The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-08-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCXLI.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANN.
FRIDAY, AUGUST, 26th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
July 4, 1803.
A few of the citizens in the neighbourhood of fort St. Stephens on the Tombigbee river, Washington county, Mississippi Territory, gave an entertainment at the house of John M'Grew, Esquire, where the citizens were generally invited, and attended, for the purpose of celebrating (for the first time in this county by them) the day which gave birth to American Independence. At half past three the company assembled, and the declaration of independence was read—A four they sat down to dinner, John M'Grew, Esquire presided, and Major John Collier acted as vice-president:—The following toasts were drank.
 1. The fourth day of July, 1776, the birth day of American Independence, may it continue to be revered and celebrated until the last ages of the world.  2. The immortal memory of the hero and patriot, George Washington, "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen."  3. The heroes and patriots of 1776, and the memory of their departed associates.  4. The President of the United States.  5. The government of the United States, directed by wisdom, energy and constitutional independence in all its departments.  6. The free navigation of the Mobile and Mississippi rivers, "among the unalienable rights is the pursuit of happiness, to secure which governments are instituted among men."  7. The Militia of the United States.  8. The navy of the United States.  9. The army of the United States.  10. The Mississippi Territory, a speedy extension of its Eastern boundary.  11. James Monroe, minister plenipotentiary extraordinary to France, and if necessary to Spain, may he be successful in the object of his mission.  12. Wm. C. C. Claiborne, governor of the Mississippi Territory, a friend to the people.  12. General James Wilkinson the brave soldier, experienced officer and accomplished gentleman.  14. The Indian tribes of America, may they be civilized and happy, under the liberal patronage and protection extended to them by the United States.  15. The agriculture of the Mississippi Territory.  16. The arts and sciences.  17. The American fair. 
SIR ROBERT WILSON'S ANSWER.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE COURIER.
SIR, In the official correspondence lately published, there appear some remarks which the French Ambassador was instructed to make on my history of the expedition to Egypt, and of which I feel called upon to take notice, not in personal controversy with general Andross, for, conscious of the superior virtue of my cause, I find myself neither aggrieved nor irritated by the language he has used; but that the public may not attribute my silence to a desire of evading further discussion, and thus the shadow mode of contradiction adopted by the chief consul acquire an unmerited consideration.
The Ambassador observes, "that a colonel in the English army has published a work in England filled with the most atrocious and disgusting calumnies against the French army and its general. The lies it contains have been contradicted by the reception which colonel Sebastiani experienced. The publicity of his report was at once a refutation which the French army had a right to expect."
But surely a new signification must have been attached in France to the word calumny, when such a term is applied to my account of the conduct of the French troops in Egypt, and the consequent disposition of the inhabitants towards them!
Independent, however, of the proof to be adduced in corroboration of my statement, Europe may justly appreciate the probable truth of what I have written, when she recollects the unparalleled sufferings endured by the unoffending countries into which, during the last war, a French army penetrated, and she will at least hesitate to believe that the same armies should voluntarily ameliorate their conduct in a country more remote, where the atrocities they might commit would be less liable to publicity; and that this extraordinary change should be in favor of a people whose principles and resistance might have excited the resentment of more generous invaders.
I will not enter into an unnecessary detail of the numerous facts which I could urge; but I appeal to the honor of every British officer employed in Egypt, whether those observations are not sacredly true which describe the French as being hateful to the inhabitants of that country, which represent them as having merited that hatred from the ruin and devastation with which their progress through it has been marked; and I am ready, if there be one who refuses to sanction this relation, to resign for ever every pretension to honorable reputation, and submit, without a further struggle, to that odium which should attach to calumny and a wilful perversion of truth.
But, Sir, I feel confident there is no individual who will not amply confirm all that I have written on this subject; and perhaps Europe has a right to condemn me for not having made the accusations still stronger, when I can produce frequent general orders of the French army for the destruction of villages, and their inhabitants; when I can prove, that above 20,000 of the natives perished by the swords of the French soldiery; and that every act of violence was committed, and particularly in Upper Egypt, which could outrage humanity, and outrage the character of civilized nations. When writing an history of the campaign, was it possible not to express indignation against the authors of such calamities? Would it have been natural not to have felt the admiration of that virtuous pride, which a reflection on the different conduct of the British soldiery must inspire in the breast of every Briton? I have asserted that a British soldier could traverse alone through any part of Egypt, or even penetrate into the desert, secure from injury or insult. I have described the natives as considering the British as their benefactors and protectors, soliciting opportunities to manifest their gratitude, and esteem their uniform as sacred as the turban of Mahometanism; and, I may venture to predict, that hereafter, the French traveller will be compelled to conceal the name of his nation, and owe his security to the assumption of the British character.
But, Sir, does the effect of Colonel Sebastiani's report justify the chief consul's conclusion, "that it is a complete refutation of what I have advanced, even if we attach to that report implicit belief in its candor and veracity?" Is it possible that the chief consul can suppose the world will trace respect for the French name in the circumstance which occurred to colonel Sebastiani at Cairo, and which rendered it necessary for him to demand protection from the Vizier? or, would he imagine, that the apology of D'Gezzar, Pasha, was not intelligible even previous to the instructions being published, which M. Talleyrand sent to the French commercial agents.
That illustrious senator, to whose virtues and stupendous talents England owes so much of her prosperity, has declared that this report of col. Sebastiani in no case contradicts my statement; and I should consider that high opinion as amply sufficient to remove any impression on which the French ambassador's note might otherwise have made; did I not think it a duty to press some observations on that part of the paragraph which alludes to the direct accusation against general Buonaparte, that the public may know I was fully aware of the important responsibility which I had voluntarily undertaken, and in which much national honour was involved. I would with the world seriously to examine, whether the accuser or accused have shrunk from the investigation, and then hold him as guilty who has withdrawn from the tribunal of inquiry.
I avowed that I was his public accuser, I stood prepared to support the charges. The courts of my country were open to that mode of trial, which, as an innocent man, he could alone have required, but of which he did not dare to avail himself. It was no anonymous libeller against whom he was to have filed his answer, but against one (and without any indecency I may say it), whose rank and character would have justified his most serious attention.
The charges were too awful to be treated with neglect, and we know that they have not been read with indifference. Nor is it possible that the First Consul can imagine the fame of general Buonaparte is less sullied because a few snuff boxes bearing his portrait were received by some object or avaricious individual, with expressions of esteem. Or can he hope that the contemptible but not less unworthy insinuation directed against the gallant and inestimable British general will divert mankind from a
reflection on the crimes with which he stands arraigned?
Fortunately for Europe, she is daily becoming more intimately acquainted with the character of this hitherto ill-conceived man; and I confess that I feel considerable gratification when I indulge the thought that I have contributed to its development.
Success may for inimitable purposes continue to attend him. Object leasers may decree him a throne or pantheon; but history shall render injured humanity justice, and an indignant posterity inscribe on his cenotaph—
Ille venena Colchica Et quicquid iniquam concipitur nefas, Traxerit."
I am, Sir, yours, ROBERT WILSON, K. M. T. Lieutenant Colonel.
DUKE DE BOUILLON.
This officer has drawn up a memorial, stating the particulars of his arrest and detention at Paris.
After the definitive treaty of Amiens was ratified, he (the Duke de Bouillon) solicited, and obtained permission to go to Paris, to consult proper persons respecting the prosecution of his claims to the immediate estates of the house of Bouillon, and endeavor to recover some of that property, the inheritance of which had been solemnly entailed upon him. He accordingly provided himself with the usual passports from the secretary of state for the foreign department, which he got, as a further precaution, countersigned by M. Otto, the charge de affairs of the republic here. Thus provided, with the addition of a letter of introduction to Mr. Merry, from lord Hawkesbury's office, he landed in Normandy, accompanied by a friend and his two servants, and proceeded directly to Paris; acting, with that circumspection (and having recommended the same to those with him) which prudence seemed more particularly to prescribe to an officer, whose services might perhaps not have escaped the notice of a government from whom he was about to claim justice with respect to his rights. He reached Paris on the 28th August last, and immediately occupied himself in putting his claims in a train to be submitted to the decision of the French government. He had a leisure hour, and a curiosity to satisfy himself respecting their much-spoken of military exhibition, the parade of Quinziéme; and he was told that he might innocently satisfy his curiosity, by presenting himself as an English officer in his uniform, and retiring when he was gratified, which was all that he did. On the morning of the 7th Sept. he was arrested at his hotel, and scarce having time to dress, he was hurried to the General Police Office. Here he was examined by M. Delamarets, secretary to Fouché. He was told that the minister Fouché had prejudices (preventions) against him. M. Delamarets sought to prevail upon him to avow that Mr. Pitt had determined to wage a war of extermination in the bosom of France; that Mr. Windham had planned it; and that the captain, by the influence of his name, as Duke of Bouillon, and his connections in the Western provinces, had directed its execution to the utmost of his power, and the great detriment of the interests of the republic. To this he replied, that he conceived the treaty of Amiens terminated all discussion of the kind; he had no explanations to give, of any part of his conduct antecedent to that epoch; but disdained to answer to such unqualified accusations, as were made with the most odious and insulting epithets against Mr. Pitt and Windham, whose confidential agent they accused him of being. He professed his readiness to answer to facts, but declined combating preventions (prejudices) which he could not think to be seriously the cause of the cruel insult he experienced. He was next carried before the magistrate of the district (du Quartier) where there were two emigrants who had served under him in Jersey Roads, to identify him. Nothing occurred there, and the captain was again carried back to the police office, where he had been before. There he was kept the whole day, while Fouché did not think proper to pay any attention to his case, though he dined with Cambaceres (instead of going to Malmaison, as had been laid at full) and in the evening went to the Opera. Capt. D'Auvergne after procuring a dish of coffee, the only refreshment he got in the course of the day, was sent to the Temple, within whose awful and blood-stained gate he was received about eleven o'clock, and ushered through three or four heavily-ironed wickets, to the Greffe, where his
appearance was minutely detailed, and registered: after which he was conducted to the Keep, or tower of the Temple, through as many more iron doors as he had already passed, to the apartments that had been occupied by the late unfortunate Royal Family, in the anteroom of which, he was shocked by the appearance of a rude, ferocious, half naked figure, partly rolled in a blanket, and lying on a straw bag. It reared itself half up, as if disturbed by the grating of the iron doors on their hinges, and muttered in a low and hollow tone of voice, "qui donc une autre victime! c'est te que cela ne finira jamais." The hideous aspect of this pale and wan figure excited terror, and may partly be conceived by those who have minutely examined the late Sir Jos. Reynold's famous picture of Udalric. The captain hastened through this dismal dungeon to an inner room, to which he was shown, and which had been occupied by the virtuous P's. Elizabeth. He filed his complaints, which perhaps, might have been just, as he is persuaded that all that a prison has of horrors, was found here; and the recollection of what virtue, and grandeur these melancholy walls had within the few last fleeting years contained, silenced every selfish reflection. Here he was deposited by his rough guide, who invited him to pay for the candles he left him, and proffered him his services. He bribed this seroon to procure him some simple refreshment from without. Simple he required it to be, for he had been cautioned, as he came down the stairs of the Police to proceed to the Temple, to beware of what he ate and drank in the abode he was going to:—"Le sage entend a demi mot." "On y debite des raconts Italiens!" was added, and it was understood as a friendly hint.
Tempted by the liberality of his new guest, the chamberlain, as the turnkey was called, returned with bread and a cold fowl, with an uncooked bottle of wine from without, which refreshment had become necessary to nature, now almost exhausted; and after significantly pointing to a straw bag and filthy pillow, added, "voila ou vous pouvez reposer," and was retiring, when, upon inquiry who the wretch apparently suffering in the anti-room was, he replied by shrugging his shoulders, and added, in a whisper, "c'est un mouton fermier bien notre porte," and left the subject of this memoir to his reflections. As he had not been ordered "au secret," that is, under close confinement, he was in the morning permitted to take the air, in the fort of court, called the garden, that surrounded the Keep. In this walk he met a person he had some knowledge of before; M. Fauchy, the celebrated bookseller of Neuchatel, who was confined for having been connected with a Bareuth correspondence, and who explained to him what was meant by a "mouton," who is a villain disguised, put in the way of those who are detained upon flight pretexts, to endeavour by exciting commiseration for apparent ill treatment, to betray the innocent into some strong expressions of indignation against the supposed authors of the cruelty, and thereby give a hold for further prosecution. This universal usage in all the houses of detention will convey an idea of the equitable practice of the consular government.
His uncertainty continued until the 12th, in the morning, when the keeper of the Temple brought the glad tidings of liberation, with directions to call at the bureau de la Police the next day, as soon, for their papers. This they did, as prescribed, and had an interview with M. Delamarets, who much urged the subject of this memoir to write to the minister, and state that Mr. Pitt and Windham had engaged him to employ all unjustifiable means of destruction against the republic. In short, to avow all the infernal plots their black minds presented to their troubled imaginations. This he indignantly spurned at, and absolutely declined entering into any sort of correspondence with M. Fouché. After this he was furnished with passports, and quitted France immediately.
FROM THE AURORA.
The advantages of the purchase of Louisiana in respect to our future exemption from foreign influence.
No. II.
IT is a well known fact that the people of the U. States, in the mercantile line, had, until Messrs. Livingston and Monroe's treaty, a very large amount in claims upon the French government, for goods sold to them in America, France
and their colonies, or taken by their public agents in the French and colonial ports. It is, to that numerous and suffering description of our citizens, a most important event, that a noble provision is made in their favor out of the purchase money of Louisiana. The result will come at a critical time. It will live to many an honest man and many a valuable citizen a rock for future trade, and to pay his just debts, the means to rescue his credit from ruin and his wife and children from poverty and its concomitant miseries. Would to God as sure, as ample, and as prompt a source of relief were secured for the obligations committed by the British, the French and the Spanish, since the year 1792. The restoration of so great a part of our mercantile capital, (as three millions and three quarters) of which we were deprived by the irregularities of the late war, is a most interesting event. It may be said perhaps, that we do not receive the money, but pay it ourselves. In reply, we may ask whether any one doubts, that Great Britain would immediately give us fifteen millions of dollars or three millions of pounds sterling on the part of Louisiana, which lies between the Mississippi and New Mexico, with the right to navigate the river? Does any one doubt that Spain would purchase the same western part of Louisiana at the same price? Would Great Britain ask less, for her northern American provinces, in proportion to the extent, and productiveness of the land and climate?
Certain persons of the federal party cannot pretend to estimate the purchase as high as fifteen millions of dollars, after having most indirectly and unauthoritatively talked and written the French government into the most extravagant ideas of the value to us of some territory near the mouths of the Mississippi. They will not surely be so inconsistent or unworthy, as to deny that the government has made a very good bargain, in procuring that for fifteen millions of dollars, which they patriotically told the French was worth forty millions, nay that it was to us a necessary above all price. After such things and after endeavoring to alarm our western citizens and to excite the less informed and considerate to insurrection and disorder upon the subject. Certain of the federalists, if the price were high, must be considered as the authors of all the additional cost. It is necessary to make the most frank and clear distinctions among the federalists upon this subject, for some of them displayed all the virtue, good sense and candor possible in favor of postponing the use of force and the sacrifice of peace, while fair and judicious efforts, in the way of negotiation, were on trial. We do not wish to dwell too long, nor with too much emphasis upon the conduct of some other Federalists. Suffice it to say that they presented to the French the most exaggerated estimates of the intrinsic value of the object their own government was about to purchase: for which surely they have deserved well of their country. Though the object we have acquired is well worth the stipulated price, no man will doubt, that this imprudent conduct of certain of the federalists and of the foreign writers here, who seconded or led them, has cost the United States some millions of dollars. If the parents of a family were about to purchase a farm of a very powerful and gracious neighbor, what would be thought of certain of the sons of that family, who should in writing, conversation and by every other means, openly inflate the mind of the seller with the most extravagant suggestions of the enormous value of the farm and of the absolute necessity of their own family and parents to obtain it at any price? Must not these rash and mischievous sons be considered as the true authors of all the excess of the price? If it be plead that the farm is worth far more than the family gave for it, will it not be manifest that the price has been increased by the conduct of its unworthy sons?
COLUMBUS.
No. III.
It has been a favourite theme of the same persons, who are now the opponents of the Louisiana purchase, that the seizure of that country was necessary for us in order to avoid European connexion and neighbors in that quarter. It must therefore appear to them of very considerable consequence, that we have made this acquisition of territory, which entirely excludes a vigorous and formidable colonization, by an active and preponderant European war, from the whole of North America on the Atlantic and Gulph rivers. Had Great Britain suc-

ceeded while the governor of Canada, the British minister, their generals in St. Domingo, and governor Blount co-operated to secure the Spanish gulf provinces to England, we at least might have been liable to a continuation of all that excitement, influence and intrigue, which occasioned the British designs upon our treaty limits, Indian wars, the defeats of Harmar and St. Clair, the corruption of Blount, and the establishment of their known and secret Porcupine gazettes, as avowed "Censors" of our legislative and executive governments, et multa alia ejusmodi . It is no unworthy passion, that gives rise to these remarks. They are absolutely necessary to the just defence of the calm and prudent firmness of our government, lately urged with insults to war, and reviled with bitterness for preserving peace, by the successors of Porcupine and by the other friends, foreign and native, of exclusive British policies in the United States. If Great Britain had acquired the Mississippi provinces of Spain and France, would she not treat us as to that noble and all important river, as she treats our natural right to the St. Lawrence, which is shut to us with the utmost severity?—Would she not withhold the right of deposit at New Orleans as she withheld Point au Fer, Oswego, Niagara, and Detroit? Would she not say of a right secured by Spain, in a form dangerously loose , what she said of parts of Pennsylvania, New York, &c. secured by the forty-ninth article of 1783, "that we could not have them"—"that we could not have the country on the eastern side of Erie, Niagara, Ontario and St. Lawrence"? Would it be more agreeable to the opponents of the treaty to have the French, whom they so much dislike, settled in Louisiana? Let them revile their own recent statements of the vast evils with which colonization in Louisiana was said to threaten us, and let them candidly say what an immense sum it is worth to avoid the long catalogue of ills, which they so clamorously detested. We acquire Louisiana without the effusion of one drop of human blood—one pang, one sigh, for dishonored humanity. Glorious victory of firm pacific councils! Blessed mode of acquisition of a country so intrinsically valuable, so intimately connected with our prosperity, our union, and our peace! Every Louisianian rejoices, that he is become the citizen of a country, which protects his religion, secures his person and property, affords him the benefit of a cheap supply of every necessary, and opens the doors of a free commerce, fostered by public fundaries of his own choice. All are benefited. But the friends of war and confusion rejoice amidst the precious securities of our peace, liberty and safety, which result from the acquisition of Louisiana.
It is asserted, on various authorities, that the British government had lately attempted to purchase Louisiana from France. It is also well understood that the British government meditated an expedition against that province in May last, when they commenced hostilities against France. The danger of their depriving us of the country at the mouth of the Mississippi, has therefore been very lately renewed and repeated. If the world had continued in peace or war, we see in Canada, Halifax, Bermuda, and the Bahamas, the purposes of rivalry, depopulation and spoliation, to which the territory and the gulf ports might have been applied by Great Britain. If it be pleaded, that France has influenced, intrigued in, spoiled the trade of, and menaced the United States, Great Britain has done the same, and even attempted partition . Both should have been refused. The conduct of England in Canada, Halifax, Bermuda, and the Bahamas has taught us that she does not very greatly bless us by her near neighbourhood. Upon the present occasion, we most earnestly wished not to notice such facts, but the department of the foreign and American partisans of Great Britain in this country, is so ungenerously, so indecently and so bitterly opposed to all our republican men, institutions and measures, that a defensive war against that hostile corps seems likely to be once more rendered necessary. They wished to beguile or drive us into a seizure of Louisiana to produce war between us and France. The insults of Porcupine to Mr. Adams were reiterated to president Jefferson, by the Charleston Courier . Traduced as a coward, he intrepidly pursued the treaty under all these foreign attacks. Those men being likely to sustain a disappointment by the unexpected purchase of Louisiana, daily pour forth their abuse of the conduct of the president in this happy affair, and now labour to defeat the treaty in order to effect a rupture between him and the first Consul Bonaparte. Were that to take place, and Louisiana to return to France, the British with their present navy could make a successful expedition, and secure it to themselves . With these pernicious and criminal views they will endeavour to effect discontent against the treaty in order to its rejection by the Senate.—Every patriot in our public councils, of whatever state or party, if convinced of the reality of such a design, will exert his powers to render it abortive.
COLUMBUS.
No. IV. The ship building, cooperage and lumber business of the United States, or the manufacture & export trade in wood , in various forms, is an object of considerable importance to every port, country and state on the Atlantic rivers or on the Mississippi: to some of them it is of the utmost consequence. Had the province of Louisiana remained in the hands of France or been purchased or seized by Great Britain, the most injurious interference with the American lumber trade and manufactures of wood must sooner or later, have certainly arisen. Those nations could have increased the impediments to the purchase of our ships by their citizens or subjects and they could have prohibited our staves and heading, hoops, boards, scantling, shingles and knocked-down casks in all their colonies and ports. The evils, which the English mercantile writers foretold, (happily without verification) that we should sustain from the northern British colonies with regard to the lumber trade, would indeed have been fulfilled, if England had accomplished her original design to seize Louisiana by corrupting our public and private men, or if she had succeeded in her late attempt to purchase that province, or if she had carried into successful execution the expedition to take it which was formed in London in April or May. The states of New Jersey and Delaware, the Maine district of Massachusetts, and most of the states would have deeply felt this evil. The vast carrying trade, which the Eastern states and our ports in general enjoy in transporting every year one hundred and sixty millions of boards, scantling, staves, hoops and shingles to foreign countries, would have been most seriously affected. The lumber of the Mississippi would have been carried in British ships only to British colonies and ports. The pine, oak, and cedar of New Jersey, the cedar and other woods of Delaware, the pine and other woods of Maine, particularly, must have rotted on their hands. It is a deep error to suppose that the states have not each a great and real interest in this and other respects, in keeping Louisiana out of the hands of any great and active power of Europe.
The effects of the purchase of Louisiana upon the prices of grain, cattle, and fish, raised or caught by the people of the eastern and middle states will be very great and very favorable. The Americans are about five millions and one half. So many of them were employed in fishing, lumber cutting and raising grain and cattle, that the prices of fish, wood, bread-stuff and meat were likely to fall, when the cultivation of cotton was suddenly extended to 50 millions of pounds. Those who were formerly employed in raising provisions and getting lumber, were taken off in great numbers from those employments, and engaged in raising cotton. The soil and climate of the southern part of Louisiana being capable of producing sugar, coffee, cocoa, pimento and ginger, it is manifest that many of our people, who have raised provisions or got lumber and would have reduced the prices of those articles, will be engaged in raising, sugar, coffee, cocoa, pimento, &c. so as not only to prevent the reduction on the prices of lumber, provision, and cattle, but even to raise those prices. It is a certain truth, in farming and planting, that the greater the variety of the good consumable articles we bring to market the higher each will be. If all the Americans raised Indian corn and nothing else, we could not sell it. But, if they also eat fish and raise sugar, coffee, cocoa, rice, indigo, cotton, tobacco, wheat and other small grain, horses, sheep, horned cattle and swine, and make iron, lumber, and various manufactures, it is plain, that the Indian corn they raise will not only be kept from falling in price, but will actually be advanced in their markets.
Seven years ago we raised no cotton, we now raise thirty millions of pounds weight. The people who raise this immense quantity of cotton are kept from fishing, getting lumber, raising cattle and grain. So the Louisiana sugar, coffee, and cocoa planters will not employ themselves in raising cattle and provisions, getting lumber or catching fish, but will often buy those provisions from the more northern and eastern states.
COLUMBUS.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 3. MOTION FOR CENSURING MINISTERS. (Concluded.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer.—Sir, in consequence of what has fallen from the right hon. gentleman who has just sat down, I feel it incumbent on me to trespass on the attention of the House for a short time. I can assure the House it was my anxious wish, that as large and as full an opportunity as possible might be afforded to gentlemen to express their opinions on the resolutions now the subject of discussion. Although it appears that there has been no want of ability on the part of those who supported the resolutions, yet I must say that there have been as strong and as convincing arguments brought forward on the part of those who opposed them.
I should not rise at this time, but that the right hon. gentleman who has just addressed you has lent the sanction and authority of his name to several important charges directed immediately against myself and which I must declare to be as false as they are unfounded. First of all, with respect to the Treaty of Amiens, I beg it to be clearly understood, that I entertain at this moment the very same opinion on that subject, which I held at the time it was made. I was at that time convinced it was a wise, and a necessary measure, and I know now that it has been productive of consequences the most beneficial for this country that could have happened. If that arrangement had been made, and if that war had never taken place, if the war had gone on without any interruption to the present moment, I am convinced I should not have had the honor of congratulating this House upon the display of loyalty and public spirit that has lately appeared in all parts of the country. I am convinced it was a wise step to have entered into that treaty; and it was wise to have endeavoured to maintain it. I can aver with truth, and with a safe conscience, that throughout the late negotiations, it was the first will of my heart, as well as that of my colleagues, that peace should be preserved, if it could be maintained consistently with the honor and character of the country. I have not learned the policy of war; I have always endeavoured to avoid it; but when the necessity has arisen, and when war appears unavoidable, I hope I shall be able to meet it like an Englishman, and that the country will meet it with vigour, and a steady determination to support it. I could have wished that the sword had remained in the scabbard: but now that it is drawn, I will not sheath it again until it can be done in a manner consistently with the security and honor of the nation. We have been charged with making too many sacrifices for the purpose of preserving peace. I confess that we certainly did make more than ordinary allowances for the situation of France at the close of the last war, and for the conduct of the individual who was placed at the head of the government of that country: we were disposed to make every possible allowance for a person placed in a situation at once so novel and extraordinary. After having placed himself at the head of a great nation and after a career of victories which gave a splendor to his name, and made him the object of applause and adulation among the people whom he governed, it was hardly to be expected that he would, like a person at the head of other countries, sit down quietly, and be satisfied with the acquisitions he had made. It was not to be wondered that a person who had met with such opposition from almost every other country, and with a mind irritated by the invectives that had been thrown out against him, should, after succeeding in his objects, pursue the same measures which had led to that success.
On those grounds, his Majesty's ministers thought it their duty to practice a degree of forbearance with regard to the French government, and to pass over, without notice, many parts of its conduct, which they would not have done with other governments. His Majesty's ministers did not feel that the person who governed France, was a man whose conduct ought to produce the same dispositions, which a similar conduct on the part of the sovereign of any other country, must naturally have given rise to. I am proud to say, Sir, that to such a forbearance we are indebted to the spirit with which this kingdom is now animated. We are now convinced, and so is the British public convinced, that the war has not been sought for by us; but that it has been forced upon us. In proportion therefore to the force and extent of that feeling, we may expect that the war will be prosecuted with vigour. Let it not be said that war was delayed too long; nor on the other hand, let it be said, that it was commenced too soon. We have adopted all those measures, by which we may hope to get through the contest with honor, and be ultimately successful. Having been actuated by those considerations which I have just stated; and desirous that our cause should have every appearance of justice attached to it, we are ready to plead guilty to the charge of forbearance; but we challenge any gentleman to produce throughout the whole of the papers, the slightest proof of our having committed any one act of unbecoming concession. Having stated thus much, in answer to the charge of forbearance, I will now beg leave to revert to the speech of the right honorable gentleman. He has charged ministers with having withheld from parliament many communications that ought to have been made; and with holding out expectations of peace that were not justified by the circumstances of the time. He has alluded to some expressions of mine; and, I admit, has quoted them accurately. It will be recollecting, that my noble friend, when speaking of the peace, on one occasion, had said, that his reliance on the continuance of peace arose out of a conviction that it would be as much the interest of France, as of England, to preserve it. I gave it as my opinion at the time, that I saw no reason to suppose the peace would not be as lasting as any other that the country had ever entered into with France. And that opinion was on the conviction of its being the interest of both countries to preserve peace. I also stated, that I could trace nothing in the feelings of the first consul of France, which was likely to induce him to be hostile to peace. I thought, the efforts he was making to restore the navy of France, and to get possession of St. Domingo, were wholly incompatible with a desire to renew hostilities with this country. I never said there was no probability of the renewal of hostilities; nor do I recollect to have used the expression imputed to me, that the country was in a state of profound peace; in the debate on increasing the prince's income, I believe I did not use the word 'profound,' and if I did, it must have escaped me.
At the time I was laying some statements before the House on the subject of the consolidated fund, I did say that I looked forward to a prospect of tranquility and prosperity: and observed, that the resources of the country, which were great and abundant beyond all former example, should be applied only to the objects of maintaining our rights. I will now relieve the House from the trouble of hearing any more explanations with regard to language imputed to me. If gentlemen wish to know what have been the sentiments of his majesty's ministers respecting the security and permanency of the late peace, I shall beg of them to refer to the records of parliament as the most authentic evidence of their opinion. Let them look at the speech delivered from the throne, in the wording of which we certainly gave our advice. Let them look at the address which was moved by my noble friend to his majesty, at the conclusion of the late treaty of peace. They will find, that his majesty does not say, what had always been said in former speeches to Parliament, "that he had reason to hope for the most friendly disposition from the states of Europe." This omission, it will be recollecting, did create great anxiety in parliament. But this speech was accompanied by a comment, which spoke still more forcibly the sentiments of ministers. We moved for, and the House granted, a very large naval and military establishment. And if we had been so lulled into security as to suppose the peace was likely to be lasting and secure, we must have been the most stupid of mankind to have moved for such large armaments. Another cause of complaint is, that of our not having made any communications to Parliament during the late negotiations: and it has been contended, that such a communication might have the effect of preventing the renewal of war. I know very well that the House has a right to demand information even to the most unlimited extent. But unless such was called for, I hope the king's ministers may be allowed to possess a discretionary power in keeping back such information whenever it may be thought necessary. It has been said, that the state of Switzerland ought to have attracted the notice of his majesty's government in the month of June last. I have no hesitation in saying, that if it was the wish of his majesty's government that no resistance might be made at that time on the part of Switzerland. It was to a subject of deep regret, that a sense of the unmerited injuries suffered by that brave people, had forced them into a resistance that must overwhelm them in destruction; and on that account his majesty's government hoped that the effort would not be made. But when we found that it was made—that the Swiss had determined on resistance, and had pressed for the interposition of this country, then we caused a remonstrance to be made to the French government. That remonstrance failed of its principal object; but I am warranted in stating, that it was not wholly unsuccessful. Mr. Moore was sent to the borders of Switzerland to confer with the people of that country; but the moment the object of his mission was found to be unattainable, he ceased to act in a diplomatic character: but as to his having gone about to confer with the ministers of other countries; that is a circumstance quite new to me. I never heard it before. We have been charged with inactivity in not requiring that the French troops should evacuate the Batavian republic. To that charge I have only to say, that instructions were given to Lord Whitworth to remonstrate with the French government on the subject. These instructions were checked by the conduct of the Batavian government, who informed us that any interposition of that kind would neither be effectual or beneficial.
On the 5th of November, Mr. Liston stated, that there was a probability the French troops would be withdrawn from Holland; but they were afterwards kept there on pretence of being sent to Louisiana. On the 12th we learnt that it was the wish of the Batavian government that we should not interfere on the subject of the French troops. After this check was thrown in the way to all remonstrance on our part, I will ask whether it was fit we should run the risk of renewing the war by not evacuating the Cape of Good Hope? When the order had been sent out to keep that place, it was doubtful whether it would arrive there in time, before its evacua-
tion. We did not therefore, under all the circumstances, think it fit to rescind our first order, particularly so when it was the general opinion the Cape could not be of any great value to this country. Independent of this opinion, another important consideration rested on the minds of his majesty's servants, which was the great expence of that settlement to this country.
During the six years it had been in our possession, and during which time we were obliged to keep a large garrison there, the expence to this country was no less than two millions sterling. I do not look upon the Cape as a place of no importance, but I never thought it of such importance, that we should forego the chance of a permanent benefit by giving it up. With respect to the island of Malta, I can assure the right honorable gentleman, that no such engagement as that which he has stated from the French papers, was ever entered into between this country and Russia, previous to the preliminary treaty of peace. No arrangement whatever had been made, except what related to the election of a grand master. I can assure the right honorable gentleman, that representation had been frequently made to France on the subject of the violence offered to our vessels in the ports of France. But no one could say, that such conduct, on the part of France, could be a justifiable ground of war. Even the disregard shown to our representations was not a ground for war. We also remonstrated on the subject of the consuls sent from France to this country. The answer of the French government was, that these were sent for literary purposes. That very answer was a sort of apology on the part of the consular government, and a disavowal that those persons were sent here for the objects with which they have been charged with coming. All these consuls were shortly sent away from the country. It was admitted, on all hands, that every necessary and proper representation had been made on the subject of Sebastiani's report. How, therefore, will gentlemen pretend to say, that we made no representations on the unjustifiable proceedings of France? We felt the necessity, and strong desire for peace, if it could have been preserved with honor to the country. We now wish to have the whole of our conduct fairly judged. Let gentlemen look at the documents before the house; and although they may find many instances of forbearance, they will not be able to discover that any act has ever been done on our part, which was either disgraceful or dishonorable. It will be seen on what grounds we endeavoured to preserve peace; and while there was a chance of preserving it, we felt that such a chance would be increased by withholding those papers which formed a part of the negotiation; and I will put it to any gentleman in the house, whether under the same circumstances he would not have done the same thing. In labouring for the accomplishment of our object, it was material to withhold these documents connected with it. But as soon as the object appeared to us to be hopeless, we made a full disclosure of every circumstance to the house. We gave every document, and every information, which could throw light on the subject. We are now ready to meet enquiry; and all we ask of the house is decision. We beg the house will determine, whether we have merited the censure thrown out against us. If it think so, we are ready to acquiesce in its judgement. But if not, we beg our minds may be relieved from a state of uncertainty, and that we may know whether we possess the confidence of the house and the country. We wish to have it known, whether we are not stigmatized. Let the house say Aye or No. If the house pronounces an opinion in our favour, we shall feel a pride and satisfaction we never experienced before. But if it should declare that we are what some gentlemen would represent us to be, we will readily submit to the sentence; still conscious that we discharged our duty, and with the consolation of knowing that we served our country with zeal, fidelity, and anxiety for its welfare."
LONDON, July 3.
From the London Gazette, July 2.
Downing street, June 28.
The king has been pleased to cause it to be signified by the Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, his majesty's principal Secretary of State for foreign affairs, to the neutral powers residing at this court, that the necessary measures having been taken by his majesty's command for the blockade of the entrance of the river Elbe, in consequence of the forcible occupation of parts of the banks of that river by the French troops; the said river is declared to be in a state of blockade; and that from this time all the measures authorized by the law of nations, and the respective treaties between his majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed, with respect to all vessels which may attempt to violate the said blockade. Lord Hawkesbury has been further commanded to signify to the ministers of the neutral powers, that whenever the French troops will evacuate the positions which they now occupy on parts of the Elbe, and will remove to such a distance from them as

to leave the course of that river perfectly free and secure to the vessels of his subjects, as well as of other nations, his majesty will immediately direct his ships of war, which may be stationed at the mouth of the river Elbe, for the purpose of blockading the same, to be withdrawn.
Our present military force in Great Britain comprises sixty-three battalions of the line, and eighteen regiments of cavalry, independent of the troops in Ireland. The militia of the Empire amounts to ninety-seven thousand men; and a few weeks will add fifty thousand more to our ranks—these, with our volunteer and other supplementary force, will constitute an army of nearly three hundred thousand men.
The first consul is upon his long-projected journey, but he had not arrived at Calais at ten o'clock on Thursday night.
On Saturday at eleven A. M. he reached Campagne, and alighted in the Palace Court, where he was received by the Prefect of Oise, and all the constituted authorities; on the following day he visited the different manufactories. At Montdidier he stopped to change horses, and likewise received the adulatory protestations of the inhabitants. He passed through Amiens at 7 o'clock on Saturday, where he found 30,000 of the inhabitants assembled to offer him their congratulations. All the streets through which he was to pass, were decorated with the produce of the manufactories of the town. On Sunday he mounted his horse at six in the morning and surveyed the ramparts of the place; at nine he embarked on the Somme, and returned to Brekaff.
The adulation lavished upon the Consul at the different towns through which they passed, is greatly disgusting. The Prefect of the Somme concluded his address in the following words:—“Father of thy country, continue through our abundant fields, through our embellished cities, amidst universal joy, thy pacific and triumphant march; but let England tremble! let the English, abandoned to the feebleness and arrogance of its ministers, to the folly and audacity of its orators, contemplate with affright the hero of France, advancing to punish perjury, to impose on the pirates of the sea the yoke of peace, and to proclaim on the ruins of Albion the commercial independence of France!” That of the Bishop of Amiens was equally ridiculous; but the climax made by the Prefect is certainly the most striking piece of irony ever offered to the shrine of profanation, addressing himself to Madame Bonaparte, he says, “Exalted by your august husband to the highest rank, you have placed happiness by the side of glory. Glory! Happiness! rare association, reserved for the hero of France, as the will of men, and formed by you, Madam, by you who have become a model to all women. Every attribute of your sex which embellishes the life of man, personal graces, mental fascinating, sweet and sympathizing tenderness, they, and all other gifts, you have received from nature; you have cultivated them with care, and each day you employ them to the noblest ends!”
Count Cobentzel has been ordered to present a note to the French government, relative to the invasion of Hanover. The English ambassador still remains at Vienna and is treated with great kindness; he was to quit that capital on leave: but his journey is for the present suspended.
Considerable military preparations are making in Denmark, the frontiers of which are to be covered with troops. Telegraphs are now erecting along the coast. Accounts from Copenhagen mention that a general increase is about to be made in the army.
The report that the French insist on occupying all the Neapolitan ports, is, fully confirmed by letters received at Vienna, from Naples. In consequence of this measure, a great activity prevails in the correspondence between the Neapolitan government and the imperial court, which, on its part, sends frequent couriers to Peterburgh.
The Prussian minister at Hamburg has given positive assurances on the part of the French government, that the neutrality of the Hanse towns shall be respected. The Hanseburghers therefore expect the French troops to remove from Ritzbuttel.
The Porte has sent a large fleet to the Archipelago and the Mediterranean, to protect its neutrality.
It appears that the army under gen. Delolles is forced to quit the Batavian territory: their route is supposed to be towards Osnaburgh.
All the ships of war belonging to Genoa are immediately to be equipped and placed at the disposal of the French.
The following article having appeared in the Hamburg Correspondent, is considered as a proof that the French will not occupy that town.
“A declaration has been made to all the foreign ambassadors now at Paris, signifying, that although the French government have found it necessary to occupy the electorate of Hanover, the French troops have, however, strict orders not to pass beyond the limits of that electorate, and to remain only on one side of the Elbe.”
The celebrated Pichegru is in London, and about to be employed by our government.
The order for suspending the assembling an army at Deventer, has been countermanded; and troops are marching thither with all expedition.
According to letters from Florence, all the English merchants in that country have been obliged to give their parole of honor not to quit it.
Accounts from Verona, of the 7th inst. say, the French army of Italy has entered the Roman state. The left wing commanded by gen. St. Cyr, arrived at Ancona on the 4th inst. It will proceed towards Abrozzo, and occupy the Neapolitan ports on the Adriatic; another division will advance along the western shores to occupy the Neapolitan ports on the Mediterranean.
Letters from Bayonne, of the 18th, announce the arrival of several Spanish ships at Caliz, Corunna, and St. Andero, with 12,000,000 dollars on board.
A contribution of eight millions has been imposed on the Electorate of Hanover. Of this sum there has already been paid 80,000 crowns.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 27.
FRANCOIS SERRAIRE.
Information is requested by the department of State of the United States, respecting Francois Serraire, who was carried to Philadelphia from the port of Marceilles by a capt. Michel, about six years ago, and has not since been heard of by his father, who is an inhabitant of Digne in the department of the Lower Alps.
WEST FLORIDA.
A New York print states, that a letter has been received from Paris advising the cession of West Florida to the United States by a late treaty, made subsequent to the convention ceding Louisiana.
This statement we believe to be incorrect; as no such advices appear to have been received by our government. The facts are probably these; which account for the information contained in the New York print.
By a fair construction of the convention with France, ceding to us Louisiana, there can be no doubt that West Florida is included in the territory ceded. By this convention France cedes to the United States the province of Louisiana as she received it from Spain. We know that Spain ceded it to France as previously possessed by France. We farther know that Louisiana, as held by France, embraced West Florida, that is extended to the river Perdido, including the Mobile. From these historical facts it follows that the recent cession of the province of Louisiana by France to us must include West Florida.
We are sorry to state the death of a respectable citizen, Mr. REDMOND BARRY, occasioned by the kick of a horse on his head.
The following is the OFFICIAL declaration of neutrality made by the court of Lisbon.
TRANSLATION.
Lisbon, June 14, 1803. It having been the constant object of my paternal wishes and Royal dispositions to invariably maintain the Pacific Relation, subsisting between me and those powers to which I am allied and in amity; and resolving in the present circumstances of Europe to establish those principles which ought to regulate the inviolable system of neutrality which I propose to observe, in case (which God avert) a war should be commenced between powers who are my friends and allies, and having in view how much it is for the benefit of humanity and tranquility of my Dominions and Subjects, to remove all and every dispute which might result from a want of knowledge of the regulations tending to obtain the ends which I propose. I am pleased to declare that the cruisers of the Belligerent Powers shall not be admitted into Ports of my Estates and Dominions nor the prizes made by them or by men of war, frigates or any other ships of war whatsoever, without any other exception but that by which the Laws of Nations render hospitality indispensable: with this condition, notwithstanding, that in the same Ports the sale or unloading of said prizes will not be permitted should they be brought in under the above mentioned clause, nor shall they be permitted to delay longer than is necessary to avoid the danger or to receive those innocent helps which may be necessary—thus reestablishing and putting in full force the observance of the decree of the thirtieth of August of one thousand seven hundred and eighty, by which this subject was determined. Let the Council of War thus understand and have it executed, expediting immediately the necessary orders to the Governors and Com-
manders of Provinces, Fortifications and Maritime Ports, in conformity to this Decree.
Palace of Queluz the 3d June, 1803, with the Signature of the Prince Regent our Lord.
In our last, some remarks were offered, occasioned by a publication in an Eastern print, insisting upon the policy of an union of this country with Great Britain. In those remarks it was represented that a party, denominated federal, or, more correctly speaking, the leaders of that party, had for a long time avowed sentiments, and pursued a line of measures, calculated to produce a close union with that country; and that the inconsistency of this conduct was the more flagrant from the claim constantly asserted by the same individuals to a perfect freedom from foreign influence or partiality.
We have now occasion to notice even a bolder manifestation of these sentiments, in a piece taken from the Boston Palladium. For the purpose of fully and fairly giving the opinions of the writer, we will present it entire.
From the PALLADIUM.
“Is it lawful to pay tribute to CESAR?”
“The safety of every nation rests upon its ability to resist the ambition of France. To resist can be only ruin at the worst, to make friendship with her is certain ruin, with disgrace. Every civilized nation, then, which lies within the scope of her more than Roman thirst of empire, ought to calculate its means of resistance against the time to come. For it may now be taken for an established truth, that the power of France is the only measure of its policy and justice. What then will be the condition of neutrals, in the present contest, France is triumphant? And let every American ask, what will be our condition? We have obtained by purchase the entire navigation of the Mississippi, which is, and must be the channel of all the wealth of the Western world. The unobstructed right, therefore, to the navigation of this river may be considered as the purchase of fifteen millions of dollars. Should France be successful in the present war, her power to interrupt or control the commerce of this stream, will hardly be denied by our spirited democrats. We must then rely upon her friendship, upon her good faith. Her disposition, however, to observe treaties, we have not, at this day, to learn. It is recorded in the destruction of too many who have placed confidence in them.”
“France has made treaties with Spain and Holland; Bonaparte himself made a treaty with Venice, after declaring himself her friend, with the determination to respect her customs and property, and to free her from the iron yoke of the proud house of Austria! By this treaty Bonaparte received six millions of livres, and three sail of the line, as an equivalent for his good will and assurances of protection. In less than four months this same Bonaparte, by the treaty of Campo Formio, delivered those same Venetians to the iron yoke of the proud house of Austria! After having fleeced them, he next betrayed them & sold them, as his goods and chattels, for what they would fetch in the market. This is a single instance of his perfidy. Lombardy, Milan & Modena bear equal testimony to his good faith. We repeat it, therefore, treaties are cobwebs: his power is his only measure of right. The quantity of his power becomes then a question of moment. Will he check his career as soon as his rival is humbled? Will he leave us in quiet possession of a right which would give him the command of half our empire, because he is bound by treaty—treaties which have ever been his springs to catch woodcocks. It comes to this—if France succeeds we must buy, again and again, what is our own, till we are reduced to the condition of ‘hewers of wood and drawers of water,’ or resist with spirit, and fall with honor, which is now too late. But in case she does not succeed, our rights are safe.”
“Let the question now be put home to every man's bosom. Shall we contribute fifteen millions of dollars to assist France in carrying on a war of extermination against the only nation which is able or willing to resist her arts and her arms? Shall we multiply the resources of a nation which wars upon the independence of every other? Shall we furnish it with weapons to destroy what protects us? Shall we hasten the period of our own trial by helping to remove what stands between us and the foe, whose power is already as gigantic as his ambition unlimited?”
“If we had a feeling patriotism we might appeal to it with some chance of success upon the manner in which this money is to be taken from us. There was a time when the word tribute started us good early tools, we have learned to fasten upon dishonor. It makes us thrive to be disgraced and insulted, provided we live in peace. The Directory had too much modesty to ask tribute from our ministers without the pretext of Dutch rescriptions . The vehicle of tribute in the virtuous days of the Directory was Dutch rescriptions . Now, it is said
land. What is the difference? The rescriptions were worth as much as the wilderness of Louisiana; but the difference was, Washington would not pay tribute, however concealed,—Jefferson would.”
With regard to the frantic philippic against France we have little to say. It may be true that the present government of France aims at extended empire; it may be true that many foreign nations have been the victims of her insatiable ambition—though it is certain that many of those who have fallen were the first to attempt the destruction of France, whose just vengeance has humbled them to the dust; it may be true that even the arrogant mistresses of the ocean are doomed to an inglorious submission. What then?—The power of France will be greatly augmented. Grant that this power continues to be abused, or that it shall be abused to the extreme of profligacy? Does it follow that the terrible republic will fend her ferocious legions to subdue the pride of intractable republicans? That at the distance of three thousand miles, she will conquer the increasing millions of freemen, whose pulse beats high at the slightest invasion of their rights, with the same ease that she has subdued the mercenary slaves that surrounded her? England has already tried this scheme, when our numbers were not half equal to, and our resources scarcely a tenth of what they now are. When too proud spirit of independence and liberty had but had a day's existence. And yet England failed.—Let France now, or hereafter, repeat the attempt. The issue will be to us the same, and to the invader more inglorious. The idea of serious danger from France is truly chimerical and boyish.
Besides, there is every assurance, which the history of mankind furnishes, that if France shall aspire to universal conquest, if, trusting to the energy inspired by freedom, a military chief, shall, after having enslaved his own citizens, attempt, through them to subjugate surrounding nations, that he will soon obliterate his own glory, and impair the strength of his country, by acts as humiliating as his previous victories were splendid. Or should his legions proceed in the criminal career of conquest and plunder, the time will shortly come, when surrounding nations will make one common cause, and crumble his mighty empire into atoms.
Let us now view the relation of England to Europe and ourselves. She too may be successful. The present eventful conflict may issue in the overthrow of France. What then? Is there nothing to apprehend from her gigantic and unresisted power? Does her history exhibit the traces of moderation and forbearance? Has she invaded no rights? Is her empire confined to the little island that is the seat of government? No—her empire is in the east, in the west, in the north and the south. She has explored every sea, and wherever she had power, has conquered and enslaved. If she has freedom, she has taken care to keep it to herself. In every other part of the globe, her empire is a government of slaves; with this only difference, that while in the west they are black, in the east they are white. Is her fl very humane and magnanimous? Let the exterminations of Asia resolve this question.
And is it conceivable, that we, that Americans can wish to see the day when Britain shall govern the world? Have we forgotten the lessons, for which the best blood of our country flowed? Or have we become so degenerate, so contemptible in our own sights, that we sigh for the chains and dependence we have so recently broken? No—it is not so—the blood that flows in our veins is still pure, though some of our members may be corrupted. The pulse of freemen beats high at the sound of liberty, though the coward heart of slavery may tremble at it.
England has a navy of 635 vessels, a navy greater and more powerful than the united navies of Europe. With this navy she controls the waves of the ocean, and upholds a system of injustice, thereby enriching herself, and impoverishing others. This she now does, notwithstanding the opposition of France. Let France be crushed, and what will she then do? She will pay her immense debt of four hundred millions, she will subdue province after province—How? By rendering the trade of the world tributary. By making the United States pay her quota—By blockading our ports—By buying to our merchants, thus far shall you go and no further.
And is this the ardent patriotism of our eastern friends? Would they, forgetting the whiggism of their youths, forgetting the season when they hurled defiance to the oppressors of their rights, would they, to gratify party malice, to wreak inglorious vengeance on the administrators of their government, become the victims of British aggrandizement. If they would not, let them start from the dream of inflation that entrances them. Let them awake to the magnanimous feelings of Americans. Then they will see and acknowledge that paying a fair equivalent for territorial possessions acquired from France is no more a tribute, than it is for a merchant to pay to
the individual of the nation from which they are imported the price of his goods. In both cases the payment is an act of justice; a duty of moral obligation; and the man who would violate it in one case, would do it in another.
Thank God! the American nation is too just, and its government too virtuous to become unprincipled robbers. And may the day be long averted, when we shall appeal to force instead of right!
To clothe these remarks, it is our firm conviction, a conviction fortified by the affectionate farewell of Washington, and the deliberate sentiments of our wittest citizens, that it is the policy of our nation to refuse an interference in the quarrels and wars of Europe; to stand alone on the high ground of virtue and principle; and to know neither foreign friendship or enmity, unless our own rights are avowed. Under this conviction, we deem that men an enemy to his country who would, through passion or prejudice, withdraw us from the neutral ground we have taken.
A few errors crept into the first article under the Washington head, in our last, which the reader is desired to correct.
In the first column, 22d line, from bottom, read “feature,” instead of “blame”—In the 10th line from bottom, read “are,” instead of “is”—In the second column, 10th line, in the 3rd line—and in the 10th line, read “broached,” instead of “breathed.”
Philadelphia, August 23.
By a letter from Montreal, dated the 5th inst. we learn there have been three fires in that town within a few days of each other. The last was an extensive one. A great deal of property was destroyed, and several lives lost in it. It is supposed, they were all the acts of a wicked incendiary; great pains were taken to guard the town against a repetition of them.
Capt. Brown, of the fish Farmer's Delight, arrived at the Lizard, informs, that the day before he failed, the mail arrived from Barbadoes, brought an account that the French fleet, from St. Domingo, with general Richemont on board, were taken. Martinique and Guadeloupe were said to be blockaded. The English made an attack on the former, but were repulsed.
NOTICE.
The partnership of William Cherry and John Donnell, of the City of Washington, under the firm of “Cherry and Donnell,” is this day dissolved—the conduct of the said Cherry having been such as to render the measure indispensably necessary on the part of the subscriber. All persons indebted to the said partnership are hereby warned not to make payment to the said Cherry; and the subscriber will not be answerable for any debts contracted on account of the said partnership, by the said Cherry after this date.
JOHN DONNELL. City of Washington, 25th Aug. 1803—3t
FOR SALE.
WILL be sold to the highest bidder, at the house of Henry Ingle, Capitol Hill, on Monday the 5th of September next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. Handsome Household Furniture: viz. Mahogany dining, card and tea tables, do. bureaus, candle and wash stand, do. Kettle Cases, field and Low Post Bed Stearns: And sundry other Goods too tedious to enumerate.
A CREDIT OF NINE MONTHS
We'll be given for all purchases over Twenty Dollars, by giving Bonds or Notes, with approved security, and bearing interest from the day of sale: for all sums under Twenty Dollars Cash will be required.
J. R. CONNER, Auctioneer. August 27, 1803. 3t
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of Anne Arundel county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Calvert county in Maryland, letters of administration, de bonis non in the personal estate of Robert Gover, late of Calvert county deceased, all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the 28th day of February next, as they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 1th day of August, 1803. GASSAWAY PINDELL, Adm. de bonis non, of Robert Gover deceased. August 27. 3t
TO be rented on moderate terms, either separately or together.
Three two story brick dwelling HOUSES, in the city of Washington, on north E Street, between 9th and 10th streets west. They are well calculated for private families; and the whole taken together, will answer extremely well for the accommodation of boarders, on a large and excellent plan.
Also a large frame building back of the above. Persons wishing to rent, will make early application to
T. H. GILLISS At the Navy Office. August 27. W. N.

It is the wish of the Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER to engage an individual well qualified to REPORT THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. Immediate application, with the terms that will be agreeable, is requested.
The Editors of papers who publish Debates from the National Intelligencer are requested to insert this advertisement in their papers a few times.
COMMUNICATION. THE following Statute, entitled, "A Statute in lieu of the Statute for the wholesome government of the College of William and Mary" was enacted by the governors and visitors thereof, on the 7th day of July 1803. As this Statute prescribes certain salutary rules, in addition to those which have hitherto been pursued, and as, from the strict conformity to them the happiest effects may be reasonably expected, it is thought advisable to give to those rules a general notoriety thro' the medium of the National Intelligencer.
Sec. 1. Be it ordained by the governors and visitors of William and Mary college, that there be, in addition to the public examination commencing on the 4th of July, a similar one, to commence on the 2nd Tuesday in February, in each year; and that a meeting of the visitors be held on the same day. 2. That any student who shall be absent from a public examination, or exercise, unless in case of sickness, shall not be continued as a student. 3. That every student, who shall fail to perform any of the duties required of him, for the first instance of such failure, shall be admonished; or censured; and in case of a second failure, he shall no longer be continued as a student. 4. That every student, after the second examination in his first year of his attendance, shall obtain a vote of APPROBATION of his attendance, and of his moral character, from the president and masters or professors, a copy of which shall be furnished each student. If required; and, if such vote of approbation shall not be obtained, he shall no longer be continued as a student. 5. That no person shall be permitted to continue a student, after the second year of his attendance, unless he shall, at the end of such second year, or before obtain the DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS; provided, that at the end of such second year, the president and masters or professors may permit such student to attend the Lectures on the second terms, if they shall be of opinion, that his attention and moral character shall deserve such permission. 6. That no professor shall absent himself from college during the terms prescribed for lecturing, nor on the times of public examination, or exercises; And every professor is hereby required to examine the students of his class, at every such public examination, and at every lecture. 7. That the president and masters or professors shall be, and they hereby are, enjoined, strictly to execute this statute, and all others heretofore made for the good government of the College.
Tell, WILLIAM RUSSELL Clerk, of the Visitation. July 7th, 1803. Note The lectures will commence on the third Monday in October. August 17, 1803.
BISCUIT BAKE HOUSE, Near the Sugar House New Jersey Avenue.
THE subscriber has commenced the above business in all its various branches; where merchants or owners of vessels may be supplied on reasonable terms; also private families with the best of Crackers.
PETER MILLER. Washington August 19.
NEW BOOKS &c.
JOHN MARCH, GEORGETOWN. Respectfully informs his friends, that he has received. Forsyth's Treatise on the culture and management of fruit trees, a new and improved edition. Punic Characters, or contemporary Biography, containing the Memoirs of Charles James Fox, William Pitt, Lord Shelburne, Thomas Jefferson, Edmund Randolph, General Bowles, &c. &c. Walker's English Dictionary, 8vo. Washington's Reports of cases argued and determined in the courts of appeal of Virginia. Towne's Life of Catherine the Second, Hamilton on Education, Modern and Antient Europe, by Dr. Ruffel, Carey's 4to Bible, Mayor's Voyages and Travels, Peter's Treatise on farming and plaster of Paris, Moore's Do., Binns's Do., Latin, Greek and English school books, History, Novels, &c. Papers and Stationery, Drs. Church and Lee's patent medicines, An assortment of blank books, Account books made to pattern, and bound in the best manner. The subscriber has this day received The 2nd vol. of Domestic Encyclopedia and 4th vol. Select Plays. August 17th, 1803. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR
AS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the East Indies, a handsome assortment of SPRING and SUMMER Goods, of the best quality, also Patent water proof Cloth's and Camille's, superior Navy Blue and other colours; handsome Navy CLOTHINGABLE Buttons, &c. Gentlemen's Army, Navy and Fashion served with expedition and taste. New Jersey Avenue, seventh house from Capitol Square and Pennsylvania Avenue near the President's square. April 13 1803.
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations. June 23. 3m.
LOIS FOR SALE. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereof by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer.
FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by— ROBERT M' CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
Table with 3 columns: Prize, Amount, Tickets. Includes prizes of 20,000, 10,000, 5,000, etc. and a list of 21,000 tickets at 10 dollars each.
The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.
Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right Rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beaton, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Waft, Charles Ghiquere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell. July 23, 1803. The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Berry for sale.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD
RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 24th of June last, near the Eastern Branch ferry, City of Washington, a Negro man named ABRAHAM, but being an artful fellow, I expect he will change his name, and pass for a free man. He is about 28 years of age, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, well made: He is rather of a yellow complexion; his wool is very short, and a scar on one side of his head near the top; he speaks very quick, and stammers in his speech. He was formerly the property of D. or Blake of Calvert county. I have some reason to believe he has made for that place, or otherwise for Baltimore. He had no clothing with him but what he had on, which was Glusburg trowsers, an old shirt, a grey short coat. Whoever delivers the said fellow to me, shall receive the above reward. LEWIN TALBURT. July 11. 1803. tawrf
PLASTER OF PARIS.
A Cargo of Plaster of Paris, just received and for sale by the subscribers—in proof of its excellence, we subjoin the certificate of John A. Binns, Esq. of Loudoun county, Virginia, whose long and successful experience as a farmer in the use of this article, must render him equal to, if not the best judge in this country. STEUART & BEALL. August 12. I do certify that I have this day examined a large quantity of Plaster of Paris, belonging to Stuart and Beall of George Town, and conceive it to be genuine and of the very first quality, and such as I should at all times select for my own use, and think I can with propriety recommend it generally. JOHN A. BINNS. July 26, 1803. 226w6w
Just Published, And for sale at WM. DUANE'S Book store. A Treatise on Practical Farming. By J. A. BINNS, Of Loudoun County Virginia—Price 50 Cents each. August 22. 2t
Upper Marlboro, July 30, 1803. Pursuant to adjournment the general Republican Committee, for Prince George's county, met this day, at Upper Marlboro. GABRIEL P. VAN HORNE, Esq. in the chair. TRUEMAN TYLER, Secretary.
The General Committee being informed by letter from Stephen Wells, Esq. one of the gentlemen named on the republican ticket that his bad health will render it impossible for him to continue a candidate without great risk and danger. Resolved unanimously, That this committee regret extremely any circumstances which will deprive the county of Mr. Wells's services in the legislature, and particularly regret the cause from which his resignation arises. Resolved unanimously, That this committee receive with pleasure, the consent of col. William Lyles to become the candidate in the place of Stephen Wells, Esq.
Resolved unanimously, That colonel William Lyles be recommended to the citizens of this county as a proper character to represent them in the next General Assembly of Maryland, in the place of major Stephen Wells, who has declined being a candidate. GABRIEL P. VAN HORNE, Chairman. TRUEMAN TYLER, Secretary.
TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE, GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOLY TRINITY CHURCH LOTTERY. In the City of Philadelphia.
Table with 3 columns: Prize, Amount, Tickets. Includes prizes of 10,000, 6,000, 3,000, etc.
The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawing, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each. The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each. The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 6000 dollars. From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contemplated, and that the tickets will be raised considerably before that period. They may be had at SIX dollars of GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. No. 67, 2 Chestnut MATTHEW M'CONNELL, 82, 3 street. D. C. D. C. Whole tickets 6 Quarter tickets, 1 75 Half, 3 25 1/4, 1/4, 95. Letters post paid, including the cash, shall be duly attended to, and St. Augustine and New York lottery prizes received in payment. July 20. epim
HICKORY WOOD.
PROPOSALS will be received until the 1st day of July for furnishing, for the use of the House of Representatives of the United States, One hundred cords of Hickory wood, which must either have been cut last winter, or must be cut in the month of August. The whole quantity is to be delivered at the most convenient wharf, or at the Capitol, by the 1st day of September. It is expected that any person undertaking this business will have no objection to bind himself under a penalty for the faithful performance of the contract. For further particulars apply to THOMAS CLAXTON, Capitol hill. July 20, 1803. tf
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA.
HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Clothes, Camille's, Silk Florantine, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandowns, Toilingettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1802.
WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occaquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber. There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. THOS. POLLARD. Feb. 21st. ep
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber living at Popes Creek in the county of Westmoreland, and state of Virginia, on the 19th inst. a negro man named FRANK, by trade a blacksmith, of a tawny complexion, long visage and remarkable fine soft voice; about forty-five years of age, five feet four or six inches high, straight limbed. He generally wears a long tail'd coat; but it is not known certainly what clothes he took with him—he may easily be detected, as he has taken with him one of his youngest sons named John, who is not more than 9 years of age and is of a very black complexion and a loss visage, like his father. I am induced to think, Frank has made for some of the large towns particularly Alexandria or Baltimore, in the former, of which, or its neighborhood, he has a free brother by the name of Rogers, who did live near Dr. Smith's, upon Ravenworth in the county of Fairfax. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure said Frank with his son and give information thereof to the subscriber. And 100 dollars if taken out of the state, and the money paid as soon as I get him. RICHARD STUART. July 20. tf
FIRST LEGION.
ATTENTION! At a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 15th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia," ordered that the following be the Uniform to be worn by all non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to the battalion companies of the first Legion while on duty, viz. A DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEST, WHITE BREECHES and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE OVERALLS, with SHOES and ROUND BLACK HAT: which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the said court. WM. D. BEALL, Clerk of L. e. R.
Sec. 27. And it is further enacted, That all non-commissioned officers and privates, belonging to battalion companies, shall appear while on duty, uniformly clothed, the color and fashion of which uniforms to be determined on for the respective legions, by the first legionary courts of enquiry which shall be held, and to be approved of by the Brigadier General; provided the expense of the same, additional to that of usual, ordinary, and ch. p. clothing, does not exceed five dollars for each person, and every such non-commissioned officer, or drummer, or fifer, or private, appearing at any muster held after three months from the time that such uniform shall have been determined on, and the order relative thereto shall have been published, in some newspaper within the legionary district and not wearing the same, shall be fined five dollars for each offence, unless he can make it appear to the satisfaction of the court of enquiry of the battalion to which he may belong, that he was unable to equip himself.
NEW BOOKS. Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New-Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are
Burk's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Pervost's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Mickel's Luciad, 2 vols. 8vo. Tink's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo. Segur's Frederic William 2nd, 2 vols. 8vo. Souvains Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip 2nd and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Reynier's state of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Beetham's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Hornman's do. Grant's life of France. Delphine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 3 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorinton 2 vols. 12mo—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Bread Grins, by G. Coleman, Boscowen's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Glover's Atheniad, 3 vols. &c. In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorized, in my name, to adjust and settle the same: and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf
FIRE WOOD WANTED. ANY person who has from 50 to 400 cords of wood to dispose off, and will deliver it in the city of Washington, may hear of a purchaser by applying to JOHN GARDINER. President's square. The seller will be accommodated with a long time for delivery. Aug. 25. 2t
NOTICE. LEGIONARY ORDERS. A Legionary Court of Enquiry, under the Militia Law, will be held at Rhodes's Tavern in the City of Washington, on Thursday the 25th instant, at 9 o'clock in the morning, for the purpose of hearing appeals from the Battalion Courts, and assessing fines for offences and for other purposes. A punctilious attendance of the members will be expected. By order of Lieut. Col. Com'dt Brent, WM. D. BEALL, Adjutant. Aug. 10, 1803. TO COTTON MANUFACTURERS. THE Subscriber offers to make the following machinery, and to set them to work in any part of the United States. Carding engines, either single or double, with flat cards or top rollers, as may be required, and the cylinders of any length from 20 to 32 inches. Drawing frames, with as many systems as shall be required—each system having three or four heads (according as they are ordered) will draw from 20 to 25lb. of cotton per day. Roving frames, with any number of heads, each having two roving cans, will rove from 20 to 25lb. per day. Water spinning frames, of 84 spindles; (42 on each side) which will spin from two to two and a half hanks on each spindle per day, the hank being 840 yards in length. Mules, of from 60 to 216 spindles each, which will spin by an experienced hand, from one to one and a half hanks per spindle, daily. Twisting frames, to double and twist the yarn into two or three threads, for stockings, fringes netting, tambouring, &c. Looms, for weaving any which with the fly shuttle, either single or double boxes. Warp mills, either woollen, cotton or linen yarn. The above machinery will be made and set to work in any part of the United States, by the Subscriber, who has served an apprenticeship to the above business, in Manchester, and followed it for twenty years. Any person who may want any of the above machinery, may see the same kind at work, at his manufactory, Upper Derby, Delaware county, seven and a half miles from Philadelphia, where they will receive any satisfaction as to the price, when the size and quality of the machinery wanted shall be described; and letters from the country directed to the care of the Editor of the Aurora will be duly attended to. PETER ELTONHEAD. Philadelphia July 13
A CARD. H. O. HEBERT (from Philadelphia) solicits the attention of the citizens of Baltimore in general, and invalids in particular, to his "Air Pump Vapour Bath," a machine constructed on true philosophical principles, the efficacy of which in gout, rheumatism, palsies, contractions and enlargements of the joints, withered and enlarged limbs, cutaneous and many other diseases, both chronic and acute, can be testified by many respectable persons who have had recourse to it. This machine comprehends, and combines the application of fomentation and the cupping glass, two of the most powerful external applications for the removal of disease, and that on a plan more extensive than was ever before known. As many persons who have never seen the apparatus might be deterred from using it, either from the reports of prejudiced persons, or fear, they are respectfully assured that its application is not attended with either pain or inconvenience. It possesses all the good effects of warm bathing, without its attendant consequences, debility and relaxation; on the contrary, it invigorates and strengthens the whole system, but particularly the part to which the machine is applied. Persons desirous of further information respecting the nature and effects of this machine, will please to apply to the proprietor, at No. 3, East Street, near the Assembly room. N. B. The "Air Pump Vapour Bath" is particularly adapted for the removal of all obstructions occasioned by violent colds, which are the forerunners of consumptions, &c. Complaints peculiarly incident to females, which too generally baffle the remedies hitherto applied, and to which they frequently fall victims in the prime of life, are readily and effectually removed by the application of this machine. May 21.
LANDS FOR SALE. THE subscriber wishes to sell a tract of land situate near the foot of the Blue Ridge and Short Hills in Loudoun county Virginia, bounded partly by Potomac river within two miles of Harper's Ferry and the mouth of Shenandoah. It is of strong good soil, answering perfectly well for Plaster of Paris, and contains by patent 2340 acres. It is so well known as a valuable and fine tract of land that a further description is unnecessary to those who incline to purchase will naturally view and examine it. A clear and indisputable title will be given by the subscriber. There is no mortgage, judgment, debt, lease, claim or demand whatsoever against any part, it having been always let to tenants at low annual rents who are raised and removable at will; but the occupying tenants (through favor only) have been permitted to claim from any coming in tenant one half of the deposit money as may be settled between them, for the improvements and good will, the other half going to the landlord. There are at present fifteen or seventeen tenants upon the estate at very low rents. And it is recommended as an object well worth the attention of any person who would purchase the whole to parcel it into lesser farms to the resident tenants or others willing to purchase parts of it. The terms of sale are a portion of one fourth paid down in money, or in approved negotiable paper, and the remainder in one two or three years as may be agreed upon carrying interest from the day of sale. Application may be made personally, or by letter, to the subscriber residing at Warrenton on Potomac river, near to Alexandria, to James M'Ilhenny near the premises, or to Mr. John Jauney merchant in Alexandria. THOMAS SALWOOD DUGGS. July 15, 1803. tawrf