The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-01-09 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1287.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JANUARY 9, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CONTINUED.
December 7.
(Mr. Campbell's speech continued.)
But suppose you were to pursue this trade in opposition to those insuperable objections, its amount would be so inconsiderable, as to afford the country no sensible relief; it would not claim the public attention, and could in no point of view be considered as any compensation for the hazard you would incur of a ruinous and predatory war. I have made another brief statement from authentic sources, to shew the value of this trade to the respective countries, that had not, on the 22d December, 1807, passed edicts violating our commerce. This statement relates to the exports of the year ending the 30th September 1807.
Domestic produce.
   Countries. Exported.     Russia 78,850   Sweden 56,157   Colonies of Sweden 416,509   Portugal 829,313   Colonies of Portugal 570,303   Turkey and Barbary 12,878   African Western coast 359,724   China 84,022   South Sea and N. W. coast of America 14,162  
In all
2,432,118
These are all the countries, which at the time the embargo was laid had not passed orders or decrees violating your lawful commerce, and with which you had carried on any trade. Hamburg and Germany are not mentioned, being in possession of France. The whole amount of the commerce, that could be carried on with those countries, therefore, is as stated less than two millions and a half of dollars. For it must be confined to the exports of your own produce. I know there has been exported to the same countries, of foreign produce during the same period, about 3,351,917 dollars. But this amount cannot be taken into the calculation, for the reason already given relative to the former statement, that we could not obtain the foreign goods, which used to supply this branch of trade. It is also to be remarked here that our imports would be governed by our exports, and would not exceed them for want of means to pay for the surplus. But some gentlemen have lately said you can now go on the same terms to Spain and her colonies. There is no sufficient ground to believe that the ports of Spain are open to us; so far as she is controlled by France, her former decrees are still in force, and so far as she is governed by the new order that has lately arisen there, the Juntas, we have no assurance whatever from them on the subject; and what is still more important, our vessels sequestered in their ports have not yet been released. But suppose you could now go to Spain and her colonies, your exports to them in domestic produce are short of four millions of dollars; so that the whole trade you could pursue even at this time on the most extended plan proposed, and at the hazard of fighting the navy and privateers of Great Britain, as well as those of France, would be less than six and a half millions of dollars; which certainly would not even if we were to be guided by mercenary views, (which I hope will never control the councils of this nation, when its best interests and rights are at stake) be any adequate object for national humility and disgrace, or even for the danger to which you would expose your commerce, of becoming a sure and easy prey to the cruisers of both those powers.
But it is difficult to comprehend what precise object gentlemen have in view, on the subject of arming for defence. No specific proposition has been brought forward for arming your merchant vessels, that designated what gentlemen meant by the term; or what authority they contemplated giving them. To send out your commerce without arming, would be submission of the meanest and most humble kind. If you permit them to arm what is the consequence? If they are authorised to capture vessels belonging to the belligerents, this is war at once, and ought to be so understood; and if gentlemen are serious in the determination to go to war, let them say so, and we may probably join them. But if you do not authorise your merchantmen to capture, you send out your commerce to become a prey to both Great Britain and France, you expose your merchants to be plundered without a chance to retaliate. This would result in the destruc-
tion of your commerce, and would be almost as degrading to the nation, as unconditional submission.
I have presented these statements which I have made, in relation to the amount of commerce, that could be enjoyed according to any plan suggested, and the probable result of pursuing any such commerce, not so much with the expectation of being able to give the House much new information, as with the view to correct misrepresentations which have been made on this floor, and have gone abroad on this subject. I shall compress the additional remarks I have to make within as narrow a compass as may be in my power. It was observed in regard to the embargo, that it has been approved of by France, and not complained of by Great Britain. This is a question which I feel no disposition to examine in this place. Whether this assertion be correct or not, I should presume could not affect the decision of the question before you. If it be correct, however, if those powers are satisfied with the embargo it proves beyond a doubt, that those who announced it as a war measure last year were totally mistaken, and that all their objections to it on that ground (and that was the principle ground on which it was then opposed) were altogether unfounded; this it would seem might silence them on this subject. But it may be proper to observe that those powers have no right to object to it, however hard it may press upon them. It is a municipal regulation, a measure we have an undoubted right to adopt, without being considered just cause of complaint to any foreign nation. But, sir, so far as regards the fact as stated, I am not disposed to believe it; there is no substantial proof to support it. The best information shews the embargo has made a very serious impression, on the people of Great Britain, and has had a powerful effect there, though it may not have produced the desired result. Facts speak stronger language, than anything stated in official letters from Secretaries, or announced in newspapers. The insurrections of the starving mechanics, the high price of provisions, the alarms throughout that whole country on account of apprehended famine, are strong proofs of the operation of the embargo. But if it did not produce the effects in that country which might have been expected, we cannot be responsible for that. We are not accountable for the conduct of foreign nations; and the circumstance of their not feeling a measure as strongly as might have been expected, is no sufficient reason why we should not persevere in it, if it is a wise and proper measure, productive of good effects at home; it has certainly saved our property and hitherto kept us free from the calamities of war. If it has not, however, produced all the good effects that were expected, there are many strong reasons can be assigned for it, that could not have been foreseen, and were not within the control of those who passed it; among these may be mentioned the numerous evasions of it in certain parts of the union, which were shamefully countenanced by many whose standing in society gave just grounds to expect from them a different line of conduct. By these means the measure was deprived of much of its coercive efficacy; many of the most corrupt and profligate characters enriched themselves at the expence of the honest part of society, and at the same time to the great benefit of the enemies of their country. In saying this I do not mean to apply the remark to any general section of the country, but to the individuals concerned in the violations of the law, and those who encouraged or countenanced them; their conduct will stain their characters and names with reproach for ages to come. It is a kind of treason against the state, of the most insidious and dangerous kind; like murder produced by poison, it corrodes the vitals of the body politic, in so secret a manner that the perpetrator most generally evades the punishment his crime so justly deserves. Such characters, and those who countenance them, ought to be detected if possible, and severely punished; they ought to be marked as enemies to their country; in particular they ought to be distinguished as enemies to the commercial interest of the nation; having at the expence of the honest merchant, aided those who have endeavored to extinguish the vital principles of your commerce; they have robbed their own country to befriend and support its enemies; and so in effect do all those who, at this awful crisis, oppose and revile
their own government, and justify or excuse the aggressions of foreign powers; but let them remember the day of retribution is probably near at hand, when they may have to account for their conduct in a summary way; when they must determine to which side they belong, to America or to Great Britain; when they must they must take their stand in the ranks of their own country or declare for its enemies; the time must soon arrive when this distinction will be made, and then, I trust, it will appear who are the real friends of their country, and who are rotten hearted foreigners.
Other circumstances contributed, no doubt, very much to prevent the embargo from producing that effect on foreign nations which might have been expected; of these may be noticed the numerous misrepresentations that were industriously disseminated abroad, in regard both to the pressure of it on the people here, and to their disposition to submit to and support the measure. Its pressure was exaggerated, and painted in the most extravagant colours, without regard to truth; the spirit of the people was misrepresented, as being in general hostile to the law, and disposed to resist its execution; when in fact the discontents were confined to a very small section of the union, and excited there by the leaders of a small faction, many of whom are evidently the agents or warmest friends of Great Britain, and all of whom are the bitter enemies of their own government, and have for years opposed every measure calculated to promote the interest of this country. Your public prints teemed with falsehoods, and misstatements on this subject; insurrections were announced in some quarters of the union as likely to take place, and dreadful distress stated to prevail every where. These groundless misrepresentations, circulated for party purposes alone, went abroad, and had, no doubt, considerable influence on the conduct of foreign nations; they gave credit to them, and were induced to believe that the people of this country would not endure a continuance of the embargo; that they would soon force the government to repeal it. Those powers encouraged by such publications, determined, notwithstanding they were sorely pressed by the embargo, to persevere in their aggressions, under the hope that we would not long continue this measure, and that we would ultimately submit to their terms. To this shameful conduct of a portion of your own people, sir, this country owes in a great degree the continuance of its present difficulties, and the inefficacy of the embargo. The great outcry made with regard to the distress and pressure produced by this measure at home, is in a considerable degree unfounded; your people do not suffer in any part of the union, for want of the necessaries of life; they have a superabundance of them; there is no such thing as suffering for want, known in this country; there is only a temporary pause in the rapid acquisition of wealth; a cessation of profits only; I do not mean to be understood to say, that the American people do not feel the embargo, I know they do feel it sensibly; and they must have expected to feel any measure that would be likely to press hard on those who violate their rights. But the great difference between its effects on us and on them is this: among our people it occasions a superabundance of all the necessaries of life, and the only ground of complaint is, the want of a market for the surplus; whilst their people suffer and complain aloud for want of enough of the necessaries of life, essential for their subsistence, and which they cannot obtain from any other quarter. No one will hesitate on deciding whose situation is most eligible, and least to be complained of, that of those who have too much, or of those who have not enough to subsist upon. Another reason may also be assigned, why we could not anticipate the precise effect of the embargo on foreign powers; we could not foresee, that the governments of those powers would not regard the distress and sufferings of their people; that France would suffer her West India colonies to be almost desolated with famine, and to be compelled to apply to their inveterate enemy, to save them from actual starvation, rather than revoke her decrees; nor could we know that the government of Great Britain would be regardless of the complaints and representations of her manufacturers, and a respectable portion of her merchants; that it would lend a deaf ear to the hungry cries of the
starving mechanics, and silence the just and loud complaints with thunder of their murdering gun and quenching their hunger with shower of balls instead of bread; we cannot be culpable for not anticipating such events.
It has been said by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Quincy) that the people of New England will descend upon the ocean—that they will not bear this measure. If this be intended as a threat—if the gentleman meant that the people of New England are determined to resist the laws of the union, let him say so; let us know it, and we will act accordingly. [Mr. Quincy said, he did not mean or think, that they would resist the laws.] Mr. Campbell continued. I am happy to hear the gentleman explain his expressions in the manner he has done, it will render unnecessary some remarks I intended to make on that point. I hope, sir, these people will not oppose the laws of their country. I feel a confidence that the genius of liberty has not deserted New England, and that a large majority of the people there would rally round the standard of their government when the occasion required it. From the best information I have been able to obtain, the people of one of those states, (I mean Connecticut) which has generally differed in political sentiments from the present administration, still retain the spirit of independence, and a sense of the value of their constitution and civil liberties—and would be among the first to put down any open opposition to the laws—to crush in embryo the demon of insurrection. This, sir, I hope is true, it befits the surviving of spirit '76—it is highly honorable to those people—it proves them to be honest in their sentiments and good citizens. While the laws passed by a constitutional majority are in force they will support them; still they may justly claim the right, if they do not think them wholesome, to disapprove of them and use all constitutional means to procure their repeal. I would, sir, still indulge a strong hope, that a large majority of the people of the very state from which the gentleman (Mr. Quincy) comes, would, when called upon support the laws of their country, and punish the lawless wretches who dare openly set up the standard of opposition. If gentlemen acknowledge that this is the case, I trust we shall not again hear the language of menace on this floor. On this subject I concur perfectly in sentiment with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) that if any portion of the people oppose a public law they must be reduced to submission, and I would be among the first to compel obedience to it—and I would also, as stated by the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Nelson) if the disease required bleeding, use the lancet and that promptly too. Yes, sir, whoever would attempt to raise the standard of insurrection, should be made a public example of, as the enemy to independence and civil liberty—as the agent or tool of a foreign power.
It has been repeatedly said, that the people of New England will not bear this measure, that there will be a separation of the states. Such sentiments cannot be entertained or countenanced by any true American—by any friend to his country. They may be cherished by the agents and tools of G. Britain—by the enemies of our constitution and independence, and by them alone. A separation of this union, sir, can never be contemplated or countenanced by any portion of the people, even of New England, who are real Americans. Such a disposition can only exist among a few unprincipled and restless spirits, who regardless of the general good, wish to become the petty tyrants of the people in that quarter—to lord it over them—make them groan under heavy taxes and finally strip them of their liberty and independence; and probably to render their object more certain, would throw themselves under the fostering care of G. Britain, and become openly, what they now are secretly, her very minions and humble tools.
To enable them to effect this object, they may endeavor, under false pretences, to spirit up the people there to a severance of the union, in order to withdraw them from the protection of the general government and constitution, which guarantees to every state a republican form of government, and is to the people their shield against tyranny and oppression. To this group, however, this insignificant group alone, must be confined any intention or disposition whatever to oppose the laws or sever
the union. The great body of the Americans of New England who descended from the illustrious heroes of '76, and who hold dear the liberty and independence for which their fathers fought and bled, will not endeavor to sab the very vitals of their own country—they will not enlist under foreign banners—they will not in the day of danger be arrayed against their country—they will be found in the ranks, who dare to fight and shed their best blood for their country. But if the people of that quarter were to consider this proposition of a separation from the union correctly, even in a pecuniary point of view, and as regards their own interest alone, they must reject it, without hesitation. A great proportion, (at least four fifths) of the shipping of New England, find employment in carrying to market the produce of the middle, southern and western states. The whole produce of their own soil, does not exceed in value seven or eight millions of dollars, out of 48 millions exported by the U. S. whilst the single article of cotton in the southern and western states, exceeds in value fourteen millions of dollars. They are therefore the mere carriers for the middle and southern states. Cut off their connection and commerce with them, and where would they find employment for their immense tonnage or which they so much boast? What would become of it? Where would they get employment for their seamen? Their ships would rot at their wharves, or float empty upon the ocean—they could not furnish them with cargoes, and their boasted commerce would soon dwindle away into a mere trifle compared with its present flourishing condition. Have gentlemen who make these insinuations about a separation of New England from the union, seriously considered the subject in these points of view, and fairly weighed the consequences? If they have not, it is high time they should. These remarks are made to shew that New England cannot possibly have any interest in such a measure—that on the contrary it would be ruinous to the best interests of the people, and cannot therefore, unless they are totally deluded, be countenanced by them.
It is with some reluctance I come to notice some remarks made by a gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Quincy) with respect to the report under consideration—that abstract legislation generally proceeds from ignorance, or wickedness, or—[Mr. Quincy requested to explain, he said his remarks were intended to apply to the doctrines recommended, and not to the style of the report or the committee who made it.]—Mr. Campbell proceeded, I shall, sir, generally be willing to take gentlemen's gentleman's explanation of the meaning of what they have said. I had intended to make some observations in answer to the remarks of the gentleman on this point, as I understood them, as relating to the report; but as it is now stated they were not intended to apply to the committee, or the report itself, I shall omit those remarks and say nothing on that point. The gentleman however, in another place observed, that the principles contained in the report were loathsome. I do not sit, profess to comprehend his meaning very distinctly, when he applies the term loathsome to the principles of the report. A principle may be incorrect or improper to be supported, but how it can be loathsome is not very obvious—[Mr. Quincy said he had alluded to the course, not the principles]—I will take the gentleman's explanation, (said Mr. C.) tho' I took his words down as I have stated them; the course proposed is loathsome; this amounts to the same thing; the course proposed is founded on the principles assumed, and the facts stated in the report, and consists of the resolutions annexed thereto. How these can be called loathsome is rather difficult to comprehend. But it seems there was a loathing produced; perhaps the appetite was vicious, and not the food presented impure or unwholesome; or are we to understand that the resolution before you, which has been called weak, and so self-evident as not to admit of a doubt, has become so strong as to operate on the gentleman's delicate political stomach as an emetic, and occasion the discharge of that venomous gall, a rancorous enmity to the government, which seems to exist in such abundance, and which is so liberally bestowed on most occasions, by that gentleman and others? Should this be the case the result may be favorable one, and less of these bitter invectives may be expected for the future than has been usual. But those kinds of objec-

tions to the report must arise from one of two causes; either from defects in the report itself, or from a bluntness of mental optics in those who make the objections. If indeed they are sincere. The report is now however before the public, and they will decide, and no doubt correctly, to which of these causes we ought to ascribe all the unqualified censure we have heard against it. I shall willingly acquiesce in their decision. It may not be improper here to remark that notwithstanding the hard names by which the gentleman has called the principles of this report, he has not ventured to deny the correctness of one of them—he has not denied the aggressions therein stated to have been committed on our rights by the belligerents, nor has he attempted to show that there is any other course, which we could pursue, better calculated to resist those aggressions, than that presented in the report. This renders it unnecessary for me at this time to enter into a further investigation of this part of the subject. When gentlemen specify their objections to the course we propose, or present us with their project, we shall endeavor to answer the one and examine the other.
Gentlemen appear so anxious and determined to produce, if possible, a conviction among the people, that they are oppressed by the embargo, that no matter what question is before the House, their constant theme is the pressure of the embargo, the distress it produces, and the ruin it will bring on the country. This mournful tale is repeated on every occasion, and painted in the highest and most extravagant colors. One gentleman (Mr. R.) at the close of one of those exaggerated representations, inquired what he shall do with his third crop of tobacco? The answer to this will equally apply to many other enquiries of a similar nature, made during this discussion. What would he do with it if the embargo was at this moment removed? You could not send it to the continent, because you are prohibited by the British orders in council. If you should even submit to Great Britain, and at the expence of national disgrace, send your tobacco there, she consumes less than 10,000 hogsheads of it, out of about 90,000, which is annually exported, and the price that could be obtained for that portion at a market so glutted, would not pay the freight. What then would you do with it, suppose the embargo was off? The same you do now; keep it in your warehouses, until there is a market open for it. The gentleman intimated you might carry it to Sweden, and find a market for it at Gottemburgh, and that it would find its way from thence to the continent; on what ground this last assertion is made I cannot comprehend. It is well known that Sweden is at war with Russia, and it may be said with all the powers on the continent; that she has no communication with them, and that all their ports are shut against her. Produce of any kind could not therefore find its way to the continent through her ports; and she herself consumes but a very small quantity of tobacco. Taking off the embargo therefore would not furnish a market for this article—until the orders of council are revoked you can have no market for tobacco.
But another ground has been taken and much relied upon, that the Treasury is drained by the operation of the embargo, and the sources of your revenue dried up. This argument, like most others which have been made against this measure, rests entirely upon ascribing effects to the wrong cause. They ascribe to the embargo what is really produced by the orders and decrees of the belligerents; and all that has been already said to show that those orders and decrees, and not the embargo, destroyed your commerce, will apply in this case, and show that they in fact, and not the embargo, drained your treasury and dried up the sources of your revenue. For it is certain that so long as your revenue depends upon your commerce, whatever destroys your commerce of course cuts up your revenue. It has already been shown that if your commerce went upon the ocean it would be captured; and it surely cannot be pretended that the capture of your vessels and property by Great Britain, would increase the receipts in your Treasury, or open for you new sources of revenue. It must be much better to have your treasury empty and your property at home, than to be deprived of your property and have your treasury also drained; nor can it be pretended that for the sake of a commerce worth only three or even six millions of dollars, you ought to surrender your best rights, or hazard the calamities of a predatory war on your own merchants. The revenue to be raised from such a commerce would be inconsiderable, and I trust that on a question involving the independence of our country, we shall not be governed by mercenary views alone, or by the effect it may have on our finances. If the only enquiry was how we should replenish the treasury, the case would be different, the effect of measures on the treasury ought to be the principal point to be ascertained. But at
such a crisis as the present, the questions of maintaining your independence and increasing your revenue, ought to be kept separate and distinct. You ought to protect and preserve unimpaired the rights of your people, whatever the effect on the treasury might be; so long as the people have their property & rights secure & are independent you are safe; a rich people and an empty treasury, is much better than a poor people and an overflowing treasury. They will always support their government so long as it acts correctly. Should direct taxes become necessary they will cheerfully pay them, because they would be on their own account and for their own interest, (though there is no ground to believe that such will be case) and it is chimerical, it is a mere slander upon the good sense of the people, to suppose that such a measure would either produce a separation of the Union, or lead to a consolidation of the state authorities into the general government. There can be no pretext for such alarms. But, sir, the treasury is at this time more abundantly filled, than it has been at any former period, and there are reasonable grounds to expect we shall be able to replenish it, before it is entirely exhausted. But surely the nerves of a gentleman must be of a very delicate texture, when they tremble so much for the fate of the nation, because our revenue may not have been as productive the present year as it was the last. There can be no good ground for such extraordinary palpitations, on this subject. The American people will always furnish the means to maintain their rights, and support their government, if those means are properly applied.
I shall close the remarks I have to make at present on this subject, by calling on those gentlemen who oppose the present course, to give us the plan they wish to pursue, and let us know the grounds upon which they act. Do they deny the aggressions stated to have been committed on our commerce and neutral rights by the belligerents? If they do, let them inform us which of those powers they consider justifiable in her conduct. If on the contrary they do not—if they admit those aggressions were committed on our rights, are they willing to resist them? Are they determined to vindicate the rights & independence of their country? If they are we wish to know in what manner. If they are not willing to pursue the measures of resistance we propose, of a total interdiction of intercourse with those powers, will they assume a higher ground? Will they prefer war? If they do, this is one of the alternatives presented in the report. We wish to know what measures they are willing to adopt for the safety of the nation. The crisis is awful. The time has come to unite the people of America—we join issue with the gentlemen as to temporising policy—we are for decisive measures—we have not, we will not now temporise. We say there is no middle course. We are in the first place for cutting off all intercourse with those powers who trample upon our rights; if that will not prove effectual, we say take the last alternative, war, with all its calamities, rather than submission or national degradation. This is the time for every man to take his stand in the ranks on one side or the other. There can no longer be but two denominations of characters in this country; friends and foes; dangers thicken around, and threaten us from abroad; it is therefore high time for domestic differences to cease; the period has arrived at which every man in the nation must be called upon to rally round the standard of American freedom; when he must declare whether he will be for his country or against his country; whether he will be an American or a traitor!
RICHARD PARROTT. Has just arrived at Alexandria, on board the Sea-Plover, capt. Marshall from Savannah. 75 tierces Rice, 20 bales cotton, (best quality), And in Store, (at his Warehouse, George Town) at Wholesale or Retail, 5000 bushels, Isle May, Turk's Island, St. Ubes, ground Allum and Blown Salt. 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 2 pipes Gin, 3 hds. Antigua Rum, 2 do. Jamaica do. 9 do. Molasses, 3 do. Loaf and Lump Sugars, 5 do. & 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 200 casks Boston Lime, 8 casks Goshen Cheese, 100 barrels Tar, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Bohea, Coffee, Allspice, Pepper, Mustard, Mould & Dipt Candles, Soap, Snuff. Fish Oil, Plaister Paris (ground & in stone) Bacon, Pork, Herring, Whiskey, Flour, Meal, Corn, Rye, and Flax-seed. Philadelphia Bar Iron, Boiled Linseed Oil, in jugs of 3 gallons each, Bed-cords, Plough-Lines, Traces, Sails, Twine, and Cordage of every description. Cash and liberal prices given for well cleaned country Hemp, Provisions, and Produce. RICHARD PARROTT. January 9th
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, JANUARY 9.
MARRIED in the vicinity of Baltimore, William A. Burnell, Esq. a Representative in Congress from the state of Virginia, to Miss Letitia MacCreery.
We congratulate the nation on the passage of the bill more effectually to enforce the Embargo. It has passed the Senate by a majority of 20 to 7; and the House of Representatives by a majority of 71 to 32. As might have been expected, it has been opposed by the enemies of the embargo both within and without the walls of the Capitol, with a vehemence characteristic of the spirit of the opposition. Let the American people mark this spirit, let them never cease to remember it, so long as they value their independence, or are determined to maintain their rights. It was hoped, at a crisis solemn as that of seventy-six, when the wrongs of foreign powers called upon the whole nation to rise in resistance, that the voice of party would have been hushed, and that we should once more have shown ourselves "all republicans, all federalists," or, with greater correctness, Americans . But the hope has long since vanished! The outs will, if they can, get in, by any means; and, consequently, when union is more requisite than ever, their effort is to divide the people from their government; and thus to destroy its energy, & disgrace it in the eyes of the world.
No sooner was this bill published than the hornets of the East attacked it with all their fury. Language, the most opprobrious, imputations the most scandalous, and falsehoods the most infamous, were levelled against the best and greatest men in the nation. To enforce the embargo was, indeed, an unpatronable offence! It went to the root of the existing evil—to destroy torvism—to prevent it from gathering a rich harvest, filched from the honest members of the community. Hence, the prints of the Essex Junto were instantly in full cry! Hence the liberties of the nation were endangered! Hence the Constitution was gone! To enforce a law, forced upon us by the injustice of our enemies, was treason! All who supported it traitors!
Mr. Giles had the honor of reporting this bill to the Senate on the 8th of December. After lying for weeks, the Senate took it up for consideration, but such was the opposition given to it in that body by the enemies of the embargo, that even so late as the 21st of that month it required a night session to get a question; and the walls of that honorable body resounded with the cry of precipitation, precipitation , although thirteen days had elapsed from its submission to the Senate.
It goes to the House, and there it instantaneously excites a storm. Time is demanded, implored . It is given—Several days elapse before the discussion is entered into, although the infamous violations of the embargo, and the voice of an indignant people call for immediate measures. When brought up, objections are started; they are listened to with respect; the bill is recommitted and amended. Ample time for its consideration is allowed, before it is again acted on. At last the patience of the majority is exhausted, and a resolute, a patriotic purpose is formed, not to adjourn until it is passed. Thanks to the nerve of the body, this purpose is maintained with inflexible firmness. Every thing is heard with patience, that could be urged against it; the discussion continues from twelve at noon till seven o'clock of the ensuing day; when the final question is taken, and the triumph of patriotism stands manifest in the great, the overwhelming majority of 39.
Let the nation hail this as the first great step actually taken this session, to bring our enemies to a sense of justice or to punish them for its violation. Let them hail it as the harbinger of energy and concord in the other great measures still to be adopted.
During this sitting the Speaker of the House was in the chair nineteen hours, the longest period in which the House has ever set in its legislative capacity. During all this time he conducted himself with a dignity, calmness and forbearance, equally honorable to himself, and to the body over which he so ably presides.
In our last paper, we presented to our readers a concise notice of the invaluable discovery of the successful cultivation of the Sugar Cane in Georgia. The following letter adds some facts to those stated in that article.
Cultivation of the Sugar Cane in Georgia. Extract of a letter from Dr. Mitchell to the Society of Arts in New-York. Washington, January 2, 1809. "By an arrival from Sapelo, in Georgia, Mr. Spalding has forwarded to Governor Milledge, at Washington, some fine specimens of Sugar Cane, which grew upon that island. This plant is of the Ouaheie species,
and was introduced by Mr. Spalding about three years ago. The opinion of good judges is exceedingly favorable to the growth and sweetness of this Cane. About three acres are already under cultivation, and the plants are of a very promising aspect. From the experiments made upon the Cane, it is found to afford abundance of saccharine matter. The juice when boiled has already afforded a very rich syrup; and when the crops shall be sufficiently enlarged and matured for the erection of proper works, no doubt is entertained of its being capable of crystallizing into good grained sugar. Sapelo is situated on the coast of Georgia, about half way between the Mouth of the Savannah and St. Mary's rivers. It is supposed that all the land south of Sapelo, and which is favorable to the cultivation of sea-island cotton, may be converted into sugar plantations."
Our countrymen will do well not to treat the following article too lightly.
St. John's, (Antigue,) Nov. 15. We have been favoured with the following Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this island, dated Demerara, 17th Oct. 1808.
"It is a fact that an expedition of some magnitude is fitting out at Halifax, and to take with it a great number of flat-bottomed boats, which cannot be wanted in the West Indies. It will call at this island for the 13th regiment, which is now in readiness to embark at a moment's warning—its destination is of course unknown; but it is conjectured that, in case America does not act, on the meeting of Congress, in an open and explicit manner, an attack will be made, (at our instigation and with our support,) by the Spaniards from Florida, with intent to regain possession of Louisiana."
The above conjecture certainly does not appear probable. We imagine these flat-bottomed boats would be at least as unnecessary on the friendly coast of Florida, where no opposition would be made to the landing of our little army as on the bold, but hostile shores of Martinique and Guadalupe. Indeed, more so, for, in the invasion of an enemy's country it is always desirable to disembark troops in as large bodies as possible; and for this purpose the common boats of our men of war are by no means so well calculated as those with flat bottoms. In addition, it is not likely that there should be a sufficient number of Spanish soldiers in Florida to retain possession of Louisiana, even when supported by our small expedition, and supposing them fortunate enough in the first instance to overrun that country; nor can any hope be entertained of assistance from Old Spain at the present period. But there is one more powerful consideration which alone overthrows this conjecture, namely, that no war exists between Great Britain and America, nor is there now likelihood of it more, from all we can learn, than for some time past. Upon the whole, notwithstanding the flat-bottomed boats, no object seems so probable as the French colonies in these seas.
Mr. Elliott, brother of Lord Minto, has been appointed to the government of these islands, Gen. Beckworth to that of Barbadoes, and Sir Charles Brisbane to St. Vincent.
SENATE.—JANUARY 7.
The amendments of the House of Representatives, to the bill for enforcing the embargo were taken into consideration, which, after much debate, were finally agreed to about three o'clock. The decision on most of them was Ayes 23—Nones 7.
The bill consequently only requires the signature of the President to be a law.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, January 5.
MR. CHITTENDEN'S RESOLUTION. Mr. Bassett, from the committee of the whole, to whom this resolution was referred, and which had it yesterday under consideration, reported, that for a want of a sufficient number of members to do business, the committee was dissolved—an incident believed to be novel in legislation.
The Speaker decided, that in consequence of this procedure, the resolution was now at the disposal of the House.
ENFORCING THE EMBARGO.
On motion of Mr. Nicholas, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Bassett in the chair, on the bill for enforcing the embargo, and the several acts supplementary thereto.
Mr. Elliot said he should commence where he left off the day before yesterday, & proceed in the discussion with all the spirit consistent with coolness. He went almost through the bill section by section, commenting at length upon them. To every section he stated specific objections. Before he concluded his remarks, however, the chairman observed that the gentleman could not object to sections, which had been amended as they could not according to the rules of the House be struck out; and there was now no motion for the committee to rise. And Mr. E. closed his remarks, with an intimation that he would renew them at a future stage of the business.
The committee then rose and reported the bill. The amendments having been gone through,
Mr. Epes offered a new section to the bill repealing so much of the supplementary act of March 12th last, as empowers the President to permit vessels to depart from the United States, to bring in property. This power he said was now not necessary, whatever it might have been, and had been made a pretext for evasions.—Agreed to without opposition.
Mr. Pitkin moved to strike out of the 9th section the words in italic in the following: "That the collector
of all the districts, &c. shall be authorised to seize produce, &c. when there is reason to believe that they are intended for exportation, or when in vessels, carts, waggons, sleighs, or any other carriage, or in any manner apparently, on their way towards the territories of a foreign nation, or the vicinity thereof, or towards a place where such articles are intended to be exported." He believed that it gave a despotic power to collectors, with military force, to arrest any property going out of the country—to take even a trunk of a citizen, which might have money in it, going from one part of the country to any place where it might probably be exported. This power to seize property in any vessels, carts, sleighs, &c. "apparently on their way towards the territories of a foreign nation" was arbitrary and despotic. Not a cart he said, could travel northwardly but was going towards the territories of a foreign nation, but would be subject to this despotic power, &c. No similar power had ever been given by any law passed in this country or any other. A man could not carry his wheat to market if the mill lay in a direction towards a foreign country, without being liable to seizure. The 4th article of the amendments to the constitution, says, "The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized." What was "unreasonable seizure"? If this power to seize authorised by the bill were not unreasonable, he could not see what was. Was not this a violation of this article of the constitution? In article 5th no man "shall be compelled in any criminal case to be witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law." If deprived of his property in this way, was it not, he asked, taking his property without due process of law? If the article of the constitution meant anything the bill proposed a violation of it. Mr. Pitkin also adverted to the novelty, if not unconstitutionality of giving over maritime courts jurisdiction over occurrences taking place on the land. He feared for the consequences of the thing, if the law was enforced. Whilst gentlemen took measures professedly for defending our rights on the ocean, he begged them to take care not to destroy them on the land. The bill was to maintain our right to sail without impediment from either of the belligerents; and for this purpose they were about to destroy the rights for which we had even fought and bled. Thinking thus, he felt himself bound to move the amendment, though he feared it would not be agreed to, for he perceived that this bill was promptly to pass by an overwhelming majority. He did not believe that this bill was necessary to enforce the embargo; and if it was, it was one of the strongest arguments against the embargo itself.
Mr. Bassett observed that all the arguments of the gentleman had been directed against the word "towards." The striking out "towards" and inserting "to" would obviate his objections. Gentlemen talked of arbitrary measures. Did gentlemen suppose that the powers here given to collectors was any way as arbitrary as must exist in military officers in case of war? The advocates of the embargo had adopted that measure as a lesser evil to avoid war. Was it arbitrary to keep produce at home and to compel those who had not the fear of God before their eyes and love of country in their hearts, to respect the laws of their country? Surely not; it was but justice. Was not the design to make laws operate equally, both honorable and laudable? Surely it was. What was so arbitrary in the bill? The objections seemed so changeable, so Proteus-like, that they could not be ascertained. It was altogether destructive of republicanism to say that we could not enforce or support our laws. Laws might be partially evaded; but they must be rendered generally effectual, and that was the object of this bill.
Mr. Epes said that if he coincided in opinion with the gentleman from Connecticut on the subject of the bill, he should unquestionably vote against it; but he could not believe that it either violated the constitution or established a new jurisdiction. He was well convinced that if the gentleman from Connct. would attend to our revenue laws, he would find infinitely greater powers had been given by them. In almost the first revenue law which had been passed under this constitution important by land had been wholly prohibited; and he asked the attention of the House to the terms of the law, because it provided that our revenue officers had exercised jurisdiction on land as well as on water. He read the 70th section of the "act to provide more effectually for the collection of duties imposed by law on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the U. States and on the tonnage of ships and vessels," as follows:

That no goods, wares or merchandise of foreign growth or manufacture, subject to the payment of duties, shall be brought into the United States from any foreign port or place in any other manner than by sea, nor in any ship or vessel of less than thirty tons burthen, except within the district of Louisiana, nor shall be landed or unladen at any other place than as by this act directed, under the penalty of seizure and forfeiture of all such vessels, and of the goods, wares or merchandise brought in, landed or unladen, in any other manner. And all goods, wares and merchandise brought into the United States by land, contrary to this act, shall be forfeited, together with the carriages, horses and oxen that shall be employed in conveying the same; provided nothing herein shall be construed to extend to household furniture and clothing, belonging to any person or persons actually residing into any part of the United States, for the purpose of becoming an inhabitant or inhabitants thereof."
It is plain, Mr. Eppes said was precisely the same with that now proposed. The section was not now in force, but other provisions were substituted in its place. Mr. Eppes quoted several other parts of laws, in which were given to the collectors a power to search all ralts, boats, carriages, and to stop them when suspected, &c. and in which vessels going from one port to another of the same state, were compelled to take clearance or give bond and security, and persons carrying property even over land, were required to give security. And yet said Mr. E. when we now propose to give the same power in the very same words, we are told that we are violating the constitution and destroying the rights of the citizen! The constitution he said had wisely provided that the citizen should be secure in his person and property. But if a man's property were found under such circumstances as to authorize a belief that he intended to violate a law of the U. S. was it an infraction of the right of the citizen to compel him to give bond that he will not? The very gentlemen themselves who raised this outcry, had passed laws stronger than this. It was against the amendment proposed, because it authorized no seizures in any situation in which property would not be liable to seizure for infraction of the present revenue laws.
Mr. Dana could not subscribe to the opinion of the gentleman from Virginia that the principles of this bill were recognized in the revenue laws. He said he would enter into no examination of the question whether an embargo, laid indefinitely without limitation of time, was constitutional or not. But he objected to this part of the bill: that it authorized the officers of the U. S. to seize property to which the U. S. had no claim. In every case where property became forfeited in consequence of a contravention of the law, that property might, without violating general principles, be seized by the officers acting for the public. The act of seizure brings it before the court, and if ascertained to be forfeited, it is immediately liable to confiscation. This was not the case in the present bill; for the person whose property was seized, was permitted to have it again on giving security for its value. The very idea of a man's regaining his property on giving security, was incompatible with the seizure of goods as forfeited. The suspicion of an intent to evade the law could be no ground for seizure. In the case of the revenue laws, the very fact of goods being found within the lines, not having paid duty, was ipso facto evidence of their being forfeited, transferred the property to the use of the U. S. and make it liable to seizure. On this ground therefore he thought the part which was moved to be stricken out wholly unwarranted.
Mr. D. R. Williams suggested a modification of the amendment which he believed would satisfy the fastidiousness (for so he was compelled to call it) of the gentlemen from Connecticut. He observed that it used to be penal for a man even to move any part of his property after sundown, and yet he believed that none of the distress had been felt from that law which gentlemen seemed to apprehend from this law.
Mr. Livermore thought this section and indeed the whole bill could not be understood by gentlemen, or there could be no difference of opinion on the subject. The bill indeed had been very essentially altered since it came from the Senate; for, before it was amended, it contained a provision by which a collector, who had any particular hatred to any man, might go with a band of soldiers and seize his property. [Mr. Eppes denied that the bill had contained any such provision.] Mr. Livermore said that the collector was authorized to seize property when he believed it intended for exportation, not confining the right of seizure to any particular limits, were it not for the amendment made by the House. If money had been accumulated in a bank, Mr. L. said that it might have been seized under a pretence of a suspicion that it was intended for exportation. And as the bill now stood, suppose a man travelling from this place to Baltimore, which is an exporting place,
having with him in his carriage or vehicle a sum of money, it would be in the power of any person to seize it, saying that it was intended for exportation, and keep it till he had been able to procure security for its retention in the U. S. What would be the consequence if this power should be tyrannically exercised? Why, the revenue officer might be sued for damages, &c. Mr. L. made some observations on the subject of the process in this case, &c. He considered this bill as vesting arbitrary powers in the Executive, and oppressive to the citizen. This, he said, was the way in which all countries had lost their liberties, by gradual assumptions and delegations of powers. Rome had not established a dictatorship in a day; gradual approaches were always made to despotism. He said he should vote against the amendment and against the bill, because he did believe, if passed, it would be subversive of the liberties of the people of the U. S.
Mr. Eppes said, that the gentleman from Massachusetts must have lately taken a trip to the island of Tribula, described by Dean Swift, and received some instructions from the artists who were so dexterous in finding out hidden meanings in words, for instance, that a flock of geese signified a senate, a bazzard a prime minister, &c.; because he had given meanings to the bill, which could not be justified by the language of the bill, or fairly inferred from it. The bill as sent from the Senate, Mr. Eppes said, did not authorize any such seizure; and he asked the gentleman from Massachusetts, as a lawyer, whether any collector would dare to violate the constitution by attempting to search a house without a warrant? The gentleman knew that he could not; that law could not give such a power. The gentleman had told them that Roman liberty had not been destroyed at once. If they looked into Roman history they would find that Rome was once saved by the braying of an ass; that the cackling of geese once saved the capitol; that the conspiracy of Cataline had been betrayed by a woman. These were remarkable circumstances, but had no more connection with the question than the gentleman's case of the dictatorship. Mr. Eppes said, when he saw gentlemen supporting objections like the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Pickin) he could meet and respect them; but when he heard a gentleman say that by the bill an officer could violate a private sanctuary, when he looked into the law, and found no such provision, he could not treat his observations with attention.
Mr. Livermore said, that the gentleman could not have understood him as alluding to the bill as it now stood, but as it had come from the Senate. The gentleman had asked him as a lawyer, whether a man could enter a house without a warrant and seize property? He could not by virtue of a law, and why? Because the constitution would prevent him. But this did not take away the impropriety of passing such a law. He did not believe that the courts of justice had become so corrupt, or would display such a vile submission to any authority as to submit to carry into effect a law which was unconstitutional. He said, that he attributed no wrong intention to gentlemen; but he conceived it possible that their feelings might hide from them the true construction of the law. He warned gentlemen against it. Gentlemen might talk about asses and geese, for he supposed the gentlemen meant to be severe upon him—if so, he would return the compliment. [Mr. Eppes said, he had not applied the observation to any one; if there was any application in the case, the gentleman had certainly taken it to himself.] Mr. L. said, he had expressed no opinion, but such as were founded on mature reflection.
After some remarks in explanation from Mr. Dana,
The question on Mr. Pitkin's amendment was taken; and it was negatived—Yeas 41—Nays 51.
Mr. Sturges moved to amend the last section, by striking out the term of limitation of the law to the duration of the embargo, and inserting as the period at which this bill should expire, "the first day of June next."
Mr. G. W. Campbell observed, that although he was decidedly opposed to this motion, he wished it not to be understood that long before the first of June, he might not be willing to adopt a stronger measure, if no change of our situation took place.
The question was taken on striking out the words in the bill, to make room for the amendment, and lost—Yeas 27—Nays 75. Mr. Sturges amendment of course fell with it.
Mr. Sturges then offered the following, as a new section to the bill; "And be it further enacted, that this act, and the act laying an embargo, and the laws supplementary to it, be repealed on the fourth of March next."
Mr. Cook moved to adjourn—Yeas 26.
Mr. Blount said he was not prepared to say that there might not be a time when the embargo ought to be removed, even if our difficulties were not removed; but he was certain, that whenever it was removed, some other measure must be adopted. He moved as an amendment to the gentleman's motion the following: "and that from and after the fourth day of March next, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, to issue letters of marque and reprisal to such citizens of the United States, as shall apply for them, against the nations having edicts in force violating the lawful commerce of the United States."
Mr. Livermore said, it was true that the Congress of the United States had the power of declaring war; but he did not know that they could delegate the power to the President of the United States. He said, he was not surprised at it; for they seemed to have arrived at a period when they should choose a dictator, and vest him with the power of life and death.
Mr. Eppes said, that the gentleman from North-Carolina, had expressed clearly his idea; that he was not prepared to vote on the amendment of Mr. Sturges, and merely meant to express his idea that if the embargo was taken off at this moment, letters of marque ought to be granted. In this opinion, Mr. Eppes coincided with him exactly. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) did not pretend to say that Congress had not the power to issue letters of marque and reprisal. Who then, (said he) is to sign them? Our Speaker? No, sir; most probably the Executive, to whom the gentleman is so tender of granting power. I shall vote for the amendment of the gentleman from North Carolina, but do not consider it as pledging me to vote for the whole section of the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Sturges) as proposed to be amended; though I will not say that on the fourth of March, it might not be proper to do so.
Mr. Blount rose to correct an impression which appeared to exist, that he was anxious to go to war. There was not a man in the House that was less disposed for it; in voting for the embargo he had been actuated by a desire to avert it. He was still in favor of a continuance of the embargo, and hoped it would yet avert war. He had introduced this amendment to register his vote, that our injuries had been such as could not be passed over, and that if the embargo was taken off, war must be resorted to. He should vote for the amendment and for the section as amended. He modified his amendment to suit the taste of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) so as to read, "it shall be lawful for the United States to issue letters, &c."
Mr. D. R. Williams said, it was very easy to discover what was the object of the gentleman from Connecticut, to call the Yeas and Nays on one question or other, till the empty seats on his side of the house were filled, and then they would not get the question. He was sorry that the gentleman from North-Carolina, had made an object so unimportant, as important as he did. He really wished that he would withdraw his amendment. Every consideration of policy was against its being decided to-night.
Mr. Sturges assured the gentleman from South-Carolina, that he had no chicane in his nature; his only object was to obtain a direct decision of the question. He disclaimed the motive attributed him.
Mr. J. G. Jackson said if the gentleman from Connecticut intended to vote for his own amendment, he must certainly vote for that of the gentleman from N. Carolina.
Mr. Blount withdrew his amendment, with a declaration that if Mr. Sturges's amendment were adopted, he should move it as a new section.
After some observations from Mr. Quincy in favor of, and Mr. Macon against the new section proposed,
Mr. Culpepper moved to adjourn—Ayes 25, Noes 68.
Mr. G. W. Campbell opposed the resolution in a speech of a few minutes.
Mr. Dana spoke about an hour in favor of it. Mr. Macon spoke in reply for half an hour.
Mr. Lyon spoke in favor of the amendments about twenty minutes.
Mr. Smilie spoke in reply about the same time.
8 o'clock—Mr. Stanford moved to adjourn—Ayes 26.
Mr. Livermore spoke in favor of the amendment and in reply to Mr. Smilie about twenty minutes.
Mr. Masters commenced a speech in favor of the amendment. After having spoken about twenty minutes, he was called to order, in the midst a history of the trial of Louis XVI, and resumed his seat.
9 o'clock—Mr. Elliot rose and commenced a speech in favor of the resolution. Before he had been speaking many minutes, he was called to order
by Mr. J. G. Jackson; the Speaker decided that he was not in order. Mr. Gardenier appealed from his decision, which was confirmed by a large majority. Mr. Elliot proceeded in reading through the documents communicated this session. He was repeatedly called to order; but the Speaker uniformly decided that if the gentleman chose to make any pamphlet or book a part of his speech, keeping to the question, he had a right to do so. He was afterwards called to order by the Speaker, when giving an account of his political life and the regret he felt at some votes which he had given. He concluded his remarks a little after 12 o'clock.
The Clerk then proceeded to call the Yeas and Nays on the amendment. After the first member on the list had answered, a member rising to speak,
The Speaker observed that it was not in order to debate the question, after the first member called had answered.
Mr. Randolph appealed from his decision, affirming at the same time, that the member who had answered was not in his seat at the time.
After some little altercation, the Speaker's decision was confirmed by the House—Yeas 99—Nays 10.
The question was then finally taken on Mr. Sturges' amendment, by Yeas and Nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Champion, Chittenden, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Elliot, Ely, Gardenier, Gardner, Garnett, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, R. Jackson, Jenkins, Key, Lewis, Livermore, Lyon, Masters, Milnor, Mosely, Picken, Quincy, Randolph, Russell, Sloan, Stedman, Sturges, Taggart, Talmadge, Upham, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer—35.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Clay, Clopton, Cutts, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gholson, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Macon, Marion, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Rea, (Pen.) Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, J. K. Smith, John Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Storer, Story, Sweet, Taylor, Thompson, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson, Winn—51.
The question recurring on the bill's going to a third reading,
Mr. Sturges moved to adjourn—Yeas 35—Nays 79.
Messrs. Sturges, Gardner, Sloan, Livermore and Mosely opposed the bill.
Mr. Dana moved to strike out the 11th section giving power to call out the military to assist in enforcing the law. Motion lost. Yeas 31—Nays 70.
Mr. Upham moved to adjourn—Ayes 28.
Messrs. Gardner and Van Dyke opposed the bill.
4 o'clock—Question on its going to a third reading decided—Yeas 29—Nays 73.
On the question when it should be read a third time, Messrs. Quincy, Upham, Lyon, Gardenier, Alexander, and Dana spoke in favor of Saturday, and Messrs. Nelson and Taylor for this day. Mr. Quincy called for the Yeas and Nays on the motion for Saturday. Motion lost—Yeas 35—Nays 68.
Half past 5 o'clock—Bill read the third time. On the question "Shall the bill pass?" Mr. Stedman called for the Yeas and Nays.
After some observations from Messrs. Masters and Eppes, the question was taken as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, J. G. Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Jr. Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Clay, Clopton, Cutts, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Fisk, Franklin, Gholson, J. G. Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Macon, Marion, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Jr. Rea, (Pen.) Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Storer, Story, Taylor, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, A. Wilson, Winn—71.
NAYS—Messrs. Champion, Chittenden, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Jr. Ely, Gardenier, Gardner, Garnett, Goldsborough, Harris, R. Jackson, Jenkins, Lewis, Livermore, Lyon, Masters, Milnor, Mosely, Picken, Quincy, Russell, Sloan, Stanford, Stedman, Sturges, Taggart, Talmadge, Upham, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer—32.
And the House adjourned, a little after day-light, till Saturday.
Saturday, Dec. 7.
EXTRA SESSION OF CONGRESS. The House were engaged till near five o'clock to-day in discussing the following resolution proposed by Mr. Smilie, which was finally agreed to, 62 to 21: "Resolved, that a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of providing by law for the meeting of Congress at an earlier period than the 1st Monday in December next, with leave to report by bill otherwise."
The debate on this resolution involved the question, whether it would not be proper, before the first day of December, viz. in the middle of May or beginning of June, essentially to change the attitude of the nation, if no change took place in the measures of foreign powers. The resolution was supported by Messrs. Smilie, Eppes, G. W. Campbell, Story, Bibb, Troup, Johnson, Rhea, Bacon, Taylor, Nicholas, Southard, and Nelson. Messrs. D. R. Williams, Mr.
Stanford either opposed the resolution directly or advocated its postponement. Most of those who supported it declared it as their opinion that unless foreign powers revoked their orders and decrees at an early day, it would be proper to raise the embargo and substitute war, and that it behoved Congress to be at their posts to take this important step.
We are prevented, by want of room, from giving a further account of this day's proceedings.
POSTSCRIPT.
The following is an extract of a letter from an officer of the army of great respectability, and is in every particular entitled to credit. The facts it contains are worth a thousand arguments, to show the necessity of efficient measures to enforce the Embargo.
Savannah, Dec. 26, 1808.
An English ship of war of 20 guns came into Tybee on Saturday last, and the lieutenant commanding, accompanied by a midshipman, came up to this City the same evening. Yesterday morning Capt. Amistead and myself had a consultation on the propriety of ordering this officer and crew out of the bay, on the presumption that he had acted in open violation of the proclamation of the President of the U. S. The opinion of the district attorney concurred. Capt. Amistead ordered a captain's court to be held, and the lieutenant and his crew were brought to the bar, when his order was executed in half an hour, and the conditions complied with without the nature of force.
An armed ship is now lying below Cockspur with 2,000 bales of cotton baging. The officer commanding has invited the citizens of Carolina and Georgia to exchange cotton for rice, and the ship will no doubt be fully laden in a short time. It is mortifying that such inducements can be held out with impunity for violating the laws of our country. There is not one armed vessel here by way of check. It is said she carries 20 guns.
New-York, January 6.
Last evening, the British packet Bell, Captain Templeton, arrived at this port in 52 days from Shields, and 32 from Stromness—Capt. T. brought no English newspapers or letters, excepting those to the consignees, which we understand do not contain any political news.
Captain T. informs us, that he read London papers of the 12th November, which were almost solely occupied with the trial of Sir Hugh Dalrymple, but had not terminated. The papers did not contain any news from Spain, no general battle having been fought, but such an event was daily expected.
By the British brig Henry, from Malaga, (which place she left the 16th November) the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received Madrid papers to the 8th, and Malaga papers to the 14th November, from which the following translations are made.
Captain H. informs us, that no intelligence had reached Malaga of any reinforcement of French troops having arrived in Spain, nor that any general battle had been fought; but that the Patriots were generally successful against the French.
The American vessels in Spain, detained under the Milan decree, had not been liberated.
Capt. H. is the bearer of dispatches from Mr. Erving, to the Secretary of State.
By the brig Friends, Metcalf, from Jamaica, arrived at this port, we learn that a serious misunderstanding has again taken place between the governor and assembly of that island, owing to the excesses committed by the military (not the militia of the island) in which a planter is said to have lost his life—they demanded the assassins to be given up to the civil authority—it was refused by the commander in chief, and the governor joining him in resisting the assembly; they, on their part, immediately stop the supplies for the current year. The governor finding this body refractory, prorogued them sine die. Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser.
Aranjuez, November 4.
The central government have decreed that each vice-royalty, of which there is 5 in South America, shall send two deputies to the general government.
Madrid, November 1.
The French attacked our lines on the Ebro by Lograno, Lodosa, and Levin; the two first points very feebly. At the last point Gen. Monecy charged with his whole division, which was well resisted by riflemen from Cadiz, who suffered severely. General Blake dislodged the enemy at Tarazona, with great loss, and pursued them to Vergara, by which means the road to Irun is cut off, leaving the French no other means of retreating to France but by Roncesvalles. From the ardor of our troops we anticipate the most brilliant result. They wish for nothing more than for a general battle. Such is the impetuosity of the troops that their commanders find it difficult to restrain them.
The army of Galicia on the 26th ult. attacked, and on the 27th continued dislodging the French from all their posts; and on the 28th occupied the position of Durango. When the post set off the French continued retreating, and our troops pursuing them. The result to our arms will doubtless be glorious.

30,000 DOLLARS, FOR 200 CENTS!  NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY. For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River—positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next; 500 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole are concluded. Prizes payable thirty days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature. The Capital Prizes are— 30,000 dollars 20,000 dollars 10,000 dollars 5,000 dollars 2,000 dollars Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c.
Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each. Tickets—Halves, Quarters, & Eighths, are to be had at G. & R. WAITE'S truly Promote Lottery Offices, No. 64, Maiden-Lane, & No. 38, Maiden-Lane, New York, where were sold in the last New York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars No. 20,231 10,000 ——— No. 25,403 5,000 ——— No. 20,799 Also, No. 20,310, a prize of 2000 dollars, besides several others of 2,000, 1,000, 500 dollars, &c. and in former New York Lotteries were sold at the above offices— 17199 25,000 dolls. 11736 2000 dolls. 3923 20,000 dolls. 28573 2000 dolls. 3633 10,000 dolls. 13904 2000 dolls. 26135 5,000 dolls. 15517 2000 dolls. 33356 5,000 dolls. 25595 2000 dolls. 15298 3,000 dolls. 20685 2000 dolls. And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market streets, were sold nearly all the capital prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz. 6974 30,000 dolls. 18894 1500 dolls. 15554 15,000 dolls. 1738 1500 dolls. 7001 10,000 dolls. 1525 1500 dolls. 6877 5,000 dolls. 7540 1500 dolls. 14225 1500 dolls.
Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Waite's Office, in Baltimore, New York, or Albany, may have Tickets and Shares returned by post, to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed prize list will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers Official List of prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number. Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this.
The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the 1st of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Price of Tickets, SIX Dollars, which may be had at any of Waite's offices, warranted undrawn. November 23—6w
CHARLES B. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Pierrottes. Likewise an elegant assortment of rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Dorrall's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—1f
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Have received by the Schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale,
 20 hds. Muscovado Sugar,  6 Pipes Holland Gin,  9 Hds. Rum,  3 pipes Cornish Brandy,  6 pipes L. P. Madeira,  2 pipes Marsala,  5 gr. casks Lisbon,  5 gr. casks Sherrey,  15 gr. casks Catalonia,  80 boxes Claret,  47 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea,  25 Barrels Lou Sugar,  16 boxes Spermaceti,  25 do. Mould  8 casks Ginger,  2 do. Salt Petre,  2 do. Pimento,  5 do. Pepper,  12 boxes Mustard,  3 boxes Cassia,  6 do. soft shelled Almonds,  20 boxes Raisins,  8 do. Olives,  10 do. long and short Pipes,  10 barrels Mackerel,  3 do. Cranberries,  2 do. Fig Blue,  50 boxes Spanish Segars,  50 bags Corns,  They have also for Sale, Rice, Gloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c.
JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 1—
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the re-issuance of Certificate No. 12,329, issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1798, in favor of William Holland, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock. JOHN DAVIDSON. Nov. 25—6w.
NOTICE. THE captions given to many persons in my plan of action not being attended to, I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, to prey thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w12t.
NOTICE. THE sale of the real estate of the late ELIZABETH HEPBURN, Esq. of Prince George's County, heretofore advertised to be sold by the subscriber, under a decree of the Chancery Court of Maryland, is postponed until Thursday the 19th day of January next. TRUEMAN TYLER, Trustee. December 30—w4.
PUBLIC SALE OF LOTS In the city of Washington. BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, passed on the 9th day of October, 1805; and of two additional and supplementary decrees, passed during the same term with the original decree; one thereof dated on the 24th day of Oct. 1805, & the other on the 1st day of December 1806, and constituting part of the said original decree; in a suit instituted in the said court of Chancery, prior to the separation of the district of Columbia from the state of Maryland, by Thomas Morris, Samuel Coates, and Joseph Morris, executors of Mordecai Lewis, and by Edward Burn, against Robert Morris, the heirs of John Nicholson, the Commissioners of the city of Washington, James Greenleaf, Thomas Law, and others. The subscriber, E. S. Burd, trustee, appointed by the Chancellor, under the said decrees, will, on Tuesday the 17th day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the Forenoon, offer for Public Sale, at Rhodes's hotel, in the city of Washington, Three hundred and ninety-five LOTS, and three fractions of a lot, in the said city; each lot averaging five thousand two hundred and sixty-five square feet, and which are contained in the following squares, viz in square No. 626, sq. 628, sq. 654—sq. 667—sq. 723—sq. 726—sq. 727—sq. 729—sq. 738—sq. 750—sq. 762—sq. 786—sq. 789—sq. 814—sq. 818—sq. 841—sq. 843—sq. 866—sq. 868—sq. 896—sq. 897—sq. 899—sq. 918—sq. 919—sq. 922—sq. 923—sq. 943—sq. 966—sq. 967—sq. 968—sq. 970—sq. 972—sq. 992—sq. 1014—sq. 1016—sq. 1037—sq. 1039—sq. 1040—sq. 1062—sq. 1072—sq. 1075—sq. 1076.
For the convenience and information of purchasers, a plan of the city, and particular lots of the squares, and of the lots which they respectively contain, will be exhibited at the time of the sale, by the subscriber. The terms of sale are: that the purchaser is to pay into the Chancery court of the state of Maryland, the full amount of the purchase money, immediately after the day of the ratification of the sale; which ratification, if it takes place, will, according to the stipulation of the original decree aforesaid, be passed within five weeks from the time of the report to be made by the subscriber, trustee as aforesaid. And on the approbation and ratification by the Chancellor of any sales made, and on the payment of the purchase money into the Chancery Court as aforesaid. The subscriber, trustee as aforesaid, will by good and sufficient deed or deeds, convey to the purchasers respectively and their heirs, the property so by them purchased; that is to say, all the right, title, and interest, which at the time of the execution of the certain mortgage comprehending the said lots, by Robert Morris and John Nicholson, in favor of James Greenleaf of the 20th of June 1796, were in the said Morris and Nicholson, Thomas Law, or the Commissioners of the city of Washington, free, clear, and discharged from all claim or title of them, the said Robert Morris and John Nicholson, or the heirs of John Nicholson or any person claiming under them, or any of them subsequent to the said deed, and from all claim or title of the other parties to the said suit. E. S. BURD, Trustee of the court of Chancery of Maryland. December 12—ep/Jan 17
FOR SALE. A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince George's county, Dec. 16—1f
THE Stockholders of the Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Fifth & last installment of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, Treasurer in Alexandria, on or before the 23d day of January next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. December 28—Jan 23
ROMULUS RIGGS, intending to close and settle up his business in George town, and being determined to SELL off his entire stock of GOODS, only to cover Cost for CASH. Purchasers will find it well worth their immediate attention, in particular those who buy to sell again (as from the great rise of many kinds of Merchandise, his being purchased before said rise) gives him the power to sell, much lower than they can be had in this or any other market. His Stock consists of, viz.
 Cloths, Cassimeres, Flannels, Coatings, Kerseys, Plains, Blankets, Napt Frizes, Manchester, Waistcoating, Piece Cloths and Velvets, Spotted Seres for children, Salsbury Flannels, Stuffs, a complete assortment, silk, cotton and worsted Hosiery, fine and coarse India Muslins, Furniture Chintzes, Calicoes and Dimities, fine cheap Irish Linens, Long Lawns, superfine indress Shirting Cambrics, linen and cotton Cambrics, super-figured and plain Jacquet Mull Mull Muslins; black, white, pink and colored Silks, Crapes, Laces, Spider Nett Sleeves, silk and kid Gloves short and long, Ribbands, lace Veils and Shades, Chintzes, undressed Ginghams, Extra Cassimere and Damask silk Shawls, elastic India Crapes for dresses, fashionable London white and colored Beaver Bonnets, split straw and velvet do. black Feathers, Cords and Tassels, with many articles to complete his assortment of seasonable, substantial and fashionable goods.  Any person wishing to enter into business in Georgetown, now have it in their power to commence under many advantages, and to such a person a great bargain will be given of the entire stock now on hand, if application is made in a few days.
ATTENTION. All those indebted to me will please to make immediate payment as indulgences must not be expected and cannot be given. Suits will be commenced on all accounts which are not immediately settled, it being actually necessary to close my business in the shortest time possible.—Tobacco will be received in payment at the best prices, provided it is not convenient to pay the money. Accounts will be rendered as fast as possible, to those who do not call for the same. Georgetown, December 22—1m
NEW STORE. OPPOSITE THE CENTRE MARKET. THE subscribers inform their friends & the public in general, that they have made a considerable addition to their former stock of Groceries, &c. which they will sell on the most reasonable terms, a quantity of excellent Honey, corn, corn meal, bran, oats, &c. &c. Whiskey and Flour by the barrel. P. S. Alexandria Beer of superior quality by the barrel or half barrel. BACON & MOORE. December 28—ep2w
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. TO BE SOLD. At public auction, at the Union Tavern, in George-Town, at 12 o'clock on Monday the 15th day of January next, if not previously disposed of by private contract—that Vale valuable property situated on the Potomac River, in Washington City, contiguous to George-Town, formerly the property of Messrs. Lean, & Co. The Lot is 128 feet front, by 105 feet deep, on which is erected a substantial Ware House , built of stone, 83 feet by 43, together with the large commodious Wharf adjoining. Also—SIX LOTS in Holmeads , addition to George-Town , bounded on Bridge Street and Rock Creek, in George-Town . For terms and other particulars, apply to JOHN DAVIDSON, or WALTER HELLEN. Nov. 28—15d.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Male-ware and Domestic Manufacture . 3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 6000 yards of 3-4. 240 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 480 3-4. 1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel. 7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide, 220 pieces of Sheeting, such as Russia, 240 lbs. of witted brown Thread, 10 lb. of red Thread, 100 lbs. of blue Thread, 200 lbs. of yellow Thread, 3500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide, 100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat, 2000 3 point Blankets, 10000 yards of yellow binding, called quality, 2000 yards of stout Plains, for watch coats, any color excepting red, 20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain. The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured. November 23—
A GREAT BARGAIN MAY be had in about Five Thousand Acres of LAND in the county of Monroe , about 12 miles from the Sweet Springs in the state of Virginia , it is well timbered and a good part for it fit for cultivation, it is well adapted for grain and meadow about one hundred acres of which may be made in a body & conveniently watered, there is about one hundred acres of opened land, well enclosed and some necessary houses on it, very considerable bodies of good iron ore, lime stone, and a large and well built furnace with the necessary buildings for casting, &c. the end of the bridge house butts against a considerable car bank; these works have not been in use for several years past and are much out of repair, there is a forge seat about a mile below the furnace; the subscriber would make the payments very accommodating on receiving about a thousand pounds cash on making a title, & the other payments satisfactorily secured; any person inclined to purchase may see the land by applying to Mr. Alexander Hutchinson who lives on the plantation near the furnace, or Maj. John Handley who lives within a few miles, or Mr. Robert Bland who lives on a part of the plantation, and a bargain concluded by applying to the subscriber in Buckingham county on James River. JOHN CABELL. Dec. 14—13t.
THE object of the bill is to obtain a sale of certain tracts of land of which the said John Jordan, died, seized & possessed in fee simple, for the purpose of paying a debt due from the said John Jordan to the aforesaid Alexander Greer and Sally his wife, executrix, of the last will and testament of William Trueman Stoddert, deceased. The bill states that the above-named defendants reside out of the state. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered, that the complainants, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer , before the 1st day of February next, give notice to the absent defendants of this application, and of the substance and object of the bill, that they may be warned to appear here in person or by a solicitor or solicitors of this court, on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed. True Copy, Test, NICHOLAS BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. Jan. 4—10t.
RICHARD BECK, HAS just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are— Superfine cloths and cassimeres, Second do. do. Molekin and silk waistcoating Bennets cord and Spanish marcel, do. Constitution cords and velverets Coating, Frizes and kerseys Rose and striped blankets Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery Navel and baizes Navy blue cloths Checks, calicoes and Chintzes White and colored cambrics Dimities, brown Holland and dowlasses Bandanno and Madras handkerchiefs Durants and calimancoes Tapes and bobbins Silk and cotton chumbray 4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens London and other hats Plain India mull muslins Seeded do. do. Diagonal and Trafalgar do. Plain and figured lenoes Linen cambrics Damask, silk and serge shawls Tabby velverets for pelices Italian Mantua Bombazets and bombazenees Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces Handsome assortment ribbons Kid and silk gloves Pickett silk mits and glove Diaper and diaper table cloths Kid and Morocco shoes. A few bales India muslins assorted Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—tf
BOOT MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, Boot Maker, impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the liberal support & distinguished preference he has received in his line, since he first commenced his Boot Manufactory here, which was previous to the removal of the government to this city, being confident that good work is ever the best recommendation, had resolved (contrary to his annual custom) to decline intruding his advertisement on the public, being already sufficiently established, until he was convinced, from the best information, that some of his brethren of the craft had arbitrarily, shily and insidiously asserted repeatedly, that his boots were all imported, that he kept only a shop & not a manufactory. He thus contradicts those fabricators of falsehood, by challenging them to produce boots of any description equal to what he manufactures. They have declared that they would underwear him, but they dare not pretend to excel him in neatness, durability, taste and fashion, which he is ready to prove to the satisfaction of those who may please to favor him with their orders. N. B.—A large assortment of elegant Boots of his own manufacture on hand. New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol, } December 5—ep1m
Cotton, Tea, Sugar, Mustard, &c. W. & C. SMITH, Have just received by the Ceres, Captain Weeks, from New-York— 30 Boxes prime upland cotton 10 Boxes Mustard 10 do. Fresh Olives 10 Kgs ground Ginger 2 Bags Race Ginger 10 Bags Pepper and Pimento 20 Chests and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas 10 Cases Florence Oil 10 Barrels Prime Sugars 10 Boxes Chocolate 200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo. Geo. Town, November 21—taw6w
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia hath lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a certain GEORGE GORDON, of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be going at large in this state, and hath transmitted an inquisition, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in Cumberland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with feloniously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and commanding all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT.
By his Excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hager's Town; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. Jan. 4—2w6w.
THOMAS W. PAIRO HAS removed next door to his former store, where he has received from Philadelphia and Baltimore a new supply of goods, which make his assortment very considerable—he has London and French Cloths, Cassimeres and Coatings, Fancy Waistcoatings, Silk and Cotton Velvets, Cords and Thicksets, Rose Blankets, Scarlet Flannels and others, green, blue and brown bucking baze, Bandannoes, Madras Handkerchiefs, India Muslins, Cambrics, Book Muslin, Leno Handkerchiefs, Chambrays, Tappi Velvet, Black Silk do. Parisian Shawls, Silk and Camels Hair, do. Shirting Muslin, Crapes and Fancy Trimmings, Silk Stockings, and a large assortment of cotton and worsted hosiery, Ladies and Men's Gloves, Ladies and Men's Shoes, Childrens do. Irish and German Linens, Irish and Flanders Sheeting, Knitting and Sowing Cotton, Spinning do. Silk Spencers, Linen and cotton Checks, Hats, Ribbons, Lace, Cotton and Thread, Saranets and Peelongs, Plaid Silks, Tortois Shell Combs, Mock do. do. Silk Cords, Suspenders, Razors, Penknives and Scissors, Spun Buttons, Gilt and Plated do. Playing Cards, Ink Powder, Quills, Pencils, Slates, Oil Cloth, Powder and Shot, Nails and Augurs, An assortment of Glass Ware, ALSO, The following Liquors and Groceries. Madeira, Lisbon, L. P. Teneriffe, Mould ga, Port Wine, Claret, French Brandy, and Jamaica Rum, Gin, Whiskey, Cherry Bounce, Coffee and Tea, Chocolate, Loaf & Brown Sugar, Raisins, Filberts, Rice, Soap, and Candles, Spanish Segars, and Philadelphia Porter and Ale. All of which will be sold on low terms for Cash or on punctual customers.
AMERICAN PLAYING CARDS. Or the very best quality just received from the Manufactory, which will be sold wholesale & Retail , cheap for cash; also Minecaba SNUFF . The Members of Congress are respectfully informed that T. W. Pairo will be happy to furnish them with any of his choice Liquors, and find himself cases for them. Washington, October 24—3t&wtf
BOOT MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, Boot Maker, impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the liberal support & distinguished preference he has received in his line, since he first commenced his Boot Manufactory here, which was previous to the removal of the government to this city, being confident that good work is ever the best recommendation, had resolved (contrary to his annual custom) to decline intruding his advertisement on the public, being already sufficiently established, until he was convinced, from the best information, that some of his brethren of the craft had arbitrarily, shily and insidiously asserted repeatedly, that his boots were all imported, that he kept only a shop & not a manufactory. He thus contradicts those fabricators of falsehood, by challenging them to produce boots of any description equal to what he manufactures. They have declared that they would underwear him, but they dare not pretend to excel him in neatness, durability, taste and fashion, which he is ready to prove to the satisfaction of those who may please to favor him with their orders. N. B.—A large assortment of elegant Boots of his own manufacture on hand. New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol, } December 5—ep1m
Cotton, Tea, Sugar, Mustard, &c. W. & C. SMITH, Have just received by the Ceres, Captain Weeks, from New-York— 30 Boxes prime upland cotton 10 Boxes Mustard 10 do. Fresh Olives 10 Kgs ground Ginger 2 Bags Race Ginger 10 Bags Pepper and Pimento 20 Chests and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas 10 Cases Florence Oil 10 Barrels Prime Sugars 10 Boxes Chocolate 200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo. Geo. Town, November 21—taw6w
Prince George's county court, September term, 1805. ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince George's county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied, by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the aforesaid to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test. JOHN READ MAGRUDER, JR. CL. November 8—w3m
Prince George's county court, Sept. Term, 1805. ON the application, by petition in writing of John M. Burgess , of Prince George's county to this court for the benefit of the act of assembly passed at the November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied, by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application and being also satisfied that the said John M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt; and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said John M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said John M. Burgess by causing a copy of the aforesaid to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test. JOHN READ MAGRUDER, JR. CL. November 8—w3m
ON application by petition, in writing of GEORGE W. WILLETT of Prince George's county, to me the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1805, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last preceding years; and being also satisfied, that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt; and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into a bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him—It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next be, and hereby is appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer , once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the judge of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighteenth day of June, 1805. DANIEL CLARKE. True Copy, Test, JOHN READ MAGRUDER, JR. C. P. G. Cy. Ct. December 19—w13t.
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday 11th day of September, a negro lad, named JOHN, aged 19 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. He is of a dark complexion, and slow of expression. His clothing broad cloth coat, old blue waistcoat, and corduroy pantaloons—has other clothing with him which is unknown. Said fellow has been seen since he went off, in the city of Washington, from thence I suspect he has removed to the neighborhood of Mr. William Carroll's in Montgomery county, as he has acquaintances there. Whoever secures said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, including what the law allows. NATHAN SOPER. More than probable, said fellow has made for the state of Pennsylvania or for the state of Virginia, and may have a pass given him by some free person of color, who can write. N. S. Prince George's county, Nov. 23—2awtf
ANY LADY or GENTLEMEN properly qualified to teach the PIANO FORTE may probably hear of something that may tend to their advantage, by applying to the printer hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. December 22—  PIANO FORTE. The subscriber has just received from Philadelphia, Three Piano Fortes, with additional Keys, American manufacture, equal to any yet imported, which he offers for Sale at reasonable terms. P. MAURY. December 30—w4