The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-03-28 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MARCH 28, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, MARCH 6.
DEBATE On Mr. Gregg's resolution. (CONTINUED.)
MR. JOHN RANDOLPH.—Mr. Chairman, I did expect, on coming to the House this morning, that the friends of the resolution under discussion, would have brought forward some arguments to show (what they had studiously avowed)—that the ability to coerce Great Britain is within the compass of this nation's power; that this power ought now to be exerted, and that the proposed measure is equal to the desired effect. It behoves them to demonstrate all this, before they ask for our support. I did not come down to the House with the expectation of listening to a gross misrepresentation of my expressions yesterday; loose and desultory as I allow them to have been—much less was I prepared to hear such misrepresentations from the lips of a gentleman, whom I have treated with invariable and guarded respect between whom and myself there has long existed a political friendship—real on my part, apparent on theirs. I did not indeed expect to hear particular expressions, used by me in the ardor of debate, broken and culled from their connecting members, and mutilated and tortured into meanings, which cold-blooded malice alone could have devised. Sir, in this way of proceeding (without intending any profane comparison) the Bible itself may be made to preach atheism; to declare that there is no God. "The fool saith in his heart, there is no God." Taken together, it is inspired wisdom: dismember it, it is impiety.
It has not been denied, by any member on this floor, that the carrying trade—that the commerce and navigation of these states ought to be protected. The only question is quo modo ? Have you the ability to protect them by war, and are they of sufficient value to justify the expense of such protection. We say no—they cannot pay for so dear a defence, rich as they may be—but above all, they cannot repay us for the loss of our constitution. It is above all price. We go further: we affirm that trade is now protected by the most efficient means within our power, by discriminating duties, laid by the votes of southern men, and yet, sir, we are threatened with schism, with a dissolution of the union, if we do not adopt particular systems, devised by chance, begotten of ignorance or imbecility. Are these the mild and conciliatory plans and ideas of which gentlemen boast? Is this mildness? Is this conciliation? Is this peace? The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) with a face of wondrous importance, tells you, that, by the constitution, we have power to raise and maintain armies, to build and equip navies: from which he draws the inference that (under whatever circumstances, I suppose) we must actually do what the constitution allows. And yet that gentleman, in former times, voted with us against armies and navies! Let him justify himself if he can, upon his new principles? I repeat it—if the unjust aggressions of a foreign nation, if indignity and insult, abroad, are always to produce war, the gentleman was criminal in refusing to support the administration in 1798. Yes, you were then compelled to drain the cup of humiliation to its very dregs. Did he put that cup by? Did he vote for fleets, and armies, or a suspension of commercial intercourse with France? What was the French edition of the laws of nations then? That a bale of British manufacture (without any question of enemy's property) should subject to seizure and condemnation. And what was the British doctrine in 1793? That France was (with one sweep of the pen) in a state of siege and blockade, and that American flour, &c. should not be carried there at all. And yet against these principles and practices, preposterous and injurious as they were, we did not go to war—at least that gentleman was opposed to such war (if war it may be called) as was waged.
But whilst I acknowledge the carrying trade to be valuable to a certain extent, I must, unless I abandon every pretension to the character of a politician, act on existing circumstances, on things as they are, not as I believe they ought to be. In casting about, the first thing (or one of the first) to be considered is revenue. Almost our whole revenue is derived from commerce; that is, from the domestic consumption or imports from abroad. How much comes from the carrying trade? Your statements (I am told) say 800,000 dollars. But if our whole consumption were imported in foreign bottoms, the impost would exceed its present amount by 11 or 1200 thousand dollars. I warn gentlemen against a misrepresentation of this fact. Am I therefore desirous to gain this encrease at the expense of our navigation? Far from it. It would be to kill the goose that lays the golden
eggs. But what is this branch of the carrying trade, for which gentlemen would sacrifice not only our whole navigation and commerce, but the agriculture and constitution of the country? Look at this trade which is to be guarded at every risk and the men who follow it. Do they carry your products abroad, and bring back goods for home consumption? No, they plunge their hands into your pockets for drawback—during this very session they threatened to plunder the treasury of millions, by a bill happily arrested on its passage. If our fair trade is not protected, how comes it that it has grown with a rapidity before unheard of in any age, unknown in any nation? That growth has been nourished by protecting duties, fostered by our neutral position. We are the real friends of your navigation. It has grown beneath the shade of discriminating duties—flourished in the sunshine of the neutral character, with the first blight of maritime war it dies.
I am accused too with stigmatizing the merchants of the U. S. I deny the charge. Every profession and calling of human life is disgraced by unworthy members. The law has its pettifoggers, the church its hypocrites, medicine and politics too, sir, have their empirics—and if there be two professions in the world, which can be selected for a tendency to develop the pre-existing germ of imperfection planted in our nature, they are the profession of the lawyer and the occupation of the trader. And wherefore? Because they open the wide field of temptation. The wisest prayer that ever was or can be devised for human infirmity, is that which teaches us to deprecate such trials—"We beseech thee, lead us not into temptation!" What is the fact? Whilst we boast of our honor on this floor, our name has become a by-word among the nations. Europe, and Paris especially, swarms with pseudo-Americans, with Anglo and Gallo-Americans, and American French and English, who have amassed immense fortunes by trading in the neutral character, by setting it up to auction and selling it to the best bidder. Men of this description—stripings, without connexions or character, have been known to buy rich vessels & their cargoes, in Amsterdam and Antwerp, and trade with them, under the American name, to the Indies. Neutral character has constituted one of the best remittances for colonial produce, or the goods which purchase it; and the trade in this commodity of neutrality has proved a most lucrative branch of traffick. This it is that has sunk and degraded the American name abroad, and subjected the fair trader to vexatious seizure and detention. But I am asked, if we shall submit to a tame and dastardly abandonment of our rights?—and by those, too, who have made a cowardly surrender of our best interests and our honor when we were well able to have maintained them. I beg leave to reply to this question by asking another. Are you prepared to assert them? to go all lengths to enforce them? In what consists true dignity? In vapouring in the newspapers? In printed handbills and resolutions? Or in taking ground which you can and will maintain,—which no change of fortune shall compel you to desert? Aut nunquam tentes, aut per-fice. Does the gentleman want a translation? Here is one truly American:—"Stick, or go through." This is true dignity:—can he give a better definition? And what constitutes false dignity? Playing the part of a Bobadil—bullying England and truckling to Spain—I beg pardon, there is no Spain:—bullying England and truckling to France. This you have done—You know it. When gentlemen tell us of their willingness to publish our proceedings, why do they not clear the galleries and take off the injunction of secrecy? Let their private vote correspond with their public profession. And let me tell the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Smilie) that I would rather have his vote than his speech at any time. Who would suppose, if he had not averred it, that he held silence and good sense in such high respect,—that he preferred the calm decisions of quiet wisdom, to the effusions of empty garrulity.
The gentleman from New-York has told us, that after the call of the Executive for firm measures, he did not expect this opposition. And does he call this a firm measure? What would have been a firm measure? An embargo. That would have gone to the root of the evil. But that, sir, would not have suited your Proteus politicians. There could have been no evasion of that. But your slippery mercantile eels can slide over or under this provision, and leave the whole barthen of suffering to fall on the planter, the farmer, and the real American. The whole revenue (we are told) is derived from commerce. Who pays it ultimately but the consumer, and with as large a profit on the merchants' advance of the duties (often a mere advance of credit) as he receives from any other part of his capital. These new ideas of firmness are either above or below my comprehension. And because we are anxious to see the public debt paid off and the true
interests of the nation maintained—because we will not abandon the plough, and struggle to restrain Executive influence, we are charged with hostility to all commerce, with insensibility to the honor of our country. When our doors were shut—this is no breach of confidence—one of my colleagues called for the reading of a Message from the President, soon after he came into office. It was the most severe and cutting satire that ever man listened to. I say it was a bitter satire on your proceedings, then and now. It recommended the application of our resources to a speedy discharge of the public debt, a rigid adherence to specific appropriations—tying down executive officers to the letter of the law, restricting them to the literal objects and amount of our appropriations. What is the commentary? In time of peace (for I trust no one will call this windmill attack on Tripoli war) the expenditures of the navy department (so far from each item of expence being limited by the specific appropriation for that object) have exceeded the gross sum appropriated for that branch of the public service sixty per cent! And if this is a specimen of the yearly cost of hulks rotting in the mud, what estimate can you make of the disbursements in time of actual war against a powerful maritime state—when your seventy-fours are ready for sea? This is naked truth. It rests on figures—if it be not true, how comes it that we have passed two appropriation laws, to the amount of six hundred thousand dollars, during the present session, to cover the navy deficiencies of the last year—almost the only bills that we have passed. Yes, sir, I am for paying one debt off (the cost of a former war) before I enter into another and score up a second. I confess myself to be among the number of those politicians (gentlemen may style them visionary if they please) who hailed the President of the United States as the political Messiah, sent to convince an unbelieving world that a debt once funded, might be paid off, without the intervention of a sponge. If in this I was visionary, at least I was not alone. The promise has been large, the nation calls for its performance. Look at the measures of the government, and when you reckon the Louisiana debt, that created under the British Treaty and some others, it will appear that you have nearly scored up as much new debt as you have paid off of the old. I speak of principal: paying the interest of a debt is not diminishing it—and my friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. J. Clay) must have taken the interest into his large account of yesterday. The amount of principal redeemed is less than 18,000,000. If gentlemen deny this, let them refer to the treasury statements laid before us at the opening of the session, or call upon the head of that department to state the amount of debt paid and created, within the last five years. But you will be told, for your money you have value received, at least. This I freely acknowledge. I would have given the sum for the Delta of the Mississippi, if it could not have been honorably acquired for less. Of whom did we purchase—from Spain who had wrongfully withheld our right of deposit?—So far from it, that we tell her she has yet to make satisfaction for that injury and insult;—we bring it into account against her—No, sir, we purchased from France, the rightful proprietor, against whom we then had no subject of complaint.
I am accused by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Smilie) this I suppose is a specimen of his candor—I am reluctant to say anything whilst he is absent—I am sorry he has fled his seat—of designedly passing over one of the most important considerations presented by the present subject—the impairment of our seamen. And yet what did that gentleman tell you? That he himself (long as he had tresspassed on your time) had been compelled to omit many important things, that he intended to say. This realises the proverb. "One man may steal a horse, whilst another must not look over the hedge." I will tell the gentleman, if I did omit this topic, I had scarcely thrown myself into the carriage that conveyed me home, before I recollected and regretted it. The gentleman may say what he pleases, but he never had, no man ever shall have cause to upbraid me with flinching from any question that may be brought on this floor. Now, sir, let gentlemen lay their hands upon their hearts and answer sincerely if they do believe this resolution has the power to take one American seaman out of a British ship of war? Are gentlemen hostile to impressment, and yet friendly to a naval war, to systems which must eventuate in the introduction of this system at home, in the subversion of our liberties? Let them examine the profound argument of judge Foster on this subject. They will find that Great Britain is compelled to resort to it, to maintain her naval power and her existence. And it is because I am opposed to resorting to the same expedient (for will any man pretend that a great navy can be manned without recurring to it?) because I think it abhorrent to the genius of a free people, that I am against rushing
into that naval war, into which gentlemen wish to precipitate us. No, sir, you cannot command seamen for your navy, in time of war, without impressment. The wealth of Croesus could not sustain the expence, and even if that objection could be removed, the operation by enlistment is too tardy to meet a sudden emergency. If you have difficulty in procuring seamen to serve in the Mediterranean, what will be the case in a war against England. With all their bravery many a man who would willingly meet the corsairs, or even the Dons and Monsieurs, would feel reluctant to be led to battle against a British fleet—and why, sir? Because, waving other considerations, a great proportion of our seamen are foreigners—natives of Great Britain, who still feel prejudices for their parent country. Yes, sir, the character of the American seaman, like that of the neutral trader, too often eludes our grasp. The moment you make war, much more if you resort to impressment, the American sailor vanishes, he becomes a subject of Denmark: with the first frost, he disappears in a night.
But if I did not misunderstand the gentleman from Pennsylvania, he said that I had treated the House in a manner of which, sir, I trust I am incapable of acting towards any assembly, much less one of your dignity. Am I indeed, so ignorant of the feelings of man? Or the character and composition of this House? No, sir, I have spoken of certain projects and their projectors in language such only as I think they deserve, and in which, claiming the same liberty which that gentleman urges and exacts, I will ever speak of such absurd and fantastical systems. The authors are no doubt interested in diffusing the ridiculous burthen of their disgrace as widely as possible. I cannot blame them for it, sir, 'tis natural to wish for partners in our shame. But the great political sin, for which I have been denounced by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, is the opinion which I have expressed of a certain book, which seems to be his political Bible. And, sir, he would have me considered as an inconsiderate person who would not scruple to call Locke a dunce, Newton a driveller and Franklin a journeyman painter; and in an oracular law he has pronounced that this book will live when he and I too are laid in our graves. But when he considers his own age and the frailty of my constitution, he will confess that he has allowed but a short span for the existence of his favorite work. But even though it should live when we are waiting in the silent tomb, there is nothing in my composition that aspires to being considered as its author. Who is the author? Does the gentleman know? Must we have semi-official authority, even for a title page? No, sir, whatever others may think I have no ambition to have written such a book as this. I abjure the very idea. Unless my understanding has abandoned me, it involves an abandonment of the very doctrine for which the writer contends. Sir, the very cursory view which I took of this subject yesterday will compel me into some repetitions, but I must beg to be indulged in some additional remarks. What is the doctrine?
"In times of peace among all nations, their commercial intercourse is under no other restrictions than what may be imposed by their respective laws, or their mutual compacts. No one or more nations can justly control the commerce between any two or more of the others."
"When war happens between any two or more nations, a question arises, in what respect it can affect the commerce of nations not engaged in the war?"
"Between the nations not engaged in the war, it is evident that the commerce cannot be affected at all by a war between others."
"As a nation not engaged in the war remains in the same relations of amity and of commercial pursuits, with each of the belligerent nations, as existed prior to the war, it would seem that the war could not affect the intercourse between the neutral and either of the belligerent nations; and that the neutral nation might treat and trade with either, or both the belligerent nations, with the same freedom as if no war had arisen between them. This, as the general rule, is sufficiently established."
Here is a faint endeavor to establish the principle that free ships make free goods. But the writer, as if despairing of his ability to affect it, goes on to say—"But in as much as the trade of a neutral nation with a belligerent nation might in certain special cases affect the safety of its antagonist, usage founded on the principle of necessity has admitted a few exceptions to the general rule"—"usage" founded on what? Reason?—Right?—No, sir, on that law which admits nothing to control it—"Neces-
sity" that cannot stoop to argument. If once you admit that necessity ought, can, or does establish exceptions to this broad rule, do you not admit all that the British doctrine requires? But, sir, it will be said that the sole legitimate proof of this necessity is usage . But usage must have had a beginning, and the final protection which this argument affords is thrown away by the subsequent admission, that a change in circumstances ("in the course of commerce," for instance) will justify a departure from established maxims, will warrant the commencement of a new usage. As if all the articles contraband of war, were minutely specified—and by a change in the maxims and implements of war, new and more terrible instruments of annoyance should be fabricated;—would they not fall under the head of contraband? And is it not demonstrable that a direct trade to France, in gunpowder or any other article contraband of war, would be less beneficial to her and less inurious to her enemy, than the colonial trade now in dispute—and is not (according to this writer's acknowledgement) the lesser principle involved in the greater? Am I therefore the apologist of England? I scorn to boast of my patriotism:—it is indigenous. And when I am reduced so low as to plead to the charge of want of love to my country, of natural affection to my birth-place, my pride will tell me to bid you farewell, to go home and hide my shame. Am I the apologist of Britain, because your cause has been weakly defended, or treacherously betrayed? No, sir, this "Examiner" is her apologist. I have not minutely dissected the work—There was no occasion for it. It is something like the edifice we inhabit. 'Tis hardly worth while to be examining friezes and cornices, and architraves, and fluted work, when you know the foundation to be rotten, whilst the building is tumbling about our ears, and we are obliged to seek refuge in another. It is not, indeed, sir, worth while to consult the orders of architecture in a miserable card house of an argument, which the first puff of wind must demolish.
Sir, the admission, that a change of circumstances will justify a departure from the established maxims amongst nations, was an unnecessary and fatal concession not called for by the nature of the case—What is "the course of commerce," now? Totally changed in a few short years. The marine of France, Spain and Holland, whether for the purposes of trade or war, is no more. They have no longer navigation, or navy. Again, amongst a load of quotations from Grotius, and Puffendorf, and the Lord knows who, we are told it is the duty of the neutral to observe the strictest impartiality "to behave himself alike to both the belligerent parties". But it is to behave alike to both parties to carry for him who cannot carry for himself, to throw the Ægis of neutrality over a commerce which he can no longer protect—to save him all the danger, expence and risk of convoy and war insurance. This is a hollow, Delphic reciprocity:—reciprocity to the ear, but not to the sense. If you carry contraband, or attempt to enter a blockaded port, you are liable to capture. Why? Because justified by necessity. As to the motives of the neutral merchant, they are out of the question. His object, no doubt, like that of every other trader under the sun, is gain. He, sir, is too often the mere ephemeron, the butterfly of the day, who does not care one farthing whether you are at war with this or that nation, with England or with France, provided he can get good returns. His business is to post his books and balance the ledger, and whether he deals with the subjects of a white emperor or a black one, of Bonaparte or Desallines, 'tis all one to him. No doubt, sir, it is the right of the neutral to pursue, and he will, he ought to pursue his own interest. But it is the right of a belligerent (as conceded by this writer) to enquire how far such pursuit comes into collision with his interests and his safety. The motive of the neutral may not be hostility to either party engaged in war, but his own benefit. This however will not influence the belligerent nation, who takes up the question fully with a view to its effect on itself. What will Great Britain say?—that the exigency exists—it has occurred, flagrante bello , that the necessity admits of no delay, that you yourselves have abandoned the question in dispute, and even if you have not, that she cannot consent to sit down quietly, and be extirpated from the face of nations, out of complaint to Grotius or Bynkershoek, or in deference to the unknown author

of this pamphlet, although he should exceed Bacon in genius, or Newton in intensity of thought. I must defend myself, the knife is at my throat. I have no more time for argument, but if you will trust me I will fight you. Sir, I have tried, but I could not get through this work, I found it so wire drawn—the thread so fine that I could neither see nor feel it,—such a tangled cobweb of contradictions that I was obliged to give it up. The first thing that struck me on opening it was the peculiar infelicity with which it had surrendered the matter in dispute. And if this appeared at once, to my unlearned eyes, do gentlemen suppose it will not be detected on the other side of the Atlantic? That it will receive no abler examination there, than the feeble and curious one that I have given it. And after all, what does it contain? A remedy for the evil? No, a formal declaration that we are diseased,—Sir, we wanted no ghost to tell us that. It required no extraordinary exertion of learning, or genius, to shew, that we had, indeed, delicate subjects of difference with Great Britain;—the question is how shall they be adjusted. We want the opinion of the doctor on the mode of treatment, and don't choose to be referred to the apothecary, because the latter does not choose to risk his reputation in a dubious case.
A gentleman from Pennsylvania has told us that G. Britain is our commercial rival. But does not the gentleman know that the very term implies a correlative. That if she is your commercial rival, you are her commercial rival also. This is the very view that I have been endeavoring to take of the subject, to impress on the committee;—to warn the nation against being drawn into a war of commercial rivalry. Sir, when men fall out about women they are not apt to call in some learned doctor to decide the dispute—they yield to feeling or instinct—just so with nations, commercial nations especially, differing on interest, which is their instinct. And would gentlemen wish to excite this young nation, as yet in the gristle, to a foreign contest with G. Britain, in the full strength of manhood? I speak of foreign war.—The will and ability to defend ourselves is one thing,—to act 3,000 miles off, another. They may rely as much as they please upon the French emperor's making a separate peace with the continent, to the exclusion of G. Britain. If she puts out her strength, you will feel it. This proposition will subject her to all the evils of an American war without any of the concomitant advantages. And can you expect a tame acquiescence on her part? If her minister be not a bastard; if he has one drop of the blood of Chatham in his veins he will die contending for the liberties of his country sooner than surrender her independence. He will do it. No, sir, whatever I may think of the vices and corruptions of the government of that country, I must applaud her intelligence and spirit, must admire her ability, wisdom and strength.
But another gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) asks if it is not astonishing that a man, whom he allows to possess common sense, whom he represents as trembling at the power of Great Britain, should be making calculations of the future power of France, instead of guarding against the immediate danger? Sir, France may become a naval power—G. Britain never can be a military one. I ask any practical man, if the day can ever arrive when G. Britain will be able to threaten the safety of the continent of Europe or America, or dictate to either of them. Is it my fault that the gentleman cannot, or will not see this, because (as he tells you) fools and madmen can never be brought to believe that the spirit of God hath passed them by, and enlightened the understandings of other men. But to shew that this is not just cause of war we are referred to the time of the stamp-act and the non-importation agreement of 1774, which did not (it seems) produce immediate war. Is there any analogy between the two cases? We then formed one nation. A man may make a great sacrifice to preserve his friend, but when he has lost him, he will (as has been seen to-day) be denounced as the bitterest enemy. The other instances are equally defective and inapplicable. You may as well go back to the flood. The same gentleman enquires, are you indeed so peacable towards England, who has trampled upon you, and hostile to France who has offered you no injury? Wherefore? On this occasion I must repeat the old proverb, 'tis the still hog that drinks the swill. She finds it convenient to make a miserable stalking horse, a scare-crow of Spain. The gentleman enquires how long G. Britain has acted upon these philanthropic principles; this generous benevolent policy ascribed to her. But is any man so weak, or so wicked as to pretend that there is any principle of action between nations except interest? Give G. Britain the power, and she will tomorrow play the same part. Sir, we are not theophilanthropists, but politicians; not dreamers and soothsayers, but men of flesh and blood. 'Tis idle to talk of a sense of justice in any nation. Each pursues its sense of interest, and if you calculate on their acting upon any other principle, you may be very amiable, but you will prove a cully. We are asked what G. Britain can do to annoy us. We answer at this moment more than any other nation of the world, because she commands the ocean, the sole medium of communication between us. But draw her off from that element, and France is not less omnipotent upon it. She is a great military
power, and it is because Britain is not, cannot be such a power, that it is impossible to break her down. Go to war when you will, you must become the ally of France, you will only put off, by enhancing it, the danger you would guard against. You will but clap a tortoise under your elephant.
The same gentleman tells you that the gigantic power of France hangs on the brittle life of an individual. But do you believe it? Are you such travellers in politics as to believe that the fate of such a military despotism hangs on the life of one man. If Mahomet II. had been killed under the walls of Constantinople, would the destiny of the Greek empire have been changed? Would not the power have passed into the hands of some Solyman or Selim, the terror of the civilized world? Shall we abandon practice for theory?
In some respects we are situated as the successors of Alexander were placed in relation to Rome and Carthage. Here is an iron republic, or call it what you will, that threatens the liberties of mankind: The government above all others, in Europe, to which our own is most hateful and obnoxious. This is beyond dispute. Does it become us to facilitate its designs? I do not enquire as to motives, nor will that government care about them. If you give it facilities to effect its purposes, those purposes are obtained so far as depends on you. Is this wise, is it proper, is it right? Am I asked for my plan? If I meant to act efficiently, I would have begun with an embargo—I would now do what was done before—I would treat with G. Britain, and for the very reason that I would not have treated with her, in the year 1794; for the same reason that the gentleman, whose resolution is now under discussion, then treated with her, I would not; now, he is for war, I am for negotiation and peace. And why? Because the state of nations has since undergone a momentous change: disastrous changes indeed have been effected in the face of things. We often hear of the abuses and corruptions of the British government; whilst the continental despotisms pass unnoticed and unregarded. Let us beware of introducing such abuses into our own. We have no farther concern with them. Do gentlemen think worse of the character and motives of William Pitt than of Robespierre, and yet, monster as he was, Robespierre—that cannibal of his own countrymen, was in his day the sole butwark of the human race. And whatever be her motives, or professions, G. Britain now stands exactly in the place of France twelve years ago. Take her navy out of the way to-morrow, and where are you? The secretary of the navy has indeed reported that the Chesapeake is fit for service, and that the Constitution is in a state of thorough repair, but would the real Chesapeake, the bay, be fit for use in that case, and what would be the operation on the actual constitution of the U. S.? Sir, I am opposed to a French war as well as to a war with England. I would treat with England for another reason. I wish we had not a commercial treaty with any nation whatever. I am opposed to them on principle: but the principle is already settled. We have them. By your treaties with her enemies your hands are tied up from taking against them, any such measure as the one proposed: they are to be admitted on the terms of the most favored nation. Thus is probably one of the principal causes of disgust to England. Again, she made an offer to repeal her discriminating duties, if you would do so too; to trade with us upon even terms. By mercantile clamour you were deterred from meeting her half way: moreover, you have refused to ratify treaties with her, after they had been signed by your own minister. No doubt you had the right to do so. But can you be surprised under such circumstances that a haughty commercial rival has been irritated. After your obligations to France, who cannot receive a single pound of sugar, or coffee, but under cover of your flag, who is dependent upon you for services which she cannot render herself, who is not your rival in commerce, what can you expect from a jealous competitor in trade who stands not in need of your navigation—whose every advance towards a good understanding has received a mortifying repulse? Sir, you have at this moment a negotiation pending with G. Britain. You have no cause to despair of its success: far otherwise. The plain question is, will you await its issue, or will you, pendente lite , precipitate yourself into a measure, which must put all negotiation aside, which must eventuate in war. If you want war, there is no doubt that you may have it. Great Britain will not submit to all the hardships and mischiefs of war, because you choose to call it peace. She will prefer open war to war in disguise: and I, sir, have no hesitation in saying that I am for no half measures. Begin that system when you will, war, or disgrace must grow out of it. I am for neither. The gentleman indeed says that this, which has been denounced as a war measure, is a measure of peace. Let us have no more quasi wars I beseech you, sir—no half measures, no intermediate stage, but open war, or peace. I abhor this political quackery. Give us war, or negotiation—if you resort to the one, let us abandon the other. But we are asked if American virtue will so far degrade and debase itself as to treat with the old and corrupt government of England. There is a plain answer to this. You have a treaty with her now, with every government, I believe, that would make one with you. But whilst we boast of our virtue, let us beware that our own sins are not cast into our teeth. Let us see, how far these punctilios are warranted by the
conduct of our own agents. Look to the management of the convention of Paris, of the 30th April, 1803. You have all seen the case of the N. Jersey, Nicklin and Griffith's ship. It has created a general sensation. And yet what is the fact. Compared with others, they have almost nothing to complain of. Bad as that case is, it is amongst the least exceptionable instances of misconduct in your ministry at Paris. It is true Nicklin and Griffith's claim was cut down, I believe one half, because the sum appropriated would not otherwise (it was feared) be sufficient to answer all the drafts of chicanery upon it. These men were therefore mulcted five per cent. They are rich merchants—able to make their case known. It has been heard, and has rung thro' the continent. There are hundreds of cases even worse than this. The claims intended to be provided for are set aside. Why? Because government has been represented abroad by unfaithful, dishonest agents. Have they been called to account for their conduct? Three millions seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars stipulated to be paid, to bona fide American citizens—where have they gone? Into the pockets of renegades and the bureaux of Paris. Yes, the traders in neutral character have divided the spoil with the harpies of the French bureaux. These are they, in whose favor the bills have been drawn on the treasury of the U. S. by their own minister. Take the case of the Pigeon—There was no question, indeed as to her being American property—but she was captured flagrante bello —(when we were taking the insurgents and Berceau) she was therefor good prize, and condemned accordingly. Yet the decision of the inferior court was reversed by the council of prizes, & this case brought within the convention—to the exclusion no doubt of bona fide claims for neutral American property captured and condemned, and for which the convention was intended to provide. This is a specimen of the mode of doing business at Paris. It gentlemen doubt upon the subject, let them call on the secretary of state, for the correspondence of the commissioners. Let them call for John Mercer, one of those commissioners, a man inferior to few in point of talents; in point of character to none. Put him to the bar and examine him.
Painful as it is to me I must defend my principles and those of my friends. Open your statute book—what does it say? That the shores and waters of the bay and river Mobile shall form a district—I brought in the bill myself. The executive had informed us, that we had purchased from France as far as the Perdido to the east. We legislated upon it. Whence have arisen your disputes with Spain—From Pensacola or St. Augustine? No—from the very country which the statute book says is yours—in your own collection district are Spanish duties exacted and paid,—from this very quarter incursions have been made into the old United States. Do gentlemen believe that this fact will be lost on Great Britain? But we are asked (by Mr. Smilie) what has she to do with differences between us and Spain? What right has she to interfere, to enquire, or even to know, to form conclusions of what has passed in that quarter? Is this intended as a serious question? Because you have clapped a padlock upon your own mouths and wilfully shut your eyes, do you expect to hoodwink an eagle-eyed adversary? 'Tis in vain to expect that any nation in her intercourse with you, will be blind to your conduct towards others—Great Britain must shut her eyes, and ears too, not understand the state of things here—at least negatively speaking. She must know that you have taken no imposing attitude towards Spain, done nothing to strengthen the Southern frontiers—made no addition to your naval or military force, left even the militia in statu quo ante . Because the doors have been shut, can people be brought to believe that we have raised armies and equipped fleets in conclave? I never heard fir, but of one army incog. and that was levied by the factious Mr. Bayes for the service of the flag, not of the state—and from some dramatic specimens which I have lately seen, I should not be surprised to hear of a similar project being started on this floor. G. Britain will see, then, what has not been your proceeding towards Spain. She will say, shall I suffer myself to be browbeaten by a nation, clamouring for the right of highway, that has not spirit enough to defend her own domicile? If A. acts like a poltroon towards B. who has committed a gross outrage upon him, and shall have a subsequent controversy with C. shall he pretend to bully him, and expect C. not to call to mind his cowardly behaviour with B. and treat him accordingly? One foreign nation will be influenced, will be governed in her concerns with you by your concessions to another—and it is the idlest thing in the world to expect that your treatment by one government will not have an effect on the deportment of others towards you.
One word more, sir, before I conclude. Gentlemen misstate if they suppose that mere authority (much less at second hand) will do for us. They must shew us something better before we swallow their resolution. 'Tis an infirmity, sir, of my nature that I cannot yield to the imposing found of great names—they never did and they never shall put me
to silence, or drive me from my purpose. I am apprized of the secret denunciations which are on foot, and I despise them. They shall never affect me—I came into public life with these principles, and I will leave it with them, leave it when I may.
(To be Continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, MARCH 28.
On Sunday the 30th March the Rev. Mr. HARGROVE of Baltimore will deliver a discourse in the Capitol on the subject of the MOZAIC CREATION .
On Wednesday the bill prohibiting the importation of certain [British] goods, wares and merchandise, passed the House of Representatives by a majority of 61 votes. The Yeas and Nays were as follows:
Yeas. —Messrs Alexander, Alston, jun. Anderson, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bedinger, Bidwell, Blackledge, Blake, jun. Blount, Brown, Butler, G. W. Campbell, Chandler, Claiborne, Clark, J. Clay, M. Clay, Clinton, jun. Clopton, Conrad, Cook, Covington, Crowninshield, Cutts, Darby, Dawson, Dickson, Earle, Early, Elliot, Elmer, Eppes, Findlay, Fisk, Fowler, Goodwin, Gray, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Helms, Holmes, Jackson, Jones, Kenan, Knight, Lyon, Mac Farland, Magruder, Marion, Masters, McCreery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, R. Nelson, Newton, jun. Nicholson, Olin, Pugh, T. M. Randolph, Rea of Pen. Rhea, of Ten. Richards, Russell, Sailey, Sammons, Schuneman, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Thomas, Tracy, Van Cortlandt, Varnum, Walton, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, N. Williams, Wilson, Winn, and Winston.—23.
Nays. —Messrs. Betton, Broom, J. Campbell, Chittenden, Dana, Davenport, jun. Ellis, Ely, Garnett, Hastings, Hough, Lewis, jun. Mosley, J. Nelson, Pitkin, jun. Quincy, J. Randolph, Sandford, J. C. Smith, Spalding, Stanford, Stedman, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmage, Tenney, P. R. Thompson, T. W. Thompson, Trigg, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, and Wadsworth.—32.
By comparing this vote with that given on the resolution, which formed the basis of the bill, it will be found that the vote of approbation has received a considerable accession of strength. This has, in some degree, arisen from several of the republican members, who were originally the friends of stronger measures, conceding their own opinions to what, on discussion, appeared to be the general sentiment, or from a change of opinion, the offspring of a more mature and dispassionate reflection.
Such is the greatness of the majority in favor of this measure, and so irresistibly does this majority prove it to be consentaneous with the voice of the American people, that we hazard very little in considering it in the light of a measure already clothed with the efficacy of a law. For, it is scarcely to be expected, that the Senate, even did they entertain a different impression from the immediate representatives of the people, would oppose their will to that of the nation. This issue is the less to be expected from a body, which, from various intimations of its sentiments, appears to be animated by like feelings and views with the House of Representatives.
Our congratulations on the adoption of this measure will not, from these considerations, be viewed as premature. Exercising that liberty of opinion, which is the pride of every American, & which we hope and believe will endure forever, we do not hesitate to say that our individual opinions were most friendly to the measure recommended by Mr. Gregg's resolution. Nothing, which we have heard, has induced us to abandon this conviction. Nor is it certain—we cannot say even probable—that this measure would not have received the sanction of a majority of the votes of the members of the House of Representatives. Our prevailing opinion is that it would have commanded a majority.
But on this occasion, as on most, if not all of the great occasions, which have occurred since our country assumed the character of an independent nation, a spirit of harmony, accommodation and compromise, has illustrated our counsels, which will convince our enemies that they will be the dupes of a miserable delusion, if they flatter themselves with deriving any advantages from our internal divisions. It was this spirit, equally evincive of the virtue and wisdom of the American character, which made us an independent nation, and which carried us, with triumph, through the perils of a desolating war; it was this spirit, that reared the proud monument of our glory and prosperity; and it is to this same spirit that we owe the measure which is the subject of these animadversions.
When the discussion commenced, it was soon perceived that the republican members of the Eastern and Middle states were, with but few exceptions, in favor of Mr. Gregg's resolution. Such was the fact relatively to Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; while at the same time it counted among its friends many members from the other states. These members believed that this measure would be most likely to coerce Britain into a relinquishment of her unjust conduct; they likewise believed, while it had this effect on her, that so far as it operated harshly on ourselves, it would operate equally
and impartially. That this would have been the case, had it gone into operation, we have no doubt. But the representatives of the Southern and Western states thought differently. They declared that it would fall with peculiar and fatal injury on their interests—that it would be destructive to the interests of agriculture. At the same time that they avowed this conviction, they manifested no reluctance to express their indignation at the wrongs of Britain, or their readiness to avenge them. To manifest the sincerity of their professions, which was indeed indisputable, they offered to meet their political friends on lower ground, connected with a pledge that, if this should not prove efficient, they would unhesitatingly unite in the adoption of stronger measures. This address to the magnanimity of the Eastern and Middle sections of the nation was irresistible. The offer was accepted, and with it fell all local and professional divisions. Southern, as opposed to Eastern interests, or Middle interests as opposed to both, instantly vanished, and agriculture and commerce met on that ground of common interest, on which, in truth, neither can stand without the support of the other. It will be seen by looking over the names of those who voted for the bill, that it combined in its favor a majority of the members from the states of Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio; and that the only states, which have given a different vote, viz. New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Delaware, are represented by a majority of federal members; and such examination will further shew, that of the minority eight only are republican, the remaining twenty-four being federal members, and systematic opponents of republican measures.
Let it not then be said the republican members of Congress are disunited, when of one hundred and one republican votes, there are but eight dissenters. Every man, acquainted with the world, knows that to expect absolute unanimity upon any point relative to men or measures, is chimerical, where the exercise of opinion is free. Where is the religious or political denomination whose disciples agree in all things? If any surprise exist on this occasion, it ought be at the union, instead of discordance of sentiment. Let those who contest this point, adduce an instance of any political question of equal importance carried by such a vote?
Yes, fellow citizens and fellow republicans of America, we rejoice at the adoption of this measure. It is a pledge of union among us, and, we trust, a forerunner of a good understanding with Britain. That nation is entitled to our respect and is worthy of our esteem. We wish them well. Let them be just, & the ties that unite us need not be severed. Our prospect brightens. The affairs of that nation are transferred to men, whose past lives are a pledge that they will be animated by principles of honor, of justice, and of reciprocity. Our determination to take vigorous measures, our having actually taken them, by demonstrating the sense of this nation, and proving their unabated confidence in the Executive administration of their government, whose conduct needs but examination to be approved, will, we hope, strengthen these suggestions of honorable minds, and prostrate the barriers that intervene between the friendship of the two nations. At all events, be the issue what it may, we shall have done our duty, and will feel the precious consciousness which it always inspires.
We make the following extract from the [London] Morning Chronicle of January 3rd. As this is the print which has for a long series of years possessed the confidence of the Whigs of Great Britain, and been the organ of their sentiments, the opinions it announces, justify a hope that like sentiments are entertained by the new administration, and more especially Mr. Fox:
"We this day insert a copy of the speech of the President of the U. S. of America on the opening of Congress. It states, strongly, the complaints of the Americans respecting the depredations committed on their trade upon their own coasts, and states that measures had been adopted to repress such outrages, which appear mostly to have been done by vessels without commissions, or exceeding their commissions. The disputes with Spain about Louisiana are mentioned, and the whole of the case between the two powers is to be laid before Congress."
"The part of the speech which will be found most interesting here, is that which alludes to the capture of American vessels by our ships, on the ground of their aiding the enemy. From the attention we have had time this day to bestow upon it, we are inclined to think that, both from the disposition of the President and the point he states to be in dispute, the matter may be amicably adjusted. It never can be pretended, nor do we believe is pretended, by this country, that we have a right to prevent neutrals carrying on all that commerce with enemies which we permit to ourselves during war. We cannot with justice accuse others of aiding the enemy if we do the very things ourselves which constitutes that aid. But it is probable, however, that the Americans will claim a much greater latitude of neutral commerce."
"The President, in the present circumstances, recommends putting the coast in a state of defence, and preparing the public force by sea and land for action, if necessary."

At a meeting of the Stockholders of the Columbia Bank on the 20th inst. the following gentlemen were elected.
John Mason, William H. Dorsey, Charles Worthington, Philip B. Key, William Marbury, James Dunlop, David Stuart, of Döden, Henry Fozall, * John Cox, Marshall Waring, John Threlkeld, Jeremiah Williams.
The Board met and chose JOHN MASON, Esq. President and elected * Thomas Peter, Esq. to fill the vacancy. * New members.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MARCH 25.
Mr. Crowninshield, from the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures reported a bill, to amend in the cases therein mentioned, the act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday.
Mr. J. C. Smith, from the committee of Claims, made an unfavorable report on the memorial of Daniel Cotton, in which the House concurred.
Mr. D. R. Williams offered a resolution, directing the post master general, after the day of to cause the post office for the city of Washington to be kept at or near the capitol.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 26.
On motion of Mr. Nelson, a committee was appointed to bring in a bill supplementary to the militia act of the district of Columbia.
The committee on public lands on the petition of Robertson, made a report concluding with a resolution that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition, under the impression that if any provision be made for his case, it should be of a general nature including all like cases.
Mr. Blackledge. From the best information I have been able to collect, by an examination of the documents laid on our table, as well as by conversation with gentlemen better acquainted with the subject than myself, I find that from the sales of public lands already made, there will be to be collected in the course of about four years upwards of two millions of dollars; from the same sources of information I likewise learn, that in the course of the present year, in the state of Ohio only, upwards of 200,000 dollars are to be paid, or the lands must be sold to raise the balances from the persons owing this enormous sum, and that sales for a part of it are to commence in this or the next month. The petitions presented to Congress at this session, praying for an extension of credit for the balances due from the petitioners, and depicting the distresses to which many must be reduced if our laws are rigidly enforced, ought to draw our attention to what is to be the probable consequences of a system, which in practice is found likely to bring largely in debt to the government, so considerable a proportion of the citizens of any section of the union. To my mind there is nothing more obvious, than that if the present system of selling our lands is persevered in, the peace of the union may and probably will not be preserved. Men who have paid three-fourths or perhaps more of the purchase money for their lands, and spent several years hard labor in improving them, cannot feel very strongly attached, nay, must feel an aversion, to a government, whose rigid policy, in consequence of their having failed to pay the balance which may be due, takes from them not only their lands and improvements, but even refuses to refund that part of the purchase money which may have been paid. Let the number of persons of this description increase to that extent to which our present system naturally leads, and I fear, sir, it will be impossible to enforce your laws. No man will dare to bid at your sales; his life must be in danger if he does; and tho' the lands in such cases would revert to the government, what good would it do them? The first purchaser is in possession, and the spirit of the community in which he lives is in favor of his holding it. To evict him you must resort to force, the consequences of which are too obvious to need description. A committee of this House has already decided the principle that it would be improper to grant a longer indulgence to those whose time of credit has expired. To have decided otherwise would have been to adopt towards your debtors for the purchase of your lands, a practice directly contrary from that which under similar circumstances of hardship has been uniformly observed towards your debtors at the custom houses: a distinction which cannot, as I conceive, be justified by any principle of policy or justice. I know of no way by which the evils to be apprehended can be so effectually averted as to put a stop to the practice of selling the public lands on credit, and with the view to bringing the subject before Congress, and ascertaining their opinion upon it, I beg leave to submit the following resolution:
Resolved, That the committee on public lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency of repealing all such parts of the several acts for the sale of the lands of the U. S. as authorizes a credit on any part of the purchase money, and that they report their opinion thereupon.
Mr. Newton moved an amendment, going to refer this resolution to the Committee of Ways and Means, which did not prevail—Ayes 13—
When the resolution was agreed to without a division.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the legislature and inhabitants of the Mississippi territory, relative to the establishment of a hospital at Natchez, made a report in favor of aiding such an institution, by granting 15,000 acres of land.
Referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday.
A message was received from the Senate, stating that they insist on their amendment to the bill for fixing the compensation of the officers of the House—that they have agreed to the resolution returning thanks to Mr. Nissen, the Danish Consul at Tripoli—that they have agreed to the amendments of the House to the Ohio road bill (this bill has consequently passed both Houses)—and that they have receded from all their amendments but the last to the bill providing rules for the army.
BRITISH AFFAIRS.
The bill prohibiting the importation of certain [British] goods, wares and merchandise was read the third time. Mr. J. Randolph spoke for a few minutes against the passage of the bill.
He was followed by Mr. Clifton, who advocated the passage in a short speech, prefacing his remarks by observing that during the whole previous course of this business he had been detained from the House by extreme illness.
Mr. Newton then spoke at considerable length on the same side.
Mr. Lyon moved to recommit the bill, with the view of so amending it as to give its operation effect on the 1st of July, and also with the view of proposing further amendments.
Mr. Bidwell opposed the recommitment.
Mr. Sloan made a few remarks in favor of the bill.
Mr. J. Randolph again spoke against the passage of the bill.
The motion to recommit was lost—Ayes 20.
When the yeas and nays were taken on the passage of the bill, and were—Yeas 93—Nays 32.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. GREGG in the chair—on the bill making appropriations for the civil list.
The several blanks were filled and the bill reported to the House.
THURSDAY, MARCH 27.
The House were almost exclusively engaged in considering the bill making appropriation for the support of government, which, having undergone various amendments, was read a third time and passed.
Mr. J. Randolph, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported two bills, one making appropriations for the support of the military establishment, and the other making appropriations for the support of the navy, for the year 1806, which were referred to a committee of the whole House.
Mr. Clark moved the following resolution:
Resolved, That it is expedient so far to amend the act fixing the military peace establishment of the U. States, as to abolish the office of brigadier general in the army of the U. S.
Documents accompanying the President's Message of the 19th inst.
Natchitoches, 1st February, 1806.
Sir, You are immediately to proceed with the detachment now under your command, to the neighborhood of Adais, where, should you fall in with a stationary party of armed Spaniards, you will command them, or any other armed party of foreigners which you may discover, to withdraw beyond the Sabine river. In case of their refusing to comply, you are to treat them agreeably to the orders of the secretary of war, (a certified extract of which accompanies these instructions), as far as relates to the pursuit, capture, and detention of invaders or aggressors; and avoiding the spilling of blood, but when these orders cannot otherwise be executed. You are to patrol, if practicable, the country between this and Sabine, be on your guard against surprise, and communicate to me, by express, from time to time, any occurrence worthy of note. (Signed) M. PORTER, Major Artillerist Commanding.
Capt. Edward D. Turner, 2d regiment Infantry.
[Copy.]
Adais, February 6, 1806.
Sir, After a tedious march we arrived in front of the Spanish post yesterday morning, about half past eleven o'clock. Found the Dons in some confusion, in consequence of their patrol having discovered us an hour before, (owing to our pilot bringing us in sight of the road.) I took a position, which would have carried their camp, if there had been ten times their number, which was twenty. They saddled, mounted, and formed.—At the bayou Le Glesé, their patrol, or picket, halted our van guard, and demanded the reason we were violating, or invading his majesty's territory, and requested him to withdraw, with his guard inside his camp, where I would presently be and inform his officer of my business. He implicitly obeyed. Upon my arrival at my position, I sent Mr. Duforest to tell the officer I wished a conference. Mr. Duforest was informed, in consequence of some information the corporal of the advanced guard had given, the officer had gone down the road to meet me. I waited sometime his return, but not seeing him, I suspected he had purposely put himself out of the way to gain time. I, therefore, after sending another message to the camp, formed my men, and marched through a thicket within forty yards, where I halted, and told the non-commissioned officer commanding, that I
should wait fifteen minutes for his officer, provided he made no movements in the interim. The officer soon after appeared, when I delivered him my commands. He readily agreed to abandon his position, but said he could go no further than a creek, San Jose. After a good deal of altercation, he consented to move to the other side Sabine, and I gave him three hours to prepare to march. He begged I would not insist upon his crossing the Sabine within five days, alleging that in the miserable condition of his horses, it would be impossible, without losing them, and requested that he might be allowed to look up some that were missing. I replied, that after reaching the other side Sabine, he might send in two or three of his men, without arms, to hunt them; and that he must get them as soon as possible. He replied he would, but it would necessarily take him four or five days.—This morning I commenced my march for La Tran, and fell in with him in three miles. I signifying my surprise at his being no further, he made the old excuse of the impossibility of his horses to travel faster, and observed that he had been detained retreating to find some of his horses, two of which he had got, and four were missing. Not thinking it proper to rely exactly again on his word, after falling in with him, I made him subscribe to the enclosed terms, (which I hope may meet your approbation), and shall follow his footsteps till my provisions are out.
Respectfully, yours, (Signed,) E. D. TURNER. Major Moses Porter.
At the Adais, February the 6th, 1806. I, Joseph Maria Gonzalez, ensign, commandant of his most catholic majesty's troops on this side of the river Sabinas, hereby have agreed with captain Edward D. Turner, captain in the United States army, to return all said troops of his catholic majesty to the other side of the said river Sabinas, as soon as my horses will permit it, or in five days, or at furthest six, and to take my march this day. And I also oblige myself to not send any patrols on this side of the river Sabinas. (Signed,) Ensign, JOSEPH MARIA GONZALEZ. Witness, (Signed,) John V. Duforest.
Extract of a letter from major Porter to the secretary of war, dated, Natchitoches, Feb. 8th, 1806.
Sir, Your letter of the twentieth of November, was received on the twenty-fourth ultimo, and the request therein mentioned, was, without loss of time, forwarded to the commandant of Nacogdoches: from whom I received, on the fourth instant, an answer, in which he refused to give the assurance required.
Deeming this reply decisive, I immediately detached captain Turner, with sixty men, to remove a party of Spaniards, that had a few days before passed and taken post on this side of the Adais; and to patrol the country between this post and the river Sabine. The former he easily accomplished, and is now performing the latter.
The report of preparations making by our Spanish neighbors for war, are various; but generally agree, that a considerable number of troops are progressing from the interior to the eastward: that near three hundred of them were, a few weeks since, at the great crossing of the Trinity, where there were near two hundred beehives, five hundred horses, and a considerable magazine of flour.
That they have ten guns now mounting at Nacogdoches, where most of them have been lately received; and that immediately after lieutenant Piant, the bearer of my letter to the commandant of Nacogdoches, left that place on his return, a Spanish officer was dispatched to bayou aux Pierres, to impress on the minds of the inhabitants of that settlement, the allegiance that they owed to his catholic majesty; ordered them to join his standard whenever required; and informed them, that the Red river would be the boundary line between the Spanish country and the United States.
The mail of last evening brings an account of another arrival at Boston from Liverpool, with London dates to the 13th of February.
They state that Gen. St. Cyr, at the head of 40,000 men, had halted on the frontier of Naples, waiting the arrival of Gen. Massena—the complete occupation of Hanover by Prussian troops—and that proclamation follows proclamation in the Batavian Republic against the introduction of British commodities.
On the 13th of February Mr. Fox was unanimously elected representative for Westminster. On this occasion—
"Mr. Fox declared, that if the electors thought he had, in changing his situation changed his principles, his attachment to the cause of liberty and those constitutional views which he had uniformly cultivated and promoted, they had then the power of rejecting his claims to be their representative; but if, on the contrary, they continued to have the same opinion of him which they had evinced for the last five and twenty years, he trusted he should be favored with their support. In accepting the situation which he at that moment filled, his only object was to co-operate, for the public good, with men of enlightened minds and acknowledged talents. They had undertaken the administration of public affairs in a crisis highly perilous, and if they succeeded in saving the country from the dangers which threaten it from without, they should consider that they had done their duty. For his own part, he had entered into office free from all selfish and partial views, and he should not be guilty in a single instance of giving up those grand politi-
cal principles which had been the pride and glory of his life. With the exception of our naval pre-eminence, that had derived such real lustre from the victory of Trafalgar, the prospect of affairs abroad, a department particularly consigned to his care, was indeed melancholy; but he was gratified and cheered by the reflection, that the spirit, patriotism, resources, and manliness of the country were far superior to the utmost perils of the present crisis, and that when properly estimated, they could not fail in banishing despondence and inspiring vigour and confidence.
New-York, March 22.
In the Senate of this state, on Saturday last, Mr. De Witt Clinton moved a resolution to expel Ebenezer Purdy, esq. a Senator from the Southern District, from his seat in the Senate, for having, at the last session of the legislature, offered a bribe to col. German, then a member of Assembly, and judge Thorn, a Senator, to induce them to vote in favor of the Merchant's Bank. The consideration of this motion was postponed, and the clerk ordered to notify Messrs. German and Thorn, that their attendance would be required at the bar of the Senate on Tuesday. The clerk was also directed to furnish Mr. Purdy with a copy of the said resolution.
New-York, March 23.
It was reported at Nantz the 21st ult. when the Richmond sailed, that several attempts had been made to assassinate Bonaparte; and that several ladies of high rank had been arrested, on suspicion of being concerned in the attempt.
TO RENT,
THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE, near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co.
Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
To Lease on Ground Rent, ON VERY MODERATE TERMS.
TWENTY-NINE unimproved Lots of ground in the vicinity of the Navy Yard, in very eligible situations for private families. For particulars apply to the subscriber, who is in possession of the plots, and will shew the property.
SAMUEL LOWDERMILK. March 23—6t
Washington Building Company.
NOTICE is hereby given, that in conformity to the articles of the institution, a quarterly meeting will be held at Myer's tavern, opposite the Centre Market, on Tuesday evening next 7 o'clock. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. March 28—2t
The Subscriber will go to the Western country (or any other part) as a SURVEYOR—any gentleman choosing to employ him, he will use his utmost ability to please. JOHN LOWRY, Jun. March 23—3t
N. B. Gentlemen may direct their letters, post paid, as above and they will be duly attended to J. L.
FOR SALE.
ALL that tract of land which I purchased from Mrs. Mary Jenkins and on which I now reside lying in St. Mary's county on the Chesapeake bay three miles from St. Inigoes creek, containing 700 acres more or less. The advantages of this land are numerous, 400 acres are in wood abounding in oak, hickory and poplar. The bay shore affords an inexhaustible source of excellent manure in the sea weed or sea oar as it is commonly called which is at all seasons thrown up in great quantities and is of easy access, lying immediately alongside of the fields. No place can be better adapted than this for a flock of all kinds. The woods yield abundance of acorns, and it abounds in grounds well calculated for meadows that produce great quantities of grass. The improvements on this place are likewise considerable. here are in a good brick dwelling house, every necessary out house, a small water mill, and two tenements now under rent, besides all necessary fencing in good repair. Moreover there are many convenient springs of good water that do not fail in the driest seasons. Its situation renders it almost superfluous to mention that it lies convenient to the Baltimore, Norfolk and Alexandria markets. This valuable tract of land I will sell for one 4th cash and the remainder in one two and three years. WILFRED M'NINING. Great Mill, Jan. 31—3t&wtf
THE subscriber at his store near the Navy yard, offers for sale the following articles, viz.
Cogniac, & } Brandy, pipe or gallon. French Jamaica, Antigua & } Rum, hhd. or gal. New-England } Sugars. } 1000 weight superior green coffee } 6 years old Brazil Madeira. } London particular, do. } Wines, } Particular Teneriffe and Malaga } Cherry bounce of a very superior quality. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, & } Teas. Hyson skin } A few tiers of rice. 14 kegs chewing tobacco, and A parcel of excellent bacon, all of which will be sold on moderate terms for cash or approved papers. JOSEPH CASSIN. ALSO—A few cases of ger line Florence wine, and Whisky by the barrel. March 21—2w.
NORTH AMERICAN LAND COMPANY.
THE subscriber having undertaken the entire guidance of the concerns of the North American Land Company, and being legally authorized to that effect, by the President and Managers of the said company, hereby calls on all persons, possessing any property, title deeds, contracts, maps, &c. belonging to the company, to render up the same to him—and on all agents, surveyors, &c. heretofore employed in the service of the company, to communicate with him on the subject of their respective doings. He all calls on all persons indebted to the company for lands or to make payment, and on all who have claims, to render their accounts duly attested.
All persons possessing information respecting the concerns of the company, are respectfully requested to communicate the same by letter or otherwise, and all persons desirous to purchase any of the property of the company for cash or on credit, are desired to make application to
JAMES GRENFLEAP, Secretary of the N. A. Land Com. Philadelphia, Feb. 19—w8t
By virtue of a Deed of Trust from the Rev. George Ralph, to Samuel Tyler, deceased and Mary Pottinger, will be sold at Public sale for cash, on the first day of April next, at Mr. Chapellier's tavern, Charlotte Hall Academy in St. Mary's county, a tract or parcel of land, called HULSTON, situate, lying, and being in the vicinity of Elda Academy in St. Mary's county aforesaid, containing about 150 acres, also 6 negroes, consisting of three valuable men, a woman and two black boys.
MARY POTTINGER, Survivor of Samuel Tyler. Prince George's county } March 3—w3t }
Thirty Dollars Reward,
FOR apprehending and securing in jail negro J. COB who is a low well made fellow, about 25 years of age, complexion rather black, tho' not deep, has a pleasant countenance, is stout-made about the shoulders and breast with small legs, has a floppage in his speech and cannot make a quick reply, when spoken to without shutting his eyes or being in motion, which is very observable, his clothing was blue negro cotton jacket and overall, ozanburg shirt, and wool hat, though they are subject to change, he was late the property of Richard B. Beall of Fauquier county, Virginia, and shipped about the 6th of November last. The constables and others of the city of Washington, George Town, Alexandria, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Norfolk are requested to look out for the said run-away slave, as he above reward will be immediately paid them on the terms specified by
JOHN KEDGLIE. City of Washington, Dec. 16—2w&tf
Valuable Property For Sale.
THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable heights convenient to the city of Washington about 2 1/2 miles from the President's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the City, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No. 1. contains 60 acres, No. 2. contains 42 acres, No. 3. contains 102 acres, No. 4. contains 19 acres; Likewise a lot lying between John Layton, and Dr. Worthington, containing from 80 to 100 acres. These lots will be sold together or apart as may suit purchasers. Terms may be known by applying to James White or Rev. John Breckenridge near the property. Jan 24 wtf
FOR SALE,
A second hand COACH with a handsome pair of plated harness. This carriage is the property of a Lady who wishes to sell it, and a bargain will be given. Application may be made to Wm. A. Washington, esq. of Rock-Hill, where the carriage may be seen. February 28—wtf
FOR SALE,
A Handsome two story BRICK HOUSE, 22 feet front by 34 feet back, with a kitchen stable and carriage house, its situation for a public or private dwelling is superior to any house near the Navy Yard, it commands a perfect view of the Yard and shipping and is now rented for 300 dollars per annum. I will also sell a valuable unimproved Lot near the premises in sq. 88r young negroes will be taken in part payment. For terms apply to the subscriber living near the Navy Yard, or to Mr. Samuel M'Intire. NICHOL. S VOSS. Washington, Feb. 14—wtf
Twenty Dollars Reward.
WILL be given for apprehending and securing in jail a young Mulatto man named ANDREW. He was hired by me last year to Mr. Joseph Thomas who keeps the said ferry to Alexandria, and absconded from that place about the latter end of August last. He is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, lanky and well made, has short curly hair and is frequently subject to have several large pimples on his face. He is reckoned to be a sensible fellow of an easy agreeable address for a man in his low sphere of life. As he has not been heard of by me since his elocement, I suspect he has had the address to ship himself as a freeman on board some vessel either at Alexandria or Baltimore who ever takes him up and secures him an jail shall receive from me the above reward, or as soon due information on thereof is given to me or to Dr. N. P. Caufin at Port Tobacco. G. B. CAUSIN. Maryland Charles County, January 29—wtf
FOUND IN DECEMBER LAST, TWO GOOD SADDLES—The owner by proving his property and paying costs may have them again. These Saddles were advertised at the Capitol during the sitting of the district court but no owner appeared. If an owner should not be found before the first day of April next, they then will be sold by public sale at 10 o'clock in the morning at the door of the Capitol, by JOHN PHILLIPS. March 10—2w&tf

On a liberal credit. The subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. The tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 8 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of Colonel Minton at the Navy Yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 14th June 1805—tf
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only , having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
AUDITOR'S OFFICE, Chillicothe, State of Ohio January 31st, 1806. Extract from an act levying a state tax for the year 1806.
Section 2. Be it further enacted, That all lands shall be rated and assessed in the manner following: that is to say, first, second, and third rates; and the rule to be observed is, that when a greater part of any tract shall be superior in quality to second rate land, it shall be denominated first rate; when a greater part of a tract shall be inferior in quality to first rate, and superior to third rate, it shall be denominated second rate; and when a greater part of a tract shall be inferior to second rate, it shall be denominated third rate. Land, taking into view the situation and the quality of the soil. First rate land shall be taxed at the rate of fifty cents, second rate sixty five cents, and third rate forty cents, each per hundred acres.  Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That in all cases where the owners of any lands have, by themselves or agents, entered their lands in their proper classes, with the auditor or clerks of the court of common pleas, agreeably to the laws heretofore in force, such lands shall under this act be placed in the same class for taxation, and all lands which shall not be entered by the owners, or their agents, with the auditor, before he makes out his duplicate, he shall class and charge the same as second rate, and if any owner or proprietor of lands, or their agent, have heretofore, or shall hereafter enter any tract of land in an inferior class to that of its real quality, said land shall (until it is changed into its proper class) be charged, over and above the rate for which it was entered, with double the amount of tax which should have been paid had the same been entered in its proper class; which shall be paid to the collector of the county township, or district in which such lands may be chargeable, for the use of the state, on the information of any freeholder, making due proof thereof to the auditor or commissioners and be recovered at the same time and in the same way as other taxes are recoverable.
Sec. 4. Be it further enacted, That for the collection of taxes of non-residents lands the state shall be and is hereby divided into six collection districts: the first to include the lands purchased by John Cleves Symmes and his associates, and the land within the district of Cincinnati land office; the second to include lands in the Virginia military district, the land within the district of Chillicothe land office and the French grants; the third to include the land purchased by the Ohio Company and all grants included within the limits thereof and the land within the district of Marietta land office; the fourth to include the lands in the United States military district and the refugee lands; and all the lands within the district of Zanesville land office; the fifth to include the lands within the district of Steubenville land office, and all lands south of the Connecticut reserve; and not included in the other districts; and the sixth to include the lands in the Connecticut reserve.
Sec. 5. Be it further enacted, That there shall be appointed, by a joint ballot of both houses of the general assembly, and commissioned by the governor, a collector in each district, who shall continue in office one year and until his successor is chosen and qualified, who shall collect all taxes due and owing on non-residents' lands within their respective districts. The collector of the first district shall keep his office at Cincinnati; the collector of the second district shall keep his office at Chillicothe; the collector of the third district shall keep his office at Marietta; the collector of the fourth district shall keep his office at Zanesville; the collector of the fifth district shall keep his office at Steubenville and the collector of the sixth district shall keep his office at the town of Warren, in the county of Trumbull. And shall each, at the time they receive their duplicates, take an oath or affirmation: viz. "I, A. B. do solemnly swear or affirm, (as the case may be) that I will, according to the best of my abilities, faithfully and impartially perform the duties enjoined on me by law; as collector of the district; and that I will not directly or indirectly purchase any land by me sold for taxes."
Notice is hereby given that all taxes within this state are due and payable after the 1st day of August next ensuing, and if not paid by the first Monday of December, the lands will be sold, or so much thereof as will satisfy the amount due with interest. 1st district collector, A. Goforth, Cincinnati. 2d do Virginia army lands, Thomas Scott, Chillicothe. 3d do Wm Skinner, Marietta. 4th do James Herron, Zanesville. 5th do Charles Maxwell, Steubenville. 6th do James Hilman, Warren. THOMAS GIBSON, Auditor of Accounts for the State of Ohio. Feb. 20—6w.
Bank of Columbia. THE board of directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of ten per cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the stock holders or their representatives on or after Thursday the 20th inst. WILLIAM WIANN, Cashier. March 19—6w.
NOTICE. THE sale of the House and Lot No. 10 in square 728 in the city of Washington, advertised to be sold this day, at Mr. King's tavern, is unavoidably postponed until Monday the 14th April next when it will certainly be offered at Public Sale to the highest bidder at 4 o'clock P. M. at Mr. Wm. R. King's tavern. The terms of sale will be made known on that day, by SAMUEL TYLER. March 26—7t
FOR SALE, At the VEADUE STORE near the Navy Yard, on Saturday the 29th inst. at 12 o'clock, one New HACK CARRIAGE with harness and a pair of horses. Also one piece of Constitution cord and a Mahogany bedstead. NICHOLAS L. QUEEN. March 26—2t
INFORMATION TO TRAVELLERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform the public that on the first day of April next, a new, expeditious and convenient
LINE OF STAGES, will be established between the cities of Philadelphia and Washington—to run in the following order of time and place: A stage, with the mail, will leave Brenton's tavern in Wilmington, every Monday and Wednesday, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Chester town early in the evening on the same day. A stage with the mail, will leave Chester town on every Tuesday and Thursday, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Rock Hall by early breakfast. A comfortable and fast sailing packet, with the mail, will leave Rock Hall on every Tuesday and Thursday at 8 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Annapolis, with a favorable wind, in the course of two and a half hours, at any rate in the course of the same day. A stage with the Eastern Shore of Maryland and Delaware mails, will leave Annapolis on Wednesdays and Fridays, and arrive at Washington and George-town on the same days. The stage will leave M c Laughlin's hotel in George-town, and Stel e 's in Washington, on every Thursday and Sunday, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Annapolis on the same day. A packet will leave Annapolis on Mondays and Fridays, at 8 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Rock Hall on the same days, in time to proceed on to Chester town on the same evenings.
The stage will leave Chester town on Thursdays and Saturdays, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Wilmington on the same days; from whence a stage runs to Philadelphia every day. One of the subscribers likewise begs leave to inform the public that he is now established at the ancient and well known ferry Rock Hall, and has provided good, safe and commodious packets, fitted up in the neatest manner for the accommodation of passengers, that a large and comfortable packet will leave Rock Hall, for Baltimore on the same days that the mail crosses to Annapolis, Tuesdays and Thursdays, at 9 o'clock A. M. and will leave Baltimore, from the lower end of Bowly's wharf, on Wednesdays and Saturdays, at 9 o'clock A. M. for Rock Hall. Each of the above packets are well calculated for the conveyance of horses and carriages. Horses and carriages will always be in readiness for the conveyance of passengers on their arrival at Rock Hall, to whatever place they may wish to proceed, in any neighboring part of the country, or to Chester town, from whence they may be conveyed to the northward or southward, by the regular line of stages; and that the Annapolis packet will leave Annapolis on Wednesdays for Rock Hall, and will leave Rock Hall on Sundays for Annapolis, besides the regular day of carrying the mail, as above mentioned. He also flatters himself, that from his experience in maritime pursuits, and the confidence placed in him by many of the most respectable merchants in Baltimore, whilst following the sea faring life, that he has a competent knowledge to keep his boats in good order, for the comfort and convenience of passengers, and that he shall merit the patronage of a generous public, which he hereby respectfully solicits. It is unnecessary to make any comments on the advantages which entitles this route to a preference, to that round the waters of the Chesapeake bay. This affords a safe dry road, through a beautiful, level, and fertile country, from the Delaware state to the seat of government, whilst the other presents one continual scene of hills and valleys, generally filled with water and mire. Travellers on this route will not only derive advantage from good roads, shortening the distance, and incurring less expense, but will avoid the danger of injuring their health, by not being exposed to travelling by night. HOMAS HARRIS, ROCK HALL, DAVID WITHERSPOON, MIDDLE TOWN. March 26—sawtf
This is to give Notice, That the subscriber has obtained from the Orphan's court of Calvert county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of Samuel Whittington late of Calvert county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the proper vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 19th day of March, eighteen hundred and six. WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Adm r . N. B. All persons having claims against the partnership of Samuel Whittington and company are requested to make them known to the subscriber as speedy as possible. Those who are indebted to make immediate payment to WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Assignee of Francis Whittington, the surviving partner of S. Whittington & Co. March 26—3t
POPLAR TREES, FOR SALE. ABOUT 28 or 30 prime thriving trees, which have been planted out 2 years, are for sale in the eastern part of the city. Apply to the printer. March 26—2t
This is to give Notice, THAT the subscriber has obtained letters of administration on the personal estate of JOHN BOYCE , deceased all persons having claims against the said deceased, are requested to forward their accounts agreeable to law all those indebted are warned to make immediate payment. Given under my hand SARAH BOYCE. March 19—tf
Cheap & Valuable Books. For sale, the New Annual Register, 24 vols. a regular series. The Monthly Review, 44 vols. a regular series, Ferguson's history of Rome, 3 vols. Gibbon's do. 8 vols. Henry's history of Great Britain, 6 vols. Blackstone's Commentaries, 4 vols. 8vo. plates, Tucker's do. 5 vols. Blair's Sermons, 4 vols. London edit. Life of Catharine II. 3 vols. Gordon's history of America, 3 vols. Domestic Encyclopedia 5 vols. Laws of the U. States, 6 vols. German Theatre, 6 vols. Enfield's Philosophy, 4to. Adam's do. 7 vols. 8vo. New System of Natural Philosophy, 6 vols. Bell's Surgery 8 vols. 8vo. Botwell's life of Dr. Johnson, 4 vols. 8vo. Barratier's Spanish, and Rogloff's dictionary, 4to. Most of the above books are London editions, they will be sold cheap for ready money, for particulars apply to the Editor. March 19—6t
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Bennetts patent cord, woolleneen and waisteating, fancy and black silk mole skins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, loop coutings, plushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pleads himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to compleat them in the newest style of fashion. N B Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington Dec 18—tf
Twenty Dollars Reward, WILL be given for apprehending negro FAME a very low and tolerable lusty woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has lost one of her foreteeth, she is very artful and cunning, having procured a free pass, and passed by the name of Charity Shorter; she was formerly the property of John Chittens of this county, and was run away for near eight years, was apprehended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1804 and has been lurking, I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have understood her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Port Tobacco. P. S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman, at their peril. MASSY SIMMS. Nov. 27—ef
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording a good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the feythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom fence, and from 40 to 60 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searcy residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. WM. THORNTON, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill. Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes. I. P. Jan. 29—eptf
WANTED, A WOMAN that understands plain cooking and house work; likewise a GIRL of about 14 years of age to take care of children—none need apply but those who can bring unexceptionable recommendations. Enquire at the and house from the west end of the Six Buildings and at this office. Nov. 27—tf
This is to give notice that it the heirs of a certain STEPHEN REYNOLDS, who died on his way from the western country in the month of August 1803, and supposed to have been a native of the state of New Hampshire or one of the Eastern states will apply to JOHN RINE administrator living in the town of Cumberland, Alleghany county, state of Maryland, will hear of something to their advantage. By order of Alleghany county orphans court. March 3—ep2m
WANTED, either a school master or midwife, to reside with a gentleman in the upper part of Virginia, apply at this office. March 19—
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B. P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October, 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone" and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty five feet on any of the avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city, of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June in the year 1796 to the first day of January last, and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced it is deemed proper to revive the same with the exception hereafter mentioned. WHEREFORE I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do hereby declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the fill to the eves shall be erected, nor shall such house be placed within twenty four feet of any brick or stone house. Given under my hand the twenty-fifth day of February 1806. TH: JEFFERSON. Feb 28—2aw8w
Levin Luskett, and Richard L. Hall against James Simpson and Juliet his wife, and Wm. Gibson Luskett, David Lawton, Luskett and others, heirs of David Luskett deceased. In the Circuit Court, March 7, 1806
THE object of the bill in this cause is to obtain a decree for the sale of the real estate of David Luskett, deceased, for the payment of his debts. The bill states that the personal estate has been fully administered, leaving the claims of the complainants and other creditors unpaid, and that James Simpson and Juliet his wife, Wm. Gibson Luskett, and David Lawton Luskett, four of the defendants, reside out of the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged, and ordered, that the complainants by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three successive weeks in some news paper of the district of Columbia, before the 20th day of April next, give notice to the absent defendants of this application, and of the substance and object of the bill that they may be warned to appear here in person or by guardian, on or before the 20th day of July next, to show cause, if any they have, wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed. Test, SAMUEL H. HOWARD, Reg. Court Chancery. March 1 st —
BUST OF WASHINGTON. The MARBLE BUST OF WASHINGTON By CIRACHI, Was deposited in Bordeaux before the death of that artist. It is a most elegant specimen of art, remarkable for strength of expression and exact resemblance; superior even to the one previously executed by Howson. It is of colossal size. Mr. Lee, American consul at Bordeaux, has employed an able artist to multiply copies from it in PLAISTEX CAST, reduced to the size of life. He proposes to have them delivered in America, to subscribers only, at TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS each, free of cost, either at the office of the National Intelligencer, or in any port of entry in the United States. No money is demanded till the delivery of the Bust. Subscriptions received at this Office. March 24—
FRUIT. THE Subscriber has on hand an assortment of fruit consisting of MUSKATELL PEACH & KEG RAISINS, FIGS, ALMONDS & APPLES, all of which will be sold in such quantities as will suit the customer on reasonable terms for cash. SAML COLLINGWOOD, George Town, March 14—w3t
FOR SALE, 3800 BUSHELS ST. URES SALT, the more approved quality for curing and packing fish. 14 puncheons 4th proof Jamaica rum. 2 pipes excellent 4th proof do. Cogniac brandy, and 12 bags coffee. BULLER COCKE, Barry's wharf, March 14—w3t
By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's County in the state of Maryland. ON Tuesday the eighth day of April next at the house of Mr. GERRARD BORMAN on the road from the Capitol to Bladensburg, will be sold at public sale on a credit of six months, the purchaser to give bond with approved security to bear interest from the date, a part of the personal estate belonging to the Orphans of Benjamin Wight, consisting of household furniture plantation utensils, &c. JOHN WIGHT, Guardian to the orphans of B. Wight. Washington co. Dist. Col. March 17—3w.
PLOUGHS. THE subscribers take this method to inform the farmers that they have now on hand and purpose keeping ready for sale, a number of Large three horse ploughs, (such as are used and recommended by Mr. Thomas Moore) Mr. G. W. Riggs will attend to any orders given, and give information of the terms—some of them may be seen in Mr. McLaughlin's yard, as the great advantage of deep ploughing has been so sufficiently proved by some years experience, it is presumed that every farmer who studies his own interest and the improvement of his farm will get some of those most useful and much admired ploughs. JOHN THOMAS, 3d, & Co. Feb 17—w6t
CITY LOTS FOR SALE. THE undermentioned Lots of ground are offered for sale, either separately or by squares, on liberal terms either for cash or on credit—they are all free from mortgage or incumbrance, and are subject to no litigation or contest, as the titles are derived by immediate conveyances from the chancellor of Maryland and the commissioners of Washington, to Messrs. Henry Pratt, Thomas Witting Francis, John Miller jun. John Ashley & Jacob Baker, trustees of the Aggregate Fund. Square No. 54 Lot no 9—19 72 Lots no 2 4 8 to 13 14 15 18—19 84 Lot no 1—19 85 Lots no 20 21 22—19 103 Lots no 7 8—19 145 Lots no 1 2 3 4—19 146 Lots no 1 2 3—19 147 Lot no 4—19 163 Lots no 5 6 7 12 13 14—19 258 Lots no 6 7 10 11 12 15 16—19 293 Lots no 1 2 3 7 8 11 12 13 18—19 349 Lots no 1 2 8—19 376 Lots no 16 17 18—19 407 Lots no 3 4 7 8 9 17 18—19 487 Lots no 5 6 9 10—19 488 Lots no 8 9 11—19 489 Lots no 6 10—19 491 Lot no 11 12 16 19 20 24—19 490 Lots no 7 8—19 94 Lots no 8 9 10—19 531 Lot no 3 4 8 11 12 13 14—19 631 Lot no 13 14 16 17—19 584 Lots no 1 2 3 4 7 22 23 24—19 588 whole square East 590 whole square—19 635 Lots no 1 2 3 5 6 9 19—19 638 Lots no 1 2 3—19 633 Lot no 1—19 640 Lots no 1 2 3 4 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18—19 641 whole square—19 642 Lots no 1 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15—19 643 Lot no 2—19 643 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20—19 644 Lots no 1 5 7 west of 645 whole square—19 873 Lots no 16 17 18 19 20—19 973 Lots no 4 5 6 7 8 20 21—19 995 Lots no 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18—19 1004 Lots no 10 19 Lots no 1 2 4—19 1020 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38—19 1021 Lot no 1—19 1022 Lot no 2—19 1023 Lots no 4 5 7 8 9 10—19 1024 Lots no 1 2 3 7—19 1045 Lots no 9 10 12—19 1046 Lots no 2 14 15—19 1047 Lots no 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 19 20—19 1048 Lots no 7 8 9 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23.
Persons disposed to purchase are desired to apply to the subscriber at Mrs. Frolics near the capitol. JAMES GREENLEAF, Agent and attorney to the trustees of the Aggregate Fund. Feb 24—w6t
On the first day of April next, or (if not fair) on the next fair day at noon, will be offered at PUBLIC SALE To the highest bidder, for ready money, that very desirable and well known estate formerly the property of James Wormeley, esq, called THE ROCKS;
Situated upon the river Shenandoah, in the county of Jefferson, Virginia. It consists of 900 acres of Land (by estimation) more than one third in woods, and has upon it a variety of the most useful improvements with a large scope of river bottom and other distinguished natural advantages. The upland is remarkably adapted to the use of plaster & very productive. It will be sold either in one body, or in the convenient divisions of the farm—the mills—the distillery—and the Ferry with a small tavern for the accommodation of travellers; to each of which a suitable quantity of Land will be attached, by a division to be made previous to the sale. This farm of about 760 acres with plenty of wood and water, including 80 acres of the richest river bottom, and the rest of the arable Land of an excellent quality, with a large and commodious dwelling, the necessary out houses, two barns, &c. &c. may be had at a price which deserves the attention of any gentlemen who wishes a farm detached from the mill property, &c.
Also at the same time, on the same terms, a handsome little tract of 300 acres within two miles of the Rocks called
THE MEADOW FARM, about 230 in wood, with fine meadow ground—arable Land, well adapted to the use of plaster, a good mill seat with a constant stream, constant springs of water, and comfortable farm houses. Also, a little farm of only 115 acres 34ths still uncleared, adjacent to the Meadow Farm. The object in this sale being to raise as much money as may be necessary to release the only incumbrance that exists on the above property; if the several purchasers produce the sum required, they will respectively be allowed a credit of part of the purchase money, as an inducement to them to buy as largely as they may wish to do; and no money will be required, but in exchange for a clear deed. FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Charles Town, Dec. 23, 1805—3t—wtf
N. B. The sale will take place at the Rocks; and should any of the above land be previously disposed of by private sale, notice will be published in due time.