The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-11-20 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,  AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCXCVIII.
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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
In the 5th volume of Carey's Museum we find a series of pieces relative to a commercial treaty with Great Britain, written by James M c Henry in the year 1764. As they involve a discussion of topics now before the public, and furnish some important facts, we lay the most pertinent parts before our readers. It may be proper to remark that the writer has the character of being a decided federalist, and is the same gentleman who, under a former administration, held the station of Secretary of war.
Observations relative to a commercial treaty with Great Britain, &c. &c. &c. written in 1764. By James M c Henry, esq.
TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES.
TO determine whether America is in a situation to enforce a liberal treaty of commerce with Great Britain, it will be necessary to investigate. I. The dependence of the West India islands on the United States; and II. What articles the United States can import from other countries, cheaper than from G. Britain. Should we find from this enquiry, that the West India islands cannot be maintained in a prosperous situation, without the supplies of the United States, and that England cannot furnish the United States with the bulk of our European imports, upon as advantageous terms as they can be had from other countries, it will prove that America may reasonably expect, or honorably enforce a treaty upon equal and liberal principles.
I. The dependence of the West India islands on the United States. Whoever has considered, or will sit down and consider, the relative situation of these states and the West India islands, must be convinced, that nature has formed a connexion between them, which politicians cannot destroy. For if the subject is pursued through their wants and productions, it will be further perceived, that to the strong connexion of nature, is added the indissoluble cement of interest. The West India planters and merchants were fully sensible of this truth, when they represented to lord North, that "the dominions of the United States of America, and his majesty's sugar colonies, having been settled in the express view of supplying each other's wants, it cannot be expected that the sugar colonies can subsist in any degree of prosperity without those supplies of lumber and provisions from America at the cheapest rate, in contemplation of which they were so settled, or without the consumption in North America of their produce in return." And, although lord North rejected the prayer of this remonstrance, yet he confessed to the world the truth of its principle, when the administration permitted a trade between the U.S. and the islands, by means of British vessels. Could they have subsisted without our supplies and our consumption of their produce, this privilege would have been withheld; because its operation is to check the growth and increase of their American colonies. The proclamation, therefore, alone is conclusive that our supplies and consumption are deemed essential at least to their prosperity.
Some objections made by Cincinnatus, against preventing British ships from being the carriers of West India produce to the U.S. and the growth of the U.S. to the West Indies, till such time as this carrying trade shall be made common to the ships of both nations, come very naturally under this article: "Great Britain," Cincinnatus says, "has long paid a bounty on the exportation of her corn, which with other articles, she may easily send to her islands instead of foreign countries." I will not suspect this writer of a design to mislead; I will rather suppose him ignorant, that the exportation of grain from England is forbidden, after it has risen a certain price, or that with her immense bounties, she has not been able, in a period of sixty-eight years, (from 1697, to 1765,) to export, on an average, in any one year, above four hundred and eighty-seven thousand four hundred and seven quarters of grain which includes barley, malt, rye, and wheat. Where as it appears from authentic documents that the annual consumption of her West India islands only, is equal to sixty thousand barrels of rice, four hundred thousand bushels of corn, and one hundred and forty thousand barrels of bread and flour. (On the other hand, the single port of Philadelphia has exported in one year (1773) one hundred and eighty-two thousand three hundred and ninety-one bushels of wheat, two hundred and sixty-five thousand nine hundred and sixty-nine barrels of flour, forty-eight thousand one hundred and three barrels of bread, and one hundred and seventy-nine thousand two hundred and twelve bushels of Indian corn; and Maryland in the same space of time, (between the 5th of January 1773, and the 5th of January 1774,) eighty-four thousand five hundred barrels of flour, ten thousand three hundred and thirty-three barrels of bread, four thousand five hundred bushels of rye, two hundred and sixty-
six thousand bushels of wheat, and two hundred and thirty-three thousand bushels of Indian and all this without bounty, or any aid from government; while the bounties Great Britain has expended in the abovementioned period, amount to six millions fifty eight thousand nine hundred and sixty two pounds sterling.) These facts serve to show how inadequate England is to the proposed supply of the islands, or to enter into competition with a country, where the general crop may be said never to fail, and which is capable of the greatest augmentation.
It is further observed by this writer, that "Ireland will contribute largely to supply the wants of the British West Indies." We shall not deny that Ireland can furnish them with beef, but it is a known fact, that Ireland does not raise wheat enough for her own consumption, and that for a series of years, she had supplies from these United States; that she still demands these supplies; and that it is not very probable that she will make encroachments on her flax and pasture grounds for the sake of raising wheat to supply the islands. But it is no less true, that the United States can also furnish the West India islands with beef. Cincinnatus subjects three other sources of supplies: "Canada, Nova Scotia, and St. John's, may very soon be enabled to make up the deficiency, more especially, if by our prohibitions we force their growth and increase." With respect to Nova Scotia, its wheat and flour was drawn from America, and the probability is, that the supply must yet go from the same quarter. As to St. John's, it is out of the question; it may perhaps support its own inhabitants, but will never supply the West Indies. Canada, then, is the only British colony from which a supply is to be expected; but to this supply, besides absolute incompetency, there are two insurmountable obstacles. 1st. Flour does not keep in the West Indies, upon an average, above six weeks. 2dly. The navigation with Canada is open, communis omnibus , but about twenty weeks in the year; to these two we might add, that a voyage from Quebec to the islands, generally employs twice the time of a voyage from the United States. From these facts it is evident, that the colonies cannot supply the islands; that the deficiency cannot be made up from Great Britain; and lastly, that to save them from the calamities of famine, or spoiled and rotten provisions, application must be made to the United States, who are alone able to supply them, at a price necessary to their prosperity, regularly, and efficaciously.
It was too visible to avoid observation, that this idea of Great Britain supplying her islands, is borrowed from the ministerial pamphlet of which we have already spoken, and makes by far the most fanciful part of the system. It is, however, a necessary part, without which the whole fabric must have fallen to pieces. Let us suppose for the sake of argument, the nature of the soil and climate of the British colonies—the number, industry and spirit of their inhabitants—the encouragement of England and the prohibitions of America, all in action, to force their growth and increase, and then ask these gentlemen to be candid and tell us in what number of years they really think they could accomplish what they assert them capable of doing. To this question the ministerial pamphlet is silent; but we are answered by Cincinnatus with a grave face and apprehensive expression—"very soon." This very soon however is very indefinite; and for aught Cincinnatus has said, explanatory of the exact time, "very soon" may comprehend a series of years long enough for America to starve the British islands. The experiment of a prohibition is too delicate and dangerous not to awaken Great Britain to a sense of the most alarming consequences. Small shocks are often fatal to a kingdom in its decline, that would scarcely have been felt in its vigor. Her manufactures are too generally rivaled or undersold for her to add to their prices, by endeavoring to supply her islands independent of these states; her expenses and income too nicely balanced to risk an increase of the one or a diminution of the other. A failure in the exports of the islands would be instantly felt by the revenue; an attempt to increase her exports of provisions would raise the price of living and labor, and fall upon her manufactures, whose prosperity are inseparable from the existence of the nation. But these considerations aside, is it the policy of Great Britain, tamely and without an effort, to see the current of the American consumption trade settling wholly into the French islands, which must happen, unless our custom is assimilated by acts of reciprocity? For it is already known, that the French can supply us with sugar and other articles much cheaper than the English. Agreeably to the reasoning of Cincinnatus, she ought by all possible means to guard against our running into this trade, least, having once found the channel, we should not be easily brought to relinquish it. There is another objection by Cincinnatus, which I shall consider in this place. By a temporary exclusion of Bri-
tish vessels from our carrying trade, he imagines we may deprive "ourselves of the best and almost only mart for our produce." To this it might be sufficient to answer that we cannot be deprived of their market, indirectly if we choose it: our merchants could have told him, had he consulted them, that the neutral islands will take large quantities of our produce, and independent of these or any West India exports—that the Mediterranean; Spain; Portugal; the wine islands; Germany; Holland and other countries open a ready market equal to the whole of our former exports to the British islands; while with these exports, we may bring back many articles of consumption, we were lately obliged to take at second hand and an advanced price from Great Britain.
From this view of the subject, then, shall we hesitate to pronounce—what America has in her power—what of right she ought to expect, and what measures she ought to pursue.
It is now to be examined, II. what articles the United States can import cheaper from other countries than from Great Britain. This being a question of individual as well as national profit or loss, and affecting the husbandman and manufacturer not less than the merchant, the balance is sedulously to be sought, and if found in our favor, tenaciously to be retained, or not lightly given up. To place it in its true light, it will be necessary to enter into a fair, separate, and candid enumeration of articles; but as this would take up too much of this paper, I shall reserve the detail for another, which will be the last, and close the present with a few general observations.
There are two avenues through which America may rouse the good sense of Great Britain; the one we have pointed out to be her West India islands, which have been laid hold of by Virginia, who has been imitated by Jersey in the resolution censured by Cincinnatus. The other which is yet more important—is her manufactures, of which we are about to speak. It is certainly more the interest and also more in the power of the United States to do without English manufactures now than during the war. During the war it was our interest to take our goods from such places as offered them to us at the least risk, and this unavoidably continued us in the use of British manufactures. Now it is our interest, to take our goods where we can get them cheapest, the risk being done away: of course we ought to confine our imports from Great Britain to such articles only, as she can sell cheaper than her neighbors or other nations, especially whilst our custom for other articles is to remain without an equivalent. We have obtained a range of markets as large as our wishes, and the cheapest must soon be universally known. We already behold rising into general notice large houses from France, Germany and Holland. These houses, inasmuch as their assortments will be completed from such markets as sell cheaper than England, will be able to undersell our merchants. Much therefore it behoves England to mark the progress of these houses, and much it behoves our merchants to attend to their orders for British goods, lest they should bring on their own country distress, and on themselves bankruptcy and ruin—the difference alone between the prices of most of the articles she formerly exported to America, and their prices in other countries now open to our trade, is of itself evidence clear enough, that we ought not to give her our commerce without an equivalent. But, alas, the British administration grasp at the exclusive trade of America, even without a treaty—so certain are they, to quote their own words, that "it will not be an easy matter to bring the American states to act as a nation," that "they are not to be feared as such," that "a stamp act, a tea act, or such act that can never again occur, could alone unite them." Blind to the future, these political prophets do not perceive that their proceedings are operating as a stamp act, and bringing the United States to act as a nation.
March 6, 1784.
* I am well informed, that the grain imported into England during the last year, amounted to above one million sterling.
† See three tracts on the corn trade and corn laws.
‡ The supplies of the British West Indies were derived during the war from the United States, by captures and through neutral islands.
§ Lord Sheffield's.
NOTICE.
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Nov. 6, 1805.
The highest price, in Cash or Books will be given for any quantity of clean Wool and Cotton Rags, by Rudolph Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill.
June 24—
[FROM THE BATAVIAN STATE GAZETTE.]
HAGUE, SEPT. 7. "In several Journals an opinion has been propagated, and perhaps on too vague grounds, that the preparations of the House of Austria had no other object than an armed neutrality, and the protection of her frontier. This opinion to us does not appear very political, and by no means as proceeding from a good source, and that for the following reasons:
"Austria is a power of the first rank; she has a strong and well disciplined army, celebrated all over Europe. The resources which she possesses are immense; she has a population of upwards of twenty five million; her army in time of peace is sufficient to maintain internal good order, and to instil fear into all who would disturb her tranquility.
"Then who durst, in the present situation of affairs, provoke Austria in such a manner, that preparations for war should become necessary for her? Has, perhaps, Russia demanded, in a commanding tone a passage for her troops, to lead them to Italy, or the Rhine? This is impossible. Has France, on her part, demanded a similar passage, to march her armies to the North? This is impossible to conceive. Besides, France wishes nothing so much as to remain at peace on the Continent, in order to bend all her force against England.
"A power then, which prepares for war, without necessity, which says, that she does so from precaution for the preservation of her tranquility, must (at least this way of reasoning agrees better with probability) have other motives and other objects. Time will develop those objects; time will shew how far the influence of English gold extends.
"More reasonable and probable appears another armed neutrality, which is already considered as existing; namely, that of Prussia, Denmark, and the Electors of the German Empire. The territories of Prussia adjoin both those of Sweden and of Russia; and perhaps the former power would not do wrong, to put herself, at the same time, in a state of defence against the two others, and against the British navy which will not fail to assist them. Thus would Prussia, with great foresight, have sought a support in a league with Denmark and the Electors, who are all interested in preserving the peace of the German Empire. Denmark, a flourishing kingdom, which Sweden and England view with emulation, and which possesses sufficient boldness not to suffer Russia to over-rule her, will also, with good policy, have sought the assistance of the Prussian and Electoral armies, to render her commerce, her territory, and her tranquility secure.
"The same opinion may be applied to the Electors. The second armed neutrality then is more reasonable, more probable, and perhaps the only one that will take place."
STATE OF EUROPE.
From a London print.
A German writer has just published an interesting article on the state of the powers of Europe; and the following is the substance of it, as given in the Courant of Mentz:
At the commencement of the war of the French Revolution, which must be considered as the cause of those changes which have produced the present situation of Europe, Russia possessed a territory of 300,000 sq. miles, a population of 26 millions, and a revenue of 7 millions of Louis d'Or.
The territory of Austria was 11,149 sq. miles, her population 25 millions, and her revenue 4 millions of Louis d'Or.
Prussia had a territory of 3,500 sq. miles, a population of 6 millions, and a revenue of 4 millions of Louis d'Or.
The remaining territories of the German empire comprised an extent of 12,000 sq. miles, contained 26 millions of inhabitants, and produced a revenue of 9 millions of Louis d'Or.
The territory of Great Britain was then estimated at 6,036 sq. miles, the population at 9 millions, and the revenue at 37 millions of Louis d'Or.
Russia has gained a territory of 7,035 sq. miles, a population of 5 millions, and an increase of revenue equal to 3 millions of six dollars, by her last acquisitions in Poland only. This is entirely independent of her late acquisitions in Asia; America and the Adriatic, of her conquest of the Crimea, and of what she obtained by the former partition of Poland in 1772.
Austria lost by the cession of the Netherlands only 474 sq. miles, 1,500,000 inhabitants, and a revenue of 8 millions of guilders; and in all, by the cession of Lombardy, Tirol, the Breisgau and Artenau, without reckoning the county of Falkenstein, 673 sq. miles, 2,639,760 subjects, and 9,125,663 florins of revenue. She has gained by the acquisition of Venetian Istria and Dalmatia, independent of the bishopric of Trent and Brixen, 500 sq. miles. Her population is therefore nearly the same as it was before the war.
Prussia lost about 42 sq. miles of ter-
ritory, 172,137 inhabitants, and a revenue of 198,249 Louis d'Or. She acquired by the partition of Poland, 2,038 sq. miles, and 2,073,700 inhabitants; besides, by the addition of Hildesheim, Paterborn, Ersutt, Eichsfeldt, Munster, &c. Some statistical accounts make the present territory of the Prussian states amount to 6000 sq. miles, the population to 9,000,000, and the revenue to 6 millions of Louis d'Or; but this estimate is rather exaggerated.
The acquisitions of England cannot at present be easily estimated, as her possessions are daily increasing, and she may be said to keep equal pace with Russia as to acquisitions. Her Indian possessions are extensive and of an inestimable value; but her principal power arises out of her commerce, and the industry of her population.
France possessed before the war, 10,000 sq. miles, 26 millions of inhabitants, and 19 millions of Louis d'Or of revenue. She now possesses 12,160 sq. miles, 32 millions of population and 24 millions of revenue. Her principal acquisitions are—
   sq. miles Inhab.     Savoy 83 250,000   Nice 52 95,000   Piedmont 583 2,557,000   Belgium, and the department on the Rhine 1200 3,900,000   Genoa 90 350,000  
There are, besides, immediately under the dominion of France, Parma, Piacenza, and Guastella, with a population of 250,000; and the kingdom of Italy with a territory of 784 sq. miles, and 3,360,000 inhabitants, without taking Lucca and Piombino into the account. It must, however, still be considered that France can dispose of her allies, and also of other neighboring states as she pleases; that Spain, Portugal, Switzerland, the greater part of Italy not included in Bonaparte's kingdom, Holland, and a considerable portion of Germany, are under her control; the power of that empire is therefore immense.
Spain has a territory of 9,277 sq. miles, and 10 million of inhabitants—Holland possesses a territory of 625 sq. miles, with 2,500,000 inhabitants; and both powers are directly dependent upon France. If, therefore, we include all the states, mediately or immediately, under the dominion of France, we shall find that she has at her disposal a population equal to 50 million.
LONDON, SEPT. 9—16.
The following particulars are given in a private letter from Paris of 25th ult.—"Count Cobentzel had yesterday a conference with Talleyrand, which lasted 5 hours, after which he dispatched a courier to Vienna. He has since made arrangements, indicating the near approach of his departure from this capital. A continental war is considered here as inevitable, and excites no slight murmurs and discontent. The agents of the Pope, however, assert that its duration will not exceed three months, as the Emperor of the French will before Christmas, dictate at Vienna a peace to the Emperor of Austria, and as successor to Charlemagne and the Imperial German Diadem to the Crowns of Italy and France. Talleyrand has sent orders to our Diplomatic Agents at the courts of the petty German Princes, to demand an explicit declaration of the line they mean to adopt, in the event of a rupture with Austria. Our minister at Ratisbon, Bacher, has also direction to lay before the Diet an extraordinary memorial on the same subject. The plan of the campaign is said to have been already drawn up by Berthier, Carnot, and Andreossi, and laid before Bonaparte. It is reported to be the same as that of 1800, with the exceptions of some alterations rendered necessary by the movements and menaces of Russia. It is generally believed here that Hanover is to be evacuated by our troops and occupied by Prussia, and that the line of neutrality will extend as far as last war, perhaps so as to include Frankfort on the Main. Two Senators from that city are now negotiating with Talleyrand on the subject. The cisdanubian army of England is to be called the army of Austria. The command has been offered to Massena, M'Donald, and Brune, who are said to have declined it. Jourdan, Berthier, Soult, D'Aoust and Marmon, are now mentioned as those who are to have prominent situations in our armies. A considerable ferment is said to prevail in Switzerland and the Grison republic. Several suspected Swiss have been seized by our government, who will be kept as hostages for the fidelity of their countrymen. Our conscripts desert in great numbers, and therefore cordons of gens d'armes are formed on the Swiss, German and Batavian frontiers, to intercept their flight. Several bodies of conscripts have also assembled in the Western Departments, and particularly in la Vendee, but a flying column of 12,000 men, detached from the army of Angereau, is said to be on its march to these departments, and will therefore soon re-establish order and disperse the disaffected."
We learn, with the most cordial satisfaction, that government has not only received a positive assurance of the de-

Termination of his Prussian majesty to observe the strictest neutrality, but that strong hopes are entertained of his becoming an active party in the war against France. This monarch may be at length sensible, that his impolitic forbearance, with respect to the seizure of the Electorate of Hanover, by the French, and so very dangerous an infraction of the independence and rights of the states of the Empire, have opened a revolutionary volcano, which must at no great distance spread its destructive vent under the capital of Berlin itself. He may be at length convinced, that his own best interests are seriously threatened by the insidious division of politics, which has been uniformly promoted by the duplicity, wiles and stratagems of Bonaparte among the leading members of the German Empire. Division has ever been the grand ally, and proved the more effective army in the service of Napoleon. It has resisted and triumphed over example and reason; it has assisted all the plots of the former revolutionary rulers, as well as the machinations of the present despot of France. Prussia rejoiced when Moreau was within two days march of the capital of Austria, and now from the frontiers of Hanover, a French army may, in 5 days, advance to the gates of the capital of Prussia. The loyal part of Europe would certainly not rejoice, but they could not pity this monarchy, were Bonaparte to treat it as he has already treated Italy and the German empire. What he has already done, he will at least again attempt to do; and he will not desist, until the subjugation of the Continent, prepared by the selfishness and impolicy of Prussia, shall have been completed by the destruction of Prussia herself. How can Frederic William expect more than other sovereigns, to escape the plunderer's avidity, and the perfidy of one who respects no alliance, favors no friends, laughs at all obligations, however solemn, and considers all means legitimate which are calculated to gratify his ambition, to promote his aggrandizement, and to satiate his revenge?
LIVERPOOL, Sept. 24. INDIA. By the latest dispatches from Ulfigurzur, we are informed that Holkar had taken the precaution to supply the magazines of Bhurtpore with military and other stores sufficient to maintain a siege of two years; perhaps this report has been exaggerated, and purposely disseminated by several deserters from the enemy's army. During the last attack of the English on the above fort, a number of old guns were brought forward, on the first firing of which no less than five of them burst, killed 20 men, and wounded several others. The troops were struck with a sudden panic, and the artillery corps for a moment refused to do their duty. Holkar flew to the spot, attended by the Killader, and harangued the garrison with great firmness and spirit. This measure had the desired effect, and the troops returned to the charge with redoubled vigor. It is more than probable this single circumstance contributed materially to the salvation of the place.
The fortress of Bhurtpore is remarkable for having been a place of refuge for the chieftains of the Deccan, in seasons of extraordinary trouble and distress. It was built by Cuharamanaa, a Jaut, of the Sewennee tribe, in the time of Aurungzebe, for an asylum for himself and family, after having plundered the rear of the imperial army, on its march through the neighboring country. Here a powerful banditti enlisted under his banners, he robbed such travellers as passed, acquired incalculable wealth, remained a terror to the country, and enjoyed his authority till the time of his death.
A favorite son of Holkar was killed in the last attack of the British on Bhurtpore; the event has greatly affected Holkar, and had rendered him, when the account came away, incapable of public business. He has ordered a public ceremonial to be held annually to commemorate his loss.
One of the last French papers contains the following article, dated Algiers, July 24
"It is difficult to form an idea of the horrors of the dreadful sacking to which 12 or 13,000 Jews were given up during 3 or 4 hours. A general massacre, with the exception of women and children, was determined on by the troops. A number of ferocious soldiers rushed tumultuously from their barracks, each armed with a pistol and sabre; all the barbarous rabble of the town joined them; they were cheered by the exclamation of women, or rather furies, who crowded the streets and terraces. Fortunately it was Saturday, a Jewish festival, when but very few of that persuasion were abroad. But soon the soldiers burst open the doors of the houses; the riches which struck their view was the means of preserving the Hebrew nation; they discontinued the carnage to think only of plunder; the trinkets with which the women were adorned were torn from them, and they were exposed to all kinds of outrage. The plunder then became general; ferocious cries were followed by a death-like silence—the streets were filled with men and women, passing in all directions with their booty; and in the course of 3 hours there was not the house of a Jew which was not stripped to the bare walls."
Extracts from the Moniteur and from the Imperial Journal, or Journal des Débats, of the 18th of September.
Every thing appears to foretell a war between Austria and this country. The Austrians, commanded by the emperor in person, who has under his or-
ders the archdukes Charles and John, as likewise gen. Mack, have established their camp at Inspruck, in Tyrol.—This camp is composed of at least 130,000 men. The Czar of Russia, who appears to have hostile intentions against France, as his ambassador, count Novosiltzeff, who was on his way, as was said, to commence an amicable negotiation, on hearing that the Republics of Genoa, Lucque and Italy, had solicited to be under the immediate domination of the French government, immediately returned to St. Petersburg: We read in several German gazettes, that the Czar has positively given orders for a body of troops of 50,000 men, to march through Swedish Pomerania, which he has bought from the king of Sweden, who it is reported is also in the league. This army is to be conducted over the emperor's dominions by one of his old and experienced generals, and to join his army at Inspruck. Our faithful ally, the king of Prussia, has formally declared to Russia, that he would not permit her troops to cross Pomerania. Our emperor, always vigilant for the safety of his subjects, has had the camp of Boulogne broken up, and the army marched in the same order which it held in the camp; so that on its arrival at the theatre of war, the troops will be all ready disposed for entering the field, if necessity requires it. An army never was in so good order, and more impatient for fighting than this, composed of 140,000 of the most valiant warriors of the empire. Our beloved emperor will command our brave army, under him Massena, and some of our most determined and experienced generals.
CONSTANTINOPLE, July 29.
The independence of the Ottoman Porte, hitherto undermined by so many means more or less indirect, is at present openly attacked. The agent of the Russian Cabinet has just made known by note which he has delivered to the Reis-effendi, the intention of his court to conclude a defensive and offensive alliance between the two states. The declaration of this intention has spread alarm throughout the Seraglio and has thrown the Sultan Selim into the utmost grief. The blood of the proud Ottomans still runs in the veins of this Prince, and the remembrance of their glory is not effaced.
In his first conference, the agent of the Russian Cabinet made four different propositions. We shall here speak only of the first. The following is its object, and nearly its terms: "All the subjects of the Turkish Empire who profess the Greek religion shall pass under the protection of Russia, and whenever they shall be molested by the Turks, the Porte shall be holden to do justice to the representations of the Austrian Ambassador."
It is said that when this first article was presented to the Grand Seigneur, he threw away the paper with indignation, and bitter tears ran down his cheeks. During several days he appeared agitated with the utmost disquietudes. He afterwards assembled those of the members of the Divan who are not sold to Russia. They all directly agreed that it would better become them to bury themselves under the ruins of Constantinople than to sign a treaty which would annihilate the Ottoman power. In their indignation they invoked the shade of the Capitan Pacha Hussein, so justly named the last of the Ottomans. But when they considered that in twenty-four hours the army of Odessa might be under the walls of the Seraglio, that of Corfu support and unite the revolted Greeks, that of Georgia openly march against Constantinople, the Greeks of Wallachia and Moldavia shew themselves at the head of the Russian cavalry, they perceived that they had no other resource than to gain time, by spinning out the negotiation, and consenting to all the other conditions, to evade submitting to this article. Thus Europe is about to see the Empire of the Great Soliman, and the illustrious race of the Ottomans disappear almost without commotion.
What can the Grand Seigneur do at this day, when the opening of the Bosphorus to the Russian ships of the line and troops, the occupation of Corfu, and the revolt of Georgia, have so far sapped the foundations of his throne, that he hardly retains the shadow of his former power? When his very Divan itself, when his Reis-Effendi, become Russian, nothing more of Mussulman than the turban; and when this man is rather the agent of the Russian Ambassador than the Minister of the Sultan Selim! No doubt this perfidious Minister will one day forfeit his head for his cowardly treason; but his just punishment will only be a useless remedy for so many evils.
There remains to the Sultan Selim only one means; that no armed ship, or vessel laden with troops, shall be permitted to pass the Bosphorus: that his subjects be forbid to navigate under the Russian flag: that the men sold to Russia be banished from his Seraglio; and that with the standard in his hand, he drive from his states the tyrants who oppress him. Then every one possessed of the heart of a Mussulman will flock around him and his Empire, which for 22 years has been declining, and will all on a sudden resume its ancient splendour. But the danger is pressing; a few years more and it will be no longer time; this unfortunate Prince will then see himself seized at the very gates of his Seraglio, by the agents of Russia.
Boston, Nov. 11. Late from Lisbon.
Captain Orne, arrived at Salem, informs, that Lord Nelson passed Lisbon on the 28th Sept. with 6 sail of the line destined to the blockade of Cadiz. An En-
glish squadron was shortly expected off Lisbon to intercept the French trade with the ports of Portugal. The best informed men at Lisbon spoke of a continental war as inevitable.
Information is received by the ship Swift, from the Havana, that before she left it, a Spanish frigate with 500 troops on board had sailed for Pensacola.
Boston, Nov. 8. CONDEMNATION OF THE INDUS.
The undersigned, David Myrick, late master of the ship Indus, of Boston, gives the following statement; that he was captured off Bermudas, on his passage from the Isle of France to Boston, on the 10th day of Aug. last, by John P. Beresford, commanding his Britannic majesty's ship Cambrian, and ordered for Halifax; where the ship, cargo, and the private adventures of the supercargo and master, were condemned on the 9th of Oct. The neutrality of the property was not questioned, for it clearly appeared to the court that both ship and cargo belonged solely to citizens of Boston; but it was urged, that it was contemplated to send the vessel and cargo to Embden after her arrival in Boston, in consequence of directions given to the master when he left Boston, in June, 1804, to report on his arrival for Boston and Embden (a neutral place!) which he understood was a precautionary measure, adopted by his owners to secure the option either of sending the cargo immediately to Europe, provided peace had taken place during the voyage from India to Boston, or to sell or reship, as might be for their interest, after arriving in Boston. The words of the owners I think are these, "and after you arrive within the light house of Boston, you may add the words, "and Embden" to your manifest, as this will not deprive us of the privilege of wholly unloading in Boston;" and this recommendation of the owners applied to another ship of the same name which was condemned at the Isle of France, and not the one carried into Halifax, as appeared in court on trial. It was unknown to the subscriber when he left America that a Halifax judge had any jurisdiction in the harbor of Boston, or that his owners could suffer for their intentions; for nothing was done or intended to be done, which the judge has taken on himself to consider criminal until the ship should arrive in the harbor of Boston, for no such manifest was ever made out, the bill of lading, invoice and clearance were all for Boston, where the ship was actually bound when captured as the captors acknowledged; yet the judge off hand condemned both the ship and cargo, together with the supercargo's and my own adventure, as property belonging to the enemies of G. Britain, and as such, or otherwise, a good prize to the Cambrian, because, he said, the owners in June, 1804, must have contemplated sending the property to Europe after it had arrived at Boston.
The crew of the Indus were turned on shore, destitute of the means of support and without the advantage of the provision made for prisoners of war, with the exception of one man, Isaac Dix, a native of Virginia, who remains detained on board the frigate, and whose release, notwithstanding several applications to admiral Mitchel, I was unable to procure.
The cruisers were all on the alert in consequence of this condemnation, and we may speedily expect to hear of important captures.
Signed, D. MYRICK.
NOTE.—The old ship Indus, on her last voyage from Batavia, and the ship Lydia, from the Isle of France, both belonging to the same owners, entered in same manner as recommended in the above statement, as a precautionary measure against peace, and which manifests, always lodged at our custom house, will fully prove; yet there being war when they arrived, both ships discharged in Boston, and neither of them went to Europe. This evidence however had not got down to Halifax when the ship Indus was condemned; and as the law of the U. S. was when the Indus left Boston for India, no ship could go to Europe, even in case of peace, after entering our port, without discharging, provided the custom house had got possession of her manifest, and provided the manifest was for Boston only.
Norfolk, Nov. 11.
Yesterday arrived in Hampton Roads, the United States' frigate Constellation, Captain Stewart, also the transport brig Franklin, captain Robinson, in 46 days from Gibraltar. In the latter came passenger captain Chamberlain, late of the ship Argus of this port, vessel and cargo condemned at Gibraltar. Capt. C. has favored us with a Gibraltar paper of the 21st Sept. from which we have taken a list of the combined fleet in Cadiz, and one article respecting the conduct of the French in the action of the 22d July. The United States' frigate John Adams, was to sail in 3 days for the United States. It was reported at Gibraltar, that the Rochefort squadron had been captured—a similar report has been received by the brig Juno captain Edwards, from Heulba (in Spain) but we do not place any dependence in these reports, as it was stated in our London advices, that the Rochefort squadron had got back early in September.
The combined squadron in Cadiz is composed of 18 French ships of the line and 5 frigates, 17 Spanish ships of the line and two frigates, (vide list) in all 35 sail of the line and 7 frigates. The British blockading force was 24 ships of the line, two of the ships being either at Teutan or Gibraltar Bay.
Adm'l Nelson had not arrived, but would probably arrive in 3 or 4 days, as we observe he went on board the Victory on the 16th Sept. having with him 4 sail of the line. If the combined fleet did not go out while only opposed by 24 sail of the line, it will not probably move after the arrival of Lord Nelson.
Natchez, Oct. 8.
An outrage similar to that committed on the Kemper, but more hostile in its aspect, was lately transacted by a party of Spanish subjects in our territory near the Ticksaw creek.
A party of twelve Spanish light horse, part of captain Jones's company, armed with guns, pistols and swords, came to the house of Mr. Holden, about one mile above the line of demarcation, and in a violent and hostile manner threatened to put Holden and his family under guard; while they were acting in this manner, his son and others came home, when Holden ordered them to get their guns and defend themselves—upon this the party rode off, and came two miles further on this side the line to the house of a Mr. Flanagan, and in a violent and hostile manner took him and his wife prisoners, and carried them five miles below the line, there left them under guard all night, and in the morning discharged the wife, but conveyed the husband fifteen miles further, took his horse, bridle and saddle, and then dismissed him. The first part of this outrage was committed in open day.
We are informed that our governor has demanded an explicit and satisfactory explanation of this transaction from Gov. Grand Pre.
Head Quarters, St. Louis, September 20, 1803. GENERAL ORDERS.
Before a general court martial, of which lieut. col. Freeman was president, held at New-Orleans on the 1st, and continued to the 10th of July, 1805, col. Thomas Butler, of the 2d Regiment of Infantry, was tried on the following charges, viz.
Charge 1st. —Wilful, obstinate and continued disobedience of the general order of the 30th of April, 1801, for regulating the cut of the hair, and also disobedience to the order of 1st Feb. 1804.
Specification. —By refusing to conform the cut of his hair, to the general order of the 30th April, 1801, as directed in the order of the 1st Feb. 1804, contumaciously resisting the authority of those orders, after he had been tried by a general court martial, found guilty of disobedience of the general order of the 30th April, 1801, and sentenced to be reprimanded in general orders.
Charge 2d. —Mutinous conduct.
Specification. —By appearing publicly in command of the troops, in the city of New-Orleans, with his hair cued in direct and open violation of the general order of the 30th of April, 1801, and of the 1st Feb. 1804—hereby giving an example of disrespect and contempt to the orders and authority of the commanding general, tending to dissever the bands of military subordination, to impair the force of those obligations by which military men are bound to obedience, and to excite a spirit of sedition and mutiny in the army of the United States.
The prisoner plead not guilty, and the court passed the following sentence, viz.
The court having maturely weighed and considered what hath appeared before them in evidence, during the course of the prosecution, as well as what the prisoner, col. Thomas Butler, hath urged in his defence, are of opinion that he is guilty of wilful, obstinate and continued disobedience to the general order of the 30th of April, 1801, for regulating the cut of the hair, and also of disobedience to the general order of the 1st Feb. 1804, as set forth in the first charge and specification, whereon he has been arraigned; the court also finds him guilty of mutinous conduct, in appearing publicly in command of the troops at the city of New-Orleans, with his hair cued, in direct and open violation of the general order of the 30th of April, 1801, and 1st Feb. 1804, as stated in the 2d charge and part of the 2d specification; and thereupon they do in consequence adjudge and sentence him to be suspended from all command, pay and emoluments for the space of twelve calendar months, to commence from and immediately after the promulgation of this sentence.
The General confirms the sentence of the general court martial, and the court is dissolved.
(Signed) JAS. WILKINSON.
ST. LOUIS, 20th Sept. 1805.
The above is a true copy from the original on file in the adjutant's and inspector's office.
(Signed) THOMAS H. CUSHING, Adj. & Insp't.
Richmond, Nov. 16. GENERAL EATON.
We are happy to announce the arrival in this city of this distinguished officer and patriot. He came on shore at Hampton, on Sunday, from on board the brig Franklin, from Gibraltar, and reached this city on Tuesday evening.
The citizens of this place, anxious to manifest their respect and gratitude for this truly meritorious character, invited him to partake of a dinner at the Eagle Tavern, on Thursday, which was attended by upwards of one hundred gentlemen, among whom it gave us great pleasure to recognise many of the most distinguished characters for virtue and talents in our state, particularly members of the executive council, judges of the court of appeals, general court,
chief justice of the U. States, &c. Alexander M c Rae and Alexander Stuart, esqrs. presided—After dinner the following toasts were drank:
1. The people of the United States. 2. Thomas Jefferson. 3. The heads of departments. 4. The American navy. 5. The Spartan band—who spread the glory of the American arms, into regions where the American name was unknown. 6. The Bashaw of Tripoli—who ruined fortifications have furnished him with a new lecture on the law of nations. 7. The American, who amidst the catacombs and the pyramids of Egypt, could make man only his study. 8. Lieutenant O'Bannon of the marines, and midshipman Mann—The heroes who first planted the American banners on the walls of Derne. 9. The memory of Somers, Wadsworth and Israel; who with their brave countrymen, preferred death to slavery. 10. Preble and Decatur, who have added new laurels to the American name. 11. The sublime ruins of Carthage, which teach in vain to the states of Barbary, the splendid advantages of commerce. 12. The warring nations of Europe—They destroy each other, while the Americans give laws to Barbary. 13. The memory of George Washington—Revered, while there exists an independent people upon the surface of the earth. 14. Spain—May every nation who rejects the olive branch of peace suffer by the sword. 15. Great Britain—Why will she dig up the hatchet of animosity, by condemning our vessels and impressing our brethren. 16. The American states—United among themselves, they need not fear the power of all the nations of the earth: May their union be perpetual. 17. The Rights of Woman.
VOLUNTEERS.
By general Eaton—The citizens of that state which gave birth to the glory of America—May their prosperity be as perpetual as their patriotism is conspicuous.
By the chief justice—The military genius of our country—May the spark which remains latent during peace, be rekindled, when the occasion requires, into a flame.
By judge Carrington—Peace and friendship throughout the world.
By judge Roane—The memory of Edmund Pendleton.
By judge Brooke—James Monroe; in war the soldier, in peace the statesman.
By the President—The memory of General Thomas Nelson, who nobly sacrificed his all, to save his country.
By Dr. Wm. Fouchée—American policy—Peace, the ready and only certain road to happiness.—Yet war, sad as it may be, is preferable to oppression or disgrace.
By John Baker—The spirit of republicanism—Whilst it teaches us to respect the rights of other nations; it arms us with fortitude to defend our own.
By Thomas Miller of Powhatan—The constitution of Virginia—Practice is paramount to theory.
By Wm. F. Braxton—Decatur; the honor of his country the first principle of his soul, and the idea of tribute more dreadful than death.
By the attorney general—May public honor and gratitude, ever reward military valor, in defence of the rights of a free people.
Gen. Eaton having retired—By the vice-president—Gen. Eaton—May each American when required, shew fortitude equal to his, in the cause of his country.
By H. L. Biscoe—Constitution—That form of government which the human mind most approves, equally well administered, must be the best.
By Henry Banks—May the prescripts of a Preble, an Eaton, and other brave comrades debarbarize the shores of the Mediterranean.
FROM THE ENQUIRER.
On the subject of Tripolitan affairs, general Eaton preserves a marked and decorous silence. He declares, however, that he had no powers to treat with the Bashaw of Tripoli; and he contradicts the ridiculous and invidious tale, which was cooked up by one of the federal prints of Boston; that col. Lear had been prompted to conclude a rash and premature treaty, through a jealous apprehension lest the Bashaw should appeal to the superior generosity of gen. Eaton, and lest he should run away with all the honors of the pacification. Col. Lear is said to have concluded the treaty, from a fear lest the Bashaw should execute his threats of putting to death the American captives. If such was really his inducement, the conduct of col. Lear certainly needs no other justification. The loss of 300 Americans is not surely to be put into competition with a ransom of 60,000 dollars; and even the risk and danger of such a catastrophe ought not to have been encountered for so small a sum. Had col. Lear waved the negotiation until the gallant Eaton had ransomed our prisoners with the sword, our triumph would have been much more glorious: but it would have been an indelible disgrace upon the annals of our nation, had the lives of so many men been sacrificed through a misguided economy.
With respect to the Ex-Bashaw of Tripoli, Gen. Eaton has merely informed the editor, that he left him at Syracuse in Sicily, and that he had no intention of visiting this country.
As Gen. Eaton left Gibraltar about the 26th of September, it may be supposed that he has brought some recent

and perhaps important intelligence from the Mediterranean. The information which he has given us on this subject, is in fact not without interest. The most interesting and the most authentic is the event which we find announced in the following letter from Mr. Mountford, secretary of Mr. Lear, and now our charge d'affaires at Algiers; for the copy of which we are indebted to the politeness of Gen. Eaton.
COPY.
Algiers, September 9, 1805.
SIR,
I have only a few moments to inform you our affairs here are well.
On the 3 th ult. the soldiers rose in a body and murdered the Dey and his prime minister.
A new Dey was immediately elected and not a life was lost except the above mentioned.
I forbear to detain the Nautilus, having nothing very urgent to communicate.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) J. MOUNTFORD, Charge d'affaires at Algiers.
CAPT. CAMPBELL.
In our paper of the 4 th Oct. we have already detailed the causes and the calamities of the first insurrection at Algiers on the 29 th June. The Paris Moniteur of the 2 d Sept. contains the same miserable record of carnage and rapine down to the 27 th July. It gives the most afflicting picture of the murder and the robbery of the unfortunate Jews. The general massacre of the Jews, says that paper, save only the women and children, was principally conducted by the soldiers. They were assisted by the barbarous populace of the city: they were animated by the joyous shouts of the women, more hideous than the Jews, who were scattered over the terraces and the streets. Fortunately it was Saturday, the holiday of the Jews, when a very small number was to be seen in the streets. On many occasions, however, the soldiers broke into their houses, but the riches which offered themselves to their view, were the favours of the Hebrew tribe: they abandoned the carnage to give themselves up to pillage. The Moniteur adds that the assassin of Buinah, after he had received the chapel of pardon, and obtained permission to leave the country, had taken refuge in the English pavilion, and that a few days after he was dispatched by the English consul to Gibraltar, and some said to London. Every thing in fact announced the dissolution of order, the reign of an infuriated soldiery, the massacre of the Turks by the Moors, and the downfall of the Dey. The intelligence which is now brought by Gen. Eaton, confirms these forebodings, and announces the catastrophe of the insurrection. The description which Mr. Eaton gives us of the causes and consequences of this tragical event, was uncommonly bold, appropriate and picturesque.
The dialogue between the captain and the Mufti was given in the highest style of the Drama. His technical accuracy, it is enough for us to admire, but we shall scarcely presume to imitate. He said:
That the Dey had rendered himself unpopular at Algiers, by the peace and feebleness of his administration. His cruisers were idle in the port; the country was disturbed by the dissention of a fanatic, who had visited Mecca: and the city was deprived of its customary supplies. The soldiers at length broke out into open rebellion, and placed at their head a celebrated captain of Algiers, who had distinguished himself by the capture of a Portuguese ship. They remonstrated with the Dey, and commanded him to leave the throne. To leave the throne in that country is the same as losing his head. The Dey expostulated and resisted. But the soldiers were obstinate, and the unfortunate Dey was forced to yield to their importunity. "I care nothing (said he, addressing himself to the insurgents in the hall of audience) about the destiny which awaits me. I shall die contented. It is what many a younger and better man than myself has done before me. I ought in fact to rejoice that I have lived to see my present length of days. But I feel for my family; my children." "You know, cried they, into whose hands they will fall." The Dey dismounted from his throne, and attended by his prime minister, approached the door of the hall, when they were immediately cut to pieces. The regency was now offered to the captain; but he prudently refused the dangerous honor. He told them that he was not at all versed in the foreign relations of Algiers; nor did he know enough of the civil law to direct the administration of justice; the present disturbances had arisen partly from religion, and it was but proper that he reins of government should be put into the hands of Mufti. "As for my part, said the wary Mufti to the messenger who invited him to the throne, my thoughts are fixed upon another world. It is my office to persuade and instruct, but not to command the people." But the soldiers were once obstinate in their resolution, and the Mufti was conducted to the palace of the Dey. "Is it not much more becoming you, said the elected Dey to
the captain of the insurrection, to direct the affairs of the government? You have an arm." True, said the captain, but you have a head. The head is more powerful than the arm, because it directs it." At length this curious and singular contention was put an end to by a compromise, which attached them both to the administration. The Mufti was henceforth to be the Dey, and the captain was to be placed at the head of the army. It is the opinion of Gen. Eaton, that this important revolution will render the regency of Algiers more moderate in its administration. All the Dey's have been hitherto taken from the soldiers, and from the priests. It is no doubt a fact universally admitted, that all superstitious establishments, whilst they debauch the spirit, have often contributed to soften the ferocity of their votaries.
With respect to our relations with Spain, Gen. Eaton is unable to give us any information.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 20.
On Monday arrived in this City, our gallant and distinguished countryman, GENERAL EATON, in good health. His achievements merit, and we entertain no doubt will receive, the respectful attentions of his fellow citizens in every part of the union. The glorious and joyful events, in which he has so largely participated, entitle him to the gratitude of every man, who feels an interest in the honor of his country, and who properly appreciates the liberation of three hundred captive citizens. It will be seen, by the preceding statements that he has received a warm welcome from the inhabitants of Richmond.
The following letters, the contents of which are derived from a correct source, exhibit, in lively colors, the deplorable state of the Algerine nation. Although we have so lately experienced the effects of their barbarous injustice, we cannot avoid commissarating the abject and dreadful condition of a nation consigned by despotism to the lowest pitch of misery.
Extract of a letter from Algiers, dated July 28 th , 1805.
"In my last I mentioned the murder of the great Jew Bousnach by a Turkish soldier in this city the 28 th ult. and the next day the soldiers rose in a body and killed every Jew they met with and plundered their houses. From that time to this the city has been in a perfect state of rebellion—the soldiers setting the Dey and all authority at defiance. To add to this state of wretchedness, the whole country of Moors, (from Fremezen to Constantine) have risen up in arms against the Turks, being determined to shake off their yoke.
"The city of Fremezen has long since been taken by the Moorish army, and accounts state that Oran cannot hold out much longer, being out of provisions, and deprived of the necessary supply of water. Every vessel that goes there the Dey detains, to be ready to take off the Turks when they can hold out no longer.
"The city of Algiers has given Oran a partial relief at times with grain; but can do no more for the present, as the want of that article here is the source of the greatest troubles. Nothing of the provision kind can be had from the neighborhood of the city of Algiers, as the Moors are all in arms waiting the fate of Oran; after which, it is beyond doubt, they will turn their whole force to this place; therefore all the grain that can be found near the city is conveyed in by the orders of the Dey.—The Turkish soldiers to a man left their barracks the 28 th inst. and marched out of town contrary to the orders of the Dey, where they held a secret conference of 3 hours and then returned to town again.
"On the 27 th inst. the soldiers as before held another conference—the result is unknown—but the Dey, Divan, &c. are in the greatest alarm for their own safety, and are constantly in session in the palace.
"'Tis conjectured the soldiery intend to destroy the present, in consequence of the Dey having strangled two principal Turkish soldiers, for outrages committed on the Jews, and create a new set of Rulers. The conduct of the Dey, &c. establishes this idea in the strongest point of view, as they have taken great care of themselves by doubling the palace guards, &c. and closing all the street gates at sunset—these are never shut but in times of real danger—the city gates are always shut at dark; but these precautions will not answer the end intended—Destruction is on the wing. Thus, sir, you may see what Algiers is at present—beset within and without by her own subjects, it is supposed a short time will bring to pass such a scene of horror as is unknown even in history."
Extract of a letter from Gibraltar, dated September 9, 1805.
"By our accounts from Alicante I find that six new Dey's were successively massacred at Algiers, also the Jews Bacary and Bossinaco, their families and other principal Jews. They wanted to proclaim the Mical Hodge as a seventh Dey, but he made his escape and got to Alicante!"
OUR readers must have observed that we have habitually declined a participation in petty warfare with hostile prints; and that, we have, of course,
permitted a multitude of calumnies and absurdities to pass unnoticed. We were convinced that the vehicles in which they appeared would necessarily in most instances consign them, in a short time, to oblivion or disbelief; and they generally seemed to be of so harmless a nature as to be altogether undeserving of serious refutation. Personal scurrility we have ever held in too much contempt to deign to notice, and after dissecting the articles to which we allude of this ingredient, we have perceived vox et preterea nihil . In a few instances we have considered it necessary to expose falsehoods, always, however, with brevity, and in terms very different from those in which they were clad. Willing that our political opponents, so fond of monopolies, should enjoy an exclusive right to the low language of ribaldry, and far from imagining that we had a capacity to meet them with such arms, on equal terms , we have invariably declined the honors of such a combat. We have not called every man a scoundrel or a liar whom we deemed such; much less have we been souncharitable as to treat every one who differed from us on political points, as devoid of honor or principle. Had this been our language, it would have been a libel on our hearts. We should have uttered what we did not think. For, we do not hesitate to say that among the federalists of the United States we know many whose hearts are as pure as those of their opponents.
Among those misrepresentations, which we have heretofore treated with silence, is the ascription, from time to time, of various speculative pieces, and editorial remarks which have appeared in our paper, to members of the administration of the general government. Some prints have called the National Intelligencer the Moniteur ; others have declared it as much the paper of Mr. Jefferson as the Moniteur is that of Bonaparte. This piece has been ascribed to one public character, and that piece to another; though both were as guiltless as the reviling editor himself. Believing the public too enlightened to be the dupes of such charges, we have not thought it necessary to deny them. We were aware that in pursuing that course, unless a formal denial was made, with regard to every charge, however monstrous, that silence would be construed into acquiescence. Besides the trouble of itself was sufficient ground for declining it.
We should extend the same treatment to some recent charges of a similar nature but for special reasons which for once justify a departure from it. The state of our foreign relations has given rise to much animated discussion in the public prints. The sensibility of the nation is awakened to the injustice with which neutral rights are invaded. Of this sensibility the prints are the proper organs. If just, they ought to encourage and invigorate it; and to them, it eminently belongs to give it a wise as well as vigorous direction. Such is the measure of injury and indignity dealt out to us, that the Editor of a public print, who did not sympathise with his countrymen, and did not realise and act up to the duties attached to his station, would perhaps merit the reproaches of the people. His conduct would justify the suspicion that his heart was elsewhere than in his own country.
With these feelings and sentiments, essays and editorial remarks have appeared in this paper on the conduct of foreign nations to the United States; characterised by the opinions of the writers. And lo! the occasion is seized to ascribe these opinions to the Executive of the United States! The sagacity of the Editor of the Political Register is luminously displayed in the following notice of a late editorial article that appeared in this print:
"Alarmed by the discontent, manifested throughout the Union on the pusillanimous conduct of the administration, which has so long and so shamefully winked at the injurious and degrading treatment of our commerce by the belligerent powers, Mr. Jefferson's Paper, the National Intelligencer, has at length ventured to utter some opinions on the subject.
As being explanatory of the policy and disposition of our enlightened & impartial Cabinet towards the different nations, of whose insults and aggressions our merchants, our seamen, and all our citizens so justly complain, we republish this curious document—Who that reads it but must applaud the justice that would limit the retaliation of injuries, inflicted by three different nations, to one of them—who that understands the relative maritime strength of Great Britain, France, and Spain, but must admire the discriminating sagacity of our intelligent Cabinet, in the selection of its adversary?
How can the United States fail to be prosperous and respected, under such an administration!
We hazard the opinion, that this exclusive Manifesto is the production of Mr. Madison."
Another Editor, the Editor of the Evening Post, much more sagacious—in his own opinion—than the Editor of the Political Register, noticing the same article, indulges the following high strain:
"And how long are we to want a national spirit and character? Is it not a shame that at this day the papers in the immediate patronage, and under the influence and control of the American administration should hold such language as the above? Yes, it is indeed too true that the contents of every mail are charged with sentiments of indignity at the unjust treatment of our merchants and seamen by the belligerent powers of Europe. It is indeed too true that without pretext their ships of war
are permitted with lawless violence to seize the property of the honest trader, and that insult the most cutting is added to injuries the most base and cruel. And it ought to follow that those who are placed at the head of government, have demanded prompt and adequate redress. But they have not demanded it. These insults and these injuries great as they are, and loudly as they speak, proceed unheeded by the administration; months and years have passed since the system of depredation and violence begun, yet has nothing been done to arrest the arm of the freebooter. Grievances have been stated, privately, publicly and officially, complaints have been urged, protection has been implored, remonstrances have been presented, but all in vain. Commerce is still left to itself, disregarded, unprotected. And now when the voice of the nation has become so loud, that it can no longer remain unheard, so unanimous that it can no longer with prudence be unnoticed, behold the ministerial print audaciously comes forth & attempts to blind or mislead the people, as to the true source of their injuries. He would fain make the nation believe, that it is from G. Britain alone that all our wrongs proceed, and therefore that against her should all our measures be directed? How long are we to be a nation of Frenchmen and Spaniards? How long are we to feel no resentment at any injuries but those from G. Britain; to direct no national measures against any European power but the only one which, to say the least, is less disposed to injure us than either of the other belligerents? Against which our measures can with least effect be directed, so as not to injure ourselves more than we do them; and which is certainly out of all comparison more able than both the others to do us serious and lasting injury in return?
"It was not to have been expected that at this period, when French mania among us has in a great measure subsided, when it is no longer pretended by the most obstinate democrat that we have embarked in a common cause with the French people, that their injustice, their cruelties and their insults would posterously be attempted to be smothered in resentments against G. Britain—Nor could it have been believed but for the direct evidence of fact before us, that such miserable attempts would be made to soften or conceal aggressions of equal violence and magnitude from the Spaniard.
"Away with these unworthy artifices. If our government are determined to protect us and to avenge our cause, let it do so without favor and without partiality. Let the English be called upon for satisfaction wherever injury has been done; and if Mr. Madison's celebrated resolutions, of which the party have vaunted so much in the days of their minority, are calculated to bring England to terms, they can have no excuse now, that they are the majority, for not adopting them in their utmost latitude. And let them remember that if they fail to coerce England into what is right and just, they can no longer lay the blame on the shoulders of the federalists. It is they who have the power and they alone must be answerable for the exercise of it. But let not all their measures be directed against England solely. If England has chastised us with whips, both France and Spain have chastised us with scorpions."
Now be it known, that of these offensive paragraphs every member of the administration is as guiltless as the unborn infant. They are from the pen of the Editor, and dictated exclusively by his own ideas. This declaration is made, not from any fear of misconception here, but lest the misrepresentation, on a subject so important, should reach places where the independent character of our public prints is not so well understood, for himself the Editor of the National Intelligencer takes this occasion to say, that, whatever satisfaction he feels in holding the same opinions with those who are at the head of public affairs, he would not, for any consideration, sacrifice the independent feelings of an American citizen, or be the servile tool of any earthly power. The abject submission of a slave to his master may be considered by a federal Editor as the duty of the print, which is in some instances made the organ of publishing official documents; but this can never be the tenet of a republican, whose devotion to principle ought invariably to be greater than to men, however virtuous, enlightened or respected.
A few words more, and we have done, after apologising to our readers, by declaring the sincerity of our regret at taking up so much of their time on a topic in some degree personal .
Let the Editor of the Evening Post be informed that the Paragraphs, he alludes to, were written under no exclusive feelings of indignation towards Great Britain. The same feelings are excited by the conduct of other powers, and have been avowed with equal explicitness. The Editor of the National Intelligencer knows no partiality to any nation. With the distinguished members of an illustrious body he views them all as "our friends in peace, and enemies in war."
Robert Bowie is re-elected governor of Maryland and Allen E. Duckett, Reverdy Ghiselin, Richard T. Earle, Francis Digges, and Philip Reed are elected his council.
Tobias E. Stanbury is elected speaker of the House of Delegates of this state, in the room of Archibald Van Horn resigned.
IRON WORKS ON POTOMAC.
The Subscriber has for Sale or Rent, a good seat for a Furnace upon the North Branch of Potomac in Hampshire county, with plenty of ore already investigated at considerable expence and found to be good, a constant and sufficient stream with upwards of 30 feet fall, and the wood of more than 9000 acres of well timbered land; enough of which is arable to form a complete establishment. Connected with this may also be rented the forge built by Mr. John Potts at the Great Falls of Potomac, now the property of the subscriber. It is conceivably that these two seats are particularly worthy of the notice of iron Masters of capital; as they are fully adequate to the supply of iron, in its various forms, to an extensive country, having great demand for that article, both above and below the Blue Ridge. The Hampshire property is free from every encumbrance, and the payment of a very few thousand dollars due to the proprietor of the free forge at the Great Falls (my lease of which is for upwards of 990 years at a low rent) for rents in arrears prior to my purchase, will render this property clear; and afford a complete establishment for all the various manufactures of iron, as well as for mills, with a convenient farm, &c. &c.
I have seats equally eligible (if not superior) for furnace and forge, upon the river Shenandoah in this county, with ore, wood, and water, all convenient and abundant; which may be rented for a long term of years, with rich farming land attached thereto.
FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Charles town, Jefferson Co. Virg. November 16—wtf
Reward for Lost Watch.
LOST on the Race ground on the 29 th ult. A SILVER WATCH, made by John Richard, and numbered 1293; also lost three Five Dollar bank notes, a half Joe, and Five Dollars in Silver. Five dollars will be given to whoever shall return the watch, and ten dollars more for apprehending the thief. Enquire further at the National Intelligencer, or of Mr. M c Laughlin, George Town
JOHN KERR. Nov 20—3t
PUBLIC SALE.
ON the first Monday in November next will be sold at Public Auction, on the premises at the hour of 11 o'clock A. M. all those Lots of ground, No. 18 and 26 which were allotted and set apart for James Wigfield of Washington county, district of Columbia, situated near the fourth end of the Eastern Branch bridge, and vested in me in virtue of a deed of trust from said Wigfield. Terms of sale cash.
BENSON L. M C CORMICK. July 29—wtfN
The above sale is postponed to 11 o'clock A. M. on Monday the 25 th inst. when it will positively take place. Nov. 20—3t
Strayed or Stolen, on or
about the first instant from the commons of Washington city TWO MARES, one a large handsome sorrel supposed to be about 8 or 9 years old, the other hind and fore foot white, shod all round, short bob-tail, (switch mane, some white on her forehead; had on when she was missed, a lock on the off fore foot as well as I recollect. The other a small very dark bay mare apparently with foal, (switch tail and mane, two fore feet shod, and a little white (I believe, but am not quite certain) on the off hind foot—Whoever will deliver the above mares to the subscriber in the city of Washington, near the Capitol, shall receive Five DOLLARS if found within ten miles, and TEN DOLLARS if twenty miles or upwards from the Capitol.
AND. T. M C CORMICK. Nov 20—tf
ELIS A RIGGS,
Has imported by the ships Wm. Murdoch and Enterprise from London, and the United States, Newton, and Abacona from Liverpool, Eighty-nine PACKAGES of Seasonable Goods, which he bought of the manufacturers principally for cash, will be sold much lower by the piece or retail, than any not imported direct to this place, for cash or in exchange for tobacco.
Among them are,
 5 Bales superfine, and second clothes and coatings,  29 do. plains, kerseys, coetens and blankets,  8 do. flannels, carpets and bookings,  10 trunks, clintzes, calicoes and hosiery,  5 do. cambric mullies and umbrellas,  8 cases London hats,  3 do. ladies wawesbury bonnets,  1 trunk lace hats, black laces and veils,  1 case damask and diaper table cloths and ticking,  6 cases knives and forks, buttons, saddlery, teine twine, &c.  3 cases shirting cambrics, dimities and cotton counterpanes, 
Also,
Silk hosiery, Chambray mullies, Irish linens, Gloves, hatters trimmings, Silk shawls, furniture trimmings, and many other articles. George Town, Oct. 20—twtfJa
NOTICE.
This is to give notice that the subscribers have obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of Mrs. CATHERINE JOHNSON, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers at or before the 20 th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from the benefit of the said estate. Given under our hands, this 17 th day of November, 1805. WILLIAM BRENT, WASHINGTON BOYD. Nov. 18—w3t.

To be Sold, At public auction on Monday the 23th inst. near the well Market and opposite Mr. Linnings house, a part of the personal estate of WM. JENKINS, deceased, consisting of beds, beds ticks, a number of articles fitting for the use of a grocery store, such as weights, measures, &c. wearing apparel, &c. tables, chairs and a variety of household and kitchen furniture, also at the same place will be sold two or three horses. The sale to commence at ten o'clock. Purchasers to have six months credit or all sums above twenty dollars on their giving notes with approved indorsers, and all sums under twenty dollars cash.
SAMUEL BROWN } Adm's. MARY JENKINS. } Nov. 18—3t.
JUST ARRIVED AT THE NAVY YARD. THE Sloop MARY ANN, Captain Lee from Guilford Connecticut, who has for sale on board said vessel, Potatoes, Onions, Cheeses, Hay, Clover seed, first quality Table Fish, &c. &c. Washington City, Oct. 13—3t.
PUBLIC SALE. WILL be held on Thursday the 28th of this month by public auction at the dwelling house of the late Mrs. Catharine Johnson deceased, all the Household and Kitchen Furniture belonging to the estate of the said deceased, also, an excellent milk cow and sundry hogs, and a quantity of coal. Terms of sale, for all sums under twenty dollars cash, and for all sums above that amount a credit of six months will be given upon bonds with approved security. The sale will commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. WM. BRENT, } Adm's. WASHINGTON BOYD, } N. B. The late dwelling house of Mrs. Johnson is offered for rent. Possession may be had on 1st December next, apply as above. Nov. 18—3t.
NOTICE. THE Subscriber anxious to settle with all those who have accounts standing against him unpaid, earnestly requests all persons indebted to him for Medical Services rendered previous to the 1st of Jan. 1805, immediately to pay off their respective balances, as no farther indulgence can be given. Those who do not comply with the above request may be assured that the most speedy and effectual mode to compel payment will be adopted without respect of person. EDWARD GANTT. Nov. 10—1m.
Twenty Dollars Reward. WILL be given for apprehending NIM, a small mulatto fellow, about 5 feet 4 inches and a half high, active and well made, 22 or 23 years of age, tho' perhaps of an appearance more youthful, and cunning and artful in the extreme. His features are regular, and the expression of his countenance agreeable—his thumbs are short and unusually thick at the ends—he is an excellent coachman and rider, having done little else than attend to horses for many years. He carried with him a short blue cloth coat, corduroy pantaloons, and a drab great coat, and many other articles of clothing in a pair of black saddle bags. The above reward will be given for securing him in jail. JOHN COLES. Albemarle county, Virg. Nov. 1—
KING'S HOTEL. The subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public generally that he has moved from the Navy Yard to the Capitol Hill, in the hotel lately occupied by Mr. P. D. Stelle, where he hopes to be favoured with a part of their patronage. It being a desirable situation, and the conveniences of the hotel excelled by none in the city. He therefore hopes to please those that call upon him in every instance. WILLIAM R. KING. August 30—tf.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best Loudon and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Benet's cord, toiletries, fancy and white Marcellus, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marcellus, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf.
JOURNEYMAN TAYLORS WANTED BY THE SUBSCRIBER. Five or Six good hands will find constant employ and the full prices given by applying to CHARLES H. VARDEN, Capitol Hill, Washington city—3t.
For Sale IN the county of Prince William, Virginia, Neabico Furnace and its appendages, with four or five thousand acres of land adjoining, near the town of Dumfries, and within four or five miles of the Potomac—the soil is generally adapted to small grain, and if too considerable for one purchaser, will be laid off in Lots suitable for small farms—a description of the land is thought unnecessary—as those wishing to purchase will no doubt first view it: the payments required will be one third cash, and the other two thirds in annual instalments, to be secured by a mortgage on the land; and no deed given until the last payment is made; any person wishing to purchase, may know the terms by applying to Mr. Thomas T. Page, living near the premises, who is fully authorised by me to sell the whole or any part. JOHN TAYLOR. August 16—3m.
N. B. A valuable mine bank in Maryland may be had with the furnace if required. J. T.
FOR SALE. 8000 weight of SHIP BREAD. WHICH will be sold low for cash on immediate application. SAMUEL LOWDERMILK, & Co. Corner of North L. and 8th Streets near the Navy Yard.
WASHINGTON TONTINE. SUBSCRIBERS to this Institution who have not fixed the lives on which they choose their stock to depend, will please to take notice, that it cannot be done after the 31st day of December ensuing; the constitution providing, that after that day, there can be no change of lives. Written directions on this subject, sent to the subscriber in season, will be duly attended to. BEN: STOEDERT. October 16—eptDec.
Ten Dollars Reward. WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased silver Watch, maker's name Crosthwaite, Dublin, and in the outer case was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia.—Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligence, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 20—tf.
NOTICE to Delinquent Subscribers to the THEATRE. ALL Subscribers to the Theatre, who have not made full payments of their shares, or contributed the materials and work promised, are hereby notified that unless the same be done on or before the first day of December next, their shares will be forfeited; after which day certificates of stock will be issued to those subscribers who have complied with the terms of subscription on application to the Directors. ROBERT BRENT, } Directors. WILLIAM BRENT, } SAMUEL H. SMITH, } Sept. 4 tf
PENNSYLVANIA HOUSE AND MYER'S CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber respectfully acquaints his friends and the public in general that he has removed from his old tavern stand, to the adjoining houses on the Pennsylvania avenue, lately occupied by Mrs. Wilson as a boarding-house, and Mr. Woodward's tavern, in which he is now opening a Complete Hotel. This stand is probably not excelled by any in the city, either for the accommodation of travellers or boarders; being at a convenient and almost equal distance from the Capitol, the President's House, and Public Offices; near the Theatre, Messrs. Way's Printing Office, and Centre Market, opposite the office of the National Intelligence, and adjoining Mr. Duane's book store. These houses contain twenty-six lodging rooms with fire places, exclusive of dining, bar, assembly, and coffee rooms, servants apartments, &c. The celebrated ridge spring is conveyed in pipes to the yard of this hotel, where it supplies the whole neighborhood with flowing, cool water, to which the general health of this part of the city has in a great measure been attributed. The finishing of the hotel now erected is considerable; more however will be completed before the meeting of Congress. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
On a liberal credit. THE Subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 33 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
Preparing for the Press AND will be published early in the Spring, in one closely printed volume. The spirit of the Public Journals; Being an impartial selection of the best original Poetry, Essays, &c. which have appeared in the newspapers of the United States during the year 1805. The Editors of Newspapers who exchange with the BALTIMORE Evening Post, are requested to give the above advertisement a few insertions in their papers. When published, a copy of the work will be sent to each office. Sept. 9—
TO HIRE OR FOR SALE A MIDDLE aged, strong NEGRO WOMAN, who has been accustomed to House work. Also, a NEGRO GIRL in her fourteenth year. Apply at the Office of the National Intelligence. October 25—tf
OPENING THE TYBER. All Persons Inhabitants of the city of Washington, or others, that with the opening of Tyber Creek, are requested to meet at Mr. MYER'S TAVERN on the Monday evening the 25th inst. at 7 o'clock, at which time a report will be made as to the depth of water that can be got and the probable expense of executing it in such a manner as will be pointed out. The object of the meeting is to consider the utility and the means best calculated to attain the object. Nov. 13, 1805.
I now beg leave to inform my friends with confidence, that my prices shall be as heretofore, corresponding with Pennsylvania tavern rates, and in proportion as my elbow room has increased my disposition to please shall be enlarged: I therefore respectfully hope the continuance of a share of the public patronage. SOLOMON MYER. Washington, July 24— Independence the 30th year—tf
NEW DAY GOOD STORE. BENJ. & HORATIO JONES, HAVE just received at their store in High street, next door to Mr. John Cox's, a handsome assortment of Fall and Winter Goods, which being laid in on the best terms, they will dispose of them unreasonably low, for cash. Gerge Town, Nov. 13—3t.
FOR NEW ORLEANS, The fine New Ship FAIR AMERICAN, Robert Davies, master, built for a constant trader with the best accommodation for passengers. She will sail in all this month. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board at Coles wharf, or WM. TAYLOR. Baltimore. Nov. 13—3t.
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
FALL & WINTER GOODS. JOHN COX HAS this day received a Large addition to his former supply of FALL and WINTER GOODS, which makes his assortment very complete. Most of his goods were bought on such terms as to enable him to offer them by piece or retail lower than the regular importers can afford to sell at. George town, Oct. 18—NI&UGept
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City.
PUBLIC AUCTION. BY Virtue of certain powers in me vested by the proprietors, will positively be sold at public auction at Stelle's hotel, on Wednesday evening next at 6 o'clock, the following described property, viz. Lot No 8, in square No 626, fronting on Delaware avenue near the Capitol; containing in front 60 feet 6 inches, and in depth 134 x 2 feet, on which is erected a three story brick house 21 feet front 6 inches front, and 38 feet 4 inches deep, finished in a very genteel manner, at present under a lease to and occupied by John Beckley, esq. which lease will expire on the first day of March, 1806. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as it is probable any person desirous of purchasing will view the premises previous to the sale—an indisputable title will be given, and terms of sale made known by application to JOHN COYLE. Washington city, Nov. 15—3t.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf.
SULLIVAN'S LECTURES, PROPOSALS By THOMAS B. WAIT & Co. FOR PRINTING, BY SUBSCRIPTION, AN HISTORICAL TREATISE ON THE FEUDAL LAW, AND THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF ENGLAND; With a Commentary on Magna Charta, and Illustrations of many of the English Statutes. BY THE LATE FRANCIS STOUGHTON SULLIVAN, L.L.D. Royal Professor of Common Law in the University of Dublin. To which authorities are added, and a Discourse is prefixed, concerning the Laws and Government of England, BY GILBERT STUART, L.L.D.
THE Lectures of Professor Sullivan, delivered to the Students in the University of Dublin, are in very high repute among all Lawyers of eminence, and have been uniformly recommended as an elementary book to those young gentlemen who begin the study of Law with a view to render themselves respectable in the profession. However obsolete the feudal policy may now seem to be, it having gradually disappeared as mankind grew more civilized and became better acquainted with their natural and inalienable rights and privileges; yet a research into the history of the government of jurisprudence of the nations of Europe, will satisfy any one, that many consequences of that system still exist and influence the opinions and decisions of the highest and most enlightened tribunals of justice. Every author who has undertaken to give a regular and systematic account of the rise and progress of modern nations, has felt himself obliged to resort to the history of feuds and feudal rights, as the fundamental principle from which all existing civil and political institutions have taken their rise; and every jurist who has employed himself in explaining the constitution and laws of his country, has gone to the same source for the correct materials of his essays and dissertations. Robertson, in his history of the Emperor Charles V. has with great beauty and perspicuity illustrated so much of the feudal policy as was necessary to enable the scientific reader to understand that valuable book; and Sir Wm. Blackstone has in the course of his commentaries, led the student to a contemplation of the ancient tenures, many of which depend upon the doctrine of feuds, as established in England by the Norman conqueror. But in both those invaluable productions the feudal policy was adverted to, only as incidental to the principal object of the authors, and therefore cannot be supposed to furnish a complete and satisfactory account, as would be given by so distinguished a lawyer as professor Sullivan, who declares the great purpose of his lectures to be the full discussion of the subject, which was of necessity but partially considered by the other writers. This work has become so scarce in this country, as to be seldom seen, even on the shelves of a practising lawyer; a fact to be accounted for only by the difficulty of obtaining the book: for it cannot well be supposed that any one of the profession, who has higher views than the mere pecuniary advantages of the practice, would willingly neglect an enquiry into those ancient institutions, upon which notwithstanding the lapse of ages, most modern improvements are founded. But it is not to the profession alone, that this book may be considered useful. In this rising empire, where political knowledge to a certain degree is claimed by all, and actually possessed by many; a book which lucidly and perspicuously brings to view the laws, institutions, manners and customs of those nations from which our English ancestors descended, must be peculiarly useful as it will enable young politicians to trace all our civil regulations to their source, and thus to account methodically and scientifically for many modern usages and practices, of which their knowledge is extremely superficial. In this book they will see how our ancestors struggled for the establishment of those privileges which artful monarchs and a proud nobility were continually attempting to destroy; and they will also learn that the persevering industry of the people, aided by the wealth which their skill and enterprise brought into the country, finally obtained a complete victory in the establishment of principles and customs, which, transplanted into America by our progenitors, terminated in those glorious conditions which distinguish the people of America, for liberty and happiness, from every other people on the earth.
CONDITIONS. The work shall be elegantly printed, in two octavo volumes, on fine wove paper, with a new and beautiful type. It will be delivered to Subscribers, bound in calf, at Five Dollars; and in boards, at Four Dollars—To non subscribers the price will be enhanced. No money will be required till the delivery of the work. Those who subscribe for ten sets shall have one gratis. To booksellers the usual allowance will be made. Portland, June 24—
The above work will be printed from a correct London Edition—The few copies of an Irish Edition now circulating in this country are considered by the first law character as extremely incorrect, and not to be relied on by historical authority.
To be Sold, WILL be sold at public sale on the 16th day of December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, at the dwelling house of the late James Weems, of Osvert county, deceased, all the Stock, Furniture, Plate, and several valuable negroes, the property of the deceased. Cash for all sums not exceeding 20 dollars, and for all sums above that, a credit of six months will be given. Bonds with approved security will be required. NATHL. T. WEEMS, Adm'r. October 25—epw&wdof
WASHINGTON TONTINE. THE Subscriber, appointed by the Directors, agent for the sale of lots belonging to this institution has opened an office for that purpose in the third house from the west end of the Six Buildings, where he will attend every day from 3 to 5 o'clock in the afternoon. The Lots are generally situate between George Town and the President's square, between that square and the Capitol, and about the Navy Yard, and amongst them there are some water lots, equal to any in the city. The terms of sale, cash, or short or long credit to suit purchasers; but in cases of credit, the punctilious payment of annual interest, and of the principal at the period stipulated must be well secured. If this be done to satisfaction, the purchasers may almost name their own time of credit. JOSEPH FORREST. October 16—(1)
PUBLIC SALE, Pursuant to a decree of the Court of Chancery, I will sell at public sale on Saturday the 30 inst. the following valuable property in the city of Washington. All that Lot of ground, being part of square No. 74, adjoining the Six Buildings, upon which several frame buildings are erected, one of which is large and well calculated for an extensive wet or dry good store, and the others with a small expense may be made to suit a family. This valuable property has a front of 36 feet on Pennsylvania avenue, and 140 feet front on 21st street. Also, Lots numbered 3, 4, 5, and 6, in square No. 38—the three first having a front of 28 feet 7 inches each, and the last 91 feet 1 inch, on Pennsylvania avenue; each lot is improved by a two story brick building intended for back buildings, but which may, at an inconsiderable expense, be rendered comfortable dwellings. A more particular description of those lots will be given on the day of sale, or at any time before, on application to me. Terms of sale to be for ready money, or money to be paid immediately upon the ratification of the sale by the Court of Chancery for the district of Columbia. The sale to commence at half after 10 o'clock A. M. on the premises. JOSEPH FORREST, Trustee. November 8—tdof
Twenty Dollars Reward. AARON, a mulatto man about 43 years old, left the city of Washington early in October, and was seen on the road leading from Alexandria to Leesburg in company with a black woman, who I am informed is the property of some person in the vicinity of this place.—He is about 5 feet 10 inches high, has a fair hair, very bald on one of his eyes (I think it is the left) near his nose, there is an indented scar occasioned by a stroke he received, which fractured the bone in that place, and whenever he has it in his power never fails to drink to excess. It is probable that he has gone to Jefferson or Berkeley county in Virginia, where he formerly resided, and from thence will endeavor to go to Kentucky. The above reward will be paid to any person who will have him committed to jail, and give information thereof to the subscriber in George Town, district of Columbia. EDWARD GANTT. Nov. 11—tf
WASHINGTON ACADEMY. Two PRINCIPAL TEACHERS are wanted in the Academy at the City of Washington, to be opened on the first Monday of January next. They must be qualified to teach reading, writing, the English and Latin languages, geography and the mathematics. Each Principal Teacher to receive five hundred dollars per annum, payable quarterly, for which he is to instruct such poor scholars as may be sent by the Board of Trustees, provided their whole instruction shall not exceed one hundred and twenty quarters in each year; & likewise to receive the entire amount of the tuition money for pay scholars at the rate of five dollars a quarter until the number amount to fifty, and beyond that number as shall be fixed by the Board. Out of this compensation he is to pay for necessary assistants, the rent of the school rooms, and other incidental expenses. Applications will be received until the first Monday in December next at the City of Washington by WASHINGTON BOYD, Secretary of the Board of Trustees, or by GABRIEL DUVAL, A committee SAMUEL H. SMITH, appointed for WILLIAM CRANCH, purpose.
Editors friendly to the advancement of Education, are requested to insert the above advertisement a few times. This day is published AND FOR SALE BY RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. IN NEW JERSEY AVENUE, CAPITOL HILL. FLEETWOOD; Or the New Man of Feeling, BY WILLIAM GODWIN, Author of Caleb Williams, St. Leon, &c. &c. price 175 cents. Sept. 25.