe that a single ship of 20 guns, commanded by a lieutenant, would have come within the limits of the harbor of Savannah, and fired a gun? No. Within these limits, Mr. Key said, he would not permit insults on our sovereignty, and therefore wished those vessels to be sent out. His idea was, that this force, as an auxiliary to gun boats, whether further to enforce the embargo or to protect our territorial limits, ought to be given to the President of the U. S. One gentleman had said, let us try the present system till September. What then? Mr. K. asked. When all chance of negotiation had ceased, in what situation should we be placed? Unarmed, the vessels rotting, and not ready for any service. We should be better employed (said he) in placing ourselves in such a situation, that if war be inevitable, we may better and more firmly resist it. We are a peaceable nation, and I hope we may have peace yet; but a preparation for war will guarantee peace. A man has two neighbors hostile to him; he would not go to attack them, but the moment they put their foot over his threshold would repel them with force, and chastise them, if in his power. This is the case of this nation, and I would employ the means which God has given us to repel invaders of our territory, whether maritime or territorial. Mr. K. said he could not agree to refer the subject to a committee of the whole, for the proposition was so simple that it would be almost a waste of time longer to detain the House on the subject. He said he had voted for the gun boat system, not that he was in favor of it, but because it was a defensive measure, in what he thought a difficult crisis. He thought war now still more probable; and if it were, he said, sound policy and a regard for the destinies of the country dictated that we should be prepared, and not let the enemy come upon us without resistance.
Mr. EPES said he should vote for commitment in conformity with the vote which he had yesterday given

against the amendment. When this subject had been presented to the House, he had not then or now attached to it that importance which gentlemen appeared to give it. Many questions had been brought to bear on it which were not now connected with it. It was not now a question whether we should commence a naval system. Whilst the House had been amused with an examination of the whole naval system, the only question was, whether in the present situation of our affairs, it would be proper to employ 6,000 or 4,000 seamen, the difference between the bill as sent from this House, and as received from the Senate being 2,000 seamen. The principal objection to the bill in its present form, was the manner in which it had been introduced into the House. We received a bill from the Senate, said he, which is now before a committee of this House; whilst this is under consideration, another bill of the same nature is sent to us, and we are called upon to vote blindly, without a single estimate or designation of the object for which this force is to be raised. If convinced that 6,000 seamen were necessary, Mr. Eppes said he would as soon vote for them as for 6,000 troops. But before he incurred an expense of six millions of dollars, for he averred that this would be the consequence of passing the bill, he must be convinced that it was not only necessary that the bill should pass, but that it should pass immediately; and at the same time totally disclaimed any intention of submitting to insults within our waters. The zeal which gentlemen had now displayed would have been better shown in the case of the Chesapeake. Why did they not then drive the British squadron out of our waters? This affair however had blown over, and now, when a twenty gun vessel went to Savannah, the House was called upon to employ all our vessels to drive it out! Our Executive, he said, was now by law authorised to employ all the armed vessels, and if, with the 2,000 additional seamen granted by this House, he could not drive these vessels out of our waters, he could not do it with all our armed vessels. Mr. Eppes said he should vote for commitment, because it would enable him again to vote on the amendment of the Senate. He disclaimed all the doctrine which had been laid down in respect to navies. Whenever we had war, he said he would employ those armed vessels which we have, he would send them out to sea, and if they should be taken or destroyed, let them go. He had rather they should be destroyed contending for our rights than suffered to rot in this place. It might be proper here to observe something respecting the situation of the frigates. If gentlemen would come forward with a call for an official statement of their situation, whether they were more rotten now than they would be with their compliment of seamen sailing along the coast, he believed it would be found that this was not the fact. Ordinary merchant vessels were kept in good condition at an expense of about ten per cent. per annum, and he believed not more had been employed on the frigates, and that all but two of them could be prepared for service in a short time. Mr. Eppes also objected to the amendments from the Senate, because they were at variance with the measures which the House had adopted. He was for adhering to the embargo yet a while longer. He believed it more for the interest of the nation to husband its resources, than to squander them on an object which could produce no real good. What was to be done with all these frigates? Were they merely to sail along the coast? No; and he knew not in what gentlemen would employ them. He was for waiting till the period arrived at which they might be of service; he was therefore opposed to the amendments of the Senate. He disclaimed permitting them to rot, when there was an occasion for their actual service; but he was not for sending out these vessels to force a war, before a single soldier was ready to march where they ought. So soon as our troops were ready to send to Canada, he said, he was ready to send out the frigates. Whenever it appeared that we were ready to resort to war, Mr. Eppes said, he should be as ready to employ all the energies of the nation as any man.
Mr. Johnson expressed his pleasure at perceiving that the arguments in favor of and against this bill proceeded from the heart, and were not the bickerings of party. He was not disposed, however, to pass a law making it imperative on the President to employ our naval force; he could not see that it would be necessary for defence, because Congress would have authorized the President, independently of the amendments of the Senate, to employ 171 gun boats, and ten small armed vessels, whilst the fortifications of our harbors were progressing with all the rapidity which the season would permit. For enforcing the embargo they were not necessary, because the President was already authorized to employ twelve additional revenue cutters, and to hire 30 other vessels,
if necessary. They were not necessary for the protection of commerce either; for what protection would ten frigates afford to the vast tonnage of the U. S. against the great navies of Europe? Mr. Johnson said that Congress had already induced the nation to believe that they would not take off the embargo during the present session; but that it might be removed in May or June. Mr. J. said the people would draw this conclusion from the decision of the House on the amendments offered for enforcing the embargo. And if the House had determined not to strike a blow at this session, was not the proposition now before the House directly in the teeth of the system which they had determined to adopt. He said it was known to many members of the House, and he was not ashamed to avow it on this floor, that if the majority had thought proper to abandon the embargo system, he had been prepared to take other measures. But he took it for granted, from the sentiments of the majority of the House as expressed by their vote, that it would not be repealed at their present session. Will you then now take offensive measures, said he? No; for you have determined to enforce the embargo. For offence, indeed—Mr. Johnson said, that he considered this naval force inadequate, incompetent and inefficient. Whenever there was war on water, he conceived that it must be carried on by private armed vessels; and whenever we did wage war, it must be as much on land as possible. Gentlemen spoke lightly of economy. Mr. Johnson said, he would venture to say that a rational economy would be necessary to carry the nation through the storm, even with the aid of loans and taxes. He thought it proper that the 2,000 seamen proposed to be given by the bill as sent from this House, should be authorised, for the purpose of more strongly fortifying N. Orleans, which was the outlet to the whole western country, and he thought it more expedient to keep in the Treasury the money which the bill from the Senate proposed to expend.
Mr. DURELL professed his astonishment at the opposition made by gentlemen in the minority, to the prompt passage of the bill; for he had always understood it to be the duty of the minority to yield to the majority, when its will was fairly expressed—Some of these frigates, he said, were so far gone that they would soon be not worth repairing; and that was one reason why they should be immediately put in a state of preparation. The gentleman from Kentucky, wanted 2,000 seamen to go to one place to the south-west. Mr. D. said, he wanted 2,000 to go to the east. He did not consider this proposition as at all premature. Was this House to come to a declaration of war, before it could be induced to pass this bill? Gentlemen had said, that if the embargo did not produce an alteration in our situation before September, they would abandon it, and take a more coercive measure. Supposing this to be the case, in what situation would the nation find itself? Completely unprepared. The preparation for defence belongs to us, said Mr. Durell; the direction of it when prepared is reposed in the Executive. He said, that gentlemen seemed to think that these vessels could be prepared for sea in four and twenty hours. Not so; it would require three or four months, if ample appropriations were made, to prepare them for sea. It would be two months before a single frigate could get out of the capes of Virginia.
Mr. TAYLOR said, he agreed with his colleague (Mr. D. R. Williams) that any important measure taken by this House, ought to be adopted by something like an imposing majority. In addition to this idea he said, he would call the attention of the House to what was alleged yesterday, and neither denied then nor now, that that Department of our government which was responsible for the execution of all laws, and for keeping the nation in a state of peace, in terms as clearly to be understood, as if conveyed in a formal message, for the purpose, had declared that it did not want this additional force. He thought, it fair to conclude that a difference of opinion existed on this subject in the three great Departments of the government. Even if the principle were not in itself all important, Mr. Taylor said, it would seem to him, that the extraordinary situation in which we were placed, would require that this subject should have a full discussion. And besides, (said he) it seems to me to be a duty which we owe to ourselves, that the honorable body which sent us these amendments should not in this way force upon us a measure, when they have already, in the usual course of business presented the same measure to our consideration, which has been referred to a committee of the whole. It was all important, he said, in a matter of such magnitude, that all the branches of the government should move hand in hand—There had been no estimate of the expenses of this thing. He asked, if there would not be a propriety, if it was the conviction of this House and the other branches of the government,
that these vessels should be put in service, in directing the Secretary of the Treasury, or the committee of Ways and Means, to find out a source from which those expenses were to be raised; and in enquiring whether the nation must not again resort to eight per cent. loans for the support of this establishment. He believed, that this proposition, if meant to enforce the embargo, was leading to an abandonment of the embargo system. This was clear to his mind; for if the nation were once convinced that the expense of this system, was as great as the expense of an actual war would be, there was no doubt what would be the voice of the nation. The embargo would be abandoned and war adopted in its stead. If we were to have peace, as he had heard from all the gentlemen who were in favor of the amendments from the Senate, then he would say, notwithstanding all the disregard to popularity which gentlemen might profess, the incurring the expense of fitting out all this navy, of retaining a regular army of 10,000 men, and a provisional army of 50,000 men, who were to be clothed, and fed, and paid from time to time, and which, disguise it as they would, was but a standing army of 50,000 men on foot—long—the expense necessary for carrying on such a system as this, would bring gentlemen, whether they would or not, to think of the popularity of the measure. Why was not this measure carried into effect at the last session of Congress? Was it that Great Britain had discovered a greater disposition to yield her orders in council than she did now? Mr. T. said, the nation stood in the same situation now as it did then, except that the breaking up of the negotiation with Mr. Rose, at the last session, seemed to give the atmosphere more of hostility and war, than at any time during the present session. When the affair of the Chesapeake had been recent, and a mockery of discussion had taken place on it, why had not this measure from the Senate, the members of which held their seats for the term of six years, and were secure in their seats for two, four and six years, been adopted then? Mr. T. recalled to the recollection of the House, the circumstances which had broken down the former administration, amongst the most prominent of which was the establishment of a Navy. The fact was, he said, that no administration, even if composed of Adamites, Pickeringians, Jeffersonians and Madisonians, all combined to assist one another, could not uphold this navy system in time of peace. The common sense of the nation would frown them down. He said, he was willing that the next administration should have fair play. There seemed to be a disposition to identify the future administration with the present—he liked it the better for it—the future administration would then be opposed to having this millstone swung round its neck, for the present Executive had given an intimation as plainly as he could, that he wanted not this force. He wished every President to have fair play, and where his patriotism was undisputed, that he should not have measures forced upon him, which he did not desire. Mr. Taylor said, he had not expected to hear from the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Key) who last year voted for gun-boats as auxiliaries to fortifications, that he now wanted frigates as auxiliaries to gun-boats.—Next, 74 gun ships would be wanted as auxiliaries to frigates, till they got to ships of 120 guns, as auxiliaries to gun-boats! The example of former nations, he said, ought to impress gentlemen with the importance of this subject. Gentlemen had said, that the marine league from our shore had been violated; and so Mr. T. said, that of France had constantly been, except where her batteries had driven them away. But had France sent out frigates for guarda costas ? No; with all the revenue which she had at command, she had considered the naval system as a system of profusion, of throwing away money. And when the few frigates which she possessed had escaped from her harbors, had they hugged along the coast? No; for that was the place of greatest danger; they had ran on in the night till they got off from their own coast for safety. And if we were to send out frigates, we hoped they would not be guarda costas , but go off to some distance, and play hide and seek with the enemy, and not stay in the very place where they would be sought for.
Mr. Newton said he was willing to support on his shoulders all the odium which the adoption of this measure would excite. Instead of a millstone hung around the next President's neck, it would be a buoy to support him. If any effect was produced on the popular feeling, it would be against those who refused to adopt the measure. In case of an attack anywhere, would not every man who refused to send out this force, be censured for having done so? Surely he would. Those who are opposed to us, said Mr. N. who say that we are in possession of power and abuse it, will justly come forward and say that the helm of state ought to be wrested from our hands, because we
shall have left the nation exposed to the insults of a foreign power. When the subject presented itself thus, he said it had an awful bearing. There was no fear of war from sending out our navy. Was the power of peace or war placed in the hands of a naval commander? No. Gentlemen had said that the Decatur affair of the nation would be seeking opportunities to wipe away the disgrace of the affair of the Chesapeake. Did gentlemen recollect that Decatur and the Chesapeake had been out some time on the coast? There was no fear of their precipitating the nation into war. But it was said that the President did not want this force because he had not required it. Mr. N. called upon gentlemen to recollect that the President had at the opening of the session devolved upon Congress the work of preparation. He quoted the President's message to show that he had not said what should or should not be done, but that the representatives of the nation, coming from the midst of the people, were the best judges of what ought to be done. Mr. Newton said no man within these walls or in the U. S. had more respect for the President of the U. S. than himself. As much as he respected that man for his eminent services, the reward of which he trusted he would receive, and that his retirement would be as honorable as that of any statesman or patriot that ever lived, yet, if he differed in opinion with this exalted character, he said he should consider it his duty to pursue the dictates of his judgment. If this bill were not passed, he conceived that the President, seeing from the debates of Congress the disposition of a considerable portion of the representatives of the nation, and those from the parts most exposed to foreign attack, would immediately order all the naval force to be put into requisition. Impressed as he was with the necessity of this measure, and not seeing any good which could result from the recomittal of the bill, he should adhere to the vote which he had given; and particularly as he considered that the safety of the U. S. required the passage of the bill.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. (CONTINUED)
DECEMBER 8.
Mr. KEY said that it was with much regret that he had seen the course which the debate on the first resolution had taken; as the propositions contained in that resolution met his entire and full approbation, he could have wished that instead of the discussion which had taken place, a silent dignified vote, the spontaneous effect of feeling and judgment, had at once passed. It would have been a better course, would have had a better effect, and kept the American mind from the impression which the protraction of the discussion must have occasioned, when taken in connection with the subject. A view however of the embargo had been gone into in respect to its past effects at home, and its probable future effects at home and abroad. As that course had been adopted, he said, he should find an apology, for the time which he should occupy, in the present eventful crisis, and the interest it universally excited.
I did myself believe (said Mr. Key) that the first resolution was an abstract proposition, and I still think so, although gentlemen consider it special, but surely a special proposition may be an abstract one. That which I consider an abstract proposition, is one out of which no future legislative proceedings can grow; but I agree that the crisis well warrants an expression of the public voice.
I shall take up the report and resolutions as a system, not with a view to condemn the report at all, for I take it as gentlemen wish it to be considered—I understood the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) as stating that the committee on our foreign relations had said nothing of the embargo. It was not necessary, Mr. Speaker, that they should, for the embargo law continues in operation until repealed. But surely it must be recollected that the committee on foreign relations in their resolutions seem to consider the system which they recommend, as including a continuance of the embargo; and I trust I meet the committee on fair and firm ground, when I consider their assent to be implied to the continuance of the embargo, and that it is their opinion that the measures which they recommend, united with the embargo, form an efficient system proper for the American people to adopt at this time. I shall necessarily therefore endeavor to answer gentlemen who have considered the embargo as a wise measure for the American people; that they are competent to bear it; and that it will, if guarded more sedulously, yet work out the political salvation of our land.
That the embargo is a measure severely felt by our country at large, & by some portions of it to a very eminent degree, cannot be denied. I did not expect to hear its effects contradicted; but they have been in some measure softened by the honorable
chairman of the committee last week. I think the pressure of this measure great and in some places requiring all the exertion of patriotism to support it. And as a proof of it, the members on this floor from different parts of the union have only contended which section suffered most. A member from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) because he conceives that thirty millions of dollars have been lost to the Eastern country by the measure, hence concludes that the Eastern country suffers most. The gentlemen from the Southern country say that they raise 70 millions of pounds of cotton, of which but ten millions are consumed at home, and the whole of the residue remains on hand; and that having seven-tenths of their produce unsold, conceive that they most sensibly feel the weight of this affliction in their country; a member from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) will not yield the palm of oppression to either. "I live (said the gentleman) in the centre of the tobacco country, whether you draw the line from East to West, or from North to South. We are not less pressed than others for we have no vent for this article so obnoxious in itself, but which the taste of mankind has rendered necessary." Now with great deference to all these gentlemen, I say that my country suffers most. The Southern country possesses its staples, which but remain on hand; its value only diminished by the non-export. Tobacco and cotton may be preserved without material injury for a length of time. We know that at the close of the revolutionary war tobacco bore a greater price than previous to its commencement, and amply remunerated the holders. But I represent an agricultural country.—What can resuscitate wheat devoured by the fly? What restore flour soured in the barrel? our produce perishes, the subject is destroyed. So far therefore as I represent an extensive and fertile farming district, I will not yield the palm of pressure to the cotton and tobacco country. So great has been the feeling of the people that it has wrought a wonderful change in the state which I have the honor to represent; not in men who are either deluded or deceived, as intimated by the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Campbell) but men who, by the pressure of the embargo itself, have been driven to reflection, and by reflection removed the film from their eyes, and thereby seen their true interests more distinctly. In the course of the last winter, the legislature of the state of Maryland, believing that the orders in council justified the embargo, and that it was a wise measure, approved of it. Succeeding elections have taken place, and the present House of Representatives tells you that it is most ruinous and oppressive. Such certainly are its effects in the state of Maryland; and I should ill represent my own district, if I did not so declare. Gentlemen will say that I should rather be pleased with the change than regret it; but, so help me God, Mr. Speaker, I am much less anxious what description of citizens admixters the affairs of the country, than that they should be well administered; that it should protect the liberty, give to labors just reward, and promote the happiness and prosperity of the citizens.
But it is alleged by the honorable chairman of the committee (Mr. Campbell) that this is a delusion; that the people do not comprehend the subject; for that it is the orders in council which have produced our embarrassments, and not the embargo—Here, then, sir, I am precisely at issue with that learned and honorable gentleman. I contend that the pressure on the people is, caused by the embargo, and not by the orders in council. However speculative theorists may reason, there is proof abroad, and stubborn facts to contradict their reasoning. Test the market from Boston to Savannah, as to the price which you may get at ninety days credit, the embargo being continued, or on condition that the embargo be repealed in thirty days. Is there no difference in the price under these circumstances? I know well from experience, and the whole country knows that if the embargo be now taken off, the price of every species of produce will rise fifty per cent. The depreciation in price then flows from the embargo. Remove it and they will give you more; keep it on and they will give you less. These are stubborn facts, and every man who has gone to the market will attest their correctness. You may reason as you please; but there is not a farmer that can be reasoned out of his senses, especially when they are suspended a little by necessity. I hold these facts to be more conclusive than any abstract reasoning to prove that the embargo does work a diminution in the value of the articles which we have for sale. If this be the case, it results, sir, that we must ascribe to the operation of that measure the loss our country now so greatly feels. Our citizens are not so uninformed as the gentleman from Tennessee imagines. He thinks, and I agree with him, that the public voice will be generally

right when the people are well informed. They have seen all the official communications which have been published, and are competent to judge whether the orders in council justified the embargo, and whether if the embargo had not been laid, they would have wrought that effect which we now so sensibly feel. Instead of being deluded, sir, their eyes are opened, and the film removed; and they see that the embargo was not justified by necessity, and as far as their opinion has been expressed, that it was impolitic and unwise.
The gentleman seems to think that the country cannot feel much because it feeds well; but we may feel and feed at the same time. It is plenty that we complain of. Our surplus is touched by this torpedo, the embargo, and is thereby rendered useless. But gentlemen say that if the embargo were now taken off, we could not trade; and a calculation has been entered into by the gentlemen from Tennessee in opposition to one made by me at the last session. I have not seen my calculation for months, sir; it is before the public—the gentleman's statement will go to the same tribunal, and I am willing to commit my slender reputation to the country for the accuracy of mine—and the people judge between us. The gentleman tells you that we have no commerce to resort to which would be either safe or profitable. It is strange, that we cannot confide the decision of this question to commercial men—for what commercial man would undertake a voyage which shall be attended with certain ruin? I had thought that men of great experience and information, and whose knowledge was sharpened by interest, might be safely confided in. But merchants, whose habits of life have led them to calculate, whose information extends to every part of the world, are not to be trusted with the prosecution of their own interest, but we must kindly take it in hand for them. Sir, I contend that commerce had better be left free for merchants to find a market, which every one knows they would do, from their eagerness now to ship. If they could not export with safety or profit, they would lay a voluntary embargo ten thousand times better than a coercive one—the very necessity of coercion shews that our merchants would sail, were it not for the embargo. I contend that the embargo is ruinous and oppressive. Need I say anything further on the subject? Look at the country. The courts of justice shut in one of the southern states—executions suspended in a state contiguous to this—and Maryland reduced to the same necessity, from the circumstance of there being no market for our produce. So great is the pressure that the people have it not in their power to pay their ordinary debts—and how eloquent is the fact that in a moment of peace (for certainly there is not war) we are compelled to arrest the current of justice. These legislative acts depict the situation of our country more strikingly than volumes of argument. The state legislatures know the inability of their citizens to pay, and hold out a kind hand to assist them.
In point of revenue how does it work? The honorable chairman of the committee (Mr. Campbell) in a speech of great learning and investigation, told us that the treasury was never more full. I wish the documents were before the House to convince us of it. But did an atom of it flow in from the operation of the embargo? If there be such a surplus, it only shews the beneficial operation of the system pursued anterior to the embargo. What is to fill your treasury now, if the people cannot sell their produce? What will in this case become of your source of wealth in the western country? The people can neither buy lands, nor buying pay for them. Where is the impost duty which has supported the government, and sunk to a considerable degree the national debt? The moment you prevent all importation, there is an utter extinction of impost revenue; and at home a physical inability to produce any from the people at large. We are a rich country, abounding in the necessaries of life; we have money's worth, but no money. Nor can our people by any practical means raise money to defray the expenses of the state governments, much more of that of the U. S. I am in the country, sir; I cannot collect my rents, my neighbors cannot sell wheat or tobacco. All is stopped. I ask then what physical ability we have to discharge the state taxes, or any other? We have no other way of getting money but through the sale of our produce. Gentlemen say that our revenue would fall just as short, supposing the embargo to be raised. That is begging the question, sir. They assume that for a truth which they ought to prove in the first instance. Leave commerce open, and you will soon have money in return for our produce, or that which will procure it. Revenue is the life of the government, and let me suppose gentlemen to be sitting here thirteen months hence, on the 1st of January, 1810. Where is your then revenue to come from? You have dried up every source of the national wealth.
What must you do? Either borrow or raise money by direct taxation. There is no doubt what must be resorted to; and it was touched with great ability, though slightly touched by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) as to the consequences which must grow out of such a system as direct taxation. This species of taxation is not consonant to the genius of the country, to the habits of our people—it comes too close to the pocket of the agriculturalist, and is besides a source of revenue which ought to belong exclusively to the states. I hold it as a political truism, that upon the sovereignty and independence of each state as guaranteed by the constitution, do our liberties depend. I know that some of the ablest men in America opposed the adoption of the Federal Constitution on this ground: that the general government being raised and supported on external matters only, if the time should ever arrive at which foreign commerce should cease, and internal taxes be resorted to, that great would be the conflict between the officers of the state and general governments, which would ultimately end in the prostration of state rights. Gentlemen call the embargo in silken phrase a temporary suspension of commerce. I will call it by its own name; it is better known to the people by it. I contend that the embargo now laid is a perpetual embargo, and no member of this House can constitutionally say it is otherwise; for the immediate representatives of the people have so played the game as to leave the winning trump out of their own hands, and must now have a coincidence in opinion both of the Senate and of the President of the U. S. to effect its repeal. If the whole of this body were to consent to a repeal, and a majority of the Senate, yet the President might resist them both. Is there any limitation to the law on the statute book? No; but there is a power given to the President to suspend it in whole or in part, in the event of certain contingencies. Have those contingencies happened? Are they likely to happen? No, sir; and these are the views which I take of the subject. America anxious to get rid of this burthen has proffered to take it off, if either of the two belligerents would relax their edicts in our favor in relation to such one, keeping it on in relation to the other. What says the sarcastic British minister? Why, sir, that they have no cause of complaint; that it was laid by the President as a precautionary measure; and they were told by our minister that it was not to be considered as a hostile measure—What says France? She gives us no answer, say gentlemen. Aye, sir—and is that true? Have we indeed received no answer? I think we have one that wounds our feelings as deeply as the answer of Mr. Canning. It is the situation of our minister abroad, who says he dare not ask for an answer, because the asking it might be injurious to our cause. What, have we a minister abroad, and is he afraid or unwilling to make a proposition to the government where he is resident? Surely sir, that state of things furnishes as definitive an answer as any that could be given. We have no hopes that either will remove its edicts—sir I consider the embargo as a premium to the commerce of G. Britain. Gentlemen say that she is a great power, a jealous power and possessed of a monopolising spirit. If these views be correct, by annihilating our commerce, do we not yield the seas to her, and hold out an inducement to her forever to continue her orders in force. What prospect is there that the embargo will be removed? It cannot now be got off by a vote of this House. We are saddled with it. If we cast our eyes to proceedings elsewhere constitutionally held on the same subject, we shall find that it is to remain still farther to oppress and burthen the people of this country with increased rigor.
As a measure of finance it has laid the axe to the root. The tree is down that bore the golden fruit; and will not again grow till we ease ourselves of this measure. In a fiscal point of view I cannot then for my life think it a wise or provident measure. But as a preparation for war it is still worse; because it produces a deficiency of that out of which war alone can be sustained. Instead of having money for your surplus produce, it rots upon your hands; instead of receiving a regular revenue, we have arrested its course, and dried up the very source of the fountain. As to preparation at home, which is the only preparation contemplated to make, what or whom is it against? Against France? She cannot come here. Or against England who with the monopoly of commerce which you leave her to enjoy, has no object further to annoy you? I believe as a preparation for war the best expedient would be to get as much money as we could, to send out our surplus produce and bring back the supplies necessary for an army if to be raised at all—to arm and discipline the militia. A raising of the embargo would be a preparation for war—it would bring us articles of the first necessity for
our surplus. But on a continuation of the embargo, things must progress from bad to worse.
Another thing, sir—I do not now mean to take a constitutional view of the subject—but will not gentlemen pause and reflect on the continuance of the embargo. It is well known that the general government grew out of a spirit of compromise. The great authors of that instrument were well acquainted with the term embargo . A temporary embargo for the purpose of sending out a squadron or concealing an equipment, was well understood. But I ask every one who hears me, if a question had been agitated in convention to give Congress a power to lay an embargo for one or two years, if the Eastern or commercial states would have agreed to it? Does any man believe it? No man who knows the country can believe it. With what sedulous anxiety did they say in a negative provision of the constitution, that Congress should not lay an export duty! You are prohibited the minor power of taxing exports, & yet you stop exports altogether for an indefinite term. It is utterly inconceivable, that the states interested in commerce should have given their assent to any such powers so self-destructive. If they had given them, they ought to be most clear, not by implication, but most manifest; the exercise of powers counteracting principles most dear to every part of the community, ought to be assumed with the utmost caution. Under that view, except the measure be most wise in itself, and its effects most clear, the government ought not to continue the embargo. But why is it to be continued? We have taken some view of its effects at home. Let us see what effects may be expected to be produced by it abroad. An honorable gentleman told us an hundred millions were saved by laying the embargo, a sum nearly equal to the whole exports of the United States for one year, excluding the capital employed. The first two or three seizures of our vessels, sir, would have sent an alarm abroad, and had the danger been so imminent, they would have voluntarily retired from destruction. There are no reasonable data from which to infer that 100 millions of our property could at any one time have fallen a prey. Some few vessels might have been taken, but the rest would have escaped the grasp of the power which harassed them.
I will now examine the character of this measure; for upon my word, sir, it seems a political non-descript, though we feel its effects so severely. The President tells you it is a measure of precaution only; and yet we are told by gentlemen that it is a species of war , which America can best use to coerce the two greatest powers on the earth, commanding land and sea, to truckle at our feet. I know not how gentlemen can place our connection with foreign nations in such a predicament; whilst the President officially holds out to the world that the embargo was a peaceful measure, gentlemen now say that it is a coercive one, a sort of quasi war . I recollect a gentleman at the last session making an estimate of the West Indies being worth an hundred millions to Britain, and predicting that before the measure was 90 days known in the West Indies, it would bring that nation to our feet; that it would act as a great political lever, resting its fulcrum on Jamaica, and move all Europe to our wishes—Double the number of days have elapsed, and they hold out insulting language.—How then can we trust to the future predictions of gentlemen? Their error arises from a want of knowledge of the country; a little experience is worth all the theory in the world. In the years 1774-5, an honorable feeling adopted a non-exportation and non-importation agreement more faithfully executed by patriotism than any law since made or enacted; for every family refused to use an article which was not raised within the bosom of its own country. Did it produce starvation in the West Indies? No, sir; the politicians of that day did not so calculate. They knew the resources of these islands, and told them that if they would convert a part of their sugar plantations into cornfields, they would not suffer. We are now in the habit of overvaluing ourselves and undervaluing our enemies. Come the day when it will, we shall have no ignoble foes to meet.
In the revolutionary war how did England stand—how her islands? For several years she was at war with America, with Holland, with Spain, with France, whose fleets in the East and West-Indies were often equal, sometimes superior to her own, and an armed neutrality in the north—during this period a French fleet blocked the Chesapeake, and aided in the capture of Cornwallis; and threatened the British islands—but how was this conflict with the world sustained? Were the islands starved during these years—did they fall? No, sir; the British nation braved the storm, and was only conquered by her sons—America was victorious and independent; but Europe retired, discomfited—Sir, America can again prove victorious, but it must be by other measures than
embargoes—destructive only at home and without effect abroad. It is said that one reason why the embargo has not pressed so hard on G. B. as it might, is, that it has not been so tightly drawn as it may be; that our citizens have evaded it. And, sir, if I have any geographical knowledge of the country, tighten the cords as you may by revenue cutters and gun-boats on the sea board, and collectors and military on land, they will escape both. Interest ever alert will avail itself of our extensive coast and elude the law. (Mr. Key's Speech to be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JANUARY 23.
SUBSCRIBERS to the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER in arrears are respectfully informed that the prompt payment of their dues has become INDISPENSIBLE, which, it is hoped, they will discharge on this intimation.
We have perused with much pleasure a pamphlet, just issued from the press at this place, entitled "An Address to the People of New-England" By Algernon Sidney. It is ascribed to Mr. Granger, and has no inconsiderable merit, as a defence of the motives and measures of the general government against the seditious, we might perhaps justly add, traitorous machinations of a few desperate malcontents, who by the active diffusion of the most atrocious falsehoods are endeavoring to separate the people from their government. The ground, selected by the writer, is chosen with great prudence, and chiefly consists of facts, not disputed even by the federal party, and which may, consequently, be expected to have some influence in reclaiming the honest and reflecting men of that order from the errors they have imbibed. We had prepared a review of this tract, embracing a number of interesting extracts from it, fitted to present our readers with a tolerable idea of its character. But we are compelled, by the interesting proceedings of Congress to defer its insertion, as well as that of several other original articles.
Every friend to his country will be gratified with the information announced in the subjoined article.
We are authorised to state, that JOHN W. EPPES, Esq. has consented once more, to serve the people of his district in the Congress of the United States—amidst these difficult and stormy times.
We invite the attention of the reader to the interesting letter of L. CROSS, in the last page. It furnishes abundant reasons for the act more effectually to enforce the embargo.
Resolutions of the General Assembly of Kentucky, adopted in the House of Representatives with the single dissent of Humphrey Marshall, and in the Senate with only three dissentients.
Resolved, That the administration of the general government, since the fourth of March eighteen hundred and one, hath been wise, dignified and patriotic, and merits the approbation of the country.
Resolved, That the embargo was a measure highly judicious, and was an honorable expedient to avoid war, whilst its direct tendency, besides annoying those who had rendered resort to it necessary, was to preserve our seamen and property, exposed to the piratical depredations of foreign vessels.
Resolved, That the general assembly of Kentucky would view with the utmost horror, a proposition in any shape to submit to the tributary exactions of Great Britain, as attempted to be imposed by her orders of council, or to acquiesce in the violation of neutral rights as menaced by the French decrees; in resisting which aggressions, they pledge themselves to the general government, for their most energetic support.
Resolved, That whether war, a total non-intercourse, or a more rigid execution of the embargo system be determined on, the general assembly, however they may regret the privations consequent on the occasion, will cordially approve and co-operate in enforcing the measure; for they are sensible that in the present crisis of the nation, the alternatives are a surrender of liberty and independence, or a bold and manly resistance.
Resolved, That Thomas Jefferson is entitled to the thanks of his country, for the ability, uprightness and intelligence which he has displayed in the management both of our foreign relations and domestic concerns.
Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be transmitted to the President of the United States, and each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress.
Our readers will take the following letter, extracted from the Alexandria Daily Advertiser, for what it is worth. We are not informed even of the vessel that brings it. Extract of a letter from Liverpool, to a gentleman of this town, dated
NOVEMBER 21, 1808.
"Some days ago dispatches arrived from Spain, advising that the French army under the command of General Ney, 25,000 men strong, attacked the Spanish army under the command of General Blake, 17,000 strong; the action lasted nine hours, during which the Spaniards retained their ground, but finding themselves so inferior in numbers, they retreated during the night to Bilboa, and two days after fell back twenty miles further, where they were joined by the troops from the Baltic, under the command of General Romana. On the 5th of this month they attacked the French, and the battle lasted four days, the French were completely defeated, Ney is killed, besides 9000 killed, wounded and prisoners, Blake is wounded. It is said the numbers of the two armies were nearly equal, but the objects for which they fought are very different."
Captain Cornwall, a passenger in the brig San-Antonio, from Cadiz, informs us, that 2 days before he sailed, intelligence was received, stating, that the Spaniards had evacuated Bilboa. No news of any recent battle having taken place, had reached Cadiz on the 18th November. Daily Adv.
SENATE, JANUARY 18.
Nothing of importance done. JANUARY 19.
Mr. Leith, a Senator from Pennsylvania appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Allen, from the committee, to whom was referred on the 6th inst. the message of the President of the U. S. on the subject of fortifications, reported, in part, a bill making appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the sea-port towns and harbors of the U. S. and to defray the expenses of deepening, and extending to the river Mississippi the Canal of Carondelet.
JANUARY 20.
Mr. Tiffin, according to leave, brought in a bill to extend the time for making payment for the public lands of the U. S.
The bill, from the House of Representatives for the relief of sick, disabled and distressed seamen, was taken up.
On motion of Mr. L'Enfant, that part of the bill, that provides for refunding to the U. S. the sum appropriated, was struck out—Yeas 20—Nays 11.
On motion of Mr. Pope the word "distressed," was struck out—Yeas 19—Nays 11—so amended the relief extended is limited to sick and disabled seamen.
After further consideration the bill was postponed till Monday.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, Jan. 20. EXTRA SESSION.
The House were engaged the whole of this day in warily debating the bill to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress.
The motion pending when the House yesterday adjourned for striking out "the 4th Monday in May" was negatived by a large majority.
Messrs. J. G. Jackson, Bacon, G. W. Campbell, Rhea and Gadsden supported the bill, and Messrs. Quincy, D. R. Williams and Macon opposed it. It was passed at near seven o'clock, by Yeas and Nays as follows—Debate in our next.
YEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bibb, Blake, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, Chapman, Clevton, Cook, Cuts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Ely, Eppes, Finley, Fisk, Gardener, Gardner, Glodson, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Helms, Holmes, Howard, Isley, J. G. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Love, Marion, Masters, McCrady, Milnor, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Mr. Morrow, J. Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pickett, Porter, Pugh, Rea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Seaver, Smell, Smith, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taggart, Taylor, Van Allen, Van Horn, Whitehead, Wilton, A. Wilson, N. Wilson, Winn—80.
NAYS—Messrs. Bassett, Blackledge, Blount, Clittenden, Clay, Davenport, Franklin, Gray, R. S. Jackson, Kelly, Lyon, Macon, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Seaton, Scafard, Stechman, Sturges, Taliaferro, Trigg, Upaham, Van Cooten, Van Dyke, Wharton, D. R. Williams—26.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in New York, to his friend in Richmond, dated 24th Dec. 1808.
"I have been at Passamaquoddy, where smuggling has been carried on to a vast extent. I have not a doubt but that from the small town of Eastport, 200,000 barrels of beef, pork, flour and naval stores, have been carried to the English colony of New Brunswick since the embargo laws were passed."
POSTSCRIPT.
The republicans of the City of N. York met in front of the Park, on the 13th inst. to the unprecedented number of between five and six thousand—Col. Rutgers in the chair—when a set of patriotic resolutions were unanimously adopted, from which the following are extracted. The whole shall appear in our next.
"Resolved, That we do continue to repose full confidence in the patriotism and talents of the President, Vice-President and the Republican majority of both Houses of Congress of the United States. That viewing without partiality and with equal indignation the hostile acts of both the belligerent powers, we entirely approve of the embargo and a rigid enforcement thereof, and believe that while it affords an opportunity to the aggressors, peaceably to discontinue their violation of our rights, its immediate tendency has been to preserve American property, to vindicate the freedom & protect the persons of our mariners, & while we lament that the violence & injustice of foreign nations have rendered it a necessary measure, we decidedly resolve that it meets our hearty approbation."
"Resolved, That we will support the government of the United States in its present honorable struggle to maintain the national dignity and independence together with the commercial rights of our country, for which we pledge "our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."
The following is extracted from the Boston Isoperian, one of the most unprincipled prints on the continent; we therefore attach but little credit to it. Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Portland, to his friend in Boston, dated
Portland, Jan. 14, 1809.
A spirit of opposition to the "O grave and" laws appears to prevail at Bath, with increasing warmth. A ship of four hundred tons, loaded with cotton, sailed from there, last Thursday. Report says, the captain went to the Custom House, and demanded a clearance for some part in the state, offering the customary bonds for the amount of vessel and cargo. The officer refused to grant him a clearance, unless he gave bond for 50,000 dollars, three the amount of the cargo. This the captain refused, telling him he would proceed to sea in defiance of him, and that he might prevent him if he could.
Accordingly at the striking of the bell for one, the signal fixed upon, forty men jumped on board, loaded some cannon they had placed on the deck, and proceeded down the river. The cutter attempted to stop them, but was beaten off; and when they reached the fort, the soldiers, after discharging two heavy guns at them, refused to obey their officers, declaring that they would not fire upon their countrymen. The ship sailed the fort and gave three cheers as she passed.
FOR SALE.
A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy.
DENJ. ODEN. Prince George county, Dec. 16—41

UNITED STATES DEFENCE.
To make room for the following communication, we have necessarily curtailed the contents of our editorial department, and omitted several interesting selections, prepared for our columns of this day. But for these omissions our readers will be amply compensated, in the "plain, unvarnished tale" of a brave and meritorious officer, in which he not only recasts his own character from the libelous aspersions of a malevolent ruffian, but exposes, in their true colors, the infamous violators of the just laws of their country.
FOR THE ALBANY REGISTER.
Copy of a letter from Lieut. Joseph Cross, to the Hon. Secretary at War, Artillery Cantonment, Sackett's Harbor, October 21st, 1808.
Sir, I have hitherto made my communications to Col. Barbier, but understanding that he has gone to the westward, I deem it my duty, and the respect I entertain for the head of the Department of War, to inform you of the result of my conduct and situation, since I arrived here. I hope you, Sir, will acquit me of obsequiousness, when I state that the public indignation has been excited by certain false publications, in the papers of the nation, calculated, if they were true, to injure my feelings. Previous to my arrival at this place, I was impressed with a belief, that I should meet with discountenance, and perhaps opposition. At Oswego, the Collector had been grossly insulted and threatened, and it was said that he had been fired upon in the night, by quarters, surrounded at midnight by a mob, and armed persons rendered necessary to aid the constables to disperse it, and restore tranquility. A number of officers had arrived from Sackett's Harbor, and it is my firm belief, that they were armed and paid by individuals of apparent respectability, to take cargoes from Oswego, and force the port for defences. The arrival of my detachment enabled the collector of that port, to enforce the laws pertaining to his department, with promptitude and energy. Hence the violent clamor that was excited against him. I was repeatedly told at Oswego, that the people of Sackett's Harbor, had determined to resist my disembarkation at this port by force. I accordingly mounted a brass six pounder on the bow of one of my bateaux, left Oswego on the 15th, and on the 17th of August opened this port. Lieut. Worden, of the Onondaga Grenadiers, and six of his men, were with me as volunteers. As we stood in for port, we discovered a crowd of people exhibiting much hostility and movement, who fired two cannon pointed at us, in quick succession. Anxious to embrace every opening to harmony, I immediately returned them two 1 lb. canister shot from my 6 pounder. They kept up an irregular fire, and crowded round the place where we must necessarily land. Mr. Worden and myself, under the midst of them, and after regularly encamping, and mounting a quarter guard, waited on Mr. Sackett the collector, who received us with his well known hospitality. The commerce and navigation of this frontier, became the topic of conversation. Mr. Sackett declared his belief, that the embargo laws never were intended to prohibit commerce from this, to any other port or place in this district, however adjacent to the colonies of a foreign nation; that the word "port," in the 6th section of the last law, meant exclusively, a port of entry and delivery. That if it admitted of any other construction, it was unconstitutional, and no public officer was bound to enforce it. For his part, he had taken the opinion of Judge Kent, and other eminent lawyers, and was determined not to stop any vessel or boat, from descending the St. Lawrence; although he believed their cargoes went eventually to Kingston or Montreal. That he had been threatened with prosecutions, if he did detain cargoes bound to ports in his own district; and if he had been disposed to stop them, he had hitherto had no means of securing their detention. He suggested Carlton Island as an eligible point of observation, and the most appropriate station for my detachment—but it being in possession of British troops, he would use his utmost influence with Judge Cartwright, and his Canadian friends, to procure it, &c. This evening, a man came to my tent, who styled himself a commissioner, and demanded, in the name of the citizens, that I should quit the ground on which I was encamped. I told him, if in the morning, I found my encampment of serious inconvenience to the citizens, I would cheerfully relinquish the ground; but if the demand arose from a spirit, refractory to the laws of my country, and a disposition to annoy the U. States troops, I should not yield an inch; a constant fire of powder was kept up to windward, from two cannon near the encampment, evidently with the intention of annoying us; and the language of the mob was abusive and insulting. On the 18th P.M. the mob began to press upon my encampment, and an individual came to the lines, and, after much abusive language, told the Volunteers, that if he could get forty good fellows to join him, he would cut the throats of every rascal of them. I deemed it high time to act decisively, and ordered the guard to take charge of him. The officer was obeyed. No civil authority demanded this man, as has been reported, nor did I ever assert that I would refuse him to such authority; but the mob, to which I will never voluntarily yield, repeatedly demanded him, and used serious threats to intimidate me to a surrender of him, and at about nine in the evening, they loaded their largest cannon, a six pounder, with stones, and pointing it towards my encampment, with their match lighted, again demanded the prisoner, and he was again refused. The "commissioner" repeated his visit, and demanded a surrender of the ground on which I was encamped, and I gave him a peremptory refusal. While this was going on, I made the best arrangement of the detachment in my power, placing 12 picked men under Lieut. Worden, with orders to receive, with me, the first fire in the encampment, then to rush on with charged bayonets, capture the piece, and kill or take prisoner every man found near it. The Grenadiers and remainder of the artillery, were to remain with me to defend the encampment, having the water and our bateaux in the rear, our left flanked by a large store, our right by the field piece, with our quarter guard in front. Observing our position of defence, they desisted and partially dispersed. I was then attacked in a manner which I am not well calculated to resist. Several respectable citizens came to my tent, and represented that the prisoner's wife was very sick, and having heard of her husband's confinement, she was in extreme distress. I immediately ordered the guard and grenadiers on parade, and after the prisoner made proper concessions to the soldiers he had threatened and insulted he was liberated.
The direct infractions of the embargo & revenue laws, on this frontier, had become so numerous and daring, that both the former and present Collectors, were decidedly of opinion, that the force under my command, would be most advantageously employed on board an armed vessel, which would be able to stand any weather, and occasionally to ply to windward. I entered fully into this opinion, and propositions were made to Capt. Eads, for the charter of his vessel on Saturday, the 29th of Aug. which were verbally acceded to, and he promised to have a cabin built in her, and to hold her ready for charter on the ensuing Wednesday; and Mr. Massey, who resides about 12 miles from this, went home. Several vessels in port, were offered for charter, but were declined, because we believed that Eads's vessel was fully engaged. On Sunday 21st, after every vessel but his own had left the port, Eads demanded of Mr. Sackett, a clearance for Genesee river—Mr. Sackett sent for me, and asked if I thought Capt. Eads could be permitted to go to Genesee river, under existing circumstances. I replied, that was as he pleased, but I considered Capt. Eads was bound in honor to charter his vessel to the United States. This Eads denied, and was clamorous for his clearance; Mr. Sackett eventually refused it. On Monday and Tuesday, he continued to demand it. Indisposition prevented Mr. Massey, the new collector, from attending, and Mr. Sackett gave Eads a clearance to bring a cargo from Genesee, on condition he should return and hold his vessel for charter, on the terms which he had already verbally acceded to. On Thursday, Mr. Massey came down from Watertown, his place of obedience, and entered on the duties of his office, and on Friday the vessel returned, and the requisition for charter was renewed. Eads assented to the collector's propositions, and directed carpenters to throw up her bulk head preparatory to building a cabin. Saturday, Eads retracted and enhanced the terms, which were acceded to—when Eads again receded, and in short, exhibited a series of apparent consent, evasion and falsehood, evidently calculated to amuse the collector, and prevent his obtaining his vessel or any other. He is a weak, passionate, ignorant foreigner, and agreeably to his interest, subservient to his employers, who, I believe, without a single exception, have been concerned in the speculations arising from violations of the embargo. At length, on Monday the 23rd of August, P.M. the collector informed me, that the business was concluded, and that he was going to the office of Mr. Camp, (who drew the papers,) to sign them with Captain Eads. I saw him enter the office, and we did not meet again till eight o'clock in the evening, when I went to Franklin's tavern where I quartered, and on entering the dining room, discovered Messrs. Massey, Sackett, Camp, Eads, and a number of other individuals in a vein of apparent sociability. They invited me, and I joined as cordially as I would my friendly circle of my fellow citizens. Believing that the meeting resulted from the execution and completion of the charter-party, I felt happy on reflecting that I should probably have an opportunity of evincing my fidelity as a soldier, and my attachment to the constitution and laws of my country, which in my oath of office I had sworn to support. The company was mixed, that is to say, honest men and smuggling speculators, and I forbore to mention the subject of the vessel. The evening passed socially away, and between 11 and 12 o'clock, Mr. Massey, and several individuals retired; after which, Eads informed me that "it was all up about the secession, that Mr. Massey would not charter her." I called on Mr. Massey, stated my surprise and disappointment, and asked why the charter had not been effected. He stated that the papers were drawn by Camp in such a manner, that they would not, when signed, be obligatory on Eads, but would bind him in such a manner as to involve his property without any adequate benefit to the U.S. He was perfectly satisfied of the intention of Eads, and those concerned with him, and in smuggling, to prevent our obtaining a vessel that might enable us to check the daring and frequent violations of the embargo laws, and that it was not of avail to negotiate longer. I observed, I had read and he had of agreement in time of war, of articles necessary for the promotion of the public interest and frustration of an enemy's designs, and the present crisis appeared to be a campaign against the domestic enemies of our country, who were loaded on by foreign gold, to a wanton violation of the civil code, and a subversion of its best interests, by shamefully proving to the world, that we had not sufficient respect for ourselves, to preserve an inviolate and patriotic adherence to laws enacted by the government of our own choice. I added that government expected vigilance and energy from subordinate public officers in support of existing laws, and in detecting and defeating their wanton violators. I observed that Eads's vessel had been concerned, under the sanction of the collector, in direct violations of the embargo laws, and I did not conceive that under existing circumstances the clearance he had obtained in ballast was of any avail, as the collector possessed the power to stop her at any moment. This he admitted, and was sensible of the finesse and duplicity which had been practised on us. I then proposed pressing the vessel into the service of the U. States, and placing a guard on board of her; to this he replied, "very well, do as you please." Accustomed as I am, from long subordination, to a simple yes or no from my superiors, and knowing him to be the official director of the affairs of the port under his charge, I deemed this answer sufficient, bade him good night, and immediately repaired to my barracks and ordered a guard—the guard asked, if they should load? I replied, "No, depend on your bayonets." I had planted it on board, when Eads came on the wharf; I told him I had taken possession of the vessel for the U.S. He insisted on coming on board, I told him he should not; he caught hold of the main shroud and attempted to board her; I struck his hand off with a small pocket pistol, and ordered him off—after much abusive and threatening language, he went. The vessel was then cleared of her crew with as little violence as possible, and the guard gained quiet possession. There was neither cabin nor cabin furniture in the vessel; the crew, at their own request, had their blankets, &c. put on the wharf. The ensuing morning, at 8 o'clock, I was on the wharf, in an undress, without arms, directing a carpenter to certain alterations preparatory to mounting guns. I had been there about 15 minutes, when the back door of a store (which was built across the head of the wharf) opened, and a number of men came in haste towards me—one of them (a Mr. Camp, lawyer, post-master, speculator in potatoes, &c. &c.) pointing to me, said, there is one of Bonaparte's men, and immediately an individual whom I did not know, grasped me violently by the collar,
and declared that I was his prisoner! Surprised by this indignant treatment, I liberated myself from his grasp, when Camp vociferated for assistance in the name of the people, while the constable (whom I now found to be such) with others, again seized me, with the ex hets of Jeffersonian tory, scoundrel, &c. I told them I would submit to the civil authority, but that such violence was unnecessary, and that I would not suffer it. They continued forcing me in different directions, almost to the dislocation of my limbs, when I turned to the constable on duty on board the vessel, which was about twenty feet distant, and addressed him "Constable, if they do not take their hands off, fire!" It was an old soldier on duty—I need not observe, that a centinel on post must not receive or obey order but from the corporal who planted him—I knew that his gun was not loaded (for a soldier would be liable to the charge of mutiny was he to load without orders,) but I hoped to gain time and capitulate, on condition of being exempt from personal injury and insult. But the soldier, from personal attachment, and believing me to be in danger, forgot his duty as constable, preserved his piece and imprudently snapped it. The mob (for such I must now call it, although acting under the feign sanction of a mad constable and a speculating lawyer) retreated, or fell down, but finding their advantage, again seized me with the ferocity of tigers, forced me into the back of the store, and shut the door with the cry of "down with him!"—and to me "now you go for it!" and throwing me on some potash casks, several held me down, others repeatedly struck me, while a wretch, who, from the darkness of the place, I could not identify, attempted to strangle me! My large lumberjack, together with my scraggles, bare I preserved my breath, till Hart Massey, esq. the present collector, burst open the door, demanded if they were going to murder me? and, notwithstanding a number of blows were aimed at him, forced his way and liberated me. We then passed into the street, where Mr. Camp harangued the mob with violence—stated that I was one of Bonaparte's soldiers and agents, and asked his fellow-citizens if they would suffer their rights to be invaded and trampled on by a handful of men under the emissary of a foreign tyrant ? Meanwhile, at every sublime pause of the legal speculator, the constable threw in a constant fire of patriotic epithets upon me, such as Jeffersonian scoundrel, Bonaparte tory, &c. But fortunately Messrs. Camp, and Constable found to no violent purpose. Not a single inhabitant was armed, nor had they any ammunition, except the thunder of Mr. Camp's eloquence, and a small stock of Billingsgate abuse, of both which they were extremely liberal. We next moved to the entry of Franklin's tavern, where I asked permission to visit my room, and produce my commission and orders; by which they would probably discover, what at that moment they seemed totally ignorant of, viz. that I was an American officer and not a soldier of Bonaparte. It was eventually permitted, but the mob followed at my heels. I entered my room and saw my sword, which had been my only constant companion for eleven years, in every climate of America—my proud sensibility labored under all the poignant anguish of an insulted American soldier—insulted by those, too, who were daily trampling on the laws of their country, and prostrating its interests and dignity at the feet of petty Canadian merchants—I took it down, and threw the belt over my shoulder without fastening it. With my commission in my left hand I advanced to the door, and was about to inform them, that I had the honor of being in the service of the United States, my native country—that I would bow with patriotic reverence to the mandates of its civil laws; but that as a soldier of rank, I could not, consistent with my character and feelings, submit to personal indignity; but the mob pressed rudely upon me, and I put my hand upon my sword—was the act unnatural? It was immediately torn from me, and I was forced down stairs. Here Mr. Massey again interfered, and after some altercation the constable was suffered to relinquish his grip. I then attended the magistrate, where after some discussion the suit (an action brought by Eads for assault and battery) was withdrawn, and I was liberated. Some hours after I understood that Mr. Massey withdrew his sanction to the detention of the vessel, or did not conceive that he had fully given it—I voluntarily relinquished the vessel. I had previously ordered the guard to join the detachment, being apprehensive that the violence of the mob might occasion further indignity. The detachment were under arms in a few moments after my arrest, and waited my orders with impatience. I gave them, "that every man should remain in the barracks, except the guard, until further orders." The next day I received a respectful invitation from a committee, chosen by the town, to investigate the affair and to report, to attend them at Judge Sackett's office. I went and found that the object of the committee and the inhabitants present appeared to be a perfect understanding, between the civil and military law of the place, and a restoration of harmony. Ever alive to the social and benevolent feelings of my nature, I cheerfully reciprocated a wish of this kind, and on discussion I gave to the committee a candid and conciliatory narrative of all my transactions and impressions since I had arrived, explained the nature and principles of my profession and its subordinate relation to civil authority—admitted that I had doubts as to the correctness of the principle or imprisonment in time of peace, and voluntarily abandoned it, choosing, in a doubtful case, to bear towards the rights of my fellow-citizens, rather than risk the establishment of a dangerous precedent—I proved to their satisfaction, that the arms of the guard on board were not loaded, and that I knew it. I afterwards observed, in the course of a desultory conversation, that if my detachment were dying of hunger or thirst, to perish from any other want, and I could not obtain relief by purchase or other legal method, I should certainly impress it. The committee appeared satisfied. Mr. Camp made me the proper personal concessions, and I accepted them; and it was engaged to me , that as the affair had ended amicably, it was best to let it drop entirely—not to publish any thing concerning it, and to destroy every scrap of paper that related to it; to this I was assented. Here is where my enemies have by press stolen a march of me; and after the scandalous publications alluded to, the papers were industriously kept out of my way, nor have I yet seen the "Chronicle" in which they were first published. In the evening, I was again waited on by some of the committee, and requested to attend a few moments, which I did. They read to me a paper, beginning "Your committee have met, &c." and sent a respectful invitation to Mr. Cross, he attended and consented to give such explanation and concessions as were consistent with his honor and station, &c."
It appeared to be a draft of the explanation and address I had made in the morning. I pointed out a number of necessary alterations and corrections, which were immediately made. Since the above affair, I have refused to obey even a positive order from the collector, unless it was written under his signature. This he has done; and in consequence of these written orders, my boats have fired on British and American boats, after they had refused to come to, and when they were actually escaping to Canada with cargoes of potash, &c. These, hon. Secretary, are the acts, repeated acts of violence anonymously insinuated against me in the public prints—but I challenge the whole county of Jefferson to say that myself or any of my party, with my knowledge, ever injured a single individual, or created an inhabitant with incivility. On the contrary, I can safely appeal to the honest and candid citizens of Sackett's Harbor, if I have not invariably discovered a disposition to conciliate, and they know that I have yielded them every assistance I could without an interference in my duty; while for my part, the timber which my men had cut for barracks had been repeatedly burnt; my boats cut loose in the night, stripped of their oars, and the sails and rigging cut to pieces; my sentinels stoned in the night, so as to oblige them to retreat to the guard; a number of mean arts tried to harass and insult me, and since the strangling affair , a villainous attempt has been made to assassinate me. Under all these disagreeable circumstances, I have endeavored to keep myself cool and collected; attended to the discipline of my men; built my winter quarters; (without carpenters or masons) and pursued the duties and study of my profession. If I acted (under all the circumstances of the case) erroneously, much allowance must be made for my new and arduous situation. Alone, without an officer or friend to advise with; the laws daringly and openly violated; myself and party daily harassed and insulted, is it astonishing that my enthusiasm as a soldier should lead me too far? It never occurred to me that a case could possibly arise in my profession, where my arms would be liable every moment to wound my deluded fellow-citizens—but as it has occurred, I must say that I have acted with general prudence and a cool-blooded forbearance, of which I hope I shall never be guilty in the field of battle, when called upon to contend for the rights, liberty, and honor of my country. I might produce (for I have been offered) a number of depositions corroborative of the above, but I shall only subjoin the following from gentlemen of known respectability. JOSEPH CROSS. I certify, upon honor, that the circumstances detailed in the above communication, as far as I am acquainted with them, and so far as my name is referred to, are facts. HART MASSY, Collector. Extract of a letter from the senior officer on the Northern frontier, to his friend, a member of Congress. "Many things have been said, and much pains taken since Lieut. Cross arrived at this place last summer, to impress the public with an unfavorable opinion of that gentleman; all which I am pretty well convinced, since my arrival and acquaintance with him, originated with and were circulated by enemies to the embargo laws, and the wanton violators of them; whose schemes were frustrated in a great measure, by the vigilant and soldierly conduct of Mr. Cross." Perhaps, Mr. Editor, at some future day, when more at leisure, I shall disclose and prove a number of important facts, which will surprise those who are not personally acquainted with affairs on this frontier. J. C. CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spencelets & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Harrell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf RICHARD BECK, HAS just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are— superfine cloths and cassimeres, Second do. do. Molekin and silk waistcoating, Bennetts cord and Spanish marcel, &c. Constitution cords and velveteens, Coating, frizes and kerseys, Rose and striped blankets, Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery, Flannel and baizes, Navy blue cloths, Checks, calicoes and Chintzes, White and colored cambrics, Dimities, brown Holland and dowlas, Bandana and Madras handkerchiefs, Durants and calimancoes, Tapes and bobbins, Silk and cotton cambray, 4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens, 4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirtings, London and other hats, Plain India mouselins, Seeded do. do. Diagonal and Trafalgar do. Plain and figured lenoes, Linen cambrics, Damask, silk and serge shawls, Taffy velvets for pelices, Italian Mantua, Bombazets and bombazeens, Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces, Handsome assortment ribbons, Kid and silk gloves, Picknet silk mits and glove, Diaper and diaper table cloths, Kid and Morocco shoes, A few bales India muslins assorted, Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—tf NOTICE. All Persons to whom JAMES DUDBLE is indebted are requested to produce their accounts properly adjusted on or before the 28th inst. to the Subscribers, who have been appointed trustees to all his property and effects, at a general meeting of his creditors. BULLER COCKE, MATTHEW WRIGHT. January 16—3t
Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company.
THE Stockholders of the Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Fifth & last installment of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, Treasurer in Alexandria, on or before the 23rd day of January next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors. G. DENEALE, President. December 28—Jan 23
THE SALE of the Valuable PROPERTY advertised to be sold at the Union Tavern, Georgetown, at 12 o'clock FIVE o'clock, is postponed till MONDAY the 23rd inst. at the same hour and place. JOHN DAVIDSON, WALTER HELLEN. January 16—4t
RICHARD PARROTT, Has just arrived at Alexandria, on board the New-Player, capt. Marshall from Savannah, 75 tierces Rice, 20 bales cotton, (best quality), And in Store, (at his Warehouse), George Town for Wholesale or Retail, 5000 bushels, Isle May, Turk's Island, St. Ubes, ground Allum and BROWN SALT. 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 2 pipes Gin, 3 hds. Antigua Rum, 2 do. Jamaica do. 2 do. Molasses, 3 do. Loaf and Lump Sugars, 5 do. & 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 200 casks Boston Lime, 8 casks Goshen Cheese, 100 barrels Tar, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Bohea, Coffee, Alspice, Pepper, Mustard, Mould & Dipt Candles, Soap, Smut, Fish Oil, Plaster Paris (ground & in stones), Bacon, Pork, Herring, Whiskey, Flour, Meal, Corn, Rye, and Flax-seed. Philadelphia Par Iron, Boiled Linseed Oil, in jugs of 3 gallons each, Bedcords, Plough-Lines, Traces, Sails, Tackle, and Corlage of every description, Cash and liberal prices given for well cleaned country Hemp, Provisions, and Produce. RICHARD PARROTT. January 9—4t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have received by the Schooner Citizen, capt. Sturgeon, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 hds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti, 25 do. Mould, 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Coffee, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
Alexander Groen & wife vs. Rebecca Bond, Caroline Cecilia Bond, Martha Vanmengen, Elizabeth Mary Vanmengen, Peter Campbell, Richard Diewellen, Nicholas Pearce, Eleanor his wife, Ann Fordah, Henry Jordens, Charles Jordens, David Eaton & Sarah his wife, & others, heirs of John Jordens, deceased. In Chancery. December 27, 1808.
THE object of the bill is to obtain a sale of certain tracts of land of which the said John Jordens, died, seized & possessed in fee simple, for the purpose of paying a debt due from the said John Jordens to the aforesaid Alexander Groen and Sally his wife, executrix, of the last will and testament of William Prueman Stoddert, deceased. The bill states that the above named defendants reside out of the state. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered, that the complainants, by causing a copy of this order to be inscribed three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the 1st day of February next, give notice to the absent defendants of this application, and of the substance and object of the bill, that they may be wanted to appear here in person or by a solicitor or solicitors of this court, on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed. True Copy. Test, NICHOLAS BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. Jan. 4—10r
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an installment of Two Dollars & 50 Cents on each share, is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. January 18—
NOTICE. THE contents given to many persons on my plan did not bear the required 10% I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with a dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to have the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HILGWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w1t.