The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1798-07-09 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 11.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME 1.]
MONDAY, JULY 9, 1798.
Triumph of Reason & Truth: OR, The American Envoys to Talleyrand.
[Continued from the last Gazette.]
IT is then understood to be required, 1st. That the officers of the United States should execute the judgements of the consuls. 2ndly. That the judges of the United States should issue mandates of arrest against persons charged with being deserters, without a view of the original roll of the crew.
It is very justly observed by Mr Jefferson, in his letter to Mr. Morris which has been already cited, that, "every nation has, of natural right, entirely and exclusively all the jurisdiction which may be rightfully exercised in the territory it occupies. If it cedes any portion of that jurisdiction to judges appointed by another nation, the limit of their power must depend upon the instrument of cession." The parties to the convention profess its object to be, "to deline and establish in a reciprocal and permanent manner the functions and privileges of consuls, and vice consuls."
It is to be expected then, as well from the intention of the convention establishing the tribunal, as from the nature of the tribunal itself, which is a foreign court instituted by a foreign authority, governed by foreign laws, and amenable for its conduct to a foreign government that no power is to be implied, and that it possesses no capacity, which is not expressly given to it. To ascertain then the precise extent of the stipulation, let the convention itself be considered.
The first point rests exclusively on the 12th article, which is in these words, "all differences and suits between the subjects of his most christian majesty in the U. S. or between the citizens of the United States within the dominions of the most christian king, and particularly all disputes relative to the wages & terms of engagement of the crews of the respective vessels, and all differences of whatever nature they may be, which may arise between the privates of said crews, or between any of them & their captains, or between the captains of different vessels, or their nations, shall be determined by the respective consuls and vice consuls either by a reference to arbitrators, or by a summary judgment, and without costs. No officer of the country, civil or military, shall interfere therein, or take any part whatever in the matter; and the appeals from the said consular sentences shall be carried before the tribunals of France or of the United States, to whom it may appertain to take cognizance thereof."
In this article no engagement is made to furnish the means of executing consular judgments. If therefore the preceding positions be just, there is an end to the question. But other arguments present themselves in support of the construction contended for by the United States. The consular authority in a foreign country, is usually either voluntary, or enforced by the laws of the nations to whom the consuls belong, and which may bind their own citizens or subjects under penalties to be inflicted on their return, or otherwise. Upon this idea it was sufficient to stipulate a permission of the jurisdiction in exclusion of the courts of the country; on any other idea, it would have been necessary to have been stipulated explicitly and perhaps in detail the manner in which its sentences should be executed. To accede to the demands of France would be to erect in a foreign country complete courts of justice with effectual process to compel the appearance of parties & witnesses & to execute their decisions. And as the transactions in commerce could not in the nature of things be confined to foreigners alone, the citizens of the country must often be necessary witnesses to those transactions, and of course rendered amenable to this foreign jurisdiction in their own country; whereas the jurisdiction granted by the article, is only of French consuls over French citizens in the United States, and reciprocally of American consuls over the citizens of the U. S. in France. This would be to extend, by implication, the authority of a foreign (government) over persons not contemplated by the treaty as subject to it. The article declares too, "that no officer of the country, civil or military, shall interfere therein, or take any part in the matter." But sheriffs, marshals and their deputies, or any other persons appointed by, and acting under the laws of the country, are "officers of the country," and consequently cannot aid in the execution of consular decisions. because they are expressly forbidden to "interfere therein, or take any part whatever in the matter."
But was it meant that the laws should give consuls the power to appoint such executive officers of their own nation? or should it be conceded that a person so appointed could not be considered as an officer of that nation by virtue of and according to whose laws he held his office, still we find no such thing in the convention. On the contrary in the case of deserters from vessels, mentioned in the 9th article, whom the consuls are authorised to cause to be
arrested, they are expressly directed to apply in writing to the "courts, judges and officers competent" to make the arrests, meaning the courts, judges and officers of the country where the consul resides. In addition to this, if power could be given to consuls to appoint officers to execute their decisions these officers must of course have their fees of compensation to be paid by one or other of the parties. But the article giving the jurisdiction declares that the consular judgments shall be "without costs."
The second complaint is that the judges of the U. S. have required the exhibition of the original roll of the crew as a testimony which would authorise the issuing a mandate, to apprehend a French mariner charged as a deserter. The right to require these mandates is founded entirely on the 9th article of the consular convention.
That declares "that the consuls & vice consuls shall address themselves to the courts, judges and officers competent, and shall demand the said deserters in writing, proving by an exhibition of the register of the vessel or ship's roll, that those men were part of the said crews; and on this demand so proved (saving however where the contrary is proved) the delivery shall not be refused."
It would be an idle waste of time to attempt to prove to you, citizen minister, that a register of the vessel or ship's roll, is not a copy of that paper, or that a copy does not satisfy a law which peremptorily requires the exhibition of the original. Your predecessor has thought proper to refer to the 5th article of that instrument, but a slight perusal of that article will convince you citizen minister, that it does not apply to the case. When the judges of the United States determined that the mandate of arrest could not be issued on the exhibition of a "copy of the register of the vessel or ship's roll," they did not so decide for the purpose of giving effect to the system of the government, but because the treaty was clearly understood by them positively to require the presentation of the original.
The underlined regret, citizen minister, that your researches concerning the United States have not extended to their courts. You would have perceived and admired their purity; you would have perceived that America may repose herself securely on the integrity of her judges, and your justice would have spared the insinuation concerning them which have closed this part of your letter.
The underlined will now consider what you have stated with respect to the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation formed with Great Britain.
You complain, citizen minister, in very strong terms, of the deception alleged to have been practised with respect to the objects of Mr. Jay's mission to London, and also of the contents of the treaty which that mission produced—You are pleased to observe that it was then said, that Mr. Jay had been sent to London only to negotiate arrangements relative to the depredations committed on the American commerce by the cruisers of Great Britain.
By whom, citizen minister, was this said?—Not by the President in his message to the Senate announcing the nomination of Mr. Jay; nor by the then Secretary of State in communicating to Mr. Fauchet the subject of that mission. The documents with respect to this assertion have been stated, and have been fully commented on. It has been fully demonstrated that the American government, did not seize this occasion, to practice a deception so unnecessary, so foreign to its well known character, and which could produce only mischief to itself.—As you have in no degree weakened the testimony which is relied on as disapproving the allegation, or produced any sort of evidence in support of it, the underlined cannot but mingle some degree of surprise with the regrets they feel at seeing it repeated, accompanied with the charge of that "dissimulation," of which all who examine well the conduct of the government of the United States, will so readily pronounce it to be incapable. You also criminate the secrecy which attended this negotiation. To this complaint, when formerly insisted on it was answered, that so much of it as was material to this republic was immediately communicated to her minister; and that she had no right to enquire further, or to be dissatisfied that other objects were not disclosed: That it is not the practice of France, or any other nation to communicate to others the particular subjects of negotiation which may be contemplated, and no nation could be independent which admitted itself to be accountable to another for the manner in which it might judge proper to regulate its own concerns on points in which that other was not interested; or which was bound to give previous intimation of every article that might be inserted in a treaty, formed on the avowed principles of leaving in full force all pre-existing engagements. This reasoning is answered only by terming it a "sophism," "an invidious subterfuge." May not any reasoning, on any subject, be answered in the same manner? But can such an answer impair its force? With-
out doubt, citizen minister, the government of the U. S. when it informed France that the negotiation of Mr. Jay would not in any respect weaken its engagements to this republic, would have added, that they might eventually extend to a commercial treaty, if it had been supposed that the omission to give such information could really be considered as a breach of legitimate obligation, or as an evidence of diminished friendship. The information was most probably not given, because it was unusual, and because it could neither be considered as proper, as necessary, or as material. The underlined trust that the painful and unavailing discussions on this subject, rendered so unpleasant by the manner in which it has been treated, will never again be renewed.
Passing to the treaty itself, you say that the small majority by which it was sanctioned in the two houses of Congress, and the number of respectable voices raised against it in the nation, depose honorably in favour of the opinion which the French government has entertained of it. But you must be sensible, citizen minister, that the criterion by which you ascertain the merits of the instrument in question, is by no means infallible, nor can it warrant the inference you draw from it. In a republic like that of the United States, where no individual fears to utter what his judgment or his passions may dictate, where an unrestrained press, conveys alike to the public eye the labors of virtue, and the efforts of particular interests, no subject which agitates and interests the public mind can unite the public voice, or entirely escape public censure. In pursuit of the same objects a difference of opinion will arise in the purest minds, from the different manner in which those objects are viewed; and there are situations in which a variety of passions combine to silence the voice of reason, and to betray the unadvised judgments. In such situations, if the merit of an instrument is to be decided, not by itself, but by the approbation or disapprobation it may experience, it would surely be a safer rule to take as a guide the decision of a majority, however small that majority may be, than to follow the minority. A treaty too may be opposed as injurious to the United States, though it should not contain a single clause which could prejudice the interests of France. It ought not to be supposed that a treaty would for that reason be offensive to this republic.
Had you been pleased to state any objections to this instrument drawn from the compact itself, the underlined would have given to those objections the most serious and respectful consideration. But it is supposed that you adopt, without adding to the complaints made by your predecessor and Mr. Adet, when you observe, that you will not repeat what they have said. These complaints have been amply discussed in the memorial the underlined had the honor to transmit you, bearing date 17th of January.—It is believed to have been demonstrated that the stipulations complained of do not in the most remote degree wound the interests of France, affect the pre existing engagements of the U. S. or change their situation in relation to the belligerent powers. Such, incontestably, was and is the opinion of the American government, and in this opinion only would the treaty have been agreed to. As no one of the arguments which have at various times been urged on this subject on the part of the U. S. has ever yet been noticed, the underlined deem unnecessary any attempt to re urge or to strengthen them. You say that you well content yourself with observing, summarily, that in this treaty every thing having been provided to turn the neutrality of the U. S. to the disadvantage of the French republic, and to the advantage of England; that the Federal Government having in this act made to Great Britain, concessions the most unheard of, the most incompatible with the interests of the U. S. and the most derogatory from the alliance which existed between the said States and the French republic, he latter was perfectly free to avail itself of the preservatory means with which it was furnished by the laws of nature and of nations, and by its anterior treaty for the purpose of parrying the inconveniences of the treaty of London. Such are the reasons which have determined the arretes of the Directory, of which the U. S. complain, as well as the conduct of its agents in the Antilles." But you have not shewn a single provision "which turns the neutrality of the U. S. to the disadvantage of the French republic and to the advantage of England." You have not shewn a single concession "incompatible with the interests of the U. S." or "derogatory from their alliance with France."
It is considered as having been demonstrated that this treaty leaves the neutrality of the U. S. with respect both to France and England, precisely in its former situation, and that it contains no concessions either unusual or derogatory from their alliance with this republic. But if in forming this judgment, the American government has deceived itself, still it ought to be remembered that it has ever manifested a readiness to place France on the footing of England, with respect to the articles complained of.
You suppose that the 2d article of the treaty
between France and the United States justifies the arrests of which the latter power complains: But that article only entitles either of the contracting parties to a participation of any particular favor in respect of commerce or navigation which might thereafter be granted by the other to other nations, on allowing the same compensation, if the concession was conditional. It has never been pretended to extend to pre-existing rights held and exercised under the law of nations, and barely recognized by any subsequent treaty. If this could be insisted on still, it was shewn incontestably by the underlined, that the arrete particularly complained of, so far as it professes to found itself on the treaty with England, greatly transcends that treaty, and in its most noxious article, that requiring a role d'équipage, has no relation to it. This all essential circumstance you have not been pleased to notice; and it is with infinite regret the underlined observes, that the discussions at which you hint are to be limited to the abuses of the principle established by the arrete, and not extended to the compatibility of the principle itself with justice, the laws of nations, or existing treaties.
It is well known that such a discussion, if indeed the underlined could be permitted to enter upon it, would avail but little, since the vast mass of American property captured by the cruisers & condemned by the courts of France, has been found in vessels not furnished with the role d'équipage.
The underlined have been minute in their attention to every syllable you have uttered on this interesting subject, because it has been often considered as having given cause of just irritation to France; and they are extremely desirous of probing to the bottom every subject which may have assumed that complexion. Their wish is unaffected, to give to every complaint its real value, in order thus to prepare the way for accommodation, by the relinquishment of such as are not well founded; and the admission of those which have a real existence.
The third head of your complaints, relative to the conduct of the government of the United States, since their treaty with England:
You observe that so soon as the treaty in question had been put in execution, the government of the U. S. seemed to think itself dispensed from the observance of any measures towards this Republic, and you adduce in support of this general observation.
1st. The refusal to permit in the ports of the United States, the sale of prizes made by French cruisers.
2dly The invectives and calumnies against the French gov. its principles and its officers, contained in certain journals, and pamphlets published in the United States, &c.
3dly. The speech of the President to Congress in May last.
First. The government of the United States does not permit the sale in their ports of prizes made upon England by the cruisers of France.
The fact is admitted. To erect it into an offence, it becomes necessary to prove that this measure violates either the engagements or the neutrality of the United States. Neither is attempted. To show that it violates neither, had this been rendered necessary, would by no means have been deemed an arduous task. It will now only briefly be observed, that the 17th article of the treaty of commerce of the 6th of February, '78, which alone relates to this subject, so far from stipulating for the sale of prizes in their ports of either nation limits itself to a declaration that the capors shall have liberty to bring them into port free from duties, arrests and searches, and to depart with them to the places expressed in their commissions; thereby evidently contemplating the then existing regulations of this nation. France has manifested her own opinion on this subject, in her treaty with Great Britain of the 26th of Sept. 1786. The 16th article of the treaty declares, "that it shall not be lawful for foreign cruisers who shall not be the subjects of one or the other Crown, and who shall have a commission from any Prince, or State, enemies of the one or the other, to arm their vessels in the ports of one or the other of the said two kingdoms, to sell there what they shall have taken, or to change the same in any manner whatever." In a war with England then, France being neutral, the cruisers of the U. S. are forbidden to sell their prizes in the ports of this republic. The 17th article of the treaty of Feb. 1778 being reciprocal, France has pronounced her decision, that it does not give her cruisers a right to sell their prizes in the ports of America. If this right had been given by the treaty of Feb. 1778, that between the U. S. and England could not be construed to impair it. Nor is the prohibition a departure from the neutrality of the U. S. An action to violate neutrality must manifest a partiality for one of the belligerent powers, must accord favors not stipulated by pre-existing treaties to one which it refuses to the other. This is not even alleged in the present instance. Far from permitting British cruisers to sell in the U. S. prizes they have made on the French, they are not even allowed to bring them into port. A candid consideration of this subject will prove

that the withdrawal of a favor, the grant of which manifested so strongly the attachments of the U. S. far from justifying the resentments which have been expressed in consequence of it, can only be attributed to the solicitude of the American government to render perfectly unexceptionable its observance of that neutrality which it professes to maintain.
It has been shown unequivocally to have been the opinion of the contracting parties, that the treaty of commerce of the 6th of Feb. 1778, did not give to either, being at war, a right to sell its prizes in the ports of the other being at peace. It is not pretended that this is one of the rights accruing without special stipulation under the laws and usages of nations.
It is not then a right at all. If granted it is a voluntary favor. But a voluntary favor essential in the prosecution of the war if granted by a neutral to one belligerent power, and of necessity refused to the other, affords to that other at least a more plausible pretext for complaint than has been given by any other act of the government of the United States. What in such a situation would have been the language of France? Would this republic permit a neutral nation not bound thereto by any obligation whatever, to allow in its ports as a voluntary favor, the sale of prizes made on French citizens, while the same favor was of necessity denied to the cruisers of France?
It is believed that such an use of neutrality would not be permitted, and the undersigned felicitate themselves and their country, that the government they represent has never intentionally given to this republic any cause of dissatisfaction as serious as this would have been.—You will not fail to observe, citizen minister, that this heavy accusation, when analysed, is nothing more than the refusal of a mere favor on the part of the American government, the grant of which might have been dangerous to itself, might have drawn it from that neutral station which it is its duty to observe and which favor France had previously, in the most explicit terms, declared its determination not to grant under similar circumstances to the U. S.
2d. Your second allegation is "that the journals known to be indirectly under the control of cabinet, have redoubled their invectives and calumnies against the Republic, its Magistrates and its Envoys; and that pamphlets openly paid for by the Minister of G. Britain have reproduced, under every form those insults and calumnies without having ever drawn the attention of the Gov. to a state of things so scandalous, and which it might have repressed."
The genius of the Constitution and the opinions of the people of the United States cannot be overruled by those who administer the Government. Among these principles deemed sacred in America; among these sacred rights considered as forming the bulwark of their liberty, which the Government contemplates with awful reverence, and would approach only with the most cautious circumspection, there is no one of which the importance is more deeply impressed on the public mind than the liberty of the press. That this liberty is often carried to excess, that it has sometimes degenerated into licentiousness, is seen and lamented: but the remedy has not yet been discovered. Perhaps it is an evil inseparable from the good with which it is allied: perhaps it is a shoot which cannot be stripped from the stalk, without wounding vitality the plant from which it is torn. However desirable those measures might be which might correct without enslaving the press; they have never yet been devised in America. No regulations exist which enable the Govt. to suppress whatever calumnies or invectives any individual may chuse to offer to the public eye; or to punish such calumnies and invectives, otherwise than by a legal prosecution in courts which are alike open to all who consider themselves as injured. Without doubt this abuse of a valuable privilege is matter of peculiar regret when it is extended to the government of a foreign nation. The undersigned are persuaded, it never has been so extended with the approbation of the gov. of the U. S. Discussions respecting the conduct of foreign powers, especially on points respecting the rights and interests of America, are unavoidably made in a nation where public measures are the result of public opinion, and certainly do not furnish cause of reproach; but it is believed that calumny and invective have never been substituted for the manly reasoning of an enlightened and injured people, without giving pain to those who administer the affairs of the union. Certainly this offence, if it be deemed by France of sufficient magnitude to be worthy of notice, has been confined to this Republic. It has been still more profusely lavished on its enemies; and has even been bestowed with an usurping hand on the Federal Government itself.
Nothing can be more notorious than the calumnies and invective with which the wisest measures and the most virtuous characters of the U. S. have been pursued and traduced. It is a calamity incident to the nature of liberty, & which can produce no serious evil to France. It is a calamity occasioned neither by the direct or indirect influence of the American Government. In fact that Government is believed to exercise no influence over any press. You must be sensible, Citizen Minister, with how much truth the same complaint might be urged on the part of the U. S. You must know well what degrading and unworthy calumnies against their Government, its principles, and its officers, have been published to the world, by French journalists, and in French pamphlets. That Government has even been charged with betraying the best interests of the nation, with having put itself under the guidance of, nay more,
with having sold itself to a foreign court. But these calumnies, atrocious as they are, have never constituted a subject of complaint against France. Had not other cases infinitely more serious and weighty, interrupted the harmony of the two Republics, it would still have remained unimpaired, and, the mission of the undersigned would never have been rendered necessary. (To be concluded in the next Gazette.)
The Alien Act.
[PASSED JUNE 22, 1798.]
SECT. 1. BE it enacted, &c. That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States at any time, during the continuance of this act, to order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States, within such time as shall be expressed in such order—which order shall be served on such alien, by delivering a copy thereof, or leaving the same at his usual abode, and returned to the office of the Secretary of State, by the marshal or other person to whom the same shall be directed. And in case any alien so ordered to depart, should be found at large within the United States, and after the time limited in such order for his departure, and not having obtained a licence from the President to reside therein, or having obtained such licence, shall not have conformed thereto, every such alien shall, on conviction thereof, be imprisoned for a term not exceeding three years, and shall never after be admitted to become a citizen of the U. States.
Provided always, &c. That if any alien so ordered to depart, shall prove to the satisfaction of the President, by evidence to be taken before such person or persons as the President shall direct, who are for that purpose hereby authorized to administer oaths, that no injury or danger to the United States, will arise from suffering such alien to reside therein, the President may grant a licence to such alien to remain within the United States for such time as he shall judge proper, and at such place as he shall designate. And the President may also require of such alien to enter into a bond to the United States, in such penal sum as he may direct, with one or more sufficient sureties to the satisfaction of the person authorised by the President to take the same, conditioned for the good behaviour of such alien during his residence in the United States, and not violating his licence—which licence the President may revoke whenever he shall think proper.
SECT. 2. That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, whenever he may deem it necessary for the public safety, to order to be removed out of the territory thereof, any alien who may or shall be in prison, in pursuance of this act; and to cause to be arrested and sent out of the United States such of those aliens as shall have been ordered to depart therefrom, and shall not have obtained a licence as aforesaid, in all cases where, in the opinion of the President the public safety requires a speedy removal. And if any alien, so removed or sent out of the United States by the President, shall voluntarily return thereto, such alien, on conviction thereof shall be imprisoned so long as, in the opinion of the President, the public safety shall require it.
SECT. 3. That every master, or commander of any ship or vessel which shall come into any port of the United States after the first day of July next, shall immediately on his arrival make report in writing, to the collector or other chief officer of the customs of such port, of all aliens, if any, on board his vessel, specifying their names, age, the place of nativity, the country from which they shall have come, the nation to which they belong and owe allegiance, their occupation, and a description of their persons, as far as he shall be informed thereof, and on failure, every such master or commander shall forfeit and pay three hundred dollars—for the payment whereof on default of such master or commander, such vessel shall also be holden, and may by such collector or other officer of the custom be detained. And it shall be the duty of such collector or other officer of the customs, forthwith to transmit to the office of the department of state, true copies of all such returns.
SECT. 4. That the circuit and district courts of the United States, shall respectively have cognizance of all crimes and offences against this act.—And all marshals and other officers of the United States, are required to execute all precepts and orders of the President of the United States, issued in pursuance or by virtue of this act.
SECT. 5. That this act shall continue and be in force for and during the term of two years from the passing thereof.
[This law now being in force, it is the duty of every man to come forward, when in his power, and assist in rendering it effectual to preserve the internal peace of the country, and to frustrate the projects of its external enemies.—There are vast numbers of Aliens, who are of a character something more than suspicious. There are many Frenchmen who have had, and who yet have, shares in privateers. Those persons, and even those who harbour them, and are intimate with them, should be pointed out to the government, either by a communication to the Attorney General, or in the public papers.—But, the Aliens from Great Britain and Ireland are still more dangerous, particularly those from Great Britain.—Those are villains that understand the trade of sedition as well as any shoe-maker understands his trade, after a seven years apprenticeship.]
THE GAZETTE.
Portland.
American Independence.
Last Wednesday was celebrated the anniversary of our National Birth. Much may be said on this occasion; but the voluntary feelings of the heart, cannot be expressed. The universal festivity of the day, while it augurs favorably to our country, will serve to dismay and confound our enemies. Long may the God of wisdom preserve in us that spirit of union, which blasts the hopes of intriguers, and is a sure bulwark against invasion—Long may the undaunted spirit of Americans secure that independence which they dared to assert in the face of every danger, and to support during a long and dubious contest. This anniversary renews the pledge of fidelity to the nation and government. It should be considered as no ordinary transaction—no trifling occasion of unmeaning mirth: but as the laudable patriotism of a great and insulted people, reminding each other of their former vows, and adding another clause, in support of the sovereignty and independence of the Western Empire.
Prompted by similar sentiments, the inhabitants of this town observed the day in a manner becoming freemen; and every action declared
"That ne'er shall the sons of COLUMBIA be slaves, While the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls its waves."
The welcome morn was ushered in with the thunder of our cannon—the display of our flags—and the ringing of bells. The pleasure inspired by the day, reflected from each countenance. The voice of discord was not heard—all was harmony, hilarity, and joy.
The Portland Artillery, commanded by Capt. Weeks, ever ready to display their patriotism, performed the military honors of the day, much to their own credit, and the gratification of the spectators.
The Oration was unfortunately omitted, by the absence of the Rev. Mr. Warren, who was chosen orator of the day.
The inhabitants assembled at the Columbian Hall, where they were joined by the judges, &c. of the Supreme Court; and, forming a procession, were escorted by the Artillery, to the Assembly hall, at which place they partook of a sumptuous entertainment, prepared by Mr. Graffam.—Nathaniel F. Folsdick, Esq. presided at this festival of reason.
After dinner, the patriotic song of "Adams and Liberty," was sung by Mr. Folsdick, with a spirit and justice to its noble sentiments, that entitled him to a share of the applause.—The subsequent toasts were then received with that approbation which is now attached to every thing federal. Several other songs were sung.—Let it be said to the honor of the day, that nothing Frenchified was admitted.
1. THE DAY, which gave birth to American Independence:—May its anniversary be commemorated, till the great globe itself is buried amidst the ruins of nature.
2. JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States:—May his life be as precious in the sight of heaven, as it has been useful and ornamental to the world.
3. CONGRESS:—May they evince the excellence of Representative Government.
4. THE PEOPLE and the GOVERNMENT of the United States:—One in principle, and undivided in energy, may they crush the serpent of foreign influence.
5. The illustrious FARMER of Mount Vernon: May the name of WASHINGTON, strike terror into the hearts of the enemy of America.
6. The AMERICAN NAVY:—May the pride of the nation inspire it with a principle of honor that will render it invincible.
7. The AMERICAN ARMY:—Like the needle to the magnet, may it always leap to the point of invasion or insurrection, and settle to its proper pole when the danger is past.
8. The AMERICAN ARTILLERY:—May it flash victorious in the face of every invading foe.
9. INCREASE SUMNER, Governor of Massachusetts: As his virtuous command our highest veneration, may they meet grateful returns from his fellow citizens.
10. The GENERAL COURT of Massachusetts: Considered as an example through the Union, may they never forget the immense consequence of their well earned reputation.
11. CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY, JOHN MARSHALL and ELBRIDGE GERRY: Faithful to excellent instructions, and having nobly vindicated the insulted honor of their country, may the return from a triumph of candor & justice, over meanness and villany, and read their eulogy in every American face.
12. Agriculture and Commerce: Like twins, let them live and thrive together.
13. The Arts and Sciences: May their light dispel the prejudices of the human mind, as the rays of the sun disperse the shades of night.
14. ETERNAL DEATH and OBLIVION to JACOBINISM!
(A thunder of applause shook the hall for minutes.)
15. GOOD GOVERNMENT: which we have painfully acquired, and deliberately modified.
16. The DAUGHTERS of Columbia:—May their smiles beam on those only who defend the sovereignty and honor of their country.
VOLUNTEERS, after the Court retired.
The Supreme Judicial Court: Every pleasure to it, which can result from the universal belief, that ours is a government of Laws and not of Men.
The Militia of the United States: May they rally round the standard of their country in the hour of danger, and bravely repel her foes, or nobly perish in the attempt.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of the United States: Shame and chagrin to his calumniators.
The Star of Liberty, that arose in the west: May it never set until the last day.
The American Eagle: May he ever preserve his plumage; his wings their full length of feather; may the glory which surrounds him never suffer the delicacy of his crown to be sullied.
Freeport, July 5.
"The people at large, who have hitherto spent little of their time in the celebration of independence, are now rallying round its standard in proportion as they discover its dangers.
We were unwilling to put the President to the trouble of reading and answering an address at this busy season of his affairs. But we met yesterday to encourage each other, and pledge ourselves to our country and its government in the present dangers.
The artillery company in uniform paraded; an oration was pronounced by the Rev. Mr. JOHNSON, and after dinner the usual number of Federal toasts were given, with firings, cheers, and patriotic songs.—As a specimen of our sentiments, we select the following toasts and song:
The PRESIDENT. May his elquence and authority long support that independence, for which he was the first to speak in the Congress of '76.
TIMOTHY PICKERING; and all those who have assisted our councils of peace, in or out of office.
Our ENVOYS extra. to France. May their cordial reception at home compensate them for their unpleasant situation abroad.
Our infant NAVY. May it be nursed by the cares and resources of the country, till our insulted flag shall ride respected in all the seas.
WASHINGTON forever.
SONG.
Composed and sung by Mr. BURRILL.
Guardians of our nation, stand firm in your station, While Europe is all in commotion; We'll let the world see that America's free, Our flag shall ride safe on the ocean.
Since France doth aspire to set us on fire, And fill our Grand Court with distraction, Then from let us be, united and free, In spite of proud France and of faction.
We'll ne'er have a king, tho' of ADAMS we'll sing, And chant to our children his story; We'll let the world see Columbia is free, And fight for our country and glory.
Our Navy shall ride on the ocean so wide, With all the proud billows in motion, No tyrant shall dare his ensigns to rear, And pirates shall fly from the ocean.
These pirates of France, have dar'd to advance To our seas, and the mouths of our harbours; But Frenchmen shall see our States will be free, We'll clear all our coasts of such robbers.
Now let us unite to stand for our right, And protect our commerce from plunder: These rovers at sea, shall begin now to flee, When Ganges discharges his thunder.
New Gloucester, July 5.
"The inhabitants of this town, anxious to express their federalism, and love of country, met yesterday (July 4) at the Traveller's Repose Tavern, to celebrate the anniversary of American Independence. The day was ushered in with the discharge of musketry by some volunteers who turned out on the occasion, and the American flag was displayed, for the first time, to evince our respect for the American commerce.—A decent collation was prepared, and the day spent in rational mirth and festivity. A general joy pervaded the whole scene; and all seemed to renew

Marine Articles Port of Portland.
There have been no late foreign arrivals at this port.
A letter from Capt. Truxton, of the Constellation frigate off Rappahannock, dated June 23, says, "I am now on my way down the Chesapeake; having 300 men on board—the remaining 13, which will complete my crew, I shall receive in Hampton roads, so that before this reaches you, I shall be at sea, and hope soon to fall in with some of the pirates who infest our coasts."
A letter from a Captain in Havana, dated June 15, says, "The French are taking every thing they find. Ten prizes have been sent in here since I arrived. Would you believe it! our flag has been reversed and left flying so; and to their eternal shame, some Americans had a hand in the business. There is not a privateer but what has more or less Americans on board."
Arrived at Boston, Schooner Sally of Plymouth, now commanded by the former mate, Mr. Wiley. She is from Demarara, was captured in lat. 28, lo. 62, by a French privateer. Seven Frenchmen put on board, and the mate and one seaman suffered to remain with them. Soon after they retook the vessel; six of the privateersmen being despatched. [The brevity of this account is occasioned by a request that the particulars may appear in a very circumstantial and official form, by way of protest, which will be soon made.]
Ship Phebe of Kennebec, for Barbadoes, was spoken June 10, lat. 39, 42.
Ship Astarte of W. Fasset, from Liverpool for Alexandria, was spoken May 29, lat. 42, out 37 days.
The Mars of Kennebec, taken by the French, was retaken by her Captain, and got to Barbadoes.
Gallant Naval Action. Capt. Thomas, of the English Schooner Letter of Marque Chance, from Martinique, who sailed from thence 3d June, furnishes the following particulars:—An English packet arrived at Martinique on the first of June, which brought an official account that a French 80 gun ship was lying at anchor within reach of the guns of Bret Fort, which being discovered by Capt. Wood of the Mars, English 74, he daringly bore down close upon her, and a desperate action ensued, which lasted 2 hours, when the French ship struck. She was conveyed in triumph to Falmouth. The brave Capt. Wood was unfortunately killed by the first broadside.
FLOUR. SUPERFINE and fine Baltimore and Philadelphia FLOUR, of an excellent quality, for sale by June 25. WALTER SIMONTON.
FRESH GOODS. J. Blake, HAS just received at his store in Fifth Street, a fresh assortment of SUMMER GOODS, of almost every description, which are for sale very cheap for cash. Also, a beautiful assortment of PAPER HANGINGS, at the Boston prices. Portland, June 11.
One Cent Reward. RAN away from the subscriber on the 22d ult. BENJAMIN HAYES , an indentured apprentice, about 17 years old, dark complexion; had with him when he went away, a broadcloth coat, and long jacket; two waistcoats, one velvet, the other kerseymere; a pair of button trowsers, &c.—As he makes off vessels and others, are forbidden harboring or trusting said runaway, as they would avoid the penalties of the law. N. B. It is supposed he will apply for a voyage to sea, or to be employed at the baking business. JOSEPH SMITH. Dover, July 2, 1798.
Wanted, As an apprentice to the leather dressing business, a LAD about 15 or 16 years old, and can be well recommended. Inquire at S. Bird's Leather store in forestreet. July 9th.
1000 Green Sheep-Skins, wanted immediately, for which a good price will be given. Apply to the Printer. July 2.
Chaise for Sale. FOR sale by the subscriber, an elegant new standing top CHAISE with harness complete. WILLIAM CALDWELL. Portland, June (p.f.)
The society of Cincinnati, celebrated the American jubilee, at Boston. A committee was appointed, and drafted a spirited address to the President.
Capt. Seward, who arrived at Boston on Thursday last, in 24 days from Cape Francois informs, that a war between the United States and France, is expected there. The people of colour in general seemed to dread it.—Those in commission aver, that they will be on the side of the United States—that if they did not, they are sensible they should starve.
Hon. Theodore Sedgwick, from this State, is President of the Senate of the United States, vice Mr. Jefferson, who has leave of absence.
Patriotic subscriptions are filling at Norfolk, Petersburg and Richmond.
The young men of Charleston, have addressed government, promised their support and opened a subscription for the purchase of arms for the militia.
A bill to prevent the landing of French passengers in the United States, has passed.
It is reported, that England & Spain are in pacific negotiation.
A letter from Cork, dated April 21, says, that 17,000 Hessian, have arrived in Ireland, for its protection against the French.
The Frigate Constitution at Boston, has left her moorings, and dropped down into the lower harbour. Immediately on her getting under way, she fired a federal salute in compliment to the town of Boston, which was answered by the loud huzzas of a vast concourse of inhabitants assembled on the wharves and on board the shipping in the harbour. On passing the Castle the frigate gave a salute, which was immediately returned.
A motion has been made, and carried in the House of Representatives of the United States, to adjourn the 9th inst.
The American Stamp Act is now in force. Let the reader take notice.
It is said that a corps of volunteers is contemplated to be raised in Freeport, according to the late act of Congress. No part of the Union is more exposed to pillage than that and the other unfortified towns on this bay.
The infamous Tom Paine is, it is credibly asserted, editor to one of the Paris Gazettes, permitted by the omnipotent Directory—His abominable lies, and rank hostility to this country, which he affects to call his adopted country, are as black as hell, & as inveterate as the devil. It is a curious fact, that in a moment of political intoxication, he left Paris last Sept. for Havre, for the avowed purpose, as he said, of coming to America, to kick up a dust and to put us all right . On his arrival at Havre, much to the honor of the American captains, not one of them would disgrace himself with his company across the Atlantic—except one who offered to take him in tow with a rope round his neck.
Some Extracts shall be given in the next Gazette from a spirited Oration that I have received from Freeport—Other matters shall be attended to. The Sedition Bill will be published as soon as possible. Look out, sons of sedition!
Melancholy Accident.
On Tuesday last, Mr. George Hufsey, Mr. Ephraim Roberts, and two of his brothers, being on their return from this town to Newcastleton in a small boat, deep laden with iron, were upset in a sudden squall of wind, about 5 o'clock, P. M. off the point of the neck. At that moment Mr. Joseph Thomas, John Clough, and Moses Brazier, of this town, were coming down the river, in a small canoe; they went to their assistance, and in endeavouring to take them in upset the canoe also—by which accident, Mr. Ephraim Roberts and George Hufsey, of Newcastleton, and Mr. John Clough and Joseph Thomas, of this place, were drowned.—It is worthy of remark, that Mr. Thomas is the last five brothers who lost their lives in the same manner.
DIED: —At Winslow, on the 14th ult. Capt. ZIMRI HAYWOOD, aged 66. He dropped down dead as he was going to his house.
his appearance at the next circuit court, and his bail, to wit: Thomas Leiper, tobacconist and quarry man, and Israel Israel, stabler & tavern keeper, in 1000 dollars, each—his counsellors were Moses Levy, and A. J. Dallas, and his attending friends Robert Smith, hatter, and Colonel Barker the taylor. What a group; what a concatenation of characters! How like begets like, as the D—l said by the Collier, and how birds of a feather flock together! Now in this great city, I question whether a furrago of such pure, jacobinical and democratical spirits could be selected and collected, as was exemplified at the Judge's—and are seen held up to public observation as the antifederal printer , the two law ware men , the Scottish Quarrier , alias puarrelsome man the Synagogue stabler, and would be senator, the warlike taylor, and the Don Quixotte hatter. Reader! bless thyself that thou art not like one of these men; but one that believeth that justice and truth will always be an over match for treason and rebellion.
A Frenchman had the insolence, lately, to say, that in six months time, ADAMS's head would be off , and Jefferson would be President. It no one else could be found, it is said, he added, that himself would be the executioner .—The villain was secured and is now in jail. When before the magistrate he behaved with a great deal of hauteur , asking how he could send a Frenchman to jail!—"Ay," said he "you send me to de jail, I was goen to make me von citizen to-morrow."—So much for making citizens , the evils of which have so often been insisted upon, and which such an example as this was only wanted to confirm.
From a little thing like this much is to be gathered—This man must have heard this amongst some of the leaders of the faction here. Such expressions never come out, without previous contemplation or information; and it is lucky for us that the vanity of this perfidious nation often gets the better of their crafty prudence.
Two vessels, having French emigrants, whites and negroes on board, have arrived at the fort. Government have forbid their landing.
A most daring attempt was made, in the night, by the negroes and other passengers, from St. Domingo, to force their way up to the city. They had taken the command from the officers of the vessels, and were determined to proceed, with the first tide, up the river. It is impossible to foresee what would have been the consequences of their determination, if the vigilant and praiseworthy conduct of the commanding officer of this fort, and of capt. Decatur, in the Delaware sloop of war, had not completely defeated their design.
The above vessels, to the number of nine, having 700 souls on board, were ordered under the guns of the fort; which step will no doubt prevent any further disturbances among them.
At the late public entertainment to Gen. Marshall, at Philadelphia, the following, among other toasts were given: The American Eagle. May it regard with disdain, the crowing of the Gallic Cock.
Millions for defence; but not a Cent for tribute.
The public mind does not appear quite reconciled to Mr. Gerry's conduct in the late mission to France. Doubtless a delicacy should be observed on this point at the present moment, but letters from the southward reflect a degree of censure upon him. How far it is just, time will discover. He was omitted in the toasts at the entertainment given to Mr. Marshall. It is suggested that he is rather susceptible to French flattery, and subservient to their views; and that his stay at Paris will afford them an opportunity to temporize with him, without serious intentions, and to procrastinate, in order again to deceive us, and delude some of our citizens. It is very clear that he ought to be out of France.
their determination to support the independence of their country.—Among others, the following sentiments were asked, and received with the usual marks of approbation:
May THIS DAY be ever celebrated to the glory of our nation, and to the confusion of our internal and external enemies.
President ADAMS, and his worthy predecessor. May their lives be long continued, as blessings to a great, free, and enlightened people; and a dread to the friends of rapine and murder.
The United States of America. May they inseparably united in true policy.
Every worthy member of this Union. May their cause and character be supported.
May the members of Congress be firmly united in the cause of Federalism.
The Constitution of America. May it shine with the sun; and may its basis, rational and modified freedom, serve as a model to all nations, until they shall participate in the blessings of good government, and a diffusion of useful knowledge.
May the firmness and stability of our Envoys to France, be a terror to that nation; and a specimen of American wisdom.
Governor SUMNER.
May the voice of civil and religious liberty, heard with reverence, through the universe. May destruction and confusion be the lot of inflammatory Jacobins on earth.
May the friends of freedom and order continue to prosper, while jacobins fear and tremble to be hid.
New England. May it shine in all the good graces; and may its citizens rally round the standard of their country, when invasion threatens their peaceful fields.
The Tree of Liberty. May its branches protect us from the malignant rays of French licentiousness.
The anniversary of our independence has been very generally celebrated in this District. The spirited citizens of the towns of Gray and Paris observed it in a federal manner.
Supreme Judicial Court.
Saturday last the Supreme Judicial Court closed its annual session in this town; during which time the trial of the unfortunate Capt. POTE, for the murder of his wife, came on and occupied the whole of Thursday, till eleven o'clock in the evening. The evidence was very full and clear that on the 11th of November last, at about eight o'clock in the evening, after many reproaches for her unfaithfulness to his bed, for which not the least foundation existed, and attempting to strangle her with a handkerchief, he killed her with repeated strokes of a fire-shovel upon the head and neck. There being some evidence that gave colour to suppose that Capt. Pote might be insane at the time, the same was fully and ingeniously argued in his favor by his counsel, Messrs. Symmes and Davis, but without effect, as was anticipated; for the jury were but a few minutes agreeing to the fatal verdict. The unfortunate offender was on Saturday sentenced to death by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court, in a very pathetic address, amidst a large concourse of spectators whose deep attention and unavailing regret did homage to the umpire of the laws.
At the same court Joshua Cordis was tried for assaulting and cutting his wife with an axe, with intent to murder her; and though insanity was again pleaded to secure him, and appeared much more probable than in the case of Pote, yet his jury brought him in guilty of the whole indictment, and he is to receive his sentence at the next term.—Some other criminals were tried.
It is worthy of remark, that the court in the line of civil business did not get to the actions that were entered this year, which may be in a great degree owing to the multiplicity of criminal matters before them, but certainly proves the great necessity of a separate Judicature for Maine, by which sufficient time could be devoted to the complete administration of distributive justice.
From Philadelphia, June 29.
Bache, printer of the jacobin Aurora , has been arrested on a charge of libelling the President & Executive, and this day underwent an examination before Judge Peters, by whom Bache was bound in the sum of 2000 dollars for

Well worth reading !
The following excellent thing, called the FRENCH CREED, was written in 1677; but every one must allow it to be as applicable to the French at present as if written to day.]
WE believe, That what others call violence, is but a bare precaution, and the pursuit of one of our infallible rules of art.
We believe, That conquerors ought to provide for the future by destroying every thing that may hurt them; and that we ought to have no law but the sword, the appetite of governing, and the glory to be had by aggrandizing ourselves at the cost of our neighbours. Also,
We believe this to be just, That all things are lawful for dominion; we generally applaud, and hold, that nothing is forbid to, them that may disturb their neighbours, and sow division among them; that we have a secret joy in doing wrong, and whatsoever else may be most affliction and outrageous.
We believe, That pity is a cowardly virtue, which overthrows a government whose best support is fear, and impiety its foundation.
We believe, That arms inspire a reverence among us, and troops are the admirable advocates which plead a cause best.
We believe, That the proclamation of a cannon is above all other titles.
We believe, That justice is a phantasm, reason a chimera, marriage a trifle, the faith of treaties an illusion, peace but a bait; that our cabals ought to be full of mystery, our conferences infnaring, and our oaths but sport for children, a trap to catch cullies and a charm for fools. We further
Believe and say, That perjury is just; and, according to our morals, ill may be done for a greater good.
We believe, That sincerity is ruin, that perfidiousness is profitable, imposture of much benefit, that infidelity is the charter of our grand monarque, faith a foolish maxim, keeping our word but a mean compliance, and violence the proper hinge to move upon. We speak one thing and mean another; and make great promises, but never perform any; our mouths flatter, while our hearts betray; we have no friendship without an end; vengeance is sweet to us; our protection is heavy; we embrace with one arm and smother with the other. We are the Proteus of the age, have a thousand faces; we enter like a lamb, are transformed into a fox, and thence we become a devouring wolf. We never pardon, are never to be surprised, and our ways are past finding out. Our voice is charming, with a studied behavior; we count nothing a greater pleasure than enslaving other people, and then leave them to despair. We scoff at the hatred of the conquered, if we can but make them fear. Queen Elizabeth always asserted, that we might be espoused as a friend, but never approved of for a neighbor, our rapidity and heat consuming what we can reach, not being able to subsist without coveting, and invading our neighbors goods and properties; and we are under a necessity to continue war as long as we can.
Picture for Young Men !
[As a proof of the sad effects of French principles upon the minds of young men, I give the following character of the youth of Paris, taken from a French Journal.—Read it, young men, and study to be every way unlike Frenchmen.]
THEY are mean, idle, gluttonous, envious, detractive, credulous, and as much the slaves of ennui themselves as the cause of it in others; infolent and gross in their behavior towards women; cowardly and embarrassed in their conduct with patriots; presumptuous & enterprising when in a mass; fools and affrighted when alone. Should they continue ten years as they are, they will be the opprobrium, the shame, the scandal and the refuse of the French nation."
Isabella Child,
Has for sale at her shop in fifth-street, a fresh assortment of
GOODS,
suitable for the season.
TAMBORE, Japan and plain Jack-onet Mullins. Checkered, bordered and sheer ditto. Black Mullin, ditto Italian Crape. Sattins, Modes and Sarin. Silk and Cotton Hose. Fashionable Bonnets, Beaver and other Hats, Pearl and Steel Buttons, Linens and Cambricks, India Cottons, A variety of fashionable Ribbands. Silk and Mullin Shawls, Silk Nankinet, Sattin Florentine, Calicoes and Ginghams, Fine pocket Handkerchiefs, Silk and Kid Gloves, Garden Fans, Spanish and other Sewing Silks, Needles, Tapes and Bobbins.
Also, a large assortment of SHOES,
of all kinds. Hair Powder, Raisins, and a number of other articles, which will be sold cheap. MILLENARY, done in the latest fashions. Portland, July 2, 1798.
Ten Dollars Reward.
DESERTED, from brigantine Joseph, JOHN CHASE, about six feet high, light complexion, long dark hair, little pitted round the nose with the small pox; the forefinger of one of his hands gone near upper the joint; had on brown Jacket and naked trowsers; appeared to be about twenty eight years old.—Whoever will take up and return said CHASE to the subscriber, shall receive the above reward. ASA CLAP. July 2.
REMOVED.
Jesse Richards,
INFORMS his customers and the public that he has removed from his shop at the head of Titcomb's wharf, to the bottom of Fifth-street—Where he makes and keeps constantly for sale,
HATS
of every description. Those who may favor him with their commands, shall receive every attention. Portland, July 2.
Ran Away,
FROM the English ship Admiral Dun-cm, Capt. CUTHBERTSON. JOHN SMITH, an apprentice boy, about fourteen years old, short thick light hair, having on when he left the ship, a blue serge jacket with bright metal buttons, and blue trowsers—no shoes or hat.—Whoever will apprehend said boy, and deliver him to Mr. Arthur M'Lellan, or Capt. Cuthbertson of the above ship, shall receive TEN DOLLARS reward, and reasonable expenses. Portland, June 25. JOHN PILE.
To Samuel Freeman, Esq. one of the Justices of the Peace within the county of Cumberland.
THE subscribers, being five of the proprietors of the Portland Long Wharf, judging a meeting of the said proprietors to be necessary, do hereby apply to you the said Justice, for a Warrant to call a meeting of said proprietors, for to be held at the Columbian Hall in said Portland, on Wednesday the eleventh day of July next, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, for the purposes following, viz.
1st. To choose a Moderator. 2d. To choose a Clerk, Treasurer, Collector of taxes, a Wharfinger, and a Committee to adjust and settle accounts. 3d. To determine what additions or repairs they will make to said wharf the current year. 4th. To determine what commission or other allowance shall be made to their Clerk, Treasurer and Wharfinger, the current year. 5th. To vote such sums of money as may be necessary to pay accounts, and for such additions or repairs as may be agreed upon. 6th. To determine on the manner their Collector shall proceed with delinquent proprietors. 7th. To determine what instructions they will give, and with what powers they will invest their Wharfinger. 8th. To determine on the manner of calling future meetings.
DANIEL TUCKER, JOHN KENT, MATTHEW COBB, ABNER BAGLEY, S. HARDING. Portland, June 1798.
CUMBERLAND, ss. To Daniel Tucker, one of the proprietors of the Portland Long Wharf, and one of the subscribers of the foregoing application.
YOU are hereby required in the name of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to notify and warn a meeting of said proprietors, in the manner by law directed, to be held at the time and place and for the purposes mentioned in said application.
Given under my hand and seal the eighteenth day of June, Anno Domini 1798.
SAMUEL FREEMAN, Justice of the Peace for said county.
Pursuant to the foregoing warrant, I hereby notify and warn the proprietors of the Portland Long Wharf to meet at the time and place, and for the purposes mentioned in the above application. DANIEL TUCKER. Portland, June 23, 1798.
William Hudson,
Informs his friends & the public, that he has for sale at his West-India & Grocery Store, fore-street, an assortment of W. I. Goods, Groceries, &c. AMONG WHICH ARE,
Anchovies, Alum, Alspice, Almonds, shelled Awls and Haws, Black ball, Brown Sugar, Butter, Bellows, Bindings, Bed Cords, Candles mould and dipt, per box or lb. Chocolate No. 1 and 2, Cheefe, Capers, Cart boxes, Cotton, Cards, playing, Corn, Codlins, Currants, Cloves, Cards, wool and cotton, Copperas, Cinnamon, Chest and padlocks, Soap Soap, Cake Ink, Cloth lines, Corks, English Mustard, Flour, Fustick, Figs, Files, Flax, Florens Oil, Figg Tobacco per cask or single pound, Flat Irons, Fish Hooks of all sizes, Ginger, Glass, window, 7 by 9, German Steel, Gun Powder, Hard Soap, per box or lb. Hair Ribbon, India Sugars, Iron Shovels, Knives and forks, Log Wood, Leaf Sugar, Lemons, Long and short Pipes, Mackerel Lines, Men's, Women's & Children's Shoes, Mace, Molasses, Nutmegs, Netting Twine, Nails, Olives, Oiled Umbrellas, Pepper, Pins, Pigtail Tobacco, Paper, writing & wrapping, Pomatum, Powder Flasks, Raisins, Rice, Redwood, Rapper Snuff, Razors, Rat and Mouse Traps, Segars, Scotch Snuff, Slates, Shot of all sizes, Shoe Brushes, Sieves, Spanish, French & Carolina Indigo, Sewing Twine, Shaving boxes, Sewing Silks, Stone Ware, Sand Stones, Smoaking Tobacco, No. 1 and 3, Tobacco boxes, Tapes, Thimbles, Thimbles, Twists of all colours, TEA—Hyson, Souchong and Bohea.
LIQUORS.
Bell French Brandy, Common ditto, W. I. & N. E. Rum, Hollands Geneva, Annicee, Clove water, Snake Root, London bottled Porter, Bottled Cyder, Draft Portet, Vinegar, Cherry Rum, Sherry, Lisbon & Malaga, WINES.
Garden Seeds,
of almost every kind, for sale at the above Store.
Mr. HUDSON returns his thanks for past favours, and hopes by his attention to merit their continuance. Portland, June 18, 1798.
Notice.
WHEREAS SAMUEL WARD, who now lives in the town of Gorham who holds a note of hand against me the subscriber, for fifty Dollars, which was given him some time in September 1797, and witnessed by Joseph Wilson—and although the said Ward has received of my property, according to the judgment of judicious men, to the value of said note, yet he refuses to deliver it up—This is therefore to forbid any person from purchasing said note, as I am determined not to pay it. BENJAMIN CHIPMAN. Poland, June 18, 1798.
Thomas Slemmon's Estate.
THE subscriber hereby gives notice, that he hath been duly appointed Administrator on the Estate of Thomas Slemmon, late of Falmouth in the county of Cumberland, yeoman deceased, and taken upon him that trust, by giving bond as the law directs.
All persons therefore, who have any demands against said estate, are requested to exhibit the same—and those who are indebted to said estate, are requested to make payment to WILLIAM SLEMNON. June 20, 1798.
Five Dollars Reward.
RAN away, with the boat, from the snow Harriot, Capt. Brightman, lying in this port, DANIEL CAMPBELL, about 18 years old, dark complexion, flemish freckled, his hair dark and curly—about five feet four inches high—Also, a boy by the name of JOHN SMITH, light complexion, long favored, has a fear of a ball shot through his left thigh—about four feet eight inches high.—Any person who will take up said runaways, and secure them in any jail, shall receive the above reward, and all necessary charges paid, by HENRY BRIGHTMAN. Portland, June 7, 1798.
George Johnson's Estate.
WE the subscribers, having been appointed by the Hon. WILLIAM GORHAM, Esq. to receive and examine the claims of creditors to the estate of GEORGE JOHNSON, late of Falmouth, yeoman, deceased, represented intolvent, do hereby give notice, that six months from the first day of May last, were allowed to said creditors to bring in and prove their claims; and that we shall attend this service at the dwelling house of ARCHELAUS LEWIS, in said Falmouth, on the last Monday of this and the four following months, from two to six o'clock, P M.
ARCHELAUS LEWIS, JAMES MEANS. Falmouth, June 5th, 1798.
JUST OPENED, AND FOR SALE
By Kezia Butler,
MILLENER, from Boston, At her Shop in Middle Street, opposite the store of Mr. Joseph C. Boyd,
A variety of Fancy and other articles, suitable for the season.
AMONG WHICH ARE, FASHIONABLE Vellum and Sattin Bonnets, Sprigged and Checkered Mullins, Mullin Handkerchiefs, Cambric ditto, Coloured Sattins and Modes, Fancy Ribbons, Necklaces and Ear-Rings, Miniature Chains, Lockets, Sprigs, &c. &c.
ALSO, A variety of Japanned WARE, and an assortment of CHILDREN'S TOYS.
N. B. MILLENARY of all kinds made at the shortest notice. Portland, June 11.
Latest Prices Current
AT BOSTON—PER QUANTITY.
Table with 4 columns: Item, Price per unit, Quantity, Price per unit. Items include ASHES, Lime, Butter, Beef, Brandy, Nails, Coffee, Cotton, Chocolate, Rum, OIL, Candles, Soap, Sperm, Spermaceti, Coal, Col Lines, Duck, FISH, Paper, Salt, Herring, Mackerel, New England, Ruff, SHEETING, FURS, Bear, Fox, Mink, Muskrat, Otter, Sable, Flaxseed, Hemp, Hops, Lignum Vita.
THIS GAZETTE,
Is regularly published every MONDAY, at E. A. FENK's Printing-Office, in Middlestreet, near the head of Fifth-street, Portland; where subscriptions, advertisements, and communications, are received with attention.
The terms are, ONE DOLLAR & FIFTY CENTS per annum, EXCLUSIVE of POSTAGE. Punctual payments are requested.
The extensive and rapidly increasing circulation of the GAZETTE, renders it highly advantageous for ADVERTISEMENTS.
PRINTING,
In its various branches, executed with attention and dispatch. Orders for Books, Pamphlets, Blanks, Handbills, &c. duly attended to.