The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-12-25 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. X.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO 1437.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
MONDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
DEBATE
ON THE JOINT RESOLUTION Approving the conduct of the Executive in relation to the refusal to receive any further communication from Francis James Jackson.
Tuesday, Dec. 19, 1809.
The committee of the whole, Mr. Bassett in the chair—
(Mr. Dana's speech concluded.)
If the principle of approbation be considered as involving an equal right to censure, I make no objection to the resolution on that account. But on this subject I would be cautious, because I might censure wrongly. The President might have reasons for his conduct which I did not know; I would be cautious also, because if I should censure where censure ought not to be pronounced, I might do injury by concurring in a procedure tending to diminish the confidence of the nation in the Chief Magistrate.
But this is not a resolution merely approving the conduct of the President of the U. States. It is not called for by any thing which has been done. It is not conformable to the true spirit of what has taken place. It is rather reproachful to the President than honoring him with praise. It is a denunciation of a foreign minister here accredited; it is expressed in language which your Chief Magistrate would not adopt in his message to Congress, and which he did not authorize in addressing our minister abroad. Sir, public ministers and other public men may be exposed to wrongs of two kinds, personal violence and violence done to their reputation. The case is rare indeed in which a public minister, a Secretary of State or Head of any other department commits an offence legally exposing him to corporal punishment. But on a question of decorum should we permit ourselves to outrage it? When representing a violation of decorum, shall we ourselves violate it? Sir, I request you to look at the letter written by the Secretary of State, under the direction of the President, to our minister in London. I will not say that the Secretary of State in his letter to Mr. Pinkney meant to affirm that those printers in this country who publish matters affecting the reputation of a public minister might be prosecuted at common law here, and be subjected to fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court; and yet, if that be not his meaning, where is the law to which a foreign minister could have recourse? But his language at least shews, that he considers a wrong done to the reputation of a public minister as an injury for which he may reasonably complain, as he may for a wrong done to his person, and that however freely our citizens may speak or publish their sentiments, it is not proper in our public acts to speak wantonly against any person coming here in a public character from a foreign government. When a public minister has been admitted to come here in the faith of an honorable reception, shall the National Legislature undertake to blast his character? Gentlemen will feel it as becoming them to be cautious of inflicting this wound on the reputation of a stranger, having a public test of high distinction and thus honorably received by our administration, especially when they are not warranted by the course adopted on the part of the administration.
Let us then, sir, compare the language of this resolution with the language adopted by the President of the United States. The resolution charges "Francis J. Jackson minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty near the United States" with having used in official correspondence a language highly indecorous and insolent ; and then, going on in form of elaborate climax, language still more insolent and affronting ; next, outrageous and premeditated insults ; then, a still more direct and aggravated insult and affront to the American people and their government ;—an insidious attempt to excite resentments and distrusts ; and lastly, appealing to false or fallacious disguises . Let us now observe in what manner the President has thought proper to speak by the Secretary of State with respect to what is called the appeal in the letter, headed "Circular," and purporting to be a letter from Mr. Jackson to the British consuls in the United States. After stating it in the letter to Mr.
Pinkney, the Secretary of State remarks, "it can only be regarded as a virtual address to the American people of a representation previously addressed to their government; a procedure which cannot fail to be seen in its true light by his sovereign." So much on that subject. With respect to the other, there is this general phraseology: "The observations to which so much extent has been given in this letter, with those contained in the correspondence with Mr. Jackson, will make you fully acquainted with the conduct and the character he has developed; with the necessity of the step taken in refusing further communications with him, and with the grounds on which the President instructs you to request that he may be immediately recalled. You are particularly instructed at the same time, in making those communications, to do it in a manner that will leave no doubt of the undiminished desire of the U. States to unite in all the means the best calculated to establish the relations of the two countries on the solid foundation of justice, of friendship and of mutual interest." Considering this instruction as marking the disposition of the Executive, does the resolution before us correspond with that disposition as expressed in the letter to our minister at London or in the President's message to Congress at the opening of the present session.
Much has been said (not however on this floor) of some case or cases in which a similar course is supposed to have been deemed necessary; and a case has been mentioned of a minister from the court of Vienna in the reign of George the First. But as it has not been urged in this debate, I content myself at this time with observing, that the case of the imperial minister (De Palm) was essentially distinguished from the present, and that as far as I recollect it I find nothing to warrant the resolution before us.
I have some objection, however, to the present resolution, because it seems, although I do not here charge it as a fact, to have been too much copied from a precedent to be found in a resolution of a British House of Commons respecting an affair materially different; and in some part there seems to have been copied a language better adapted to auxiliaries in pugilism than to the legislators of a great and enlightened republic, a language which the British Parliament did not address to their king. A resolution was moved in the House of Commons for an address; and on that motion there was objection as to manner of expression, although the resolution was ultimately carried without a contradictory vote. But in the joint address of the Houses of Parliament to the King, the phraseology was varied, and they did not address him in the style of boxing familiarity.
Thus far, sir, I have considered the resolution before us as not warranted by the official language of the President of the United States and the Secretary of State. In addition to what has already been observed with this view, it is to be noted, that the President in his message to Congress, has not even mentioned Mr. Jackson's circular letter to the British consuls. This letter, indeed, and its being put into circulation, are noticed, but not with laborious hardness of phrase, in the letter of the 23d of November, from Secretary Smith to Mr. Pinkney. But the President of the United States did not regard the subject as worthy to be named by him when giving to Congress information of the state of the union and recommending the measures necessary and expedient.
The President's message and the Secretary's letter appear expressive of a disposition to use language which should not in its manner be offensive to the British government itself, and to suspend proceedings of an hostile character until an answer may be received from that government. This resolution appears to be formed on directly opposite principles. What, Sir! can Congress, can any men think it necessary to say that they will support the President in refusing to receive a communication from a foreign minister, or, that they will support him with the whole force of the nation in so refusing? You do not expect the minister to force a communication on the President. This is too absurd and can be the real meaning of the resolution. The only main idea in-
tended to be conveyed by the resolution in this respect must be, that the Congress mean to support the President in a conflict with the British government eventually. Why, sir, is such language at the present time proposed for adoption as if it were either necessary or expedient? The British government perhaps may not be perfectly satisfied with the conduct of this administration towards the minister from G. Britain to the U. S. and yet it might be that proper to recall him; because unacceptable to the President of the U. S. because the President has requested his recall, and because under existing circumstances the farther continuance of such a minister in this country might not be useful to the government that sent him. Do you wish to place the affair in such a state as to render it peculiarly difficult for the British government to recall him, except in prelude to war?
Do you approve the procedure of the President in causing application to be made by the Secretary of State in a style of guarded decorum, instructing the American minister at London to request the recall of the British minister who has been here received, and will you send a menace to accompany the request? In this view what is the proposed resolution, if it be any thing? What is meant by a solemn pledge to the world for calling into action the whole force of a nation, eventually against a foreign power? If language has certainty of meaning, it is a provisional defiance of war, solemnly made known to the world—a national challenge to battle. Have you weighed fully all that is implied in this defiance of war? Are you prepared to sustain it fully by all your means? Or can you say that you do not intend this? Is it possible that the representatives of the people of the U. S. can solemnly announce to the world a pledge to call into action the whole force of the nation, and yet that it can be all idle words? That in fact they intend to do no such thing as they promise? Are we indeed prepared to pronounce ourselves fallen thus low?
Considering gentlemen as serious in announcing this pledge to the world, and giving this national defiance to war, I ask what is to be the result of the conflict if we are not prepared for it, and how far are we prepared? This enquiry suggests an attention to the resolution under two different aspects, as we know the relations of Executive departments to be affected or varied according to views of peace or war. On questions of great national controversy, the department of state has in charge to attend to those gratifying themes, the rights, the honor & dignity of the nation and government. And these themes may be presented the more for public attention as the state of affairs becomes hostile until their most imposing influence over the public passions is realised amidst the operations of declared war. In a state of peace, the department of the Treasury may attract regard from redundancy of revenue and extinction of debt, and projects of improvement. But the frown of war reverses the scene. On this department is now devolved the task of devising ways & means for supplying extraordinary expenditure or waste. The ungrateful subjects of attention are the exhaustion of the treasury—loans—taxation—the option of difficulties in procuring money—the choice between different modes of imposing pecuniary burdens on the people. If this resolution be pursued according to its import, additional charges on the people must be required. To give éclat to the department of State, can you be willing to embarrass the department of the treasury?
There is another reason why we should be cautious. Can it be expedient for the public to make experiments tending to waste the national character? More than two years have elapsed since an interdictory proclamation was terminated from the palace against the British navy. A squadron concerned in committing the offence mentioned in the proclamation, was suffered to remain for several months within the waters of the U. S. in open defiance of the executive interdict and the exclusive right of territorial jurisdiction. There that squadron was suffered to remain, although the power given to the President by statute, I believe, extended to employing the military and naval forces of the U. S. and the militia at the President's dis-
cretion to compel respect to his proclamation. The offending squadron was suffered to remain there, notwithstanding the number, which the government had, of those highly recommended aquatico-terrene vehicles denominated gun-boats. The indignity then was greater than is to be found in the subject of this resolution. Yet the government did not then assert the paramount right of territorial sovereignty with effect. With such experience, what honor, what utility is to be expected from passing this resolution now? What is to be expected but irritation without benefit, embarrassment without extirpation? When they attend to your measures, will foreign powers believe that such a resolution proves your title to respect?
A further reason against the resolution is founded on the conduct of the President of the United States; it is the consideration, that he has not ordered the British minister Mr. Jackson to depart from this country. Until that order is given, no such resolution as the present ought to be passed. The extraordinary spectacle is now exhibited of a minister accredited from a foreign government, who is denied the eminent, direct privilege of the diplomatic character, the privilege of communicating with the government to which he is sent, & yet is to enjoy the immunities which are auxiliary to the exercise of diplomatic functions. The case is novel in the proceedings of this country. It is so extraordinary that the official publication of the refusal to receive communications from him might have been considered as a disavowal by the administration of his diplomatic character and consequently as a deprivation of his characteristic immunities, had not a certificate of special safe-guard to the contrary been given by the administration. The case is clearly different from that of the Spanish minister, who, I believe, was admitted to have written communication with the administration, but was admonished by authority from the President not to appear in the city of Washington, who refused however to obey the admonition, but was suffered to come and remain, according to his avowed determination, within this extensive city, as he might find convenient or for the interest of the king his master.
These are some of the reasons for which, although it were supposed correct in statement of facts, I am not prepared to vote in favor of the resolution on the table.
It is a consideration of a different nature, that the phraseology of the resolution tends to draw aside the attention by placing it on a basis which is objectionable as being incorrect, not as in point of fact, but of principle. This, sir, leads me to consider the litigated subject of the powers of Mr. Erskine to negotiate and conclude the provisional arrangement of the last April. On this subject, I leave at once the greater part of the discussion between the Secretary of State and Mr. Jackson, as not distinctly exhibiting the specific character of the question. I consider a public minister not authorised in virtue of a general letter of credence to stipulate any one thing to be done on the part of his government. If I understand the course of argument on the part of the Secretary of State, it seems to assume as a basis, that a public minister here accredited is entitled to stipulate for his government in virtue of his letter of credence without further authority, or at least that the government here should regard the minister in virtue of his letter of credence as authorised to conclude such stipulations so as to be obligatory on the government giving the letter of credence. This I do not admit to be correct either in principle or usage.
Permit me, sir, to call upon gentlemen to recur to the time when the public law of christendom in relation to diplomatic intercourse may be considered as assuming regularity of character. I request gentlemen to recur with me to the epoch of the treaty of Westphalia. The great work of the learned Grotius on war and peace first reduced to general system the body of public law in Europe. He was one of the great masters in science who have appeared formed to rise above contemporary competitors in their respective spheres, and acknowledged beyond dispute to be greater than those preceding or suc-
ceeding them. As such he was first made known with distinguishing honor by Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, one of the greatest men and heroes of his age or of the world. The work of Grotius was published in the year 1625; and the treaty of Westphalia was concluded in the year 1648, consisting of a treaty concluded at Munster & another at Osnaburg within the circle of Westphalia, and both signed on the same day, being the result of a Congress composed of ambassadors, plenipotentiaries, ministers, delegates, commissioners, deputies, indeed almost, if not completely, every grade of description of governmental representation known in the whole christian world. The conclusion of the treaty put an end to conferences which had long held Europe in suspense, and terminated the famous thirty years war. Never before or since, I presume, were so many diplomatic characters assembled for negotiation or mediation, and such and so various interests to be arranged at one time by treaty. The great interests of the Catholic and reformed religions in Europe, the Emperor, the Electors, Princes, & states of the Germanic body, France, Sweden, the States General, with the respective allies, all were concerned. Prussia was not then erected into a kingdom, and Russia had not taken rank under the Great Peter among the civilized powers of Europe. From the nature of the affairs and the great number of public men from different portions of Europe, the famous Congress in Westphalia, after the publication of Grotius had attained high distinction, served to make known and establish extensively the principles constituting the public rules of intercourse among the governments of the christian world.
We are now called upon to pronounce respecting a question depending on those rules of intercourse as recognised and illustrated by national usage. What is the principle that protects and sustains in full immunity the ministers of the United States in Britain, in France, in Russia or in any part of the civilized world? It is the respect due to those rules, a respect which the various governments of whatever form have concurred in manifesting and enforcing. Nor can we claim to hold a course in diplomacy incompatible with such national usage, unless we strike ourselves out of the general pale of christendom.
This question therefore is to be considered not merely as an abstract discussion; but we have now to enquire, what is a letter of credence according to the public law and diplomatic usage of Europe? Is it an authority for stipulating anything to be done on the part of the government sending the minister? If it be, I request to know the proof: According to my apprehension, it is not; and I desire gentlemen to enlighten me on this point, if I err. If this opinion be erroneous, I should hope it might be made evident with respect to myself, that I may not continue in error. From whatever source there can be derived any aid to ascertain the true principle, if gentlemen honored by especial confidence respecting affairs of state, if any of the law officers or even members of the cabinet, would be pleased to contribute to the stock of legislative information, I solicit the correction of any error, if indeed I err, on this topic.
With these sentiments, I do not propound for discussion any question respecting the negative knowledge of the administration. I do not enquire, whether the Executive administration of the United States had a knowledge that Mr. Erskine had not competent powers, or had a knowledge that he was not instructed to accede to the provisional arrangement between him and the administration in April. The question is, did the administration know that Mr. Erskine had the necessary authority? The question is not, what was the ignorance, but what was the knowledge of administration? Was Mr. Erskine known to have any power for making that arrangement?
Permit me now, sir, to state what I understand to be a letter of credence. It is a letter of state addressed to the government to which a minister is sent, and it is expressive of the character and grade of diplomacy with which he is invested; if the minister be received, he must be received according to the letter of credence, and not other-

wise. This is so much the established course, that where a minister remains at any government is promoted to a higher grade of diploma- cy, he presents letters of recall as to the lower grade and of credence as to the higher grade in which he is to be received. The authority which a minister has in virtue of a letter of credence is not to make promises for his government. He may declare facts; he may present complaints and remonstrances; he may exhibit his powers of argument; he may discuss topics of great interest, but he cannot stipulate for any thing to be done as obligatory on his government. For this purpose, the minister must have a distinct authority. This I understood to be the general usage, not however without exception. The exception has been made with respect to a nuncio or legation from the Pope, whose letter of credence was so framed as to include the necessary authority to negotiate or conclude arrangements. This authority was added to the necessary clauses of a letter of credence, and the essentials of two diplomatic documents were comprehended in one. But the mere letter of credence gives no such authority. In support of these positions, I would refer gentlemen to writers on public law whom I presume they will admit to be correct on this topic—Martens, Vattel, Wicquefort; writers of authority certainly as to the known diplomatic usage in Europe. Others perhaps might have been named, if I had found opportunity in this place to consult all the writers worthy of attention.
It may now be proper to state what I consider to be the full power, which expression is almost technically appropriate in diplomatic language. It is a document not addressed to the government to which a minister is sent. It is in the nature of an open letter addressed to mankind, in general, and committing to the minister bearing it the necessary authority to negotiate and eventually conclude terms of agreement respecting the subject or subjects therein mentioned. It is a public commission expressing the powers to be exercised; a document of ample form, a letter patent, a public act authenticated under the seal of government. And this the minister exhibits in manifestation of his being fully empowered to negotiate and stipulate on the part of his government. The full powers are especially proper in the more solemn agreements, and in cases of formal treaty between independent nations.
Where some temporary stipulation is contemplated or some particular affair not deemed of primary importance is to be arranged by agreement; if there be a minister already residing with the foreign govt. there is not always the same formality with respect to the distinct authority given to the minister. In such case, a patent of full power is not made out in ample form; but the proper officer of state despatches a letter of instruction giving the distinct authority necessary for the proposed negotiation. Yet, whether the minister undertakes to negotiate in virtue of a technical full power or in virtue of a letter of instruction, it is proper to exhibit his distinct authority before signing any arrangement of stipulations, intended to be mutually obligatory on the respective governments. He may fairly and with perfect propriety be called upon to exhibit such authority in cases where the terms are to be expressly reserved for the ratification of his own government. But if the terms of engagement are to be deemed obligatory and acted upon accordingly as soon as signed by the negotiators, and no ratification is reserved, it is more particularly proper for the negotiating minister to exhibit the official evidence of his authority to enter into stipulations. If he does not exhibit the evidence, it becomes the incumbent duty of the other negotiating party to call for it before the conclusion of any such terms of engagement, or to refuse to conclude the terms until the evidence is exhibited officially and the authority ascertained to be sufficient. In this case, if the distinct authority be not offered or called for and found adequate, there is a mistake and of course a failure in duty on the part of the administration in concluding the engagement; unless indeed the transaction may have been understood at the time as not warranted by regular authority, but expected to be confirmed as an acceptable project. I express myself in these terms, wishing to be strictly decorous in manner and believing the general principle correct—When an administration enters into engagements or stipulations with a foreign minister, to be immediately executed without any reservation, it is incumbent on the administration to require the official exhibition of the distinct authority of the minister for making the stipulations; and if the terms be concluded by signature and delivery before the autho-
rity has been exhibited and ascertained to be adequate, there is a mistake and of course a failure in duty on the part of the administration.
When, therefore, gentlemen speak of Mr. Erskine's having competent powers to make the provisional arrangement in April, they may be desired to produce the regular evidence of the fact. If the negotiation was conducted according to the course of diplomatic usage and strict propriety, there is the regular evidence of his being authorised to make the arrangement, and it can be produced. If he had a patent of full power, a copy authenticated by the minister or a secretary acting under him, would doubtless be considered proper evidence to be deposited with the archives in manifestation of the authority of the British government to conclude the arrangement. If his authority was contained in any letter or letters of instruction, the authentic copy of such authority would, with the like propriety, be deposited in the Department of State.
The language of a part of the correspondence respecting Mr. Erskine's authority seems to be grounded in mistake. The administration is spoken of as not knowing the restriction of his authority. This language might have been accurate if he had exhibited a full power giving him authority to negotiate and conclude stipulations. Because in the case of a full power embracing the whole subject of negotiation, the minister might be restricted in the exercise of his power by orders from his govt. instructing him how to proceed and on what he might conclude. And when he has restrictive instructions for his own direction and a full power to be exhibited to the government with which the negotiation is had, if he departs from the instructions, his own government, notwithstanding the formal plenitude of his power, is considered as not bound to ratify his acts, especially if he has departed from his instructions on a subject of importance to the honor or rights which he was instructed to maintain. But in the case before us, where can we find sufficient reason for speaking of the restriction of authority as being unknown to the authority was known? There does not appear to have been any restriction, except what was inherent in the nature of the authority. The same despatch, the letter of instruction, gave the authority and defined its extent. In the nature of the thing, the minister could not have more authority than was given to him; and he neither was nor could be authorised to act beyond the extent of his authority. How then, in this case, is it possible to separate the authority from what is called the restriction? If, therefore, the negotiation has been concluded according to the principles of public law, the evidence of the authority, such as it existed and appeared in fact, neither more nor less, can be produced. Unless there be some evidence of a distinct authority ostensibly competent to the arrangement, where is the propriety of insisting on explanations as if there had been apparent authority? Explanation is obviously due where the minister has exhibited a competent full power on the faith of which an arrangement has been concluded, if his government disavows the arrangement because of departure from instructions on points important to the government. The violation of instructions, and the importance of the matters respecting which they have been violated, constitute the basis of the proper explanation, to which may be added proper compensation for the failure, with due attention to the time and manner of making the explanation.
The case of the arrangement with Mr. Erskine has sometimes been compared to that of the treaty signed at London on the 31st of December, 1806, by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney. But the cases are materially different. That negotiation was conducted with observable propriety & decorum by the negotiators of each party. Perhaps no case is to be found in which the respective ministers insisted with more firmness and perseverance on the claims, interests and pretensions of their own governments, and yet preserved towards each other so much decorum and honorable attention in their official and personal communications. Although Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney had full powers for the negotiation, they had instructions separate from those general powers, and by these instructions they were restricted according to the specified terms. In acceding to the articles as they believed expedient under the existing circumstances, they gave notice to the British plenipotentiaries, that they proceeded to the signature of the treaty on their own responsibility, and that the letter of their instructions did not warrant the arrangement in the manner in which it was made; although they believed the essential objects of their instructions to be attained in substance for practi-
cal benefit to the United States, and accordingly they trusted that the terms would be approved by our government.
The British government had not just cause to complain and insist on formal explanations merely because the treaty was disavowed in this country, although the full powers of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, on the part of the United States, were exhibited and appeared competent; for the restriction contained in the instructions had been fairly communicated to the British plenipotentiaries. Accordingly the British secretary of state, afterwards in his official note, stating the King's acquiescence in the President's refusal to ratify the treaty, did not complain on that account, but he adverted to the failure of conforming to instructions as a matter between the American government and its commissioners.
On the subject of that treaty, however, there is another enquiry which concerns ourselves, & on which the British government can have no right to say anything; for it is not their concern, but ours exclusively. The enquiry is, whether the treaty was not of so much importance, concluded after so much discussion, and by such persons, and under such circumstances, that it should have been submitted to the Senate, who might have advised its ratification unconditionally or on condition of such modifications as, after full deliberation, might be judged best for the United States? Whether the affairs of the country have not since been changing from bad to worse, instead of securing more beneficial terms or any terms whatever?
With a view to the general subject of letters of credence, and the distinct authority of public ministers, I will now refer to examples in the history of our own government, without detaining you by citations from the works of foreign writers on public law.
The first authority to which I now refer, is the authority of President Madison as President of the U. States. I propose to show, that prior to the present session of Congress, he believed it proper that a public minister plenipotentiary having letters of credence should also have a distinct authority to enable him to stipulate in behalf of his government. With this view I refer to the Message from the President of the United States at the commencement of the last session of Congress. In that Message, here is a clause relative to the purport of certain instructions for our ministers at London and Paris; and then immediately follow the expressions which I will now read.
"Soon after these instructions were despatched, it was found that the British Government, anticipating, from early proceedings of Congress at their last session, the state of our laws, which has had the effect of placing the two belligerent powers on a footing of equal restrictions, and relying on the conciliatory disposition of the United States, had transmitted to their legation here, provisional instructions, not only to offer a disfaction for the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, and to make known the determination of his Britannic Majesty to send an Envoy Extraordinary with powers to conclude a treaty on all the points between the two countries; but, moreover, to signify his willingness, in the mean time, to withdraw his Orders in Council, in the persuasion that the intercourse with Great Britain would be renewed on the part of the United States."
"These steps of the British government led to the correspondence and the Proclamation now laid before you; by virtue of which, the commerce between the two countries will be renewable after the tenth day of June next."
The language here is direct as to the fact stated. The fact is mentioned as being unquestionably ascertained, as being discovered and known to the administration, although perhaps not to the great body of the community, as being known after examination. A mode of expression such as is observable in the Message would be of strong import in cases where persons are bound by oath or affirmation to declare the truth of fact according to evidence. On reviewing the statement communicated to Congress by the President, we extract this sentiment distinctly—it was found that the British government had transmitted to their legation here, provisional instructions to signify the willingness of his Britannic Majesty to withdraw his orders in council, in the persuasion that the intercourse with G. Britain would be renewed on the part of the United States; and the steps of the British Government led to the correspondence and proclamation laid before Congress. Why should the expressions have been so direct and explicit as to the provisional instructions and their import, if no distinct authority was necessary to give validity to the provisional arrangement? In the proclamation, the hon. David Montague
Erskine, his Britannic majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, is stated to have made the specified declaration by the order and in the name of his sovereign. If the letter of credence were believed sufficient to enable the minister to stipulate for his government, would the statement have been made so distinctly mentioning the transmitted instructions, the steps of the British government, the declaration of the minister by the order of his sovereign? The President in the full belief of the statement would of course believe the arrangement to have been validly concluded. But from that message of the President, may not we justly deduce the inference—a letter of credence does not enable a minister to make stipulations obligatory on the government from which he is accredited.
In retracing the history of our government, the next authority refers us to the administration of President Jefferson. It is the case of an extraordinary mission comprehending a minister having the character of plenipotentiary in ordinary. Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney were appointed commissioners extraordinary and plenipotentiaries for negotiating arrangements with the British government; and as such they had letters of credence from the United States. Yet they also had full powers in a commission authorising them to treat severally as well as jointly. This, according to my apprehension, sufficiently appears from a volume of state papers communicated by President Jefferson to the tenth Congress, particularly a letter from Mr. Madison, Secretary of State to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney. It is dated from the department of state the 17th of May, 1806. Permit me, sir, to read the first part of the letter. "Gentlemen, I herewith enclose a commission and letters of credence, authorising you to treat with the British government concerning the maritime wrongs which have been committed and the regulation of commerce and navigation between the parties. Your authority is made several as well as joint, as a provision for any contingency depriving either of the co-operation of the other."
We will now recur to the administration of President Adams, who was so well known as a diplomatic functionary in Europe. Among the state papers which he communicated to Congress, we may find instructive documentary information relative to diplomatic credence and authority. Among those papers is the letter of credence for the envoys extraordinary to France according to full form of diplomacy. These are the terms:
"CREDENCE"
For Messrs. Pinkney, Marshall and Gerry, Envoys to France.
"JOHN ADAMS,"
President of the United States of America, to the Executive Directory of the French Republic:—
CITIZENS DIRECTORS—Desirous of terminating all differences between the United States of America and the French Republic, and of restoring that harmony and good understanding which commercial and friendly intercourse, which from the commencement of their political connection until lately, have so happily subsisted, I have nominated, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, appointed Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, distinguished citizens of these states, jointly and severally, envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the French Republic, for the purpose of accomplishing the great objects above-mentioned: Wherefore I pray you, citizens directors, to give full credence to what they and each of them shall say to you in these respects, in behalf of the United States, and also when they shall assure you of the sincerity of our wishes for the welfare of the French Republic.
Given under my hand and the great seal of the United States of America, at Philadelphia, the thirteenth day of July, in the year 1797, and of the independence of these states the twenty-second.
"JOHN ADAMS."
By the President of the United States, TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of State.
Here gentlemen may observe, that the letter of credence expressly states the objects of the mission extraordinary, and desires full credence to be given to the envoys in those respects. Says the letter of credence, "I pray you, Citizens Directors, to give full credence to what they and each of them shall say to you in these respects, in behalf of the U. States." But did the President then in office suppose the letter of credence even in such a case to give the proper authority for negotiating an arrangement of matters in difference between the two countries? He understood the subject far otherwise; for he believed it proper to authorise the envoys distinctly, by giving them full powers. If gentlemen will now attend, they may know the terms of this public commission.
"FULL POWERS"
To Messrs. Pinkney, Marshall and Gerry, Envoys to France.
"JOHN ADAMS"
President of the United States of America, To all whom these presents shall concern—Greeting:
KNOW YE, That for the purpose of terminating all differences, between the U. States of America and the French Republic, and of restoring and confirming perfect harmony and good understanding, and re-establishing a commercial and friendly intercourse between them, and reposing espe-
al trust and confidence in the integrity, prudence and abilities of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, citizens of the said United States, I have nominated, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed the said Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, jointly and severally, envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary of the United States to the French Republic, hereby giving and granting to them, and any and each of them, full power and authority, and also a general and special command, for and in the name of the U. States to meet and confer with the ministers, commissioners, or deputies of the French republic, being furnished with the like full powers, whether separately or jointly, and with them to treat, consult and negotiate, of and concerning all claims, and all matters and causes of difference, subsisting between the United States and the French Republic, for the purpose of satisfying and terminating the same in a just and equitable manner, and also of and concerning the general commerce between the U. States and France and all other the dominions of the French Republic, and to conclude and sign a treaty or treaties, convention or conventions, touching the premises: transmitting the same to the President of the U. States of America for his final ratification, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the U. States, if such advice and consent shall be given.
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed.
Given under my hand at the city of Philadelphia, the twenty-second day of June, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and of the independence of the United States of America, the twenty-first.
"JOHN ADAMS."
By the President of the United States, TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of State.
The history of the government presents further authority. Let us remount to the administration of the first President of the United States, the man first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen! Mr. Hammond was residing at Philadelphia in character of minister plenipotentiary from Great Britain. On the 29th of November, in the year 1791, a letter was addressed to him by the Secretary of State Mr. Jefferson, who had returned from Europe, where he is well known to have been a minister from the United States. After adverting to the inexecution of the 7th article of the definitive treaty of peace, and mentioning the sentiment entertained of the friendly movement then "lately made by the court of London in sending a minister," the letter contains these expressions:—"Permit me then, sir, to ask, whether you are instructed to give us explanations of the intentions of your court as to the execution of the article above quoted."
"With respect to the commerce of the two countries, we have supposed, that we saw, in several instances, regulations on the part of your government, which, if reciprocally adopted, would materially injure the interests of both nations."
"On this subject, too, I must beg the favor of you to say, whether you are authorised to conclude or to negotiate arrangements with us which may fix the commerce between the two countries on principles of reciprocal advantage?"
The correspondence gives us interesting information applicable to the present subject. Under the administration of the first President of the U. States, the enquiry was made by the Secretary of State officially—whether the accredited British minister plenipotentiary was authorised to conclude arrangements respecting commerce, or to negotiate such arrangements?—Whether he was instructed to explain the intentions of the British government as to the execution of an article of the definitive treaty of peace?
It does not seem to have been imagined at that time, that the enquiry could be thought to vary in any respect whatever from the honorable principles of diplomatic intercourse. The answer is to be found in the letter to the Secretary of State from the British minister plenipotentiary, bearing date at Philadelphia, the 30th of November, 1791, the next day after the official inquiry was made. Permit me now, sir, to state such parts of this letter as appear the most applicable to the case before us.
"With respect to the non-execution of the 7th article of the definitive treaty of peace between his Britannic majesty and the U. States of America, which you have recalled to my attention, it is scarcely necessary for me to remark to you, sir, that the king my master was induced to suspend the execution of that article on his part, in consequence of the non-compliance on the part of the United States with the engagements contained in the 4th 5th and 6th articles of the same treaty. These two objects are therefore so materially connected with each other as not to admit of separation, either in the mode of discussing them or in any subsequent arrangements which may result from that discussion."
"In stating to you, sir, this indispensable consideration, I must at the same time assure you, that in the confidence of experiencing a similar disposition in the government of the U. States, it is his majesty's desire to remove every ground and occasion of

United States—District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit: Circuit Court, June term, 1809. IN CHANCERY. Solomon Davis—Complainant, against Abiel Jennings and Deborah his wife, and Ferdinand Fairfax—Defendants. The report of Samuel Elliot, jun. the Master formerly appointed in this cause under the decree of the 12th day of April last, having been sworn to, returned and filed; and the proceedings thereon approved: It is therefore ordered, adjudged and decreed this sixth day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, that the said report be ratified and confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the fourth Monday of December next: Provided, a copy of this order be published for three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer before the said fourth Monday of December next. The report states, that the mortgaged premises mentioned in the bill, were sold for the sum of five hundred sixty-one dollars and fifty cents. By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. True copy, WM. BRENT, Ck. November 13—ept25m.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. A MAN AWAY from the Subscribers living near Nottingham, Prince Georges county state of Maryland, on the 19th of November, a Negro man named CHARLES, sometimes calls himself CHARLES ODEN, about 25 years old, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, has a dark complexion, when spoken to has a droll look, one of his upper fore teeth is out, has several scars about his face occasioned by a scald when young, he is rather slender in the body, and active about any thing, particularly cooking and waiting, he took with him two homespun cotton shirts, India cotton shirtings, and brown round about jacket, sundry waistcoats, one pair corduroy pantaloons, home made yarn stockings and shoes, one flannel shirt and wool hat. He has a variety of clothing unknown, but being an artful cunning fellow he may change them for others, it is very likely that he is not a forged pass, and it is very likely will endeavour to pass as a free man, we expect he is making towards Pennsylvania. If taken within ten miles, ten dollars; if twenty miles, twenty dollars; if thirty miles, thirty dollars; if taken without the state the above reward will be given to any person or persons securing him in any jail, so that we get him again. All persons are forewarned harboring, employing, or carrying said negro out of this state. LEONARD P. HARVEY. WILLIAM HARVEY. Dec 4—4w.
PUBLIC SALE. PURSUANT to an order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county will be offered for sale, on Monday the 8th of January next, if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, at the late Dwelling of Mary Stock Duckett, deceased, (within 7 miles of Upper Marlboro, and near Mr. Dennis Menden) the PERSONAL PROPERTY of said deceased, consisting of Negroes, Beds, Furniture, Cattle, etc. etc. A credit of nine months will be given, the purchasers giving bond with approved security. The sale to commence at 9 o'clock, A. M. and to continue from day to day until the whole Personal Estate ordered to be sold, shall be disposed of. JACOB DUCKETT, } Ex'rs. U. BRUCE, } It is desired that all claims against the above Estate, may be presented to the Executors by the day of sale. Prince Georges county, Dec. 14—10t
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC VENDUE, To the highest bidder, On Monday the 19th day of February next, about noon of that day, on the premises, the following Real Property in the city of Washington: viz. TWO LOTS OF GROUND, Numbered and distinguished on the ground plan of the City by numbers 16 and 17, in square numbered 101, together with the Buildings and Improvements on the same. The above mentioned sale will take place by virtue of a certain Indenture or Deed of Trust, dated the 16th day of January in the year of our Lord 1805, and, the same duly recorded among the Land Records of Washington county in the District of Columbia, between one Samuel Wilson, of the one part, and the undersigned James Davidson, of the other part, in order to satisfy John P. Van Ness, of a certain debt of 76 dollars 77 cents, and interest, in the said debt mentioned to be due from said Wilson to said Van Ness. JAMES DAVIDSON, Trustee. November 17—
NOTICE. AN Annual meeting of the Stockholders in the Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company will be held at the City Tavern, in the town of Alexandria on the first Monday in January next. By order of the Directors. G. DENEALE, President. Dec. 15—td
FOR RENT, The Three Story BRICK HOUSE Near the Navy Yard, lately occupied as a Tavern by Mr. Hugh Drummond. It is situated at the intersection of Virginia avenue, South K street and Seventh street East, and is not above eighty yards distant from the Navy Yard Market. Several improvements and additions will be made by the Subscribers to the house for any tenant who might wish to occupy it as a Tavern on a large scale. For terms apply to NOTLEY MADDOX, or JOHN LAW. November 22—
REILLY'S STORE, On Pennsylvania Avenue, IS now supplied with a fresh assortment of LIQUORS & GROCERIES, viz. Madeira, Sherry, Lisbon, Malaga and Teneriffe Wines, French Brandy, Holland Gin, Jamaica Spirit, Whiskey, Rum, and Whiskey Bounce, Molasses, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson Teas, Loaf and Lump Sugar, Muscovado do. Coffee, Chocolate, Mustard, Pepper, Allspice, Ground Ginger, Nutmegs, Cloves, Salt and Saltpetre, Spermaceti Candles, Sallad Oil, Mould, Dips & Spermaceti Candles, Shaving and Brown Soap first quality, Chewing Tobacco, Spanish and Country Segars, Men and Women's coarse and fine Shoes, Youth's and Children's do. best quality, Green Cheese, Bloom, Muscadel and Kee Raisins, Sweet Oranges, Lemons and Fresh Cranberries, a few barrels of Apples, Salmon in barrels and kegs, Codfish, Shad and Herrings, Pirklin Butter, Irish Potatoes, and as usual best quality Superfine Flour, carefully selected at Alexandria for family use, Jamieson's water crackers—Also corn, oats, chert rye, shorts, bran, cut straw. Dec. 13, 1809.—9t
FOR SALE ON Monday the first day of January next, at the Plantation of the late Robert Peter in the SUGAR LANDS, within one mile of the Seneca Mills, about FIFTY VALUABLE SLAVES: Consisting of Men, Women, Boys & Girls; Horses, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs; Plantation Utensils, and a quantity of Indian Corn. The Sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. and continue till all are Sold—Terms of Sale six months credit, the purchasers giving bond with such security as will be approved of, bonds bearing interest from day of Sale. THOMAS PETER, Executor. Dec. 11—tds.
RICHARD BECK Has just received per the latest arrivals, a large and handsome assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, Among which are— Superfine cloths and casimers, Second do. do. Coatings, Kersey Moleskins, Cords and Velverets, Moleskin & Swansdown Waistcoating, Silk Florentines, Hose and Stripe Blankets, Plains and Kerseys, Double Milled Devonshire Kersey, Flannels, Bocking and Baizes, Capoting and Hearth Ruggs, Apron Checks, Cotton Stripes, Brown Hollands, Fashionable Buttons, Bed Tickings, India Mantuas, Bombazets and Wildbores, Ginghams, Fancy Shawls and Muslins, Damask and large Silk Shawls, Laces and Ribbons, Worsted, Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Silk Velverets, Furniture Dimity, Chintzes and Cambrics, Pelice Velverets, Chambrays, Madras Handkerchiefs, Bandana do. 3 Trunks Calicoes, 1 Do. Furnitures, 1 Do. Cambric Muslins, 1 Do. Shirting Cottons, &c. &c. 4 Bales German Linens, 6 Bales India Muslins, 1 Case Irish Linens. All of which being well selected and on the best terms, enables him to sell them at wholesale or retail, at the most reduced prices for cash, or approved notes. He flatters himself that from his regular mode of dealing, that all those who favor him with a call will meet with such bargains as will please—and will on his part leave nothing undone to render general satisfaction. December 15—3w&4tf.
GRAND LOTTERY, THREE PRIZES of 25,000 DOLLARS EACH. State of New York, UNION COLLEGE LOTTERY, No. 1. MANAGERS: William W. Gilbert, Benjamin Devitt, George Merchant, Isaac DeMint, and Stephen Thurber. JUDAH and LAZARUS, (late N. Judah) No 84, Maiden Lane, New York; having purchased one half of the tickets in the present Lottery, offer the same for sale, at their Lucky Lottery Office (where the highest Prize of $30,000 in the last Lottery, and most of the capital Prizes in former Lotteries were sold) in Whole, Half, and Quarter Tickets, for which most of the Bank Notes of other states, Prize Tickets in former Lotteries, and approved promissory notes will be taken in payment. Distant adventurers, by enclosing cash (post paid) shall receive immediate attention, and the earliest advice given of their success. Owing to the great demand for Tickets in this Lottery (being one of the best Schemes we ever had, as one Ticket may draw $140,000) they will soon advance from the present price of EIGHT DOLLARS. SCHEME. 3 Prizes of $25,000 are $75,000 1 — 10,000 — 10,000 1 — 5,000 — 5,000 4 — 250 tickets each, 7,000 2 — 2,000 — 4,000 5 — 1,000 — 5,000 25 — 500 — 14,000 30 — 200 — 6,000 50 — 100 — 5,000 100 — 50 — 5,000 200 — 20 — 4,000 10,500 — 10 — 105,000 10,924 Prizes, 24,076 Blanks, 245,000 35,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, is 245,000 Part of the Capital Prizes will be determined as follows: 1st drawn No. 10th day, blank or prize $1000 (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 1 to No. 250 inclusive (Excepting the reserved 250 tickets, from No. 251 to No. 500 inclusive. (Excepting the reserved 250 tickets, from No. 22,251 to 22,500 inclusive. (Excepting the reserved 250 tickets, from No. 22,501 to 22,750 inclusive. 1st do. 35th — — — $25,000 1st do. 40th — — — 1,000 1st do. 45th — — — 25,000 The first 4,000 blanks will be entitled to Ten Dollars each. Less than Two and a 1/4 blanks to a Prize. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.—Prizes payable thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing. The drawing will commence in the city of New York, on the Third Tuesday in April next, and will continue to draw 600 Tickets each day (excepting the last day, when there will remain 800 tickets to be drawn) until finished. Tickets purchased at this office, examined gratis—A correct Check Book, kept for the examination of tickets, and the highest price in cash, given for prizes as soon as drawn. New York, December 4—2m
FOR SALE ON Monday the first day of January next, at the Plantation of the late Robert Peter in the SUGAR LANDS, within one mile of the Seneca Mills, about FIFTY VALUABLE SLAVES: Consisting of Men, Women, Boys & Girls; Horses, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs; Plantation Utensils, and a quantity of Indian Corn. The Sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. and continue till all are Sold—Terms of Sale six months credit, the purchasers giving bond with such security as will be approved of, bonds bearing interest from day of Sale. THOMAS PETER, Executor. Dec. 11—tds.
RICHARD BECK Has just received per the latest arrivals, a large and handsome assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, Among which are— Superfine cloths and casimers, Second do. do. Coatings, Kersey Moleskins, Cords and Velverets, Moleskin & Swansdown Waistcoating, Silk Florentines, Hose and Stripe Blankets, Plains and Kerseys, Double Milled Devonshire Kersey, Flannels, Bocking and Baizes, Capoting and Hearth Ruggs, Apron Checks, Cotton Stripes, Brown Hollands, Fashionable Buttons, Bed Tickings, India Mantuas, Bombazets and Wildbores, Ginghams, Fancy Shawls and Muslins, Damask and large Silk Shawls, Laces and Ribbons, Worsted, Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Silk Velverets, Furniture Dimity, Chintzes and Cambrics, Pelice Velverets, Chambrays, Madras Handkerchiefs, Bandana do. 3 Trunks Calicoes, 1 Do. Furnitures, 1 Do. Cambric Muslins, 1 Do. Shirting Cottons, &c. &c. 4 Bales German Linens, 6 Bales India Muslins, 1 Case Irish Linens. All of which being well selected and on the best terms, enables him to sell them at wholesale or retail, at the most reduced prices for cash, or approved notes. He flatters himself that from his regular mode of dealing, that all those who favor him with a call will meet with such bargains as will please—and will on his part leave nothing undone to render general satisfaction. December 15—3w&4tf.
GRAND LOTTERY, THREE PRIZES of 25,000 DOLLARS EACH. State of New York, UNION COLLEGE LOTTERY, No. 1. MANAGERS: William W. Gilbert, Benjamin Devitt, George Merchant, Isaac DeMint, and Stephen Thurber. JUDAH and LAZARUS, (late N. Judah) No 84, Maiden Lane, New York; having purchased one half of the tickets in the present Lottery, offer the same for sale, at their Lucky Lottery Office (where the highest Prize of $30,000 in the last Lottery, and most of the capital Prizes in former Lotteries were sold) in Whole, Half, and Quarter Tickets, for which most of the Bank Notes of other states, Prize Tickets in former Lotteries, and approved promissory notes will be taken in payment. Distant adventurers, by enclosing cash (post paid) shall receive immediate attention, and the earliest advice given of their success. Owing to the great demand for Tickets in this Lottery (being one of the best Schemes we ever had, as one Ticket may draw $140,000) they will soon advance from the present price of EIGHT DOLLARS. SCHEME. 3 Prizes of $25,000 are $75,000 1 — 10,000 — 10,000 1 — 5,000 — 5,000 4 — 250 tickets each, 7,000 2 — 2,000 — 4,000 5 — 1,000 — 5,000 25 — 500 — 14,000 30 — 200 — 6,000 50 — 100 — 5,000 100 — 50 — 5,000 200 — 20 — 4,000 10,500 — 10 — 105,000 10,924 Prizes, 24,076 Blanks, 245,000 35,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, is 245,000 Part of the Capital Prizes will be determined as follows: 1st drawn No. 10th day, blank or prize $1000 (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 1 to No. 250 inclusive (Excepting the reserved 250 tickets, from No. 251 to No. 500 inclusive. (Excepting the reserved 250 tickets, from No. 22,251 to 22,500 inclusive. (Excepting the reserved 250 tickets, from No. 22,501 to 22,750 inclusive. 1st do. 35th — — — $25,000 1st do. 40th — — — 1,000 1st do. 45th — — — 25,000 The first 4,000 blanks will be entitled to Ten Dollars each. Less than Two and a 1/4 blanks to a Prize. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.—Prizes payable thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing. The drawing will commence in the city of New York, on the Third Tuesday in April next, and will continue to draw 600 Tickets each day (excepting the last day, when there will remain 800 tickets to be drawn) until finished. Tickets purchased at this office, examined gratis—A correct Check Book, kept for the examination of tickets, and the highest price in cash, given for prizes as soon as drawn. New York, December 4—2m
LEWIS DEBLOIS, Has for Sale at his Store, near the Navy Yard, a general assortment of GROCERIES, which he will sell low for cash. Gunpowder, Imperial, Young Hyson and Hyson Skin, Mace, Nutmegs, Cloves, Cassia, Allspice, Black Pepper, &c. London Mustard by the pound or bottle, Best Boston Chocolate, Welsh's make, No. 1. Common do. Good Green Coffee per bag or retail, Muscadel and Bloom Raisins in boxes, Fresh Keg do. Figs and Currants, Spermaceti Candles, Mould and Dips Fallow do. Winter Strained Spermaceti Oil, Pickled Salmon in kegs and barrels, Shad, Herrings, Neats Tongues in half bbls, Best pickled Flour for family use, Corn, Corn-Meal, Bran, Rice, Barley, Butter, Cheese, Madeira, Lisbon and Port Wines, French Brandy, Old Jamaica Spirits, Do. Holland Gin, Peach Brandy, New-England Rum, Whiskey, Sugar House Molasses, West-India do. Loaf and Brown Sugars, Lemmons, Jamieson's Crackers, A large quantity of Good Cider Vinegar. December 20—2w.
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's County. THE subscriber will sell on the 4th day of January next, part of the Personal Property of Christopher Hyatt, deceased, consisting of Negroes, Stock, Household and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, &c. Terms of sale are, six months credit for all sums above $20, the purchaser giving bond with approved security—all sums under $20 the cash to be paid on the day of sale. Those having claims are requested to bring them in for settlement, and those indebted, to make immediate payment to SARAH HYATT, Adm'x December 20—3t.
MRS. WALKER acquaints the Ladies of the city of Washington and its vicinity, that on Monday morning the 11th inst. in the Front Room of Mr. Peltz's house, near the Centre Market, Pennsylvania Avenue, she opened and offers for SALE on reasonable terms, a FRESH and ELEGANT ASSORTMENT of Fashionable Silks, Velvets, Satin, Silk and satti-satin Bonnets, and straw Hats, dress Cops & Turbans, artificial Flowers, and Feathers, Pelisses, Great Coats and Dresses of every description made up at the shortest notice and in the most fashionable manner. Should Mrs. WALKER receive that encouragement which she hopes the moderation of her terms, her punctuality, and attention to please will entitle her to, from the known liberality of the Ladies of Washington, she will become a permanent resident of the City. She also offers for Sale an elegant assortment of Clans and Settles, a sample of which will be exhibited. December 13—tf
MOST RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies of Washington, that she has again commenced the MILLINERY and MANTUA-MAKING business in their various branches. She has engaged a Young Lady of experience from Baltimore to assist her in the above line, and she solicits the patronage of her former friends, as also of those Ladies whom she has not had the honor of being acquainted with. Her present small, but neat assortment, consists of Buggies, Silver Trimmings, Fancy do. Silver Bows and Cords, Silk and Cotton Cords and Tassels, Silk Purse, Fancy Gause, Ribbons, Gloves of different kinds, Puffed and Plain Leno, Silks for dresses, handsome Cap-Patterns, Straw and Willow Bonnets with a variety of other articles in the Fancy and Millinery line. She has also Worsted and Silk Hose, Silk and Bandanna Handkerchiefs, and other articles suitable for gentlemen. Mrs. S. is encouraged by the hope, that a strict attention to punctuality and neatness in her business, she will receive a full share of public patronage. December 20—3t.
A SCHOOL MISTRESS WANTED. WANTED, a School-Mistress, who is willing to go in the country and reside in a private family, and who is qualified to teach Females Reading, Writing, Geography and Needle-work. To such a one liberal compensation will be given. Application may be made to Dr. Catlett, in Washington. December 20—3t.
GEORGE BOLD, INFORMS his friends and acquaintances in Georgetown and the city of Washington that he has opened STORE at the House formerly occupied by Mr. JOHN PETER, where he solicits a portion of their custom. He has within a few days received a handsome supply of GOODS from Baltimore, which together with the Stock had of Mr. Peter renders his Assortment very complete. Georgetown, December 18—3w
ROSS & GETTY Have just received from New-York and Philadelphia, the following GROCERIES & LIQUORS, viz. 12 Hhds. Prime Jamaica Sugars. 8 do. Second Quality. 6 do. Molasses. 4 do. Jamaica Spirits. 300 Baskets Salt. 60 Boxes Mould and Dipped Candles. A few pipes Holland and New-York Anchor Gin. Cognac Brandy, Mace, Pepper, Cloves, &c. &c. IN STORE— Gun Powder Tea in canisters of 2 pounds each. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, & Souchong, } Teas all of this year's importation, end of the best quality. 3000 pounds prime Green Coffee. 5 Pipes genuine old Madeira Wine. 5 do. Sicily Madeira. 4 do. Lisbon Wine. Port Wine in pipes, qr. casks and bottles. Claret in Boxes. Bushes of all kinds. Powder and Shot. Cardinals, &c. together with a large variety of articles in their line, which renders their assortment complete. Also, just received on commission, a small invoice of handsome looking glasses. And Irons. Brass mounted Penders, Shovels and Tongs, Tea Trays, waiters, coal hods, &c. &c. All of which will be sold cheap, on early application to them at their store, corner of Washington and Bridge Street, opposite the Union Tavern, George Town. November 8—tf
SAMUEL STETTINIUS, Pennsylvania Avenue, New-Centre Market. begs leave to refer to his last advertisement for dry goods, and to inform his friends and the public at large that he has added to them a few days ago another extensive stock, which, completing his stock of all goods, will enable him to accommodate every kind call with which he might be favored. He has also received from Philadelphia per Schooner Eleanor, Capt. Wm. Howard, 10 Hhds. New-Orleans Sugar 13 Bbls. do. do. 2 Pipes 4th proof French Brandy 1 Hhd. Jamaica Spirits, 4th proof 2 Hysan Skin do. 1 Imperial do. 15 Boxes Tin Plates 1 Bbl. Corks 4 Gross empty bottles 200 pounds of Black Pepper 500 Raisins 500 Cheese 3 Bbls. Spermaceti Oil 4 Kgs of Copperas and Allom 6 Boxes Mustard 3 Quarter casks first quality Lisbon Wine 2 do. do. Malaga do. do. 1 Bbl. Superfine Barley Currants, Mace, Almonds Saltpetre and Flask Oil 1 Box Fig Blue, best quality 1 Quarter Cask Sherry Wine 150 lbs. Allspice, and 30 Dozen clarified Sweet Cyder in bottles. —ALSO— A most extensive assortment of hollow glass, consisting of flowered and gilt Decanters, cut and flowered ditto, quart, pint and half pint tumblers, wine glasses, with a number of other articles. Those of his friends who wish to buy by the wholesale as well as those buying by retail, may rest assured that he will endeavor to deserve their respective satisfactions, by selling them at pleasing terms and very low. December 8—tf
PROPOSALS For Carrying the Mails of the United States on the following routes will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of February, 1810. 1. From Petersburg by Harris's, Percival's, Drummondsburg, Warrenton and Louisa to Raleigh three times a week Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 1 P. M. and arrived at Raleigh on Wednesday Friday and Monday by 7 A. M. in 42 hours. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 11 A. M. in 42 hours. 2. From Raleigh by Aversboro' to Fayetteville three times a week. Leave Raleigh every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Fayetteville by 10 P. M. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Raleigh by 4 P. M. 3. From Fayetteville by Lumberton and Barfield Mills to Porsberry on Pee Dee three times. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Porsberry by 10 P. M. in 20 hours. Leave Porsberry every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Fayetteville by 10 P. M. in 20 hours. 4. From Porsberry by Gasque's, Georgetown and Tidwin to Charleston three times a week. Leave Porsberry every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Tidwin by 8 P. M. Leave Tidwin every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Charleston by 10 A. M. Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Tidwin by 8 P. M. and arrive at Porsberry on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 6 P. M. 5. From Athens by Coweta, Tuckebatchy, Tensaw and Fort Stoddert to Pascagoula River once a week. Leave Athens every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pascagoula River the next Saturday by 10 A. M. Leave Pascagoula every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday by 10 A. M. 6. From Pascagoula River to Mr. Spell's at the mouth of Casten Creek on Lake Pontchartrain. Leave Pascagoula River every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Mr. Spell's on Monday by 8 P. M. Leave Mr. Spell's every Thursday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Pascagoula on Saturday by 10 A. M. 7. From Mr. Spell's on Lake Pontchartrain to New Orleans once a week. Leave Mr. Spell's on Lake Pontchartrain on Tuesday at 3 A. M. and arrive at New Orleans by 3 P. M. Leave New Orleans on Wednesday by 10 A. M. and arrive at Mr. Spell's by 10 P. M. —Proposals for this route will be received by the 1st October at New Orleans. NOTE. The contracts are to commence on the 1st day of April next, and are to continue in force for one year, and the customary penalties for failures and delays will be stipulated in the contract and exacted. GIDEON GRANIER, Post-Master-General. GENERAL POST OFFICE, December 9, 1809. Dec 15—tf
This day is Published BY J. MILLIGAN, GEORGETOWN, LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE. BY VIRTUE of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dun, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio. DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last will & testament of Robert Means, dec'd. Richmond, July 19—tf
TREASURER'S SALE. WILL be sold at public auction at Mr. Rhodes's tavern on the first day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Lots No 43, 44, 45 and 46, in square No. 503, with the improvements thereon, the property of Pratt, Francis and others, or so much thereof as will satisfy the taxes due the corporation of Washington. Terms of sale cash. HENRY WHETCROFT, Treasurer of Washington City. December 1—oaw
PAPER HANGINGS. SAMUEL FITZHUGH, Has just received at his NEW STORE High Street, George Town, Two doors above J. Milligan's Back Store, An elegant assortment of the most fashionable Paper Hangings from the manufactory of Thomas and Catlett. He is just opening an assortment of SEASONABLE DRY GOODS. Together with a new and well selected supply of CUTLERY JAPANED WARE, &c. N. B. S. F. having employed a pander hanger, will engage to pipe rooms with neatness and dispatch. Georgetown December 6—5w.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY, EDWARD LLOYD, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it has been officially represented to me, that Negro PERRY, otherwise called Peregrine, the proper slave of Elizabeth Rochester, and Negro JOHN, otherwise called John Armstrong, a free negro, who have lately been sentenced by the Judges of Queen Anne's county Court to suffer death for murder, and Negro STEPHEN, the proper slave of Joseph Sudder, made their escape on Sunday morning, the twelfth instant, from Queen Anne's county Jail. And whereas it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice, I have therefore thought proper to issue this my Proclamation, and do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer a reward of THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who shall apprehend and bring to justice the said negroes Perry, John and Stephen, or one hundred dollars for either of them. Given under my hand, and the seal of the state of Maryland, this twenty-fourth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the Independence of the United States of America the thirty-fourth. EDWARD LLOYD. By his Excellency's command, NINTON PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. The following is a description of the above mentioned Criminals, transmitted to his Excellency the Governor by the sheriff of Queen Anne's county: Negro Perry, otherwise called Peregrine the proper slave of Elizabeth Rochester, is about twenty-three or four years old, very dark complexion for a mulatto, about five feet ten inches high, very well made but a little round shouldered, has a scar over one of his eyes, (not certain which,) occasioned by the kick of a horse, a thin and very black beard, with long whiskers that extend to the end of his chin, also a very bushy mustach. He took with him the following clothing: a coarse muslin shirt, full kersey trousers, and coat of a light drab color, two waistcoats, one of black cloth and the other of yellow striped Marcellus, a light drab great coat, with a large double cape, about half worn, a fine pair of shoes, very long pointed and sharp toes, and a feather hat. It is said that he has a number of other cloths of a good quality—he also has a silver watch, the case very much battered and bruised, has no chain, it is a black ribbon chain and brass key—it is also said that he has two other watches, one of them silver and the other gold or pinch back, which cannot be particularly described. Negro John, otherwise called John Armstrong, free negro, is supposed to be upwards of thirty years of age, a very bright mulatto, thin visage, very high cheek bone, large black beard, small thin whiskers, and very large white eyes, has a very stern look, large mouth, his lips not very thick—he is about five feet six or nine inches high, has a scar on his right eye, one of his arms very knotty from being seamed. Had on the following cloths, two linen shirts and trousers, old short blue coats, light colored waistcoat, old shoes, a moran hat better than half worn. Negro Stephen, the proper slave of Joseph Sudder, is about thirty years old, five feet nine or ten inches high, of a yellow complexion, very high forehead, flat nose, stout and well built, rather round shouldered, very full and bluff face, large black whiskers, rather a downy look, and is apt to smile when spoken to. Had on a tow linen shirt, white kersey trousers and round robin jacket, a pair of coarse round toed shoes, double soled almost new, a wool hat about half worn. ORDERED, That the foregoing Proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of four weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette and Maryland Republican at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer at the Eastern Star, Mr. Griere's paper at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Barreg's paper at Fredericktown. By order, NINTON PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. December 4—awdw
SALE AT AUCTION. On Wednesday the 27th of December next will be Sold at Public Auction at the House lately occupied by the British Minister, A QUANTITY OF HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE, consisting of rich and Glass, Corner Kitchen Utensils, ornamental Emma & Wedgewood Ware, Tea Trays and Waiters, French Beds and Bedding, elegant and richly ornamented Caskets, beautiful Mahogany Tables, a Piano Forte by Broadwood, an assortment of B. bboo Sola Chairs, Window Stools, elegant Family beds, Bedding and Bed Furniture, Maude and Teneriffe Wine, Helyart Brown Stout and Pale Ale, in bottles and casks, a quantity of Wood and Live-pool Coats, &c. &c. The above are the property of P. J. Jackson, esq. the British Minister, and will be sold without reserve. SAML. SPEAKE, Auct. December 22—3t
NOTICE. A Meeting of the Washington Bridge Company, will be held at Long's tavern on the first Monday of January next, at 11 o'clock, A. M. according to law, for the purpose of choosing Five Directors, a Clerk and a Treasurer for the ensuing year. By order of the President and Directors. S. ELIOT, Jr. Ck. December 22—4t
20TH DAY OF DRAWING. BALTIMORE LOTTERY. Present game of the Wheel $22971. A few Tickets may yet be had—immediate application at JOSEPH MILLIGAN'S, Bookstore, High street Georgetown, will be a regular check book of the drawing is kept for the examination of tickets gratis. December 22—3t
THE MANAGER Washington Dancing Assemblies give Notice, that the next Assembly will be held at Mr. Caim's Hotel Capro Hill, on THURSDAY EVENING NEXT and that they will be continued every Thursday fortnight during the season. Dec. 22—3t.
DRUGS & MEDICINES A fresh Supply just received from New York. H. CATLETT'S DRUG STORE, F Street Also, PAINTS, OILS, &c. October 18—tf
SAM. STETTINIUS, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the Centre Market Has just received and offers for Sale, 20 bundles SHEET IRON, and 20 boxes WINDOW GLASS 10 by 12 As the above has been purchased advantageously, I will sell them peculiarly low to punctilious dealers for cash or credit. November 3—3w&4tf