The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-04-12 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCCIV.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, APRIL 12th, 1805
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 18.
[Continued.]
NICHOLAS VANDYKE sworn.
Mr. Harper. Please to state whether you were at the circuit court held in Delaware in the year 1806?
A. I attended the circuit court held in New Castle on the 27th and 28th June 1806. I was not present when the court opened; but I think I entered the court house, while Mr. Chase was delivering a charge to the grand jury. After its delivery the grand jury retired; they were absent a short time; and as well as I can recollect, before and when they returned, I was either out of the court house, or engaged in conversation with some persons out of the bar. I think so, as I have no recollection of the question put to the grand jury, whether they had found any bills, and that put to the district attorney. I entered the bar while there was a pause, and silence prevailed. I recollect that the first circumstance that attracted my attention was the observation of Judge Chase to the grand jury, that since he had come among them, he had been credibly informed that there was a seditious printer within the state in the habit of libelling the government of the United States, and having received this information, he thought it his duty to call the attention of the grand jury to the subject. He appeared to me to be proceeding to state the name of the printer; but he did not name him. He said that might be doing injustice to the man, or that it was improper in him. I cannot say which was the term he used. I think he then asked the district attorney if there were not two printers in the state. He answered, that there were. There was then some conversation between the judge and the district attorney. My impression was that it conveyed a request from Judge Chase to the district attorney to enquire into the subject on which he had previously spoken to the jury. Mr. Attorney said that he had not seen the papers. The Judge asked him whether he could not procure a file of them. I do not recollect that the name of the printer was mentioned then, or during the whole sitting of the court. Some person at the bar said a file could be procured. Judge Chase asked the attorney, if he could make the enquiry by to-morrow at 10 o'clock. About this time I heard some observations made respecting the discharge of the grand jury on that day. Some of the gentlemen said it was a busy season, that they were farmers, and were desirous of returning to their homes. Judge Chase replied, that might be very true; but that the business of the public was also important; it must be attended to; and therefore he could not discharge them. I do not pretend to say I have pursued the language used. I have only attempted to give my impression of the facts that occurred.
Mr. Harper. Did you hear any such phrase as this—that a seditious temper had manifested itself in the state of Delaware, in New Castle county, and more especially in the town of Wilmington?
A. I do not think I heard such expressions.
Mr. Harper. What was the manner of Judge Chase in addressing the district attorney?
A. His usual manner; which is always warm and earnest.
Mr. Harper. Did he say any thing that was authoritative or imperious to the district attorney?
A. It did not strike me so. Mr. Harper. But made a request in the usual way?
A. Yes, Sir. On the second day a short time after I entered the court, some person spoke to the district attorney, who for a moment, as I supposed, went to the grand jury; in a short time after he returned, and then the grand jury, with a file of papers. The judge enquired of the jury whether they had any thing to lay before the court. They said they had not. The same question was put to the district attorney, who answered there was nothing, unless a certain piece against Judge Chase. Judge Chase said that was not a proper subject of enquiry; it was only matter that tended to level the government of the United States, that was a proper subject of enquiry for the grand jury.
Mr. Nicholson. In your recollection of what occurred very perfect?
A. I cannot say that it is, after so long a lapse of time. I only have my present impressions of what occurred.
ARCHIBALD HAMILTON sworn.
Mr. Harper. Please to inform the court whether you were present at a circuit court for Delaware in 1800?
A. I recollect that I was present on the 27th of June. I arrived about 10 o'clock, at which time Judge Chase was not there. Some time after the court was formed, the grand jury was sworn, and Judge Chase delivered a charge. Having retired for about an hour, the grand jury returned to the bar. Judge Chase asked them if they had any bills or presentments to make. Their reply was that they had not. Judge Chase then asked the attorney of the district if he had no business to lay before them. He said he had not. The jury requested to be discharged. Judge Chase said it was not usual to discharge them so early, some business might occur during the course of the day. He told them, he had been informed that there was a printer who was guilty of libelling the government of the United States—his name is—— here he stopped, and said, "perhaps I may commit myself, and do injustice to the man. Have you not two printers?" The attorney said there were. Well, said Judge Chase, cannot you find a file of the papers of the one I allude to. Mr. Read said he did not take the papers, or that he had not a file. Some person then observed that a file could be got at Mr. Crows. Judge Chase asked the attorney if he could examine the papers by the next morning. Mr. Read said, that under the directions of the court, he conceived it to be his duty, and would do it.
On the second day the same questions, whether they had found any bills, were put to the grand jury. They answered that they had not. Mr. Chase asked the attorney of the district if he had found any thing in the papers that required the interposition of the jury. He said that he had found nothing which in his opinion came within the sedition law; but there was a paragraph against his honor. Judge Chase said that was not what he alluded to. He was abused from one end of the continent to the other; but his shoulders were broad enough to bear it.
Mr. Harper. Did the judge say any thing of a seditious temper in the state?
A. I do not recollect any such expressions.
Mr. Harper. Were you in the court the whole time?
A. I was.
Mr. Harper. How were you situated?
A. I was directly under Judge Chase, and nothing could fall from him without my hearing it.
Mr. Rodney. Do you recollect whether he mentioned the name of the paper?
A. I do not recollect that he did.
Mr. Rodney. What was the manner of the judge?
A. I saw nothing unusual.
Mr. Rodney. Do you recollect whether his manner made any impression at the bar?
A. On nobody but the printer.
Mr. Rodney. Do you recollect that the district attorney said he conceived it his duty to enquire into matter of the kind alluded to.
A. I do.
JOHN HALL sworn.
Mr. Harper. Were you present at the circuit court for Delaware held in June 1800?
A. I believe I was in court when they met, and when the grand jury were called, and returned into court. I have but a faint recollection of what passed between the court and the jury after they returned; I was at a considerable distance from the court—I was not present the second day.
Mr. Harper. Do you recollect what occurred the first day about a printer?
A. I recollect that judge Chase said he was credibly informed there was a seditious paper published in the state of Delaware—and he made enquiry of the jury whether any thing of that nature had come under their notice—They said it had not.
Mr. Harper. What did Judge Chase then say?
A. I cannot recollect particularly.
Mr. Harper. What did he say afterwards?
A. There was some conversation between Judge Chase and the district attorney. The judge asked him whether he had seen any thing of the kind he had alluded to. He said he had not—The judge asked him if he could procure a file of the papers.
Mr. Harper. Did Judge Chase say any thing about a seditious temper in the state of Delaware, or New-Castle
county, or in the town of Wilmington?
A. I do not recollect.
Mr. Rodney. Was Mr. Mc Mahon a member of the grand jury?
A. Yes, Sir,—He and Judge Chase went to court together.
GUNNING BEDFORD called.
Mr. Rodney. Did judge Chase, in a conversation with you, subsequent to the discharge of the grand jury, complain that he could not get a person indicted in Delaware for sedition, though he could in Virginia.
Mr. Bedford. I have no distinct recollection of that kind. I have some indistinct recollection that in a small circle of Friends, though not to me personally, he said some such thing in a jocular way.
SAMUEL MOORE affirmed.
Mr. Harper. Were you in the circuit court held in Delaware in June 1800 when it met?
A. No, Sir. I did not attend early enough on the first day to hear the charge given to the grand jury. I think I did not attend before 12 o'clock. I attended as a juror. On the next day I attended early, and was in the court house when the court met. When the jury returned into court, enquiry was made whether they had any bills or presentments to make. They answered no. The court then enquired of the attorney of the district whether he had any business to lay before the grand jury. He said he had not—While he was making this reply, he rose, and laid hold of a file of newspapers, which I took to be the Mirror of the Times, and while he was in the act of presenting it, he observed that he had not seen any thing that in his opinion required notice, unless it were a publication reflecting on Judge Chase, which did not appear to him to come under the sedition law. Judge Chase answered, no, Sir—they have abused me from one end of the continent to the other; but it is the government, and not myself, that I with protected from calumny. Immediately after the grand jury were discharged.
Mr. Harper. Have you ever seen the printed deposition of Mr. Read on this subject. If you are acquainted with any particular circumstances relative to it, please to state them.
A. I do not know any particular circumstances respecting it.
Mr. Harper. I mean to enquire whether there was any consultation?
A. If you mean a private conversation, it may be improper to state what may be considered as confidential.
Mr. Harper. I will not then ask for it.
Mr. Nicholson. If these questions are stated with a view to impeach the testimony of Mr. Read, I hope they will be put and answered.
Mr. Harper. I will state the object of the question. It is to discredit the testimony of Mr. Read by particular circumstances that occurred in a conversation between the witness and him. If the witness knows of no such circumstances I have been misinformed.
Mr. Rodney. Conscious that nothing which can be stated will in the least invalidate the testimony of Mr. Read, it is my wish, and that of the managers, to allow the fullest liberty to the witness to state any thing he knows.
Mr. Moore. I will answer any questions put, but unless directed I shall not consider it correct to relate a confidential conversation.
Mr. Harper. I will waive all further enquiry, if the witness deem it indelicate.
Mr. Moore intimated that he did so deem it.
Mr. Randolph. I will ask the witness if he ever had a conversation with Mr. Read on the subject.
A. Frequently.
Mr. Randolph. I understand you to say that you do not know any thing that goes to invalidate Mr. Read's testimony.
A. Yes, Sir.
Mr. Randolph. That is all we want.
Mr. Hopkinson here adduced a charge delivered by chief justice McKean in November, 1797 in Philadelphia, printed in Claypoole's paper in December 1797 [reflecting alleged libelous publications of William Cobbett.]
Mr. Harper. We will now adduce testimony relative to the 8th article. But before we call our witnesses, I will ask a question or two of Mr. Montgomery.
Mr. MONTGOMERY was called.
Mr. Harper. Will you look at that paper. Is it the publication referred to in your testimony as having been sent to the press?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, Sir.
Mr. Harper. Did you ever send any other publication of the same kind to a newspaper?
A. No, Sir.
Mr. Harper. I will offer this publication in evidence and I will proceed to read it.
Mr. Montgomery. A short time after I returned home, from my recollection at that time, I committed to paper what I conceived to be the substance of the charge delivered by judge Chase, and made my comments upon it. The court will observe that it refers to other conduct of Judge Chase in the state of Maryland.
[Mr. Harper here read the paper above alluded to from the Baltimore American of the 30th June, 1803, and added, this is the temper of the witness, who has on a previous day given his testimony in this court.]
Mr. Harper. I will now proceed to show that Mr. Montgomery, in his strong anxiety to get judge Chase impeached, has remembered things which nobody else remembers, and has heard things which nobody else heard.
Mr. Randolph. I will ask of this court whether the witnesses we have called are not under their protection?
The President. If the counsel, in the testimony they adduce, come up to what they state they can prove, they will not be subject to reproach; if they do not, they merit it.
Mr. Randolph. I have no objection to the counsel impugning the veracity of one witness by the evidence of another, and defeating upon it; but I think they take an improper liberty when they undertake to say before it is proved, that what is deposed by a witness, never passed.
The President. I understand the gentleman to say that he will prove by another witness, that what has been deposed, did never pass.
Mr. Harper. Precisely so, Sir.
Mr. WINDER sworn.
Mr. Harper. I will ask you whether you was in the circuit court of the United States held at Baltimore, in May, 1803. I will however previously observe that it is not my intention to say or to prove that the witness, when he deposed to certain facts, knew that they had not passed. I mean only to impeach his correctness, and to infer that as he was angry, he gave to what he heard, the coloring of his own feelings.
Mr. Winder. I was present at that court when it was opened, and the jury empanelled, and I heard judge Chase deliver his charge. After delivering the general and usual charge to the grand jury, he said he begged leave to detain them a few minutes while he made some general reflections on the situation of public affairs. He commenced by laying down some abstract opinions, stating that that government was the most free and happy that was the best administered; that a republic might be in slavery, and a monarchy free. He also drew some distinctions with regard to the doctrine of equal rights, and said, that the idea of perfect equality of rights, more particularly such as had been broached in France, was fanciful and untrue, that the only doctrine contended for with propriety was, the equal protection of all classes from oppression. He commented on the repeal of the Judiciary system of the United States, and remarked that it had a tendency to weaken the judiciary, and to render it dependent. He then adverted to the laws of Maryland respecting the judiciary as tending to the same effect. One was a law for the repeal of the county court system. He also alluded to the depending law for the abolition of two of the courts of Maryland. He said something of the toil and labor and patriotism of those who had raised the fair fabric [Constitution of Maryland] and said that he law with regret some of their sons now employed in destroying it. He also said that the tendency of the general suffrage law was highly injurious, as under it a man was admitted to full political rights, who might be here to-day, and begone to-morrow.
This is the amount of my recollection; and I think I have stated the language of the Judge in as strong terms as he himself used. Since I was summoned as a witness I have never seen the charge of the Judge, or that published in the National Intelligencer, or by Mr. Montgomery. I concluded that it was most proper not to avail myself of those publications. My impressions, therefore, are altogether unassisted by them.
Mr. Harper. Did you attend carefully to the charge?
A. I did. I am sure no part of it escaped me.
Mr. Harper. Did Judge Chase appear to read it from a paper?
A. I so took it. Occasionally he raised his eyes, but not longer than I should imagine a person would, who was familiarly acquainted with what he was reading.
Mr. Harper. Did you hear him use any of those expressions deposed to by one of the witnesses—that the administration was feeble and inadequate to the discharge of its duties, and that their object was to preserve power unfairly acquired. Did he use any such words?
A. To my best belief he did not. I have a strong reason for considering my recollection on this point correct. Immediately after the charge was delivered I conversed with several gentlemen respecting it. It was complained of, as harsh, and as containing reflections on those who had brought about the measures alluded to. I reflected on it, and the result on my mind was that it was couched in polite terms, and that the reflections it contained were entirely matters of inference.
Mr. Harper. Did the Judge use any arguments against pending measures?
A. Certainly.
Mr. Harper. Did he mention the present administration?
A. I believe not. If he had, it would have struck my mind very forcibly.
Mr. Harper. Did he use any such phrase as "degenerate sons"?
A. I have a particular recollection of that, or some such expression. I considered it as a very happy allusion to events which occurred in the state legislature.
Mr. Harper. You considered it as calculated to have a persuasive influence?
A. That was not my language. The sentiment I think was this. He regretted to see sons taking part in destroying the fair fabric their fathers had raised. He spoke feelingly on this point.
Mr. Harper. Had you any other conversation which tended to impress the substance of the charge on your memory?
A. I do not recollect. I was very attentive to the charge. I observed Mr. S. H. Smith to be present; and it was observed at the time that we might expect to see an accurate statement of the charge from him, as he could detail what he heard with great precision. I recollect to have looked at the statement published in the National Intelligencer at the time it appeared, and I thought it gave a faithful view of the substance of the charge—quite as strong as the charge itself.
Mr. Nicholson. Did Judge Chase say any thing of the motives of the members of the legislature of Maryland?
A. He did according to my impression.
Mr. Nicholson. What were the motives he ascribed to them?
A. As I understood him, the motive he ascribed to them, was to get rid of the Judges, and not the system.
Mr. Nicholson. He did certainly then allude to the motives of the members of the Assembly of Maryland?
A. I think he did. If he did not, that was the impression produced on my mind by what he said.
Mr. Nicholson. Do you recollect whether Judge Chase did at the close of his charge recommend to the members of the grand jury to return home, and prevent certain laws from being passed?
A. I think that was the result which he drew from what he had previously said.
JUDGE WINCHESTER, sworn.
Mr. Harper. Please, Sir, to state to this court your recollection respecting a charge delivered by Judge Chase in the circuit court of Maryland in May 1803.
Mr. Winchester. As already stated, that court sat in May 1803, in a room in Evans's tavern. The court and gentlemen of the bar sat round several dining tables. I sat on the left of Judge Chase; and the jury were on his right. He addressed a charge to them, the beginning of which was in the usual style of such addresses. He then commenced, what has been called the political part of the charge, with some general observations on the nature of government. He afterwards adverted to two measures of the legislature of Maryland; the first related to an alteration of the constitution on the subject of suffrage; the other contemplated an alteration in the judiciary. He commented on the injurious tendency of the principle of universal suffrage and deprecated the evil effects it was likely to have. I assented to these remarks, he adverted

the repeal of the judiciary law of the U. States. I say incidental, for my impression was that his object was to show the dangerous consequences that would result to the people of Maryland from a repeal of their judiciary system, and to show that as the act of Congress had inflicted a violent blow on the independence of the federal judiciary, it was more necessary for the state of Maryland to preserve their judiciary perfectly independent. I was very attentive to the charge for several reasons. I regretted it as imprudent. I felt convinced that it would be complained of; and I am very confident from my recollection, and from the publications respecting it, which I afterwards perused, that all the political observations of the judge related to the state of Maryland.
Mr. Harper. Did the judge appear to deliver the charge from a written paper?
A. I have sat in the circuit court ever since 1800—Judge Chase has a kind of standing form in his charges on the general subject of crimes and offences. When there is much business expected to be transacted he goes into a detailed view of the duties of a grand jury. When there is little business he contents himself with a charge of a different form. When he delivered this charge, he had in his hand a marble covered book.
Mr. Harper. (showing him a book.) Do you think this was the book?
Mr. Winchester. I believe it as. There were occasional pauses during the delivery; he turned backwards and forwards; and read sections from different parts of the book. At the conclusion of particular sentences he lengthened out the tones of his voice, and made a pause, as if to arrest the attention of the jury. Though I cannot say that there was not a word or expression introduced that was not written, yet my impression is that he delivered the whole from the book before him.
Mr. Harper. Did you hear any expressions applied to the present administration, or was the administration mentioned at all?
A. My impression is very strong that neither the present administration was mentioned, or the views or designs of any member of it in any manner whatever. I am confident of this; because if such remarks had been uttered, they would have made a strong impression on any mind.
Mr. Harper. Did you ever hear the judge allude to such topics in his charges?
A. I never heard judge Chase in any of his charges reflect on any administration. I have heard great many charges of his, containing political matter, and they have been all rather calculated to support the existing administration.
Mr. Harper. Have you heard any since 1800?
A. I recollect no political charge delivered by him since that time.
Mr. Harper. Was the general tenor of his charges since and before 1800 calculated to support the laws?
A. I think there has been this difference. Those delivered before 1800 called on the jury to support the measures of the government as wise and upright; since that period he has made no allusion to the measures of the administration.
Mr. Harper. But his general practice has been to recommend to them the observance of law and the support of government?
A. He generally addressed the jury on the necessity of obeying the laws—that has been the tenor of his charges at all times.
Mr. Key. In a criminal case, when a question of law arises, is not the opinion of the court always taken?
A. Except in a case, which occurred between the present Secretary of the Navy and myself [The details of this case were not heard] I never knew an instance in which the direction of the court was not taken; and I know no instance in which counsel attempted to controvert the opinion of the court on a point of law.
Mr. Key. Have you ever known counsel address a jury on a point of law after it had been decided by the court?
A. Never.
Mr. Martin. Would it not be deemed indecorous to do so?
A. I have always thought so.
Mr. Nicholson. I will ask you whether judge Chase recommended to the jury, on their return home, to use their exertions to prevent the adoption of a pending law?
A. I do not know whether the recommendation came from the judge in language and terms. I rather think it flowed as an inference from what he had said.
By a Senator. In any criminal or civil case, did you ever know the court give an opinion without being required by counsel?
A. I recollect no instance, except in a general charge to the grand jury, or in summing up the testimony at the end of the trial.
Mr. Randolph. I will ask whether the case you allude to is, after both parties have been heard, at the end of the trial?
A. Certainly, sir.
Mr. Martin. I will ask you whether in any case, where the law is settled, and counsel go into an argument on the
point of law, the court do not frequently stop them.
A. It is difficult to give a correct answer to this question—it is certain that it often happens, that in arguments or points of law, the court check the counsel, and say they are too clear to be controverted; and, to prevent delay, beg the counsel to pass over them.
(To be continued.)
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Thoughts on the true path to national glory. By an old whig to his friend.
MY FRIEND, You ask me what is, in my opinion, the true path to national glory?
I do not know that my mode of thinking on public affairs coincides with yours. Having contributed my small services, in times not without danger or difficulty, to a country which I can never cease to love, I have withdrawn to the calm enjoyments of retired life in whose bosom I hope to end my days. Here, no indifferent spectator of the scenes that pass on the theatre of the world, I think I can discern them more correctly, and estimate their tendencies with more coolness, than one whose participation in them exposes him to the constant influence of prejudice, collision, and rivalry. In this opinion I may, however, err; and while I ascribe prejudice to others, I may only, perhaps, expose my own. Be this as it may, my ideas, such as they are, are at your service; and if, my friend, they shall have any influence in inculcating the infinite value of moderation, and of a vigorous adherence to principles free from party violence or personal resentment, I shall feel myself peculiarly fortunate.
Experience, we are told, is the surest guide. It is so. But then we must not mistake our tutor deity. While we respect her advice, we must not listen to the insidious accents which too frequently imitate it.
We are often carried back to the examples of Greece and Rome, and to the Gothic precedents of later times. But wherefore? We find no points of resemblance. Human nature, it is alleged, is always the same. But this I deny. Were I ambitious of pronouncing an oracle, I would say it is never the same. Circumstances perpetually vary; they constitute what is called human nature, and the change of the one will always produce that of the other. Let us then not be cheated with a sound. Since those days circumstances have greatly changed. A revolution, greater than any which preceded or can succeed it, has been effected. The art of printing, has established a new era. For one man of information in ancient times, there are now a thousand. This has put down the only permanent aristocracy that has ever existed.
This revolution has in this country produced another, v. z. the universal excellence of representative governments.
In these two respects we differ essentially from the ancient world. They are the two most powerful causes in existence; their effects must, therefore, be of correspondent magnitude.
Difficult, therefore, as irrelevant the learning of those times, let us begin our review where it ought to commence, with the era of our own birth.
Let us remember that it was a sentiment of dissatisfaction with the institutions and circumstances of their own country, that sent the first emigrants to our shores. Let us recollect that it was, in some instances to escape from civil, and in others to avoid political persecution, that made them heroically expose themselves to the dangers of the sea, and all the untried hazards of the forest. Let us recollect that the small settlements established by these causes grew, from their continuance in after times, and from other causes of subordinate importance. The luxury, the wars, and the oppressions of the old world, pressing with an increasing weight, on the poor, reduced them to a state but little removed from that of mere vegetation. Deprived of all political power, and consigned to labor for a precarious support, exposed to the constant danger of penury, threatened with famine, with no hopes of alleviating their hard lot, they abandoned a country no longer entitled to their love, since it had ceased to protect their happiness, and determined to create a country of their own. For them the savage wilderness had charms; for the howling wild was less terrible than the tyrant man.
With these feelings our forefathers visited this quarter of the earth. A community of interests made them friends; and it was their good fortune to be too insignificant to attract the notice of ambition or wealth, those inexorable tyrants of the earth. How rapid the transition! Here they labored for themselves!—there for a master! Here the ground was their own—there the property of another!—Here their little flock grew with their industry—there every moment lessened it.
What is the lesson which this experience teaches us? Is it servilely to imitate the policy of the nations from which we sprung? No—it demonstrates that our prosperity arose principally
from pursuing a policy directly the reverse.
We had laws to form—By whom, and after what model, were they devised?
Did we, sensible of the wrath of the Almighty, chuse a king to reign over us? Or did any one among us aspire to the infamous distinction? No such thing. We were not yet the splendid toy for which ambition sighs. 'Tis true, we held ourselves in allegiance to the King of England, the country from which we principally derived our origin. But what was that allegiance? It was a mere play thing. It gave no power, it paid no price for protection. At best it was only an alliance for mutual benefit. We were then too young, and too trifling to rank with the powers of the earth. We lost nothing, therefore, by the nominal acknowledgement of a dependence on Britain.
We made our own laws—Yes—WE, the PEOPLE, in the earliest times, made them. We chose our representatives, and our will, expressed through them, was law, the nominal power of the King notwithstanding.
In this instance, likewise, our experience differs from that of other nations.
Under the auspices of these two great, and I may add, sublime causes, the American colonies advanced with rapid strides. The soil, neither so luxuriant as to yield a spontaneous production, or so sterile as to render unavailing the labors of the husbandman, was the best fitted to excite to industry and to reward its toils; and man, permitted to pursue his own inclination, chose, as he always does, when free, the direct road of interest. Let us not then be surprised that our numbers extended, that the forests were cleared, that the lands were cultivated, that towns arose, that commerce sprang up, that manufactures increased, and the arts flourished; all administering to the comfort of the nation, instead of contributing to the indolent pleasures of those established orders which, in other quarters of the globe, have invariably impoverished nations. Hence it is, that the people here are every thing; and hence the inference that the experience of nations, in which they are nothing, does not apply to us.
Thus conducted by an over-ruiling Providence, our ancestors were led by habits of industry and good political institutions along the plain road of true happiness, until their wealth awakened the avarice of the English government. The contest that ensued is fresh in our memories. May the recollection eternally endure! We fought; we conquered. Our arms were reason and justice. A good cause nerved our exertions. Strong in that, death in its defence was glory.
The time soon came when temporising would have been cowardice. Then we relied on God and our own strength. But that strength did not principally lay in our arms. It was founded on the eternal truth of the principles we adopted; and on the unquenchable zeal they inspired. With a resolution, whose lustre does not fade when compared with the brightest examples of the ancient world, we first of all declared ourselves independent.
The circumstances, under which this declaration was made, are all important, in two points of view, one exhibiting the dissimilarity of our situation from that of any other nation that has ever asserted its freedom, and the other, arising therefrom, the irrelevancy to us of all the prophecies derived from their fate.
At this period the American nation were as advanced in the solid arts of civilised life as the nations from which they sprang, that is, as advanced as any of the nations of the earth; but they were not so advanced in the luxury and vices that are their usual attendants. Hence while they enjoyed all the advantages resulting from the improved state of the arts, and from the advanced state of various other departments of knowledge, they were exempt from those great evils that have made the former, in the opinion of some good men, equivocal blessings.
No nation of equal numbers possessed so many men who had devoted their minds to political researches. These men were perfectly conversant with the best English writers; and well acquainted with those of the continent. When the era of independence came, they were able to weigh, in their impartial minds, the ideas of all who had written on this subject. Wedded to no particular country, they were placed in a more favorable situation for the discovery of truth than any men who had preceded them. Their fellow citizens were likewise placed in a more favorable situation for receiving it. They had either never suffered oppression, or had fled from its chains. Plain in their manners, frugal in their habits of life, and exempt from those prevailing vices to which the corrupted states of the old world are so fatally exposed, they were the best, perhaps the only existing people, fitted to be the subjects of a pure system of legislation founded on equal rights.
There was one other circumstance, most eminently calculated to qualify them for maintaining a republican system. The cheapness of land had made the cultivation of the earth the almost universal occupation;
and those who cultivated it generally cultivated their own ground. A majority of the nation, it is believed, were of this description. Hence the existence of a many sentiment of independence, and of consequence, the little weight of wealth and station. Hence the spirit with which the independent yeoman did what he thought right, without any fear of the rich or the powerful. Hence too that cool deliberation and correct decision, that almost always flow from the independent exercise of the powers of the mind by men, whose detached situation makes it necessary for them to think for themselves, instead of giving up their judgments to those violent impulses that actuate settlements of compact population.
Under the auspices of these circumstances, the American People laid down and proclaimed to the world these great principles:
That all men are created equal.
That they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.
That among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
That, whenever any government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the People to alter and abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.
These are the solid and massy columns which support our national independence and existence. Events have shown us that while they remain unimpaired we have nothing to apprehend from either internal or external danger. They are established on the principle of maintaining a constant harmony between the government and the people. While this continues, where can the danger arise which may not be dissipated? History furnishes us with no instance of the subversion of a powerful empire, in which the government and the nation acted in perfect concert.
(To be continued.)
TRANSLATED FROM THE MONITEUR.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
LEGISLATIVE BODY.
Session of the 15 Pluviose, (4 Feb.)
The president announced that the orators of government would take their seats this day, to make a speech in the name of his majesty.
Messrs. Segur, Desforges and B-goven, counsellors of state were introduced. The first of these orators ascended the tribune.
M. L. P. SEGUR.
GENTLEMEN,
His majesty has expressed a wish that you should be acquainted, by an official communication, with recent facts, which deeply interest our political situation.
His majesty, since he has been elevated to the imperial dignity, has thought that his new situation, and the circumstances which have placed him there, would naturally give rise to hopes of peace.
The enemy, undeceived in its expectation, founded on our divisions, and on the chances of an elective power, found itself in a situation which should dispose it to listen to more moderate advice. The emperor has done, what general Bonaparte performed before the passage of the Drave, and the full consul, before the battle of Marengo. He has written a letter to his Britannic majesty, which will now be read to you.
[The orator here read the letter, which is given in the proceedings of the Conservative Senate.]
This letter, gentlemen, evinces a dignified authority, which is conscious of its strength, and will never abuse it. The character and actions of the emperor forbid the suspicion of such weakness.
To this letter, the British minister has not returned such an answer, as was due to these frank and pacific overtures, but one whose language compared with that of the year 8, under quite different circumstances, may not prevent negotiation, but permits us to expect more favorable communications.
(The orator then read the answer of the British minister, which is also to be found in the proceedings of the Conservative Senate.)
The letter and answer would have remained among the secrets of government, as well as all the preliminary proceedings, whose object was to lead to effective negotiations, had not the message of the king of England to his parliament demanded its publicity.
This message, gentlemen, which announces pacific communications on the part of France, is full of malice, accusation and reproach.
They feign an insulting pity for a generous nation, whom they have attacked unawares in the midst of peace, whose vessels they have seized, pillaged and destroyed in direct violation of the faith of treaties; and they are astonished that she does not debase herself by explanations with an enemy who treats her as a robber, and that she replies to hostilities by a declaration of war.
It announces connexions, correspondence, and confidential communications with the continental powers. It endeavors to establish the idea of a coalition, which never existed, and which it would be impossible to realise.
France is too great to stoop to the discussion of injuries.
She owes to an ally cruelly treated, not a vain commiseration, but a manly and constant protection.
France has no enemy on the continent; she has no discussion with any continental power, which could attach her to her controversy with the English government.
Austria, Prussia, and the whole of Germany join with France in the desire for peace. A few days ago the emperor received the most positive assurances of the friendly disposition of these powers.
The emperor Alexander would have prevented the war, if the English had accepted his mediation; he would have put a stop to it before this time, had his ministers at Paris and London carried into effect the intention which he had at that time formed.
The intervention of Russia, very useful in preventing hostilities, might be equally so when it is proposed to terminate them. England has nothing to fear from this power, and ought not to think herself interested in treating her with coolness. All Europe knows it, the events of the year 9 have demonstrated it, and the British government have confirmed it. If England now wishes to obtain confidential communications, it certainly is not that she may evince more pacific dispositions; her end is to beget confidence in an imaginary coalition, but of that, she has no chance of success; her hopes are illusory; for at Petersburg, at Vienna, and Berlin, they look upon the attack of the Spanish frigates, in the midst of peace, the assassination of 300 innocent victims, murdered by the cannon of the English or buried in the waves, in the midst of peace, the capture of a Spanish regiment, the detention of 80 vessels of all nations in the Mediterranean, and this constant violation of the liberty of the sea, the common property of all nations, as infractions of the rights of nations and as injuries committed on every sovereign. These correspondence and confidential communications are then only chimeras, vain pretences to evade negotiations for peace. It is this perfidious system which endeavors to excite war on the continent, to perpetuate the monopoly of an individual nation, and oppress the commerce of all others.
It was this same spirit, which, in order to sanction the violation of the treaty of Amiens, created in our ports imaginary armaments, and terrified the English nation with the projects of the enemy.
The enlightened policy of all nations has blamed the obstinate blindness of the English government when in the year 8, they lost the favorable opportunity of concluding an honorable peace.
Perhaps the present grandeur of France is the consequence of this false policy. Futurity will discover the effects of this obstinate blindness. We have nothing to fear, and perhaps in ten years, our situation for negotiation will be still more advantageous. In war, as in politics, there are some opportunities which if neglected, will be productive of unavailing regret at having suffered them to escape. If such should be the destiny of England it will then remain for French heroism to call into action all its energy, and finally to triumph over a spirit hostile to the liberty of the seas and the tranquility of nations.
The counsellors of state departed from the assembly, which immediately after formed themselves into a special conference.
The sitting was made public. The president gave notice that a message was to be drawn up to his majesty, expressive of the sentiments of the legislative body on the communications which had been made to them, and that it would be presented by a deputation of twenty members.
TRIBUNATE.
Extraordinary sitting of the 15th Pluviose, (4 Feb.)
After reading the process verbal, of the 2d, Messrs. Regnaud (de Saint Jean d'Angely) Treilhard and Berenger, counsellors of state were introduced.
M. REGNAUD.
Gentlemen— The English government, in making an incomplete publication of the commencement of the negotiation with France, has violated the law of nations, and has imposed on his majesty, the emperor, an obligation to publish to France and Europe an accurate statement of facts.
Europe and France have witnessed the new sacrifices of every suggestion of selfishness, every sentiment of vain glory, which a noble heart, full of pride, and jealous of its fame, has made to prevent the effusion of human blood, and what is still more dear to him, the blood of his people.
They have seen that the first warrior of the age has attempted to procure peace and repose to the present generation, whose happiness and tranquility have ever been dearest to his heart, and

ought to constitute the only glory which can be added to that renown, already acquired by military triumphs.
These sentiments, gentlemen, explain at once, the views and actions of his majesty.
If it should be asked how a man, endowed with a vigorous character, who has shown himself more enterprising and bold than the boldest, and most daring hero of antiquity, whose actions have been transmitted to us by history; how a man, in the strength of vigorous youth, can in desiring peace, triumph at once over recollection and hope; how the general of five hundred thousand veterans can restrain the most noble as well as the most tyrannical of passions, the love of renown; how he can renounce that glory, which he may still acquire in the military line, where he has always been crowned with triumphs; it may be answered, that this man desires the repose and happiness of the world.
If it is asked how a young monarch, pursued unrelentingly by base enemies, attacked by vile calumniators, menaced by assassins, can silence personal resentments and determine to present the olive branch to that cabinet who has recompensed defamers and hired assassins, it may be answered, this monarch rises superior to the passions of the generality of men.
If we recollect how Great Britain, contemning public morality and the law of nations, has disgraced its ambassadors and degraded its most distinguished military characters, by the vilest offices and the most shameful missions; if it is considered how they employed their commercial treasures, using them, in contempt of the law of nations, and of their own laws, in rewarding the inventors of infernal machines, and in organising conspiracies, traces of which are still visible among us and which have excited an indignation which is still felt throughout Europe, if we retrace such a picture and demand how the Chief of the Great Nation, the avenger of all the crimes and outrages meditated against France and Europe, can smother the bitter animosity which would reign in a common soul, it may be answered, the man on whom the Great Nation has conferred a crown, never aspired to any other title than the Father of Frenchmen.
Napoleon had hardly ascended the throne, and had scarcely departed from this metropolis, where the most august religion had consecrated what the wishes of the people had before solemnified, when moved by the public acclamations, he was inspired with the idea of writing the letter to George III, which I am charged to communicate to you.
The Emperor had sworn to France the same oath which he made to the Deity, only to live for the happiness and glory of his people; commencing the discharge of this sacred engagement, he addressed to the King of England the expression of those generous, moderate, and if I may be allowed the expression, religious sentiments, which could only be conceived and professed by a great soul; and certain am I, that this immortal letter will not be the least glorious monument of his majesty's reign; it will not be the least of his titles to the gratitude and love of France, nor be the least certain pledge of the esteem of wise philanthropists, who, excepting a few obscure or obstinate individuals, who forget or degrade themselves, are still so numerous in the bosom of enlightened Europe.
But in this occurrence, has not the humanity of the monarch deceived his wisdom? Has not his reason for a long time been a participator in his benevolent hopes? Has he forgotten how and by what deceitful motives the most sacred treaties were violated? Has he forgotten that when these leopards destroyed the treaty of Amiens; no aggression had provoked their inexcusable rage? Has he forgotten how it was represented, the 7th of March, to the English Parliament, that our harbours were full of armed vessels and threatening preparations, while our ports were silent and our arsenals in a state of quiet?
No, gentlemen, such recollections are indelible; but, since the epoch which created them, happy changes have taken place in the affairs of France, while she has been attacked by imprudent and unjust enemies!
What answer can be made to those who shall demand, whether this is dictated by the wish for peace, or by the fear of some unforeseen dangers, which has suggested the pacific words addressed by the Emperor of the French to our enemies.
Need I, gentlemen, recall your attention, to our internal situation, and retrace all our present defence, security, strength and hope? Are you not the first organs of the public will, sanctioned by the suffrages of five millions of citizens? And since the accomplishment of this will, since the establishment of the dynasty of Napoleon, have not the destinies of the French empire been more strengthened by rendering the nation more firmly united? Has there ever been a people who have by unanimity of will and accordance of the government with the people, created such a mass of the most solid and invincible power?—Has any other state ever advanced by such rapid steps, towards prosperity and grandeur?
Two years ago, war was declared against Great Britain, and no important event has yet occurred to mark its course, or any decisive stroke been made which holds out a prospect of its termination.
But our roads are filled with ships, and our ports with armed flotillas.
Out of four chances of effecting a descent, (since it has become necessary to pronounce this formidable word) three are already decided in our favor; vessels are constructed and collected, and harbors have been formed to contain them.
All the advantage of the war has been on our side, since without receiving any check from our enemies, we have employed two years in concentrating our immense resources.
Every advantage of the war has been on our side, since in spite of the numerous vessels which cover the seas under the British flag, we have been able to provision and put into a state of defence the most important and most distant of our colonies.
Martinique, Guadaloupe, Cayenne, the Isle of France and Reunion are abundantly provided for. Their garrisons have been more than tripled; all the provisions intended for them have arrived there, nor has any reinforcement failed in its destination.
An important expedition has miscarried before Martinique and the Isle of France.
And while our colonial territory is free from danger, and out of the reach of fear, Hanover, the domain of the King of England, is entirely in our power.
We have lost none of our possessions, and we are in possession of an important province of the enemy.
What advantages have the English gained which will counterbalance ours? Of what utility is their immensely superior marine to those lords of the ocean?
They have lost fifteen ships or frigates, stranded on the coasts or wrecked upon the rocks.
They have consumed immense treasures in cruises dictated by fear, interrupted by the violence of the wind, and avenged by tempests and destruction.
In their own island, the English have seen the merchants taken from their counting houses, and workmen from their manufactories; and from the want of muskets, have passed the time destined for commerce and other useful labours, in learning to manage harmless pikes, fabricated thro' fear of an invasion.
During the continuance of this omnipresent fear, the English government have had recourse to every means of defence; they have prepared inundations and batteries; have barricaded their harbours and fortified their coasts; have constructed carriages which move with uncommon celerity to carry soldiers; and have put in requisition chariots coaches, and horses in the three kingdoms; have completed the arming of the people at the expence of their disorganization, the destruction of their customs, and prostration of their morals.
A traveller, who two years ago went from Paris to London, and returned again from London to Paris, was astonished to see in the capital of the French empire peace and the most undisturbed security established & maintained, whilst in the capital of England he saw with anxiety and even horror, the agitation which every where reigned in a camp, defended by an incongruous, unorganised rabble, new in the art of war, and fully convinced of the futility of resisting the brave veterans of Cæsar.
If we compare the state of the public mind in several parts of the two countries, we shall find in the departments which were hostile, in the west of France, enlightened bishops bringing back peace to the minds of the people by re-establishing tranquility in their consciences, vigilant prefects establishing a good administration, causing to be arrested, disarmed and punished, the remnant of the brigands cast on our coasts, and who are either concealed in our cities or wandering in our woods.
In those places where British gold had lately excited a civil war, subordination is established, tranquility is maintained, taxes are levied without force, and paid with punctuality; new cities have been built, canals increase, and new roads are opened. The conscripts called to our arms freely surrender themselves to the same sound which once summoned them to a sacrilegious war, and which now unites them the more in invoking the blessings of heaven on him who governs.
There have been no extraordinary measures, no suspension of general laws and protection, nor any difference between Morbihan and the Golden coast, between La Vendée and La Meurthe.
In the mean while, on the other side of the ocean, Ireland presents to us a spectacle of endless conspiracies, excited by a series of relentless oppression; an army of soldiers with difficulty curbing an army of citizens, called to the aid of measures to which the most cruel examples of the revolution would scarcely offer a parallel; to sum up all in a word, you see in this distressed country a religious war, persecutions, till this moment unheard of in Europe, indignant at seeing Ireland the only place in the world, where the most sacred laws are contemned, and where a government
dare to use force against the invincible power, and the sacred liberty of conscience.
If on the other side, gentlemen, you wish to draw a parallel between the finances of the two states, you will see on the opposite banks new, increasing the already gigantic, expences of a nation, who require an annual sum of one million and an half to sustain an ordinary war; and who have had, for the first time, a recourse to a levy en masse; a levy en masse which may cost them many hundreds of millions.
They can, it is true, sustain it; but only by deranging their present affairs, and consuming their future resources, whilst they must prepare to see their debt, far from being diminished by redemptions, increased by the abuse of their only resource, that of loans.
For us, our numerous armies have always been the source of our greatest existence, and their support requires but a small supply, which is not exported to a foreign land.
The budget, which has been laid before you, will inform you that our territorial resources have provided every thing, and instead of our debt having increased during the two last years of the war, our sinking fund has effectually commenced its extinction.
What France has done, Gentlemen, she can continue to do for thirty years to come, and she has nothing to implore of Heaven, but that the sun may continue to shine, the rain to descend on her fields, and the earth send forth its prolific seeds. Ten years of war would not augment our debt, while the same period would add four thousand millions to the debt of England.
It should not be forgotten however, that, if public credit is so powerful and mighty an engine, the bow that is too much bent breaks in the hand of the unskilful archer, and leaves him defenceless.
England, it is true, during the three first months of the year '11, seized our unarmed vessels, and despoiled our commerce of 40 or 50 millions.
But at Martinique, Guadaloupe and the Isle of France, our affairs are every day bringing in English prizes, and already, the advantage is on our side as well in respect to financial calculations, as in respect to our glory.
So far then, I repeat it with confidence, all the advantage is on our side.
[To be continued.]
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, APRIL 12.
The speech of Regnaud in the French Tribunate, the beginning of which is given in to day's paper, is well worthy of the attentive perusal of the reader. Making a proper abatement for the embellishments of the orator, and the enthusiasm which naturally ushers in a new dynasty, still there remains a delineation of the present situation of France, sufficiently faithful and impressive to awaken serious reflections on the fate of England. There cannot be a doubt that the French government has with admirable wisdom and success drawn into activity all her internal resources, which, while they impart perfect security to her, have become terrible to her enemies; while England, governed by a different policy, by expanding her power, and dividing it among distant colonies, is kept in a state of constant alarm, and is bereaved of a large portion of her ordinary influence in the affairs of Europe. The spectacle is deeply interesting. Does it not go a great way to prove that the strength and power of a populous nation are better promoted by the cultivation of her internal resources, than by the most successful schemes of colonial aggrandizement?
An Alexandria paper states that at the close of the poll for Loudon county on Monday, Mr. Lewis the federal candidate for Congress, had a majority of 236. The poll was to be again opened the next day.
By a correct list published in the New Hampshire papers, it appears that John Langdon, the republican candidate, is elected Governor of that state by a majority of 3,775 votes.
Reports are in circulation, that the town of St. Domingo has been taken by the blacks—and that 70,000 French have landed in Scotland. We have not yet been able to trace them.
[Baltimore paper.]
The votes of 38 towns for governor of Massachusetts give Mr. Strong 9,086; and Mr. Sullivan 8,255.
In Senate of New-York.
Albany, April 2, 1805.
Mr. Taylor, made a motion that the senate should agree to a resolution, with recitals, in the words following:
Whereas certain false, wicked, seditious libels have been published against the President of the United States, in a newspaper printed in the city of New York, called the New-York Evening Post, edited by William Coleman, on the 20th, 21st, and 22d days of March,
1805, imputing to and charging the President of the United States with hypocrisy, debauchery, with living in shameless and open commission of sins, with defrauding his benefactor of his property, with violating the marriage bed of his most intimate friend, and with various other enormities, tending to bring into disgrace the said President of the United States, and to injure and to bring into contempt the dignity and character of the United States, and the citizens thereof;—and in order to bring the author and publisher of such violent, daring and insolent attacks on the said President of the United States, and the citizens thereof, to trial and punishment.
Resolved, (if the hon. the assembly concurs) that the attorney general be, and he is hereby directed to take all necessary and legal measures to bring the author or authors and publisher of the said false, wicked, seditious and seditious libels to speedy and condign punishment.
Debates having been had on the said motion, Mr. Annin moved the following resolution, with its recitals, as a substitute:
Whereas it is the sincere will of this Senate, to discountenance the licentiousness of the press, by every constitutional mean in its power: and whereas to accomplish that end, the Senate feels disposed to bear testimony against all unfounded attacks on the constituted authorities of the United States or of this state, within its proper sphere; and whereas a question is now pending before the supreme court of this state, the decision of which will determine whether the state courts have jurisdiction in cases of libels against the President of the United States: Therefore,
Resolved, That it is not expedient at present for this Senate to direct the Attorney General of this state, to prosecute at the expence of this state, any printer for libels against the President of the United States.
Mr. Van Vechten, moved to amend the said substitute by striking out, after the word resolved, the whole of the resolution, and inserting the following in its stead:
That it would be improper for this Senate to express any opinion at present on the question whether the case of a libel against the President of the United States is cognizable by the courts of this state.
The question being taken on the amendment, it passed in the negative, 15 to 6; and on the substitute, and it likewise passed in the negative, 13 to 8.
The question on the motion of Mr. Taylor, was then taken, and it also passed in the negative, in manner following, viz.
For the negative—Messrs. Brewster, Bruyn, Denning, Foote, Savage, Titmuss, Tredwell, Van Schoonhoven, Van Vechten, Veder, Woodworth—11.
For the affirmative—Messrs. Annin, Burt, Dantforth, H. Gebboom, Hyde, Johnston, Purdy, Tallmadge, Taylor, Thomas—10.
NEW YORK, April 8.
By the brig Mountaineer we have received a St. Croix paper of the 21st March, containing a circumstantial account of the invasion of St. Kitts by the French fleet which is now on a visit to all the British West India islands.
The fleet arrived at Basseterre on the 5th of March, anchored abreast of the town, and fired a shot at Fort Smith, when the flag was immediately struck; the troops having retired to the garrison at Brimstone Hill, no effectual resistance could be opposed by the inhabitants to so formidable a force as a ship of 120 guns, four of 74, three of 44, and two of 16. A committee of the principal inhabitants waited on General B. Robert, chief of the staff, who proposed to them, as the terms on which he would allow the island of St. Kitts and its dependencies to capitulate—1st. That the inhabitants should retain during the war all the existing laws relative to persons and property—2d. That their persons and properties should be safe, and under the protection of the French government—3d. The forts, arms, &c. as well as all the merchant shipping in the road, to be surrendered to the French government—4th. The occupation of two forts—and 5th. A contribution of one million of livres tournois, to be carried on board the Majestueux by nine o'clock the next morning. These terms were agreed to, and the inhabitants (to prevent the place being given up to military execution, which was threatened) contributed liberally in dollars, joes, doubloons, and guineas, so that the coin is almost entirely carried out of the island, and measures are taking to encourage the importation of a fresh supply.
The squadron left Basseterre on the 7th for Nevis, where they obtained 4,200l. currency, but landed no soldiers. They demanded at first 20,000 guineas.
We have advices from Cape Francois, which state that on the 26th of February, General Christophe attacked St. Jago, at the head of 6000 men, and took it after a very severe contest of an hour and a half against 1500 Spaniards. The conquerors put the inhabitants indiscriminately to the sword. On the day following the ferocious army marched for
the city of Saint Domingo.
Captain Maitland of the brig Sally, arrived on Saturday, from Malaga, informs, that on the 18th of February the French national ship L'Autance, of 44 guns, arrived there, which, with another ship of the same force, had fallen in with an English fleet, out 10 days from Malta, under convoy of the ship of war Arrow, and a bomb ketch, and after an action of two hours sunk the Arrow, and captured and burnt the ketch. Two days after fell in with a brig belonging to the fleet, and burnt her at sea—the crews were brought to Malaga. The Autance failed from Malta on the 20th, her destination unknown.
Life of Washington.
Gentlemen in Upper Marlboro, Maryland, who signed a subscription paper for the above work held by DAVID PUGH, Jun. late publisher of that paper, who received the advance money and never remitted one cent to the publisher, will be furnished with their books on paying at John March's bookstore, George Town, or to Mr. G. Hill, bookseller, Baltimore.
The Third volume of the above book is published ready for subscribers: April 12—1805
A reward of 50 Dollars
will be given for apprehending and prosecuting to conviction the person or persons who on the night of the 5th of March last, broke and entered a number of the trees on Pennsylvania avenue.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor, of the city of Washington. April 12—35
Sale at Auction.
ON Saturday, the 13th of April, will be sold at public auction, at the west corner house of the Six Buildings, City of Washington, a quantity of
HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, the property of a gentleman leaving the city. Also a pair of large and valuable paintings. Terms of sale cash. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock.
JOHN TRAVERS, Auctioneer, April 13—15
TOLET.
I wish to let for 1 or 2 years the house in which I reside, furnished as it is. The house is large and tolerably convenient; the furniture ample new and fashionable. My demand for the whole is 750 dollars per annum, payable quarterly yearly—if more agreeable to the tenant I will reserve the lower room now occupied by me as a store, and deduct 100 dollars from the annual rent. Possession may be had 1st July next.
CHARLES LOVE. Georgetown, Jefferson street. April 12. 3W.
N. B. For sale a large flock of Groceries, by wholesale only.
Traveller's Hall
THE subscriber renders his sincere thanks to his friends for the very liberal encouragement which they have bestowed on him. He will finish one of his new rooms in a few weeks which will be large enough to dine near 200 persons at a time and will shortly after have the remainder of his additional building completed, which will give him a front of near 100 feet, in the most agreeable part of the town, and in the centre of business being on the highest part of the public square. He has on hand, and has contracted for a constant supply of the best wines, and foreign spirituous liquors imported, and country provisions, stable forage, foreign & state newspapers—and has secured a quantity of liquors sufficient for the use of his table and bar during the season. He assures his friends, and that respectable part of the public who have patronized him, that there shall be nothing wanting which his time or purse will command, to render the TRAVELLER'S HALL a house of entertainment for genteel guests only, equal to any in America.
R. BRADLEY.
Lexington, Kentucky, March 18. 1805. N. B. A stage runs from the TRAVELLER'S HALL to the Olympian Springs in the summer, and to Frankfort during the session of the Legislature. March 27—ep3m.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the road leading from George Town to Montgomery court house, in Montgomery county, on the 12th inst. a negro man, named DICK, about 40 years of age, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high; had on and took with him a white shirt, a pair of new boots, two cam'ric handkerchiefs, a kersey jacket and pantalettes very much worn, a new pair of shoes, a pair of faddle bags, and other articles unknown. Was formerly the property of the widow Burch, living in the Federal City, and he has got a wife at Kensley Beall's, living in Montgomery county, six miles from Montgomery court house. Whoever takes up said negro, if ten miles from home, shall receive 5 dollars, if twenty miles, 10 dollars, and to in proportion to the distance, if brought home, and all reasonable charges paid by me.
JOHN BENSON, near the mouth of Monocacy.
N. B. Masters of vessels are forewarned from taking away or harbouring said negro. April 10th—35
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber on the night of the 1st. inst. two negro men, viz. negro BEN about 20 years of age, stout made, a large mouth, with extreme flat nose, a fear on one of his arms occasioned by a burn (not recollected which), also a fresh fear on his left leg occasioned by a feld, he is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, clothing not recollected—Also negro BOB, about 18 years of age, tolerable well made, a thin visage, about 5 feet 3 or 4 inches high, clothing not recollected—Any person bringing said negroes home if taken in the county 6 dollars, if with in 30 miles from home 10 dollars, if 60 miles from home 8 dollars each, and if out of the state the above reward.
WILLIAM HARRISON. Charlotte Hall, Saint Mary's county, Maryland, April 15—55

PROPOSALS
For carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following post-roads, will be received at the General post-office, in Washington, until the 10th day of July next, inclusive.
(Continued.)
106. From Trenton by Bordentown, Slatington, Mount Holly, New Milford, Moretown, Haddonfield and Cooperstown to Philadelphia once a week. Leave Trenton every Tuesday at 9 a m and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday at 5 p m and arrive at Trenton on Thursday by 6 p m.
107. From Philadelphia by Haddonfield, Taunton and Athol to Tuckerton once a week. Leave Tuckerton every Monday at 10 a m and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday by 8 a m. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday at 4 p m and arrive at Tuckerton on Thursday by 6 p m.
108. From Philadelphia by Gloucester, Woodbury, Mullica, Pilesgrove, Deerfield, Bridgetown, Melville, Port Elizabeth and Cape May c. h. to Cape Island. Leave Philadelphia every Tuesday and Friday at 4 p m and arrive at Bridgetown on Wednesday and Saturday by 7 p m. Leave Bridgetown every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Cape Island every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Bridgetown by 8 p m. Leave Bridgetown every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Philadelphia on Tuesday and Friday by 8 a m.
109. From Philadelphia by Gloucester, Swedesboro' and Woodbury to Salem once a week. Leave Salem every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday by 7 a m. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday at 6 p m and arrive at Salem on Thursday by 7 p m.
IN PENNSYLVANIA.
110. From Philadelphia by Jenkintown, Doylestown, Plumstead, Bethelhem, Easton and Hellers to Wilkesbarre once a week in winter. Leave Philadelphia every Tuesday at 4 p m and arrive at Easton on Thursday by 9 a m. Leave Easton every Thursday at 10 a m and arrive at Wilkesbarre on Friday by 4 p m. returning. Leave Wilkesbarre every Saturday at 8 a m and arrive at Easton on Sunday by noon, and at Bethlehem by 8 p m. Leave Bethlehem on Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Philadelphia on Tuesday by 8 a m.
May 1 to November 1.—Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Easton by 8 p m. Leave Easton every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Philadelphia by 8 p m.
111. From Wilkesbarre by Pittston, Putnam, Braintree, Wykasing, Standington, Wysox, Shesquin, Athens and Owego to Union N. Y. once a week. Leave Wilkesbarre every Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Union the next Tuesday by 11 a m. Leave Union every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Athens on Wednesday by 11 a m. Leave Athens at noon and arrive at Wilkesbarre on Friday by 7 p m.
112. From Philadelphia by Germantown, Chestnut Hill, White Marsh, Montgomery and Quakertown to Bethlehem twice a week. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Bethlehem by 8 p m. Leave Bethlehem every Monday and Thursday at 4 p m and arrive at Philadelphia by 8 p m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Bethlehem every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Philadelphia on Tuesday by 11 a m. Leave Philadelphia every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Bethlehem by 11 a m on Saturday.
113. From Philadelphia by Germantown, Norristown, Trap, Pottsgrove, Reading, Hamburg and Sunbury to Northumberland. Leave Philadelphia every Tuesday and Friday at 4 p m and arrive at Reading on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p m. Leave Reading on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Northumberland on Friday by 4 p m. returning. Leave Northumberland every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Reading on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Reading every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Philadelphia on Tuesday and Friday by 8 a m.
114. From Northumberland by Milton, Muncy, Williamsport, Delmar, Tioga and Lindsytown to Painted Post once a week. Leave Northumberland every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Painted Post the next Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave Painted Post every Tuesday by 2 p m and arrive at Northumberland on Friday by 6 p m.
115. From Reading by Womelsdorf, Lebanon and Jonestown to Harrisburg once a week. Leave Reading every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Harrisburg on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Harrisburg every Friday at 8 p m and arrive at Reading on Saturday by 6 p m.
116. From Philadelphia by the Spread Eagle and Downingtown to Lancaster six times a week. Leave Philadelphia every day, Sunday excepted, at 4 a m and arrive at Lancaster by 4 p m. Leave Lancaster every day, Sunday excepted, at 4 a m and arrive at Philadelphia same day by 4 p m.
117. From Harrisburg by Halifax,
Sunbury, Northumberland, Danville, Catawissa, Berwick, Salem and Plymouth to Wilkesbarre, thence by Hanover, Newport, Lewisburg, Salem and the same route to Harrisburg once a week. Leave Harrisburg every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Wilkesbarre the next Friday by 7 p m. Leave Wilkesbarre every Saturday at 8 a m and arrive at Harrisburg the next Tuesday by 11 a m.
118. From Northumberland by Lewisburg, Mifflinburg, Aaronburg, Bellefonte and Milburg to Center Furnace once a week. Leave Northumberland every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Center Furnace on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Center Furnace every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at Northumberland on Tuesday by 6 p m.
119. From Harrisburg by Clarkers Ferry, Millerstown, Thompsontown, Mifflin town, Lewistown, Cullbertson, Drakes & Huntingdon to Alexandria, and from thence by Huntingdon, Bellville & the same route to Harrisburg once a week. Leave Harrisburg every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Alexandria the next Friday by 6 p m. Leave Alexandria every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Harrisburg the next Tuesday by 10 a m.
120. From Downingtown by West Chester, Kennett Square, New London Cross Roads & Chatham to the Brick meeting house once a week. Leave Brick meeting house every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Downingtown by 8 p m. Leave Downingtown every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Brick meeting house by 8 p m.
121. From Lancaster by Strasburg, Gap Tavern, Cochran's Tavern, Chatham & New Garden to Newport once a week. Leave Newport every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Lancaster on Tuesday by 8 a m. Leave Lancaster every Tuesday at 11 a m and arrive at Newport on Wednesday by noon.
122. From Lancaster by the Sorrel horse, Black horse, Unicorn, Rising Sun & Brick meeting house to Eikton once a week. Leave Eikton every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Lancaster by 8 p m. Leave Lancaster every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Eikton by 8 p m.
123. From Lancaster, by Ramstown, Adamstown, Cootstown, Allentown, Bethlehem, Nazareth, Hellers, Stroudsburg & Middletown, to Milford once a week. Leave Lancaster every Wednesday at 2 p m, & arrive at Milford the next Saturday by 7 p m. Leave Milford every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Lancaster the next Wednesday by 10 a m.
124. From York to Carlisle once a week.—Leave Carlisle every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at York by 1 p m.—Leave York every Monday at 4 p m and arrive at Carlisle on Tuesday by noon.
125. From York, by Shrewsbury and Black Horse, to Baltimore once a week. Leave York every Tuesday noon and arrive at Baltimore on Wednesday by 7 p m. Leave Baltimore every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at York on Friday by noon.
126. From York, by Abbottstown, Gettysburg, Fairfield and Emmettsburg, to Hagerstown once a week. Leave York every Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Hagerstown on Monday by 6 p m. Leave Hagerstown same day by 8 p m & arrive at York the next Saturday by 10 a m.
127. From Carlisle, by Mannaham, Warrenton, Berlin, Abbottstown, Hanover, Manchester and Reifersstown, to Baltimore once a week. Leave Carlisle every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Baltimore on Wednesday by 7 p m. Leave Baltimore every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Carlisle on Sunday by 7 p m.
128. From Baltimore, by Reifersstown, Winchester, Union Mills, Peterburg and Gettysburg, to Chambersburg once a week. Leave Baltimore every Wednesday at noon and arrive at Chambersburg on Friday by 7 p m. Leave Chambersburg every Sunday at 1 p m and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday by noon.
129. From Chambersburg, by Strasburg, Fainettsburg, Bedford Furnace, Thirleby, to Drakes on the Juniata. Leave Chambersburg every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Drakes on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Drakes every Tuesday noon, and arrive at Chambersburg on Wednesday by 6 p m.
130. From Alexandria, by Hollidaysburg, Branta, Armagh, Derry & Denniston, to Greensburg once a week. Leave Alexandria every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Greensburg on Sunday by 7 p m. Leave Greensburg every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Alexandria on Friday by 6 p m.
131. From Boonboro' Md. by Sharpsburg, Hagarstown, and Mifflinburg, to M'Connellstown once a week. Leave Boonboro' every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at M'Connellstown on Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave M'Connellstown on Tuesday by 1 p m and arrive at Boonboro' on Wednesday by 6 p m.
132. From Somersett, by Connellsville, Union, New Geneva & Morgantown to Clarkburg once a week. Leave Somersett every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Union by 3 p m and at Clarkburg on Wednesday by 7 p m. Leave Clarkburg every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Union on Saturday by 9 a m.
and at Somersett by 7 p m.
133. From Union, by B. walville & Washington to Waynesburg once a week. Leave Union every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Waynesburg on Wednesday by 11 a m. Leave Waynesburg every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at Union on Thursday by 7 p m.
134. From Pittsburgh by Butler c. h. Mercer c. h. Meadville, Crawford c. h. and Le Bec to Presque Isle once a week. Leave Pittsburgh every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Presque Isle on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Presque Isle every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Pittsburgh on Wednesday by 10 a m.
135. From Somersett to Berlin once a week. Leave Somersett every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Berlin by 8 a m. Leave Berlin at 11 a m and arrive at Somersett by 2 p m.
IN OHIO.
136. From Pittsburgh Pa. by Beaverstown, Georgetown, New Lisbon, Poland, Canfield & Youngstown to Warren once a week. Leave Pittsburgh every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at New Lisbon on Friday & at Warren on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Warren every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Pittsburgh on Wednesday by 6 p m.
137. From Warren by Mesopotamia, Windlo, Thompson, Tiumbull, Austinburg, Grand River, Euclid, Cleveland, Hudson, Ravenna, Deerfield, Ellsworth & Pultneya to Warren once a week. Leave Warren every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Cleveland on Monday by 9 a m. Leave Cleveland every Monday at 11 a m and arrive at Warren the next Wednesday by noon.
138. From Cleveland to Detroit once a week. Leave Cleveland every Monday at 10 a m and arrive at Detroit on Wednesday evening. Leave Detroit every Thursday at 9 a m and arrive at Cleveland on Monday by 8 a m.
139. From Brook c. h. Va. by Warrenton and Steubenville to New Lisbon once a week. Leave New Lisbon every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Brook c. h. by 6 p m. Leave Brook c. h. every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at New Lisbon by 6 p m.
140. From Brook c. h. to West Liberty in Virginia once a week. Leave Brook c. h. every Wednesday at 9 a m and arrive at West Liberty by 11 a m. Leave West Liberty every Wednesday at 1 p m & arrive at Brook c. h. by 3 p m.
141. From Wheeling in Va. by St. Clairsville, Zanesville, Springfield and New Lancaster to Chillicothe, once a week. Leave Wheeling every Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Zanesville on Sunday by 3 p m & at Chillicothe on Monday by 8 p m. Leave Chillicothe every Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Wheeling the next Thursday by 11 a m.
142. From Zanesville by Tullcora & Salem to Gnadenhutten once in two weeks. Leave Zanesville every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Gnadenhutten by 7 p m.—Leave Gnadenhutten every other Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Zanesville by 7 p m.
143. From Chillicothe to Franklinton once in two weeks.—Leave Chillicothe every other Tuesday at 8 a m & arrive at Franklinton on Wednesday by Wednesday by 10 a m.—Leave Franklinton every other Wednesday at 2 p m & arrive at Chillicothe on Thursday by 6 p m.
144. From Chillicothe by Pepee to Alexandria, once a week.—Leave Chillicothe every Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Alexandria by 6 p m.—Leave Alexandria every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Chillicothe by 8 p m.
145. From Browns Roads by New Market, Williamburg & Columbia to Cincinnati once a week.—Leave Browns Roads every Saturday at noon & arrive at Cincinnati on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Cincinnati every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Browns Roads on Wednesday by 10 a m.
146. From Cincinnati, by Hamilton, Franklin & Dayton to Staunton, thence by Springfield, Ludlow, Green c. h. Wayneville, Lebanon, Deerfield & Charleston to Cincinnati once a week.—Leave Cincinnati every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Cincinnati the next Saturday by 6 p m.
IN KENTUCKY.
147. From Chillicothe by Browns Roads, Manchester, Maysville, Lower Blue Licks, Paris, Lexington & Versailles to Frankfort, twice a week.—Leave Chillicothe every Tuesday & Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Browns Roads on Thursday & Monday by 11 a m & at Frankfort by 6 p m.— returning. Leave Frankfort every Tuesday & Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Lexington by noon & at Browns Roads on Thursday & Sunday at 1 p m & at Chillicothe by 8 p m.—Resting two hours at Washington in passing each way.
148. From Washington, by Augusta to Cincinnati, once a week.—Leave Washington every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Cincinnati on Thursday by 5 p m.—Leave Cincinnati every Friday at 5 a m & arrive at Washington on Saturday by 5 p m.
149. From Washington, by Fleming c. h. Upper Blue Licks, Slate Furnace, Mount sterling and Winchester to Lexington once a week. Leave Lexington every Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Washington the next Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Washington every Sunday at 8 a m & arrive at Lexington on Tuesday by 10 a m.
(To be continued.)
VENDUE.
To be sold at public vendue on Wednesday the 10th of April at 4 o'clock P. M. at the house of John Wall, north of the Seven Buildings.
ONE Light Travelling waggons and Gears for two horses—One Electrical Machine and apparatus—One Mandolin—36 sheets of Paintings of Prospective Views—Two Perspective Glasses, 40 Portrait Painting—One small Magnifying Glass.
Conditions cash.
April 5—tdf
A SALE.
ON Monday the 15th day of April next, at 12 o'clock if fair, if not the next fair day, The subscriber living on the premises, will offer at public sale to the highest bidder, a valuable
TRACT OF LAND.
Containing 275 acres, lying in Charles county state of Maryland, within half a mile of Nanjemoy Creek—about one half of the tract is cleared and under a good fence, the other half well wooded. It abounds in never failing springs of water. The soil is well adapted to tobacco, corn and wheat. The improvements are a large comfortable dwelling house, with other necessary buildings. The neighborhood consists of a genteel society of people, and the situation is pleasant and healthy. There are two mills for the grinding of grain, near to the said land; one within 1/4 and the other within 3/4 of a mile, with many other conveniences and advantages which it is considered unnecessary to mention in an advertisement, as those inclined to purchase may be more satisfactorily informed by viewing the land, &c.
The terms will be made known on the day of sale, or at any time previous thereto by application to JOSEPH ELGIN. March 27—tdf
VENDUE.
TO BE SOLD on the 15th day of April next at STELLE'S HOTEL, Capitol Hill—a variety of Household Furniture, consisting of Beds and Furniture, with a large collection of other furniture, belonging to the Hotel, too numerous to mention—All sums under 100 dollars cash, and above, nine months credit, the purchaser giving approved notes with endorsers, on the bank of this place, or George Town, no article to be removed till settled for. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock.
Washington, March 22—tdf
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, lately occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARAY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce.
 Genuine Cognac brandy.  Inferior French do.  Old Jamaica spirits, Madeira, Sherry, Lisbon, Claret, } Wines, by the quarter cask and case, or smaller quantity.  Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality.  Loaf and Lump, do.  Molasses, Firkin Butter, Mould Candles, Sower Oil, Spices of different kinds, Fig Blue, Starch, Almonds, Anchovies, } In bottles.  Capers, Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hyson, Imperial, Young Hyson. } Teas, fresh, and of superior quality.  Salt Herrings in Barrels. 
PETER MEALY, & Co.
Washington October 31—tdf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunneliff's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public, assuring them that 'tis his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and so to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty.
PONTIUS D. STELLE.
Washington City, March 25—tdf
One Hundred Dollars Reward.
ON Friday evening the 22nd inst. ROBERT W. PEACOCK, confined in the Jail of Washington County of the District of Columbia, upon a conviction of forgery at December Term, 1804, escaped from said Jail. He was before this conviction a practising Attorney in the City of Washington, and is very well known in Virginia and Maryland, having resided in both. He is a stout man, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, about 34 or 35 years of age, looks young of his age, has blue eyes, light face, fair and ruddy complexion, light hair, which he wears tied behind. He is also very much inclined to corpulency. Whoever apprehends the said felon, and secures him in any Jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward from DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. March 25—tdf
For SALE or RENT.
THE Tavern for some years past occupied by PONTIUS D. STELLE, It is situated on the Capitol Hill, and well calculated for a large and extensive business the situation is well known. Possession can be had after the 15th of April next—for terms apply to DANIEL CARROLL, of Duddington. Washington, March 21—tdf
RAGS.
THE highest price CASH, given for clean RAGS, by EDGAR PATTERSON, George town, and SAMUEL STETTNER, near the Centre market, Washington. March 8—tdf.
ADAM KING, to Co.
AT their wine Store in High street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 3—tdf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Besnet's cord, toiletries, fancy and white Marcellies, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silks, Marcellies, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regiments, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol; December 10—tdf
PROPOSALS
For carrying mails of the United States on the following post roads will be received at the General Post Office until the 20th day of April next.
 1 From Washington city to Halifax old c. h. once a week, estimated at 240 miles in three days. Leave Washington every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Halifax old c. h. on Monday by 8 p m. Leave Halifax old c. h. every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Washington on Thursday by 6 p m.  2 From Halifax old c. h. Va. to Pickenville's c. h. once a week, estimated at 276 miles, in 3 1/2 days. Leave Halifax old c. h. every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Pickenville the next Friday by 10 a m. Leave Pickenville every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Halifax old town on Monday by 8 p m.  3 From Pickenville to Coweta, Indiantown on Chatahoochee river, estimated at 280 miles, in 3 1/2 days. Leave Pickenville every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Coweta the next Monday by 6 p m. Leave Coweta every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Pickenville the next Friday by 10 a m.  4 From Coweta on Chatahoochee to Fort Stoddert once a week, estimated at 246 miles, in 3 1/2 days. Leave Coweta every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Friday by 10 a m. Leave Fort Stoddert every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Coweta the next Monday by 8 p m.  5 From Fort Stoddert to New Orleans once a week, estimated at 211 miles, in 3 days. Leave Fort Stoddert every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at New Orleans the next Monday by 8 p m. Leave New Orleans every Tuesday at 10 a m and arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Friday by 10 a m. 
NOTE.
The contracts are to be in operation on the first day of May next and are to continue in force until the 1st day of July 1806, on the usual penalties for failures and delays and other conditions. GIDEON GRANIER, Postmaster-General.
General Post-office, March 18, 1805—A 20 }
FOR SALE.
Eight hundred acres of Land.
IN Fauquier county state of Virginia, known by the name of Oakland Farm, distance about 22 miles from Frederickburg, and the same from Dumfries.
About three hundred acres of this land are under a fine growth of oak and hickory timber. The cleared land is included and well adapted to the culture of corn, wheat and tobacco, it is finely watered by a number of never failing springs, dispersed in such a manner in four separate inclosures, as to afford water for stock in great plenty. On the premises are a small mill and distillery, a strong frame dwelling house 44 feet by 20, finished in a plain and elegant style, a stone spring house compleatly finished, scullery and framing, sufficient for a kitchen and smoke house.
Any person inclining to purchase will be shown the land by Mr. Levan Oliver who lives near the place—the terms may be known by an application to Mr. John Love of said county and the title confirmed by the subscriber living in the city of Washington, district of Columbia. THOMAS THORPE. April 3—tdf
Bank of Columbia.
THE Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of Eight per cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the Stockholders or their representatives, on or after Wednesday the 20th inst.
WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 18—6w
THE members of the community of the Protestant Episcopal Church, in the city of Washington, and its vicinity, are respectfully requested to meet at Mr. Woodward's center tavern, on the Pennsylvania avenue, on Monday morning the 15th instant, precisely at 10 o'clock.
Washington, 8th April, 1805.
The Printers within the territory are respectfully desired to insert the above for the present week.