The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-05-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXXVII
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, MAY 26, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH 17.
DEBATE
On Mr. Nicholson's resolution.
(CONTINUED)
Mr. SLOAN. Mr. Chairman—As I wish always to do to others as I would be done unto, and as I do not love to be kept in suspense myself, I will not keep this committee in suspense respecting my opinion on the present resolution. I am opposed to it because it does not mention what I consider the principal cause of our complaint against G. B.; I mean the improvement of our seamen—at the same time declaring that I will eventually vote for any measure that I shall consider better than none. This is a line of conduct that I have thought it my duty to adopt in all cases since I have had a seat on this floor. From the course that other members have pursued in this debate, I expect I shall be permitted to give my reasons in favor of a non-intercourse with G. Britain, in preference to the prohibition of certain articles of their manufactures, contemplated by the present resolution.
Mr. Chairman, notwithstanding I am conscious of my inability to do justice to a subject of greater magnitude, as it respects the character, the interest and the peace and happiness of that beloved country that gave me birth, than any that has ever claimed the attention of the Congress of the U. S. since I have had the honor of a seat on this floor, I say I am happy nevertheless in having an opportunity to cast my mite into that treasury, which having been instituted upon a principle of perfect equality, the widow's mite is, or ought to be, as acceptable as the greatest gift from the superabundant treasures of the rich. In the observations that I shall make, it is not my intention, directly or indirectly, to charge those who differ with me in opinion, whether in a majority, or minority, with ignorance or evil design, much less to stigmatize or reproach them with contemptible epithets—No, Mr. Chairman, I consider it my duty to consider many members on this floor as my superiors, and none as my inferiors. I consider it my duty after having given my reasons for or against any subject in discussion, to cheerfully submit to the decision of a majority; and I also consider it my duty to treat every member of the legislature of the union, with that respect due to fellow citizens standing on an even floor. I consider it my duty, instead of holding up the interest of the northern states opposed to the interest of the southern, or the eastern to the western; to view them all as members of the same body, consequently, that one cannot suffer without the whole being affected. I consider it my duty, instead of taking advantage of local situations and different occupations, productive at certain times of temporary jarring interests, to array one part of our fellow citizens in opposition to another part; contrariwise, to endeavor to show, that such temporary inconveniences cannot long remain, but like water seeking its level, the inequality will soon be removed. This I conceive to be my duty, in order to promote that love and harmony amongst members of this House, and citizens of the U. S. in general, which I consider as the only efficacious cement of our union, by which our present happy form of government can be continued, and the rights and liberties we enjoy handed down unimpaired to future generations. A contrary line of conduct is, in my opinion derogatory to the character of any person honored with a seat in this House, & injurious to the peace, liberty and happiness of the U. S.
Having briefly proposed the premises which I mean to observe as the rule of my conduct, I shall offer my reasons in favor of non-intercourse with G. Britain, in case she persists in these insults and injuries, which is the subject of the present discussion, and which, in my opinion, the U. S. hath already suffered too long.
In offering my reasons I shall not bring into view the conduct of other nations to justify G. Britain—Neither shall I assert that Bonaparte is an usurper, and a tyrant, that he has annihilated Spain, or is now aiming at the conquest of the world; but is graciously pleased to leave the U. S. for the last victim he means to devour! All I have to say to this (if it be true) is, to acknowledge my gratitude for his having determined to give us the longest time to repent of our sins, of which there is great need; and to give it as my opinion, that we have no right to interfere, with the form of government in France; the people there having as good a right to choose an Emperor as we a President.
I shall not take up the time of the committee in reading documents to prove the magnitude of the grievance; that having been done (in a former part of this discussion) by my friend from Massachusetts, (Mr. Bidwell) and those documents having been long in the possession of members, renders it unne-
cessary; but shall first endeavor to prove, that it is our duty as Representatives of the people, to apply an effectual remedy to existing grievances, and to prevent their repetition in future; that we are called upon not only by the sufferings of our constituents, but by the sacred obligation we owe to the character of our country, and by our indispensable duty to preserve that character without spot or blemish, in our intercourse with foreign nations; which can only be done by a system of justice and equality, granting no peculiar favor to one that we do not to others; and on the other hand submitting to no insult or injury from one nation that we do not submit to from others.
And secondly, that we can at this time obtain redress of grievances without any risque, or probability of war with G. Britain, because it would be contrary to her interest, and because in case of war, she must eventually be the loser; and also, that if she should act so contrary to her interest, as to suffer a non-intercourse law to go into operation, it would be a great benefit to the U. S. by encouraging home manufactures.
And thirdly, call the attention of the committee to the sufferings of our impoverished seamen.
And fourthly, endeavor to show, that the opinion of some members who are opposed to non-intercourse, because it would operate partially on different sections of the union, are not well founded.
And lastly, that it is our duty to lay aside all local ideas, and consider the U. S. as one body politic, and that if but one limb be injured, the whole is bound both in interest, in justice and in policy to unite in the means of obtaining redress.
If in delivering my sentiments on this subject, any member of this committee should conceive that I discover too much warmth, I desire it may be attributed solely to the abhorrence and detestation with which I have long viewed the insolent and injurious conduct of Great Britain towards the U. S.—not to her suffering subjects, them I love, and their sufferings I pity; but the deceptive, oppressive and tyrannical administration of her government, I do most decidedly and conscientiously abhor and hate.
Mr. Chairman, when I laid a resolution on the table for the purpose of prohibiting intercourse with G. Britain, in case she should refuse to enter into any arrangement for the amicable settlement of existing differences, I queried what was become of the spirit of '76, because I considered a portion of that spirit that gained our liberty necessary to retain it. I renew the query, what is become of that independent spirit, that chose rather to part with life than inherent rights? Have we, with the merchandise of G. Britain, imported the servile disposition of her oppressed and degraded subjects? Is it possible that the fascinating charms of her gewgaws & fripperies is so powerful, as to induce the representatives of the U. S. in Congress assembled, rather than suffer a temporary privation, to permit the rights and liberties of their constituents to be trampled on with impunity by that haughty tyrannical nation? I say the representatives, being convinced beyond a doubt that a great majority of the citizens are not barely willing, and ready to support any just and firm measures that Congress shall adopt, for the purpose of obtaining redress of grievances, and support of their just rights; but anxiously looking for the adoption of decisive measures.
Shall we then, chosen by them as temporary guardians of their rights and liberties, neglect, or treat with indifference the numerous memorials that have been presented from various parts of the union? I hope not. I hope we shall adopt such firm and decisive measures, as will compel the British government to make restitution for past injuries; and enter into just arrangements for the prevention of similar injuries in future.
But, Mr. Chairman, we have been frequently told that such a plan would produce war with Great Britain. This is no new doctrine to me. I have been frequently charged with acting contrary to my peaceable principles, because I have taken an active part in opposing oppression, injustice, and every infringement of the inherent rights of the people; this I have done with a view to prevent war—unjustice and oppression I consider as the principal predisposing causes of war, and that the best way to prevent the effect is to remove the cause.
Those causes I have lately seen raise the political thermometer in the U. S. nearly to war heat; but, thank God! I have lived to see it cooled down to a temperate state, and the cause greatly diminished, not by those destructive weapons that spread destruction over a land, and multiply the tears of widows and orphans, but by the force of truth and reason, those bloodless conquerors more powerful than the sword! I wish the government of the U. S. to use justice, truth and reason—these are the weapons that become the representatives of a free people, and the only ones I conceive to be necessary, to preserve that liberty and independence lately
purchased at the price of blood.
Separated by the Atlantic, 3000 miles from the oppressive governments of Europe, which originated in war, and can only be supported by carnage and bloodshed—possessed of an extensive and fertile country, embracing so many climates, as not only to produce all the necessaries of life—but also most of the luxuries of life—what have we to fear from Great Britain? What can she deprive us of? What can gewgaws and fripperies, that we are much better without, which tend to promote pride and idleness, those prolific parents of a numerous train of attendant vices, contrary to the principle of a republican government, and derogatory to the character of a free and independent nation.
But it is alleged, that non-intercourse with Great Britain would injure our revenue—to this I answer, that I have no apprehension, that government would act so contrary to her interest, as to let such a law go into operation; but admitting they should, for every million of revenue immediately lost, the United States would eventually gain five, and probably much more, by increasing home manufactures, which can only make us in fact a rich, free, and independent nation—for I contend our independence is incomplete, while we are dependent for so great a part of our clothing, on a nation possessed of so powerful a marine, as to assume the exclusive jurisdiction of the ocean, and that envies our liberty and increasing wealth.
I am sensible, Mr. Chairman, that I am running counter to a strong current of public opinion; that it is our interest to pursue agriculture and commerce; leaving manufactures to old nations whose numerous population reduces the price of labor—but, I am happy in beholding this false theory daily falling before the irresistible power of fact—the cheapness of food in many parts of the United States, overbalances the high price of labor so much, as to enable various kinds of home manufactures to be sold lower than those of the same quality imported from Great Britain. Witness shoes, which has nearly excluded importation; and I am credibly informed, that coarse home made linen, can at this time be purchased lower than imported, of the same quality.
As a further proof of my position, I will detain the committee with but one more fact. Some time after the revolutionary war, when large quantities of cotton was imported for our own consumption; a manufacture of that article was begun at Wilmington, and brought to such perfection, that a merchant in Philadelphia informed me, that he could purchase various kinds of cottons lower, and of superior quality to those imported from England; and that a British agent, on viewing some of those goods, in his store, observed that would never do; we, says he, (meaning the merchants of Great Britain) must put a stop to this—and shortly after the factory was burned down! Here let me ask the members of this committee, whether if at that time, when a manufacturer of cotton had to import it under a heavy duty, and could nevertheless rival the British; he could not now, when many millions of pounds, the growth of our own soil, is exported annually, which might be obtained free of duty; and when labor saving machines is brought to so much greater perfection?—And secondly, whether any free and independent citizen would not prefer a temporary sacrifice of interest to a servile dependence, upon a haughty tyrannical nation, whose influence and gold has not only greatly injured the infant manufactures of the United States, but ruined many in various parts of the world. And thirdly, let me ask you, my southern brethren, who, I am told, are rapidly making fortunes by raising and exporting cotton; would it not give you additional pleasure to sell this raw material (of which I am informed, five thousand dollars worth, when manufactured makes one hundred thousand) to your brethren of the middle and eastern states, and receive it manufactured from them; whereby the industrious poor of our own citizens would be supported, rather than from a foreign nation. I have no doubt but that you would.
Before I dismiss this subject, let me ask what raised Great Britain to affluence and power? Was it not by giving such encouragement to manufactures, as to induce manufacturers, from various parts of Europe to emigrate to that island, whereby their internal strength has been greatly increased, and their fleets and armies principally supported by the product of their manufactures. These are facts that I trust no member on this floor will deny.
I am told that Great Britain charges an export duty of four per cent. on all cotton goods imported into the United States, and but one and a half on those exported to other countries. This induces me to renew the query, where is the spirit of '76? Has it fled from our land? Are we disposed cheerfully to submit to every species of insult and injustice that nation chooses to impose upon us? What peculiar advantage do we derive from their trade, to induce us to submit to higher duties than any other
nation? Is it because the balance of that trade is eleven or twelve millions of dollars per annum against us? Or is it because the credit they give has induced many of our farmers and mechanics to leave their useful occupations which they understood, and flock into populous cities, go largely into trade, and business which they did not understand; and after living in pride and luxury a few years, prove insolvent, & wrong their creditors out of many thousand dollars? Mr. Chairman, the more I consider and investigate this subject, the more I am astonished at the conduct of the United States towards G. Britain—the more I am astonished at the conduct of the representatives in Congress assembled. In this astonishment, bear with me while I address this committee, in the language of one formerly to the Galatians—Oh! foolish Americans, who hath bewitched you, thus to submit to injury and insult, from a nation whose trade subjects you to a loss of eleven or twelve millions of dollars per annum, and who charges 4 per cent. on the goods you import from her, and but one and a half to all other nations?
My friend, the Speaker, attempted to explain this paradox, or rather rejected the premises as an impossibility, that the United States should increase in wealth, when nearly one half of their foreign trade, instead of producing profit, threw a balance of eleven or twelve million of dollars against them—but, he might have avoided the Herculean task, of producing to the committee that which was impossible, because it never existed; by recurring to the fact adduced by my friend from Massachusetts, (Mr. Bidwell) and the statement of the secretary of the treasury on our tables, viz. that this deficiency was overbalanced by our more profitable trade carried on with other nations. I do not rely barely upon the information given upon this floor, or the documents before us to establish this fact. I rely also upon preceding documents, and the information I have received from merchants, and others well acquainted with the nature of our trade with Great Britain. All agreeing (that with some rare exceptions) the balance is so much against the United States, that were it not for the more profitable trade carried on with other nations, instead of growing rich, we should soon be reduced to a state of poverty.
For this reason I am in favor of non-intercourse, rather than a prohibition of her manufactures; because if we cannot do without them, we could in my opinion, procure them from other nations second hand, upon more advantageous terms than under the present duties, we do now, immediately from them; and because I consider gratitude, justice & the interest of our country obligatory upon us, to encourage trade with those nations who deal with us upon fair and honorable terms, and to discourage it with those who do not. And lastly, because I am fully persuaded, it would soon induce Great Britain to open a fair and permanent trade with her West India islands, much more advantageous to the United States than the trade to the mother country: I shall conclude this subject with returning my sincere thanks to the Speaker, for the very able and decisive manner in which he has supported my premises in favor of American manufactures, by informing the committee that they do not now, as formerly, depend on a great number of hands, by reason of labor saving machines being brought to so much greater perfection: This appears to me a conclusive reason, founded upon fact.
Mr. Chairman, during the present session I have heard with surprise and regret, members of this House represent the condemnation of our property, and impressment of our seamen, as things of trivial consequence; and that the alarm was principally raised by the merchants, for the purpose of speculation—that if they could induce Congress to prohibit intercourse with Great Britain, they would raise their goods one hundred per cent. and country produce fall in proportion, by which means, instead of losing, they would be greatly benefited. This language I repeat, has exceedingly hurt my feelings, since this subject has become a common topic of conversation, for two reasons: First, it has a direct tendency to alienate the affections of one class of useful and respectable citizens from the other, and more numerous classes, and thereby lessen that confidence, unity and harmony, that is as necessary to continue amongst the various members of our body politic, for the preservation of national strength and vigor, as that the various parts of an animal body should harmoniously act together.
And secondly, if we judge of things to come, by things past, these insinuations will not be realised—the reverse, in my opinion, will be the case—the diminution of sales, will overbalance the advanced price. I know of but one class of merchants that would be benefited; that is those who wish to leave business, having on hand a large stock of goods, which sold at an advanced price; they would consequently be gainers; but those of small capitals who wish to increase them by continuing in
trade; would suffer at least, in equal proportion with farmers. I have also heard it alleged, that it is only in carrying foreign articles from one belligerent port to another, and not in directly transporting our own commodities to any belligerent port, that the British take, and condemn our vessels; and by that trade the merchants only are benefited; therefore improper for our government to run any risque to support them in that trade. This, Mr. Chairman, appears to me a very extraordinary & absurd mode of reasoning. So far from being entitled to no support from government, I consider it an extra benefit, and therefore entitled to an extra support. To explain my meaning on this subject, let me ask this question? If our merchants provide vessels sufficient to transport all the produce we can spare to foreign markets; and the return cargoes brought into our ports, is more than we want for home consumption; which surplus they re-export, and by these extra exertions gain one million of dollars annually, is not the property of the United States increased in that proportion? Shall we then by neglect, damp or check this enterprising spirit in that class of citizens, who, by their extraordinary exertions, have greatly increased our revenue and wealth? I hope not. I hope Congress will unite in applying an efficacious remedy for past losses, and a sufficient preventative in future.
I shall now call the attention of the committee to the conduct of the commanders of British armed vessels pressing our seamen, confining them on board ships of war, and obliging them to assist in fighting their battles with nations in amity and peace with the United States. These are crimes of so horrid a nature, as can only be perpetrated by infernal spirits, actuating human bodies, supported by a government, which as I have before observed, was founded in war, and is supported by tyranny, oppression, and the effusion of human blood! Let none say that I am painting this scene in too deep colors, or attaching greater infamy to the actors than they deserve. It is impossible. If you doubt this, accompany me in a short visit to the lonely cottage, where sits weeping two aged parents, for the loss of their only son, whose filial love induced him to take a voyage to sea, hoping thereby to procure a more comfortable subsistence for his parents in the decline of life—attend to their mournful tale. We received a letter from our dear son, informing that he had a prosperous voyage, was returning home, hoping shortly to see his native land; but alas! met by a British ship of war, he was inhumanly forced on board, and carried we know not where—our only hope is blasted—and the remainder of our days consigned to poverty, grief and woe!
One more visit to a still more affecting scene, I conceive will fully establish my position; that the actors in this infernal tragedy, cannot be too much execrated. It is to the small chamber of a disconsolate widow, bathed in tears, surrounded by helpless orphans—with faltering voice, interrupted by many a bitter sigh, she relates the cause of her woe!—My dear husband finding he could make more by following the sea than by staying on shore, having been absent more than twelve months, when I received a letter, informing that his voyage had been prosperous—that he expected soon to arrive with sufficient property to place me, and these dear children, in a comfortable situation—but oh! how shall I relate the dreadful reverse! When in sight of his native land—met by a British armed vessel—compelled by a gang of inhuman monsters, in human shape, to go on board a ship of war, to assist in fighting their battles; where he received a mortal wound, of which he languished—of which he died—and with him died all my joy, all my comfort, and all my hope!
Perhaps I shall be told that I am addressing the passions. Be it so. But let it be remembered, that I am not addressing them with fiction, or the enthusiastic flights of imagination; but, presenting a feeble portrait of those real and horrid tragedies, that we have too long suffered to be acted with impunity upon our defenceless fellow citizens.
Mr. Chairman, near thirty years has passed away, since the citizens of these U. S. have suffered under this degrading oppression and cruelty, peculiar to the British government. In proof I shall read a memorial of two of the venerable patriots of that day. "For the sake of humanity it is to be wished, that men would endeavor to alleviate, as much as possible, the unavoidable miseries attending a state of war. It has been said, that among the civilised nations of Europe, the ancient horrors of that state are much diminished; but the compelling men by chains, stripes, and famine, to fight against their friends and relations, is a new mode of barbarity, which your nation alone had the honor of inventing; and the sending American prisoners of war to Africa and Asia, remote from all probability of exchange, and where they can scarce hope ever to hear from their families, even if the unwholesomeness of the climate does not put a speedy end to their lives, is a manner of treating captives that

you can justify by no other precedent or custom, except that of the black savages of Guinea. We are your lordships most obedient humble servants, B. Franklin, S. Deane.—Lord Viscount Shelburne." To the above letter the following reply was made:—"The king's ambassador receives no letters from rebels, except when they come to ask mercy." At that time the event of the war was undecided; it was not in the power of Congress to prevent that cruel inhuman practice; not so at this time, it is now in our power—Shall we suffer that nation, after acknowledging our independence, to continue the same arbitrary and tyrannical cruelty over our seamen, sailing under protection of our own flag; that they did at that time, when they incidentally stiled us rebels? I hope we shall not.
(Mr. Sloan's speech to be continued.)
Foreign Intelligence.
New York, May 21.
The ship Mary Ann left Bordeaux on the 20th of April; Paris papers to the 12th, and a regular file of Bordeaux papers to the 16th of that month inclusive, are received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser. Notwithstanding gigantic projects of aggrandizement are forming, and although the continent of Europe is undergoing an important revolution, these papers are wholly devoid of interest.
We learn verbally that Prussia has declared war against Sweden; that the French were marching large armies towards European Turkey, from which quarter news of hostilities having commenced, was shortly expected—and that scarcely a doubt existed that Prussia had joined France in the war against England, or would do so shortly.
On the 6th of April the guard ship in the harbour of Bordeaux, mounting 28 twelve pounders and 110 men, (on board of which were the papers of the brig Orient of N. Y.) was cut out and captured by the boats of the British frigate Iris. After the British had taken possession of her, she was attacked by a French man of war brig, but without success—the latter was beaten off with the loss of several men.
A British squadron was blockading Rochefort.
An embargo of ten days continuance was raised at Bordeaux on the 19th, the day before capt. Burke failed.
A decree had been issued from the custom house at Bordeaux, in which it was ordered; 1. That the importation of painted and white cotton cloths, mules and cotton yarn be prohibited. 2. That the importation of raw cotton be subject to a duty of 60 francs decimal quintal, and spun cotton to 7 francs per kiloor. me. 3. That spun cotton be admitted only through the offices at Antwerp, Cologne, Mayence, Shaffburg, Bourges and Verfoix. 4. That a drawback of 58 cents decimal quintal be allowed on cloths, hosiery, and other wrought cottons, exported, on proof of their being French manufacture, and that the raw cotton has paid the stipulated duty.
From Paris and Bordeaux papers to the 18th of April, received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser.
MADRID, March 7.
In the night of the 26th Feb. the 4 French frigates and 2 brigs which were in the port of Cadiz, set sail, and contrived to deceive the vigilance of the English fleet, which is cruising off that port. As they have provisions on board for six months, it is presumed they have a distant destination.
Government has received advices within these few days, that a conspiracy has been discovered at Caracas [on the continent of America] the central point of which was the city of Paz. Seventeen of the principal conspirators, among whom were some functionaries of the state, were seized and executed.—The wise measures which were taken, stifled in its birth a plot which might have been attended with the worst consequences.
LEIPSICK, March 28.
The vague reports which have been spread upon the formation of a kingdom of Saxony seem to take more countenance. It is thought that the different Ducal Houses of Saxony, all issuing from the Ernestine line, would willingly acknowledge the sovereignty of the Elector of Saxony or of the Albertine line, reserving to themselves the full and entire enjoyment of the revenues which they now draw from their respective possessions. The counts of Reuss, of Schauenburg and of Schwarzburg, who are already in the dependence either of the Elector or of the Dukes of Saxony, not only from their position of their principalities, but even by different feudal ties, would gladly exchange a precarious dependence against the advantage of seeing their possessions better secured. In fine, Prussia would cede the territory of Erfurt against the districts contiguous to the great mass of the Prussian monarchy.
The new kingdom of Saxony would
thus comprise the following states:— Electorate of Saxony with Luface, &c. 1994 sq. leagues, 2,150,000 inhabitants—Sax. Gotha, 144 sq. leagues, 165,000 inhabitants—Sax. Weymar, 99 sq. leagues, 114,000 inhabitants—Sax. Cobourg, 50 sq. leagues, 61,000 inhabitants—Sax. Meiningen, 57 sq. leagues, 52,000 inhabitants—county of Schwartzbourg, 120 sq. leagues, 100,000 inhabitants—county of Reuss, 58 sq. leagues, 70,000 inhabitants—county of Schoenbrun, 56 sq. leagues, 52,000 inhabitants—territory of Erfurt, 30 sq. leagues, 42,000 inhabitants. All this would form a total mass of 2,350,000 inhabitants, upon an extent of 2,618 sq. leagues.
HAMBURGH, April 1.
The circumstance of the English consul and the vessels of his nation having so suddenly quitted this port is now explained. These measures were taken in consequence of the proclamation made at Hanover on the 28th ult. by the Prussian minister, count Von Schulenburg, which prohibits the entrance of the Weser, the Elbe, and all the ports in the North sea, to English vessels.
April 2.
It is already announced that four English ships form the blockade of the Elbe. There is not a single vessel of that nation in our port or in that of Altona.
The Prussian general, count de Schulenburg, published, the 28th at Hanover, what follows:
"It has been stipulated in a treaty concluded between his Prussian majesty, my most gracious master, and his majesty the emperor of the French and King of Italy, that the ports of the North Sea, and also the mouths of the rivers which empty themselves into it, should be shut to English navigation and commerce, as they were during the time that the French troops occupied the states of Hanover. I publish the present by orders of my august sovereign, to serve as a rule to all those whom it may concern. It has been enjoined the troops of the king my master, to refuse entrance to all English ships which should present themselves in the said ports and rivers, and to binder the introduction of English merchandise.
(Signed)
Count SCHULENBURG KENNERT, General of cavalry in the service of his Prussian majesty & commander of the army in Hanover."
A letter from Amsterdam, dated 10th April, received by the ship True American, says, "Every day affords something new. The papers of this morning allude to new troubles on the continent. It is said that Russian troops are marching into Prussian Poland. Business, generally speaking, is brisk, and prices steady. Coffee scarce."
Capt. Bartlett, from Bayonne, informs that Louis BONAPARTE has been declared Sovereign of Holland by a decree of the government.
Philadelphia, May 22.
Last evening arrived the ship Temperance, capt. Burrough, 40 days from Hamburg. By her we received papers and shipping lists to the 5th of April, which we have put into the hands of our translator, though at too late an hour last night for this day—should they afford any thing worth translating it shall appear to morrow.
Capt. B. confirms the accounts we have had of the failing of all the British vessels from Hamburg, for fear of a rupture between Prussia and England. That the Hamburgers were in daily expectation of their port being blockaded by the British, and that they were demolishing all their fortifications, least any foreign power should take possession of them to their disadvantage.
Capt. B. further informs, that the intercourse between Hamburg and England had entirely ceased, said to be in consequence of an express sent by the king of Prussia to the Senate of Hamburg, ordering them to shut their ports against all vessels of Great Britain, and to prohibit the importation of British manufactures. On the receipt of this intelligence, the English minister at Hamburg ordered all the vessels of his country to leave the port in 12 hours, and they departed with the greatest precipitation.
The Prussians are in possession of every part of Hanover, and were erecting strong batteries at Cuxhaven, which they have garrisoned with a formidable force. They however did not interfere in the civil affairs of that place, which were still under the direction of the governor, appointed by the Senate of Hamburg.
The English are now taking all Prussian ships and property, but he did not learn that war was actually declared. It was supposed at Hamburg, that Denmark would be compelled by France and Prussia to shut the Eyder against the English, in which case it is probable that that river would be blockaded also.
LONDON, March 31.
MEDITATED ASSASSINATION OF BO-NAPARTE.
On Monday night last, the 24th inst. a strict search was made by the magistracy of Hamburg, assisted by the French Minister and all the French inhabitants, throughout the whole of that city and its environs. Every hotel, inn, and public house was inspected with the most pointed scrutiny. At an inn of the second sort, a French officer was seized, whose appearance accorded strictly with the description in the hands of the Police. On his being arrested, he immediately exclaimed, "take me, and do with me what you please: I have deserved to suffer more than you can inflict for my awkwardness." He then confessed that he had twice fired at Bonaparte on the evening succeeding the battle of Austerlitz, but unfortunately missed him—On the affair taking wind he had deserted, and had got to Hamburg, whence he intended to have sailed for England. He was immediately sent off by the quickest conveyance to Paris, where his inevitable fate awaits him. A most respectable native of France, who came over in the last Hamburg mail, was very nearly stopped at the same time, under suspicion of being implicated in this affair, but had the good fortune to be suffered to proceed on his voyage.
The same evening Altona experienced a similar diligence of search, as it was supposed the party might have crossed the river.
No circumstance is more strange throughout the whole of this extraordinary affair, than the profound oblivion it has been buried in for such a length of time. It shows, however, how much the channels of communication throughout the Continent are governed by Bonaparte; and we have little doubt, but the fate of this unfortunate person will be equally mysterious.
From the London Gazette of April 5.
At the court at the Queen's Palace the 5th of April, 1806, present, the king's most excellent majesty in council.
Whereas his majesty has received advice that his majesty the king of Prussia has taken possession of various parts of the electorate of Hanover, and other dominions belonging to his majesty, in a forcible and hostile manner; and has also notified that all British ships shall be excluded from the ports of the Prussian dominions, and from certain other ports in the North of Europe, and not suffered to enter or trade therewith, in violation of the just rights and interests of his majesty and his dominions, and contrary to the established law and practice of nations in amity with each other; his majesty, with the advice of his privy council, is thereupon pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered, that no ships or vessels belonging to any of his majesty's subjects be permitted to enter and clear out for any of the ports of Prussia until further orders. And his majesty is further pleased to order, that a general embargo or stop be made of all Prussian ships and vessels whatsoever, now within, or which hereafter shall come into any of the ports, harbors, or roads within the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, together with all persons and effects on board the said ships and vessels; but that the utmost care be taken for the preservation of all and every part of the cargoes on board any of the said ships and vessels, so that no damage or embezzlement whatever be sustained: And the right honorable the lords commissioners of his majesty's treasury, the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and the lord warden of the Cinque Ports, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.
STEPHEN COTTRELL.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman at the Cape of Good Hope dated, March 10th, 1806.
"All the American vessels that put in at this place since its capture by the British, underwent a long and tedious examination, before the several Commanders of the different ships of war, composing his Britannic Majesty's squadron in the Bay, who, by appointment of the commandant, Sir Home Popham, formed themselves into a committee of enquiry, or prize committee. These characters, being apparently unacquainted with mercantile laws and customs, were totally unqualified for the task of investigating commercial transactions, & discharged the trust in the most awkward manner, utterly void of every species of regularity and with a supercilious indifference, whereby many Americans suffered infamous insults and abuse. The interrogatories put to several masters and supercargoes of American vessels, were preposterous and insignificant, and their impertinence is in many instances insufferable. The pocket-book was taken from the pocket of a supercargo from Philadelphia; the captain of whose vessel, for independently speaking in behalf of his property was abruptly told that "THE AMERICANS WERE ALL A SET OF WORTHLESS DAMNED RASCALS." Officers were sent on board some of the American vessels, with orders from their commander to take charge, without consulting or giving any information to the agents of the property, why or wherefore; upon application to the committee, no satisfaction was given; one saying, for instance, the ship was to be sent to England for adjudication, the other contradicting it, turning to some frivolous subject, going out of the room and leaving the enquirer alone amazed at their fastidious impudence.
In the trifling manner, many of the Americans have been religiously treated; their property left in the most dangerous state of suspense, to encounter the impetuosity of the eastern gales that daily threatened the ships with imminent danger, without being looked after either by the owners or captains, and as though 2 or 300 thousand dollars was not worth their notice; by representing this precarious situation, the sufferer runs a hazard of being egregiously insulted with the most appropos language. An elderly master of a ship, of Philadelphia, whose apparent age alone commanded respect, when complaining of the perilous situation of his ship, was harshly told to go to hell. No redress for their grievances could be obtained; the squadron was frequently absent, and the secretary to the committee, who was left on shore, acknowledged he knew nothing! The ship Union of Philadelphia, immediately on her arrival was taken possession of by order of the commander of his majesty's ships, and an officer stationed on board; Mr. Robinson, the supercargo, repeatedly applied for the plea of this proceeding, obtained no satisfactory answer, he waited on the commandant, as the creator of this committee, who replied "you might as well ask the King a question regarding the court of Admiralty!" After which he addressed a note to the committee, demanding a determined and decisive answer, whether the ship was to go to England, and upon what pretext; a few days after the secretary informed Mr. R. officially, that the ship was to go to England for adjudication. The only supposed cause of the detention of the ship, is, her having sailed from Amsterdam to Batavia. In this scandalous and unwarrantable style, many Americans have been trifled with; in such cases where the nature of the business was too evidently clear to bear inspection, they assumed the meanness of scoffing and animadverting upon the form and shape of persons before them, with the utmost indecency and disrespect, who, owing to their then dependent circumstances were obliged to submit to the offence."
A letter to the editor, dated London, March 28, says: "It is a circumstance worth mentioning, that the collections for the widows of seamen, &c. at the churches and chapels, made on the thanksgiving day throughout England, amount to 144,000l. This is exclusive of the general subscription of the country."
Baltimore, May 21.
MORE VILLAINY!
On the 17th inst. the COASTING Schooner Sula and William, capt. A. Luce bound from Boston to this port, was boarded by "his majesty's" frigate, CLEOPATRA, and Thomas White, belonging to Portsmouth, N. H. was violently impressed and carried off to "serve the king." At the time this outrage was committed, the land was in sight, cape Henry bearing north, distant 25 miles!
Leicester, May 20.
On Saturday last, about 1 o'clock, a large and respectable meeting of republican citizens, of this and the neighboring counties, assembled at the prison, in this borough; and, after escorting the editor of this paper to his own house, adjourned till 3 o'clock, to meet at the House of Mr. John Whiteside, on county business.
The citizens met, agreeably to adjournment, called William Boyd, esq. to the chair, appointed major James Patterson, secretary, recommended the election of a committee of vigilance for each township, and unanimously adopted an excellent address.
Norfolk, May 20.
The French admiral Linois taken—Saturday arrived in Hampton Roads his Britannic Majesty's frigate Tartar, captain Hawker, from Bermuda. Three days since boarded the American ship Hunter from Lisbon bound to Alexandria. On the 16th of April in lat. 25, lon. 33, the Hunter was boarded by His Majesty's brig Raven, from the squadron, under the command of sir John Borlase Warren, then in sight, with the French ship Marengo, admiral Linois, of 84 guns, and the frigate Belle Poule of 40 guns, captured by sir John, on their passage from India to France, about the middle of March. The squadron consisted of 13 sail, including the two captured ships.
Linois was returning, laden with the spoils of a three years successful cruise. The Hunter went up the bay yesterday.
Thirty Dollars Reward,
FOR apprehending and securing in jail one J. COB, who is a low well made fellow, about 25 years of age, complexion rather black, tho' not deep, has a pleasant countenance, is stout made about the shoulders and breast with small legs, has a stoop in his speech and cannot make a quick reply, when spoken to without flustering his eyes or being in motion, which is very observable, his clothing was blue negro cotton jacket and overalls, ozanaburg shirt, and wool hat, though they are subject to change, he was late the property of Richard H. Beall of Fauquier county, Virginia, and eloped about the 6th of November last. The constable, and others of her Majesty's Washington, George Town, Alexandria, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Norfolk are requested to look out for the said runaway slave, as he above reward will be immediately paid them on the terms specified by
JOHN KEDGLIE.
City of Washington, Dec. 26—2awtf
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, MAY 26.
SUBSCRIBERS in arrears, or who have not made the necessary advance, are requested, without delay, to forward their dues.
Extract of a letter from Lieut. James Biddle (commanding gun boat No. 1.) to the Secretary of the Navy, dated
CHARLESTON, S. C. May 14th, 1806.
"It has been mentioned in several of the prints of this city, that a French privateer schooner has been and still continues cruising off this bar, to the annoyance of the commerce of the U. States. The report, however, is, I believe, incorrect. I have myself been out to sea at two different times, purposely to gain a sight of her; and after having spoken a number of vessels, bound into Charleston from the various ports of the U. States; as also others, approaching the coast directly in for sea, neither of which had seen or heard any thing of a privateer, I returned hither this morning, convinced that the report was without foundation."
Notwithstanding the extraordinary exertions made by the federalists of Massachusetts, there is a strong prospect that a considerable majority of the members of the House of Representatives will be republican. The Democrats, of Boston, says that so far as returns have been received, the net republican gain in that body is seventy-five. The Centinel, a federal print, allows it to be fifty-six, and adds that the federal majority the last year was twenty-three. The republican contemplation of both the branches of the legislature will more than balance the choice of a federal governor, should Mr. Strong prove to be elected by a small majority.
Notice was given on the 8th of April to the Neutral Ministers in London, by the British government, that the entrance of the Traveller, Eddystone, and Lins are in a state of blockade.
We have received the London Morning Chronicle to the 9th of April inclusive. This print, probably, expresses with tolerable accuracy the general impression produced on the new administration by the recent conduct of Prussia. By the extracts, which we subjoin, it will be seen that the rupture of Britain with that power is viewed as an event of the utmost consequence; and that the hopes entertained of an early peace with France are scouted as visionary. Can it be that the British administration will, under these circumstances, hesitate to accede to measures of fair reciprocity with the United States? Under the extreme pressure which she must now feel, politically as well as commercially, we might claim, were we guided by the ordinary policy of nations, commercial advantages from Britain beyond those we conferred; for, while her power to injure us is extremely limited, ours to injure her is incalculable. And could we condescend to build our prosperity on the depression or ruin of others, and to make interest our exclusive guide, we should undoubtedly seize this as the favorable moment for striking a deep, if not a mortal blow. But, it is our pride that we desire nothing which strict justice does not warrant. The greatness we covet is shielded by honor. Can Britain be insensible to these suggestions? Can an administration, composed of men, high minded and virtuous as we should hope, put into place to repair the evils committed by men of a far different stamp, hesitate to seize the auspicious moment for adopting measures which shall ensure a lasting friendship between the two greatest commercial nations in the world? Her councils must be irrevocably abandoned to error, if our hopes on this point are not realised.
The paper of the 7th says—"It is reported that the whole of the corps commanded by marshal Augereau is on its march from the neighborhood of Frankfort towards the Elbe. It is even said that not only Swedish Pomerania is to be occupied, but Holstein, and every port or place within the reach of French and Prussian troops through which British manufactures could be introduced to the continent, and with which British vessels could trade."
"These speculations, gloomy and disagreeable as they are, cannot be considered very improbable after what we have already seen. If the king of Prussia is compelled to be the agent of Bonaparte's hostility, why should Denmark be spared?
"Such is the state of affairs which lord Castlereagh, with an assurance the most insulting, not only to the new ministry, but the whole country, described as a bed of roses."
"That the course which Prussia has been so far degraded, as to adopt by the direction of Bonaparte, will embarrass our commerce considerably, there can be no doubt. But we trust that the enterprise of our merchants will be able to elude this unheard of armed confederacy against our trade. If the ports of Denmark were left to us, the attempt would soon be defeated; but we see little reason to hope that Bonaparte will suffer so direct a facility of thwarting his views to remain; and it is to be feared that Denmark must do what Prussia is forced to do; for to the latter we cannot ascribe a hostile mind."

Herewardice, her pusillanimity, perhaps her necessity, alone consents. The immediate effect of these measures will be injurious to Prussia, not only from cutting off the supply from this country of many articles essential to her own manufactures, but if things proceed to extremities not a Prussian ship can go to sea, and the Prussian ports will be shut up.
It now seems evident that Prussia has entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with France. What part the emperor of Russia will act in the present circumstances, remains to be seen. Prussia, there is reason to think, has been withdrawn by the terror of Bonaparte's threats, from positive engagements with Russia, and every measure flowing from the new system, must be in the highest degree unpleasant to the emperor Alexander. Whether he will make this system the ground of war with Prussia, which he might in strict justice, we cannot pretend to decide, because the question of policy may admit much consideration. That war would lead to a contest with France and with Prussia. Russia has nothing to fear; but on the other hand, by offensive war hope to prevail over Prussia and France. If, however, the French government should likewise attempt to compel Denmark to be a tool of its hostility, as well as Prussia, we have no doubt that Russia will employ the most vigorous measures, both by sea and land, to support Denmark, and defeat the schemes of Bonaparte. Indeed Russia will certainly not abandon the King of Sweden on the cause, while her aid can be of service. All attempts to shut the Sound and exclude us from the Baltic will prove fruitless.
In these difficult circumstances it is more and more evident how much we must rely upon our own vigor and resources to defeat the designs of our enemy, and we are convinced that the violence of his hostility will only excite the people of this country to new courage and new exertions to maintain their cause.
In addition to this, people at last see the folly of the speculations they had indulged about peace and negotiation, which we have uniformly discouraged.
The paper of the 9th adds:— "The Gazette contains a note, stating that the requisite communication has been made to the foreign ministers at this court, by Mr. Fox, apprising them that the Elbe, the Ems, the Weser and Trave have been put in a state of blockade. The trade of Hamburg, of Embden, Lubec, and Bremen, and of those places carried on through them from principal channels, is thus cut off."
Thus has the violence of France and the subservience of Prussia extended the evils of war to nations and to places which ought to have been totally exempted from its ravages. The enemy are clearly the aggressors. They act on the principle of forcing every thing to be hostile to us; and they reduce us to the necessity of treating as hostile that which they render so. And what is the tendency of these outrages? To cut off our trade; to try the experiment how far either party can injure the other, without, however, advancing the objects of legitimate war, and, at the same time, wantonly involving neutral states in its calamities. For these evils France alone is responsible; but she and her allies will suffer from them. If Prussia is mean enough to yield to French influence, her own interest must suffer; almost her whole commerce must cease; her whole shipping must be annihilated. Vainly does she think to impose uncompensated inconvenience upon us. Besides her political degradation and her political danger, she will suffer the most in point of commerce. The commerce of England will find channels, but France and Prussia will only pay the dearer for what they must consume; while the latter, particularly, will lose almost all the mutual advantages of a more direct communication. The blockade of the Elbe, the Weser, the Ems and Trave, will be rendered complete, and unless the preliminary steps towards war be retracted, the Prussian ports in the Baltic will also be put in a state of blockade.
We are very anxious to hear what sensation the conduct of Prussia will produce at Petersburg. The Duke of Brunswick probably was sent there to prepare the Emperor Alexander for that "ignoble swerving" from solemn engagements of which the court of Berlin has been guilty. The imprudence of former proceedings, in regard to Bonaparte, is terribly punished in the present subserviency to his will. Prussia seems now driven from every system. That of neutrality has long been the favorite. In adhering to that system, she would not declare against Bonaparte last autumn; but now has Napoleon forced her from it, by compelling her to adopt measures inconsistent with neutrality, and directly tending to bring upon her the hostility not only of this country, but of Russia. If that hostility is not excited, it must be on the ground that Prussia can no longer be considered an independent state."
DIED—On Monday the 19th instant, in Prince George's county, near Upper Marlboro' after a painful confinement of three months, Mrs. Elizabeth Carter, consort of Mr. John Carter formerly of the city of Washington.
COMMUNICATION. Our very distinguished fellow-citizen, Wm. PINKNEY, the present attorney-general of the state of Maryland, has taken his passage from hence, with his family, in the Diana, bound to Liverpool, as minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the court of London. [The Diana sailed yesterday.] A distinguished talents and unspotted
virtue can obtain to this country the blessings of peace and neutrality, we may calculate on a successful issue of the mission of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney.
We understand that Mr. Pinkney, still retains his office of attorney-general, and that he has intrusted the discharge of the duties of that office, in the court of appeals, court of chancery, and office, Baltimore county civil and criminal courts, to JOHN SCOTT, Esq., who is authorized to supply such vacancies as may happen to occur in the deputy prosecutorships, and otherwise represent the absent attorney-general.
Balt. American.
Yesterday arrived the ship Speedwell, capt. Wills, from L. Quira, which he left the 28th ult. and informs that at that time, there was no accounts of the arrival of Miranda on any part of the Spanish Main, though by the accounts received there they were in daily expectation of his arrival, and the Spanish government was on the alert, having prepared all the troops, about 2000 regulars and 30,000 militia, which could be raised to oppose him. That the various accounts of insurrections in that country was, as he believes erroneous, as he (capt. W.) heard nothing of any such insurrections. That on the 3d inst. in the Mona Passage, they fell in with and was boarded by the British frigate Mermaid, capt. Hollis, who informed capt. W. that he had that day fallen in with the ship Margaret Gardner, from Laguira, for Philadelphia very leaky; they also informed captain W. that gen. Miranda had sailed from Mole St. Nicholas, where he was joined by 6 British frigates, in addition to his two armed ships and two schooners, with an English general and 6000 troops, composed of mulattoes and negroes, and that his destination was for Carraccas, where another reinforcement was to follow him.—Bradford.
New-York, May 23. Captain Strange, of the Fair American, in 17 days from Guadalupe, reports, that a French privateer had arrived there from the coast of Carraccas, with information, that Miranda had landed his troops at Carraccas, and been defeated by the Spaniards.
Mr. SMITH will please to give the following list of citizens, deemed eligible for the next city council, a place in his paper, as it may call the attention of the voters to that subject previous to the meeting to be held at Mr. Stelle's this evening.
East side of Tyber. West side of Tyber. Samuel Hamilton, Phineas Bradley, John Dempsey, Joseph Mechlin, A. McCormick, Joseph Bromley, Griffith Coombe, Michael Nourse, William Brent, Joseph Stretch, Daniel Rapin, Dr. Arnold Elzey, William Emack, Abraham Bradley, John Beckley, John McGowan, Robert Cherry, John P. Van Ness, Thomas Tingey, Thomas H. Gillis, William Prout, Andrew Way, S. N. Smallwood, Samuel H. Smith, Buller Cocke, Henry Harford, Peter Miller, David Shoemaker, John Chalmers, John Davidson, Pontius D. Stelle, Peter Lenox, Charles Minifie, John Hewitt, George Blagden, Walter Hellon, Henry Ingle, Maj. Caleb Swann, Dr. Freck. May, William James, George Collard. Nicholas King.
May 26th, 1806.
GENERAL MEETING.
Washington city, May 21, 1806. Pursuant to Notice in the National Intelligencer for a "General Meeting" of the Citizens of Washington, to make the necessary arrangements for the ensuing election of City Councilmen, a respectable number of citizens convened at Mr. Myers, tavern, and having appointed col. John P. Van Ness, their chairman and Thomas H. Gillis, Secretary, adopted the following resolutions.
Whereas it appears that the Eastern division of the city is very thinly represented at this meeting, Therefore Resolved, That this meeting do adjourn, to meet again at Mr. STELLE'S HOTEL on MONDAY NEXT, the 26th inst. at Six o'clock P. M. and that the Citizens be requested to give General attendance.
Resolved, That the proceedings be published in the National Intelligencer, and signed by the Chairman and Secretary.
J. P. VAN NESS, Chairman. T. H. GILLIS, Secretary.
NOTICE.
MR. ELLIOTT has fitted up a neat Apartment for the instruction of YOUNG LADIES in Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, Geography, use of the Globes, Maps, &c. His experience for a number of years past in conducting a Seminary of the kind, it is hoped and expected, will entitle him to the approbation of the parents and friends of such young ladies as may be sent to this institution.
N. B. Mr. E. will only admit a select number of Young ladies and those only above ten years of age. For terms apply at his Academy.
City of Washington, May 26—3t
DR. BRISCOE,
ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, A few doors west of the Seven Buildings tenders his services to the citizens of Washington and its vicinage, in the Practice of Physic, Surgery, &c. He has lately opened a Medical Store at his residence, where a supply of useful and cheap medicines may be had. May 26—wrm
CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is Published
By SAMUEL H. SMITH. TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE,
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED
By the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States. Taken in short hand, By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In Two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—to subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non-subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect form; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public, with the expectation of the Editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial.
Editors of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their papers. March 24—
Notice is hereby given that the subscriber intends to petition the next county Court for Washington, to be held in the territory of Columbia, for an order to renew the lower ferry over the Eastern Branch, what was generally known by the name of Barry's ferry. JEREMIAH BOOTH. Washington, May 16—2aw3w
NOTICE.
IS hereby given that unless the tax due to the Washington Corporation from the following persons be paid on or before the 28th day May next, the following property or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon, will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder. [CONTINUED.]
Table with 3 columns: Name, Lot, Value. Includes entries for Capt. Addington, John B. Anderson, Mahlin Atkinson, Samuel Bidget, John Barnett, Daniel Beffard, George Betz, Joseph Bentley, Samuel Baker, Mrs. Bull, Benjamin Bryan, John Brackenridge, Joel Brown, Quieria Bain, Richard & Agnes Boyer, James H. Blake, Richard E. Brashears, Bishop Clagett, Crow & Wright, Wm. Croft, John Craig & others, Daniel Caffray, John Mc Carthy, John Mc Elwee, Andrew Mc Donald.
Table with 3 columns: Name, Lot, Value. Includes entries for John Child, Wm. Duncan, James Dant, Debleis and Nicholson, Alexander Davidson, Jasper de Carnap, Hugh Densly, Richard Delphi, John Dempsey, Elizabeth Dutterly, Joseph Dove, Evan Evans, Elixius Edelin, Richard Frazier, Edward Fallon, Bennet Fenwick's heirs, James Foulkner, Joshua Gregg, Richard Gridley, James Graham, Edward Griffin, Peter Hull, William Herron, Daniel Hurley, Peter Haum, George Jacobs, William Johnson, Alexander Ingram, Andrew Jamieson, Thomas Jones, Absalom Joy, Matthew Brown, Jesse Burch, Benjamin Bacon, John A. Burford, Daniel Beffard, George Betz, Joseph Bentley, Samuel Baker, Mrs. Bull, Benjamin Bryan, John Brackenridge, Joel Brown, Quieria Bain, Richard & Agnes Boyer, James H. Blake, Richard E. Brashears, Bishop Clagett, Crow & Wright, Wm. Croft, John Craig & others, Daniel Caffray, John Mc Carthy, John Mc Elwee, Andrew Mc Donald.
The sale of the above property will be held at the city Treasurer's office, and will commence at eleven o'clock AM. WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of W. City Washington, April 28—2awtds.