The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1798-09-03 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 19.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME 1.]
Monday, September 3, 1798.
POLITICS.
COMMUNICATED FOR THIS GAZETTE.
The following letter, and political essay were forwarded to SAMUEL FREEMAN, Esq. Postmaster in this town, by a gentleman at the eastward, for the purpose expressed in the letter. I readily publish them, as a just tribute to Mr. Russell's uniform political conduct; as well as the genuine American sentiments of the production. —Recollect, reader, that it first appeared in 1793, when it was considered as treason against the rights of man, to doubt the infallibility of Frenchmen, and their sanguinary proceedings. Every man deserves the highest commendation who has contributed to correct our wild enthusiasm for a foreign nation.]
"DEAR SIR, I enclose you a part of the Columbian Centinel, printed in the year 1793, in which is a piece signed "STEADY," wishing you to hand it to some federalist printer—that those fault finders of Mr. Russell, may behold with what steady helm he has steered through the storm of politics. The political formality of the accurate editor of the Centinel, is worthy of attention, and should be noticed in such a manner as to stimulate every Editor to a faithful discharge of his duty, and a perseverance in the ways of doing. The politics contained in this scrap of Centinel are well suited to our present feelings, and are that our wise men ever feared the wild designs of France, and diabolical ambition of Frenchmen's with esteem, A Friend to Order." For the COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
MR. RUSSELL, It has been a common observation, that the cause of France is the cause of Liberty.—A sentiment was at first, perhaps, well founded, and liberty, well defined, and properly understood, being highly conducive to social happiness, ought to and will always have for its allies the wise and virtuous among men. In a country, rational liberty, such as admits of the greatest exercise of private and individual rights, compatible with national dignity, stability, and efficiency, is not only well understood, but enjoyed. It was very natural therefore to feel interested in the cause of France; and to consider it as the cause of freedom and humanity, while it had for its object the freedom and happiness of the people. But if the cause be changed, and instead of pursuing the good, the leaders strive only for power, to destroy each other, and desolate their country to gratify their ambition; we ought not to be with favour or complacency either then or for ever.
It is to be lamented, that liberty and anarchy are in close a connection in nature, and in fact, that the latter is the inevitable offspring, the necessary result from the former, when it is not guarded and defined. Let the door be ajar to admit Liberty with her attendant blessings, one line too far, and old Anarchy, with all her train, will surely enter; and in her train follow confusion, sedition, & all the evils which befal society. It is then surely, the part of wisdom and of prudence to be cautious, that in zeal to promote the happiness of society by promoting the cause of liberty, we do not, for want of attention or perception, introduce an evil instead of peace and good order.
The preceding observations are just, and it will be presumed that every reflecting, well informed man will esteem them so, it is much safer and better for society, to have our separate individuals rights rather more restrained than may perhaps be apparently necessary, lest by grasping too much, we endanger the loss of all our rights. It must be an error on the right, or on the left, if it should eventually prove to be so.
In cases of this kind, we do not generally attend so closely to the course of events, to the series of circumstances, as is necessary to accurately, or to act with propriety and judgment. We often on good ground adopt a sentiment well founded and just at the time; too frequently hold fast the opinion, long enough, from an entire change of circumstances, to be retained.—We are often attentive first instance to see, that our sentiment is compared with the then existing state of things; but we are less cautious to see, that we retain the sentiment, when from a change of circumstances, its basis is removed, and its use done away.
With careful attention to what has arisen in the French Revolution, we may perhaps find the preceding observations fully verified and established. Have not the French nation, by an unrestrained and undefined liberty, introduced anarchy in its most hideous forms, and with its most malignant effects to their country? Are they not now in imminent danger of being reduced again to a state of vassalage, under some foreign despotic despot, instead of enjoying in peace and happiness, the highest degree of political liberty which their case would admit of?—
What evils & oppressions are they not now suffering, from the violence of leaders of contending parties; when they might have been safe and happy in the exercise of the rights of free men, under a well constituted form of government, which was clearly attainable in their late situation.
Their cause in the beginning, when conducted by LA FAYETTE and his colleagues, was the cause of Freedom. It then claimed our best wishes and aid, because its object was to increase their national happiness, by giving to the citizens all liberty compatible with good order and the operation of the laws. But the ambition of DUMOURIER and his party, would not comport with the peace and happiness of the nation. They denounced FAYETTE as a traitor, they excited the passions of the people against all prudent, moderate men; and banished or drove from their country many of the most wise and virtuous citizens. But the reign of DUMOURIER and his party was very short. Another set, still more violent, and less virtuous than they rose up; &, by the same means, compelled them in their turn, to fly their country. And to this moment, we have seen nothing in France, since the expulsion of FAYETTE, but a succession of leaders and parties equally depraved, and alike regardless of the good of the nation. All of them assuming the title of Patriots; and all of them pursuing the same object, viz.—unlimited power.—Despots in their nature and views, they have all of them, in their turns, denounced those who stood in their way. Hence the death of the King, and the continued series of blood and slaughter, which has disgraced their country and ruined their cause.
The cause of France was at first bottomed on right principles perhaps, and had for its object the freedom and happiness of the nation; but it is obvious that it is now as widely different from what it then was, as the East is from the West, or Vice from Virtue. It was in the beginning entitled, perhaps, to our regard and love; but to be consistent, we must now be averse to it upon the same principle, which led us before to wish it success.
If we at first viewed the French revolution as the cause of freedom, because its then object was the freedom and happiness of the nation; we must now on the same ground feel opposed to it, the object being changed with the leaders, whose views and motives are now utterly subversive of the freedom and happiness of society. That their views are incompatible with the happiness of the nation, and their principles of action the result of an insatiable lust of domination, is evident from the horrible scenes which have been exhibited in Paris, in many other parts of France, in various places in Hispaniola, Martinico, Guadalupe; and in all these instances the contest has been between rival demagogues, for unlimited power, who have quarrelled for the possession or command of the people to their own purposes; and in these contests thousands have been slaughtered, and millions involved in distress. Deluded and deceived by their leaders, the unhappy people have been made the blind and willing tools of their own destruction.
Let us now pause and reflect, whether this be not the true state of things in France, and a just view of the principles and motives of the present leaders of their revolution. If it be so, then surely no honest, good man, will now consider their cause as the cause of liberty or humanity. An honest discerning man will rather view it as the cause of anarchy; and he will be confirmed in the idea by attending to the conduct of Mons. GENET and the other Jacobin agents in this country. He will see, that in all their language and all their conduct they aim at overturning all constituted government in every country where they are admitted; and that their words and conduct are uniformly adapted to excite the passions of the people against their rulers, though of their own appointment, and to raise commotions. They seem to have waged war against all Governments in every form and in every country, as though they had been authorized from Heaven to direct and regulate the interior police of every country upon earth.
Upon what other principles can we account for the conduct of the French Minister, his Secretary and agents in wantonly attacking the President of the United States, and other great officers of the Union. Can any honest, independent American see our Government thus insulted, and our national rights infringed without indignation? Can he any longer view these mad zealots, these disturbers of the peace of nations, as the virtuous supporters of freedom and human happiness? Or can he now consider their pursuits as tending to promote the cause of rational political liberty. It is impossible on cool reflection thus to view it; and it is high time for us to evidence to them, by a steady, manly opposition to them and their pursuits, that we discern and feel the difference between their mad licentiousness, and that wisdom which exalteth a nation.
STEADY.
Account of the Propaganda.
[Extract from a work printed in Germany, entitled, "Historical Intelligence and Political Considerations, concerning the French Revolution, by Christopher Gurtanner, Surgeon and Doctor of Physick." The third volume; Supplement.]
THERE hath been for some time past in almost all European countries much talk concerning the Propaganda, a society whose members are bound by solemn engagements to stir up subjects against lawful rulers, and to promote dissensions and agitations in all European states. Hitherto this society is known chiefly by the effects produced by it: it consists of two orders or classes of men, viz. men of enthusiastic dispositions, who imagine themselves to be called to reform the world, and of ambitious, mischievous knaves, who flatter the former in order to use them as their tools, and whose wish it is to breed trouble, confusion and distraction, which affords them an opportunity to fish in troubled waters, and to lay hold on power after it had been lawfully and highly placed.
I have taken great pains (even in France itself) to obtain an accurate account of this club or society: I found means to become a member of almost every club in Paris, even of that famous club of 1789, whose President was the marquis de Condorcet; and which, to the best of my knowledge, never admitted any foreigner as a member except myself. But notwithstanding all my pains, endeavors, and researches, concerning the Propaganda, were in vain until lately, when I obtained by the kindness of an eminent man in whose heart the welfare of mankind is sincerely impressed, the following authentic account, which I have here translated, and by his permission communicate; I have no doubt of the authenticity of this account.
The club of the Propaganda is very different from the jacobin club notwithstanding they are too frequently confounded with each other. The jacobins are the stirrers up of the national assembly; on the other hand, the Propaganda are the seducers and stirrers up of the whole human race. This club existed as early as year 1786, and the lords Rochefoucault, Condorcet, and the Abbe Sieyes were at the head of it.
Their tenets are as follows; and for the furtherance of them, their society is established as a philosophical order whose object it is to control the opinions of mankind. To become a member of this society, it is necessary that the candidate be either a defender and promoter of modern philosophy (that is dogmatical atheism) or else a man of an ambitious character, turbulent and discontented with the government under which he lives. When he is admitted he gives his word of honour to observe secrecy; before he is accepted, he is informed that the number of members is very great, spread over all the earth, and that all these members labor incessantly to put any false or traitorous members (who might betray their secrets) out of the way. The candidate further gives his word of honor, that he will communicate all information he may acquire to his brethren; that he will always defend the people in opposition to the government; that he will do his utmost to resist all peremptory (by him called arbitrary) commands and do all that in him lies to introduce an universal tolerance of all religions.
There are two classes of members, such as pay and such as do not pay; they pay according to their ability; the number of contributing members were about 5000, the number of non-contributing members about 50,000; these bind themselves to spread the doctrines of the Propaganda in all countries, and to promote the designs thereof.
The order has two degrees, aspirant and initiate; the first is acquainted with the scope of the order, but the latter is also informed as to the means the order uses to obtain this end. An aspirant cannot be admitted into the degree of initiate until he has undertaken a philosophical mission, and can clearly prove that he has made ten proselytes. The treasury of the order possesses at present 20 millions of livres, ready money; and, according to the last accounts there will be before the end of this year (1791) 30 millions in it.
The order is built upon the following principles: opinion and necessity (or need) are the springs of all human action: if you therefore can cause the need, necessity, want, or despondence (call it which you will,) to spread, you may thereby control the opinions of mankind and will be enabled to shake all the systems of the world, even those which seem to have the firmest foundations.
To delude the Hollanders has cost the order great labour; but the consideration that the blow becomes universal has sustained them. The plan of the order is as follows: No one can deny but that the oppression, under which some men live (let it be practised where it will) is a great cruelty and calamity, this therefore must be removed and put an end to by the light of philosophy. When this is done, it will only then be needful to wait for the favorable period in
which the minds of mankind will be universally turned to accept the new system which must be preached all at once over the whole of Europe. Those who obstinately resist this system we must endeavour by persuasion or by need to renounce the opposition; but if they persist, & are incorrigible, they must be treated as the Jews have been treated, and be excluded from the rights of society, driven from among men.
There is another article in the society's plan which is no less remarkable; it is this. The Propaganda must not try to bring her plan to bear until she is perfectly convinced that the need (want or necessity) exists; it would be better to wait fifty years, than by precipitance to fail.
A numerous society like this, whose members hitherto as yet act singly, which accumulates money, which goes to work slowly, and carefully avoids all precipitance, which will strike no blow until she is well assured of almost certain success, such a society is a dangerous thing; their progress may possibly be swift, and deliverance out of their hands seems next to an impossibility. The Dutch patriots who fled to France considered the Propaganda as their chief anchor: Suppose (say they) suppose then that the House of Austria will afford us no assistance, there yet remains for us the Propaganda; there are missionaries of this order all over Holland, and perhaps even already some regular lodges.
In this club of the friends of the people at Brussels, a speaker lately expressed himself in the following words: "Every where they are preparing fetters, but philosophy and reason will one day triumph, and the time will come when the unlimited, uncontrolled ruler of the Ottoman Empire in the evening shall lay himself to rest as a despot, and in the morning shall arise as a citizen."
The treasury of the Propaganda receives considerable sums from all the provinces of Holland.
Miscellaneous Articles.
From a London Paper.
THE following calculation of the sums raised by the French as contributions, in the different countries of Europe, which their armies either entered or conquered, is extracted from one of their own journals. If the sums which they acknowledge to have been thus publicly levied, are so great, what must have been the amount of those privately extorted, either by the military for their own pockets, or by the secret agents of the Directory. The conduct of the latter in their negotiations with the American Envoys, fully proves by what spirit they are actuated, and gives reason to believe that the douceur demanded from America, is not the only instance in which they have displayed their insatiable avarice and rapacity.
  Prussia for Cleves 3,600,000   Holland: contribution of 200 millions negotiated at 65 per cent. 130,000,000   Pay of 25,000 men for four years at 14,000,000 56,000,000   Low Countries and Liege 192,000,000   Countries between the Rhine and Moselle, and Moselle and Meuse 43,000,000   Franconia, 12,000,000   Warttemberg 4,000,000   Baden 3,225,000   Swabia 27,500,000   Bavaria, 16,990,000   Parma 3,650,000   Modena 10,000,000   The Pope 30,000,000   Genoa 4,000,000   Tuscany 8,000,000   Milanese and Cisalpine 62,000,000   Livres 605,965,000 
Between 25 and 26 millions sterling.
But the known amount, and the money, are nothing compared to the value of other articles. If we attempt to appreciate these, we must count by billions, particularly if we undertake to calculate what the maintenance of several great armies has cost the invaded countries, and what the conquest of all the property declared to be national, is worth to the Republic. The mind is lost in the calculation. Will not the lessons which result from them be also lost to the people and to governments?
The silence of the French papers as to the publication of the American negotiations, is not very surprising; for there is certainly some merit in being silent when one has nothing to say! —Thus says a London editor.
Mr. LILLY, a respectable merchant of Philadelphia, being at Cayenne with a vessel and cargo, at the time Pichegrue, &c. escaped, was charged with being concerned in that business, arrested, put in irons, and sent on board a frigate to be carried to France for trial.
The United States Schooner Revaluation, (formerly Le Croyable French privateer) is nearly fitted for sea, carrying 12 guns. She will be commanded by Capt. Bainbridge of Philadelphia.

General Marshall,
Has received every mark of respect and approbation in the different places through which he passed on his return home. His reception in his own native town, Richmond, was cordial and grateful. On the road he was met by several military companies, and bodies of citizens, with the most cordial salutes. The Governor was among the citizens; and the mayor, aldermen, &c. addressed him in terms of approbation. His conduct in his mission to France, and utter abhorrence of the policy which actuates the French directory. The following is his answer—It is worthy the brightest page of history, and should be attentively read by every American.
Gen. Marshall's Answer to the Richmond Address.
GENTLEMEN, I received with the utmost grateful sensibility the very friendly address with which you have been pleased to honor me. That my fellow citizens, my neighbours and my ancient friends, those who know me best, who have witnessed the course and tenor of my life, whose esteem has ever been most dear to me, and who have ever possessed my sincere and real affections, testify joy at my return to them, that to the flattering evidences of that joy which have been so lavished on me, the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen and common Councils of Richmond have added the most unequivocal assurances of their participation in it, more than compensates the anxieties separable from the mission on which I have been employed.
While I declare the strong regrets I feel in common with you and all my countrymen, that "smiling peace" no longer "makes this her favorite abode;" while I lament that the sincere and long continued efforts of the American government, corresponding truly with the feelings and wishes of the American people, for the restoration of our broken relations with France have hitherto produced only increased injury and accumulated contempt I do not think that either policy or patriotism require me to conceal from you the firm and deep conviction of my mind, that accommodation with the French Republic on terms consistent with the independence of the United States has been long impracticable, and that you judge rightly when you say that "peace was unattainable by any just and honorable means."
If, as I trust and believe, the people of the United States value rightly their national independence and the blessings of that liberty which we enjoy under our free and happy constitution, if they are awake to the countless dangers which lurk beneath "unwise foreign attachments, if they are true and faithful to themselves, I feel a pride in believing that they cannot be compelled to close the long and mournful procession of ruined republics."
Receive, gentlemen, my warm acknowledgements for your obliging and affectionate wishes concerning myself, and while I sincerely reciprocate them, permit me to assure you that in every possible situation your happiness and the welfare of the citizens of Richmond will be dear to my heart. J. MARSHALL.
A Likeness of FRANCE not exaggerated.
A Monarchy depressed into a Republic, bolstered up by corruption, feeding upon itself, and devoured in its turn by its own entrails.
A State of all Statesmen.
An Army of all Generals.
A Navy of Gun boats.
A ruined Commonality.
An extinct Nobility, & universal Peerage.
Law and no right.
Power and no justice.
A Senate going to be dissolved.
A monstrous Directory with five heads.
A weak and unarm'd rebellion of Soldiers Lords and Dukes, against bands of usurping assassins , with bloody swords in their hands without scabbards.
Statistic of Europe.
France tries to bully all the world.
America does not like it.
Spain cannot help it.
England fights for every body.
The emperor gives up half.
Russia comes forward a step.
Denmark arms.
Sweden shuts her port.
Portugal hangs between France and England.
Turkey begins to see clear.
Holland has paid her all.
The Pope has nothing left.
Ireland is turned French.
If all this does not unite us, the Lord have mercy upon us.
BOSTON, AUG. 28.
News from France.
Capt. Freeman, who arrived on Friday from Marseilles, informs, that upwards of an hundred transports, with soldiers failed from that place to join the Toulon fleet. That officers were much dissatisfied with being embarked on a transmarine expedition, observing, that they had long fought for their country on land and wished now to enjoy some repose, instead of which they were to be sent to sea to be drowned. There being a deficiency of men for the transports, many peasants of the country were seized, brought in bound, and driven on board. The Toulon fleet failed May 18, and consisting of 47 ships of the line, 6 frigates 300 transports. Their destination altogether conjectural only it was evidently up the Mediterranean. Buona-parte failed the next day to a frigate. Capt. Freeman failed from Marseilles, May 25, the next day fell in with a frigate belonging to Ad. Nelson's fleet. The Captain examined Capt. Freeman's vessel, and detained some French Dispatches addressed to the French Consul at
Charleston, &c. May 28, fell in with three ships of the line, and three frigates of the same fleet, off Minorca, a gale of wind had injured them some; a ship of the line had lost her foremast just above her deck. These vessels were waiting for the main division of Nelson's fleet, when they were to pursue the French. About the beginning of June, Capt. F. was in at Carthagena, where a report prevailed, that in a gale of wind the French armada had lost 3 ships of the line and several transports. The gale was one of the most violent ever known; and Capt. F. thinks this true unless the French had made a harbour.
Capt. F. says, there was an almost total stagnation of business at Marseilles, previous to his arrival there for 16 months. Reputable merchants were loud and decisive in their denunciations of French privateering, declaring they were ashamed to own their country.
Capt. F. when he first arrived was presented with a tricolored cockade, and desired to wear it—which as a measure of security he did; but happening unfortunately, in that free country, to go on shore with a coat that had a black cap, he was arrested as wearing a color odious to the democratic party, and confined; and was only liberated at the particular intercession of the American Consul.
SINGULAR INCIDENT—At Andover.
Thursday night last, a Raccoon entered the house occupied by Messrs. Jordan and Houghton:—Mr. Jordan slept with a grand-daughter, six years old in the lower room—About mid-night, the mother and several others in the chamber over head, were awakened by a noise in the garret. Much terrified with the apprehension of its being a mad dog, called to Mr. Jordan, who immediately arose, and going up the stairs, the raccoon passed him, and entered the lower room leaped upon the bed and seized the child, stuck his claws into her right shoulder and griped it so as to leave a spot black and blue, about three inches in diameter—he wounded her in several places upon her neck, hands arms, elbows, bit her right ear, made a ragged wound from the ear to the top of her head, and laid her skull bare five inches in length—All this was done in little more than a minute, while they were lighting a candle. The child screaming in a terrific manner, Mr. Houghton ran in found the animal upon the bed, and killed him. He weighed sixteen pounds and three quarters.—The Raccoon had been kept in possession of some person, and had a small leather strap buckled round his neck. Whence he came, and to whom he belonged are not yet discovered.—The child at present is very ill with her wounds, but is hoped will recover. Ought not this to serve as a caution against attempting to tame such mischievous and useless animals?
The last accounts from Bayonne, [a remote port in the bite of the Mediterranean] furnish us with the condemnation of thirteen vessels—(EIGHT of which were owned in Massachusetts) whose cargoes amounted to ONE MILLION of dollars!—The eight vessels belonging to Massachusetts, at the lowest computation, were worth 457,000 dollars; which at the rate of 10 per cent. would have produced above 45,000 dollars!—A sum equal to more than one sixth of the whole tax on Massachusetts! This is at Bayonne only! There are fifty other ports, where the captures have been equally numerous, and as valuable.
The tax on the town of Boston, which will be levied in consequence of the Act of the United States so much harped upon the French apologies, will, agreeably to the rule adopted in assessing State Direct Taxes, amount to about 25,750 dollars.—The ship Galen, and cargo, lately captured and condemned by the French, are justly estimated at 300,000 dollars—This sum, paying a duty of 10 per cent. would have produced to the public chest 30,000 dollars!—A sum more than adequate to the WHOLE TAX of Boston, and all the charges of collection! Hear this, ye wretches, who are eternally railing at the government and laws of the United States, and filing the ears of "THE YEOMANRY" with the yell of "DIRECT TAXES"—"LAND TAX"—oppressive measures; and as eternally praising the French for all their infamous robberies!—Here we are!—irresistible as the thunderbolts of heaven.
Remedy for Putrid Fevers!
[A great degree of importance is attached to this article in the last Boston paper, with a request that it may be published in all the papers in the Union.—The wonderful effect of yeast is known to every one; and it is earnestly hoped it may prove efficacious in fevers.]
From the Sharbourne Mercury (N. B.—in Engl.)
"AS Putrid Fevers are, frequently, and especially at this time, very prevalent in different parts of this kingdom, it were much to be wished that every person knew, and attended to, the following fact, viz. That YEAST, to the quantity of three or four spoonfuls, hath been exhibited in putrid fevers with the most singular efficacy and success. So that patients, have been seen, almost instantly, to have recovered from a dying state to perfect safety.
N. B. This simple, but very efficacious remedy hath been recently discovered, and applied, by a very benevolent and worthy clergyman, the Rev. Edmund Cartwright, and it is to be hoped the gentlemen of the Faculty, and those of the Clergy, who have frequent access to the sick, will neither despise or neglect such an invaluable discovery.
Probably it will be expedient to use a little warm water to wash the yeast down the patient's throat, and to administer, at the intermediate hours, and as useful auxiliaries, a few of the customary and most efficacious antiphlogistic cordials and draughts.
The substance of this paragraph is extracted from the 302d page of the Monthly Review for March 1794, and is now presented for public inspection, and the relief of the afflicted, by PHILANTHROPOS.
Bridport, June 19, 1794.
THE GAZETTE.
Portland.
Monday, September 3d, 1798.
THE LAST MAILS.
Brought no news of a very interesting nature from Europe, except the intercepted letters. The reader must have patience till another arrival.
The last Philadelphia papers contain two detected letters from one BROSE, who was charged with high treason in England, tried and acquitted; but probably being conscious of his guilt, soon after escaped to France. One is to Dr. Priestley, and the other to a person designated by the initials M. B. P. who is supposed by the writer to be at the Kennebec, passing under a fictitious name. This letter is inclosed in Dr. Priestley's who is requested to deliver it. These letters are very important, as they tend to show the connection, and views of the writer, his correspondents, and their friends—viz. Stone, PRIESTLEY, Shipwright (the American consul) Galt, Talleyrand, Erigone, M. B. P. Le Grand, (who is preparing a constitution for Switzerland) &c.—The length of these letters prevents their insertion this day. They shall appear entire in the next Gazette. The following extracts may serve to give an idea of them:
To Priestley.
"The last tidings we received from you were by a young Frenchman, who tells us that he has been particularly acquainted with you, and rejoiced us with the agreeable information that at the peace you would not fail to revisit Europe; and that he hoped you would fix yourself in this country. Whether you fix yourself here, or in England (as England will then be) is probably of little importance, except to your friends, who will be anxious to have you each where themselves are fixed."
"Whether we shall continue or encrase our hostilities against the United States, is as yet uncertain; all depends on the great operation directing against England."
"If that succeeds, English influence will probably not predominate amongst you. In the mean time, it is most likely that the French will go on as at present, treating with as little ceremony as usual, every thing that relates to America."
To M. B. P.
"A very safe conveyance, by a friend of Mr. Skipwith, having presented itself, I have taken the opportunity, &c. The political world rolls so rapidly, that we scarce have time to look around us, and admire the revolution of one spot, before we are called off to look after another."
"The minister who has the greatest influence, and who throws a lustre over all the rest, is citizen Talleyrand—He so conducts as not only to make his place respectable, but so as to ensure his continuance in it. We are also good friends; I see him now and then at his hotel, and once or twice he has done me the honor of a visit. On occasions which some day in the history of events, I may tell you, he continually enquires for you, and begs his best remembrances. The great actor is the Director Merlín—he was at our house the day before yesterday, and we renewed our acquaintance."
"And now a few words on domestic affairs. The manufactory of which you laid the corner stone, is now finished. I paid in two shares, and am allowed till Prairial to make up the third, by the pot or pearl ash we expect from America. M. Talleyrand is a subscriber."
"In the pleasing hope of seeing you once more among us, I subscribe for myself as well as Galt, Talleyrand, Erigone, &c. your most faithful."
FOR THIS GAZETTE.
Communication.
WHEN an individual in a small society, or a small society in a large community, commits a gross and ridiculous error, in the consequences of which those respectively connected are interested and may be involved; and such individual or small society instead of renouncing the error endeavours to maintain it by outfacing the world against the plainest dictates of propriety—it is high time to see what a little wholesome correction will do. We add to this only that whatever is published to the world is fair game for criticism, to establish the right of taking in hand the late proceedings of the town of Buxton.
This interior town is at present infested by a majority of Jacobins, or indeed with a description of people, if possible, much worse; for a man may be a true Jacobin who only does not support the government; but it is understood that these people not only oppose the government, but wear a white cockade in token of their attachment to France. This is so ridiculous at this time of day and will shortly be so criminal, that it is fit the people at large should understand the facts in order that the patriotic minority of that town may receive the countenance of their fellow-citizens, and that never-failing cure, the chastisement of public opinion, be administered to their opponents. Thus then we understand the case to have been.
On the 17th of April last this town opened its proceedings against the government by resolving that they had a right to advise the Congress, that they were apprehensive of a war with France, that such an event would be highly dishonourable and destructive
to the republican cause, that in their opinion the danger which threatened us was principally owing to the mistaken policy of our government, and that proper instructions should be provided to prevent arming the merchant vessels to defend commerce.—Having passed this resolution, from which it appears that they did not feel on ground firm on which they stood till by a kind of Directorial order they had made it so; in full confidence that not only their rights, but the consequence too, was sufficiently established, they chose John Woodman, Snell Wingate, Cadwallader Gray, Isaac Lane, and Samuel Merrill committee to draw a petition to Congress conformable to this resolution. This petition was prepared and voted, and in it the people of Buxton "RESPECTFULLY" represent—that they long painfully viewed the extremely embarrassed situation of our common country consequent upon the war waged by the combined despots against our sister republic of France; that they had long awaited something to be done by our constituted authorities, but their great mortification and surprise were unutterably disappointed—dangers threatened—something like a tocsin rung in their ears—arming merchant vessels, &c. seemed to indicate a war—an event which would excite the admiration of Europe, and disgraceful and ruinous—arming for defence of commerce was alarming and might endanger the peace of our country—they did not wish to dictate nor decide but modestly express an opinion—they dreaded a war, but more especially with France—they regretted the motives and measures which produced the unhappy differences between the United States and the People of France whether at home or abroad—They still had hope from negotiation—and they had full confidence in the Legislature that peace would be preferred—and then this elegant and consistent address closes in the following inimitable apostrophe—"We know that ye regard mankind; that you solicit her to continue and shine with her native light; Europe regards her as a stranger—England both before her departure; hold fast the fugitive, and continue her an asylum for mankind."—Signed by the committee aforesaid, and directed to Congress.
This curious memorial being the only one of the kind in the District of Maine, and the only one in the State except two or three miserable abortions from Roxbury, Cambridge, and perhaps one or two more small towns, had such an effect among the wicked wits wherever it went, that the town of Buxton was pretty severely squibbed in the newspapers from Portland to Philadelphia. To remove the odium which it had brought upon their town nine of the inhabitants published a "statement" in which they say they do not think that the number of persons there opposed to government exceeds thirty, and that it had been difficult to procure signers for a meeting—the federalists, viewing it as a weak effort of a declining party, did not attend—the memorial was not compiled till some days after the meeting dissolved, and was never read in any town meeting. Had it been, the town would probably have disowned it—Could it then be called the act of the town?—The patriotic party had treated it as a subject of merriment till it appeared in the newspapers with animadversions—But finding that the credit and honour of the town was at stake; they thought it incumbent on them to make that statement—And that in their opinion seven eights of their community were true federalists and firmly attached to the government. This is signed Jacob Bradbury, Thomas Bradbury, Royal Brewster, B. D. Bryant, Paul Coffin, John Eaton, Humphrey Merrill, Ebenezer Wentworth and James Emery.
With this the public were apparently well satisfied, and no more would have been said about the town of Buxton to its disadvantage, if the leaders of the Jacobins there, who between the 17th April and some time in August had time enough to grow wiser, had not determined to set the public voice out of question, and very foolishly try the question between America and France in their own town. Accordingly we learn that on the 21st of August another meeting was called to whether the petition was really the act of the town or not—and strange to tell! some means or other, a majority of some thirty, some forty, and some even seventy, procured to declare that it was!—Reported further says that the party wore white cockades.
Though we sincerely pity the state to which this unfortunate town must obviously be reduced by these dissensions, and would do nothing to exasperate any calamity whatever; yet the town of Buxton is not alone concerned in this affair proceedings. Had it been a mere town affair the writer would have left them to settle it as they could, or rather would not have noticed at all. But the town of Buxton is accountable to the County, the District, the State, and the Union, for the decency of its conduct on political subjects, whereupon all these bodies have a precious character to preserve, and consequently will not see such misbehaviour without that contempt and indignation which all the false spirit of Jacobinism will find insupportable.
It was in universal opinion a pretty officious meddling in the town of Buxton to proceed as they did on the 17th April, and did no honour to their coolness, their discernment, their patriotism. But after the interposition with France had been forbidden, and the great business of arming had been abundantly perceived, a spirit of resistance against that infamous relic had become universal, and such a spirit of equipment had taken place as is without a parallel—When but one sacred sentiment possessed the United States, that we will give to no nation under heaven—in fine, to the middle of August, four months after the action which at first was inexcusable—is still with white cockades in their hats!—the Buxton

Jacobins may think they have a right to do these things, and if they do, they are to be pitied—but if they do them with a settled purpose to clog the measures of government as much as can be done by their little town, they are to be most heartily despised. (TO BE CONTINUED.)
FOR THIS GAZETTE.
To the FEDERALISTS.
GENTLEMEN,
THE other day on presenting my best address, you observed I began to look pale, and that the qualms of Jacobinism were coming over me. The truth of it is, I am now heartily sick of my party; one having dropped off after another, I was left in this town almost alone. Then last week, at a full town-meeting in Buxton (our head quarters in this district) the Jacobins to a man turned directly about, and, contrary to the wishes of our whole party, and to the expectations of every body, voted to defend the constitution and government to the utmost of their fighting abilities, and moreover refused to kick (nor kiss) the backside of any foreigner coming in our way against us; so that I was, in a manner, left in the lurch. Add to this, that for these six years last past I have been in the mood of reading the Chronicle; no paper but the Chronicle would I look into; the Chronicle was my day book and ledger, my bible and psalm book, it was Lord's prayer and creed to me, till within these few days having dipped into others, the film has partly dropped off, so that I now begin to be a little clearer sighted. But the moving cause of my conversion (for converted I am) just at this time, was an affair which turned up three days ago within my own doors, and which was this: I have a brat of a son about ten years old, who having played some wagging prank, I, in a half jest half earnest manner, undertook to chide him; when the young jackanapes turned short upon me, and, without any ceremony or preamble, called me Jacobin. Upon my asking him where he learnt that? he answered (the tears starting in his eyes) "All the school-boys say so." Well, and do you mind what the boys say? "I should n't mind that to much," returned he, blubbering, "if they didn't call me Young Jacobin." Has it come to this? thought I—must my name be banded about, and called Jacobin by the very boys? and must this damnable epithet be bestowed to my children? I'll first see the devil have Merlin, Talleyrand, Jefferson, Hume and all their associates. I that moment thought I could plainly feel the muddy liquor of Jacobinism running out of me, and the clear water of federalism running in. Whether that was really the case or not, is no great matter—this I know, that I feel much better than I did; nor am I without hopes of being a sound and well man once more. What I have suffered for these six years past, but more especially for the last fifteen months—not having had one night's sound sleep in all that time—but its over now, and so much for that. But, gentlemen, you must not think I have embraced your faith, and that I have given myself wholly up to you, unconditionally and without reserve; no, I must stipulate. First. It shall never be thrown in my children's teeth that their father was a Jacobin. And
Secondly. I will be under no obligation to speak well of any government for three years to come: if I say nothing against our own, that is to be enough. Then I insist upon reserving the liberty of making a noise: if you can find no employment for me in this way, then you are to let me get up on the top of your houses once in a while, and on my own when I have a mind, and there whoop and hallo as loud as I please, without any let, hindrance, trouble or molestation from any person or persons whomsoever. A noise I must and will make, some how or other; for it is what I have for six years been used to, and can now no way live without. As to being charged by you with weathercockism, I have nothing to fear on that score, for you are Christians; and joy shall be, &c. (Luke 15, 7.) And as to being charged with it by my late associates, I have nothing to fear there neither: they may call me Young Weathercock, Turncoat, Apostate, or any such name and welcome—but mark, they can no longer call me Jacobin, and that's every thing.
Seeing I am fast filling up with federalism, I cannot now properly be said to be Empty, so must drop that, and sign plain HOGSHEAD.
Portland, August 30. P.S. Sept. 1. Yesterday morning I sent on to stop the Chronicle, last night slept found, and to day feel much better. N.B. Intend to send for the Centinel by next post. 2d P.S. Thank God I have now done with Citizen Squatman! Health and fraternity! Fifth year! One and indivisible! Duck-heals! Pair-of-ash! Town-pa-doors! Ho-no-ri-fi-ca-bi-li-tu-di-ni-tat-a-buque! and all that.
Buxton Town-Meeting!
[As some of my readers have expressed a wish to see the proceedings of the late Buxton meeting, which has excited so much speculation, I this day publish them. They are proof that the love-rage for French politics, in that town, is on the decline. It is hoped that in destroying Jacobinism in Buxton, the smashing stroke will be given to those detestable principles, in this part of the union.]
AT a legal meeting of the Freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Buxton, duly notified and assembled at the meeting house in said town, on Tuesday the twenty first day of August, 1798, proceeded to vote as follows: Voted, JOHN WOODMAN, Esq. Moderator to regulate said meeting.
My Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting that to proceed at this late hour to express the minds of the inhabitants of this town, on the subject of our differences with the French Republic, when our constituted authorities have already decided on measures necessary to be taken on the subject and now not in session, is highly improper & can answer no other purpose than to expose the town to public censure and contempt.
2ndly Resolved, That from the present appearance of things we have good grounds to believe that the doings of this meeting was principally to hold up to public contempt certain characters in this town, and to disapprove of the proceedings of a former meeting on the subject of our national difficulties with the French Republic, on the 23d of April last, which conduct in the town would be cruel, inconsistent and highly unjustifiable.
3rdly Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the town meeting on the 23d of April last on the subject of our national difficulties was legal and then necessary and the proceedings therein justifiable, that the committee appointed to draft and forward a memorial to Congress on the subject, are entitled to the thanks of the town for their fidelity in executing their trust therein with propriety.
4thly Resolved, That the late proceedings of certain persons in this town, in publicly criminating the doings of a town meeting on the 23d of April last justly merits the contempt of the town, and that it has more the appearance of envy than truth and that in order to vindicate the injured character of the town and their committee: that it is the opinion of this meeting that the address of the committee to the inhabitants of this town, should be published by the clerk.
5thly Resolved, That it should be found necessary to defend the rights and liberties of our country, and to investigate of these United States against the hostile en-
croachments of any foreign nation whatsoever it will be the pride and glory of this town as it ever has been, to be outdone by no town or people whatever according to our abilities in our exertions for its cause—That the foregoing resolutions together with the address be published in two of the Portland newspapers and forwarded by the town clerk for that purpose as soon as may be. A true copy as of record. Attest, SAMUEL CUTTS, Town Clerk.
Genuine Federalism.
COMMUNICATED FOR THIS GAZETTE.
[The town of Kittery has done itself credit by the following letter and Address. I am happy to lay them before my readers, as another proof of our federalism. The people of Maine know whom to censure and whom to applaud.]
Kittery, July 26, 1798.
DEAR SIR, HEREWITH we send you an Address from the inhabitants of Kittery, to the President of the United States, and request you to present it to him.
This town had generally thought it unnecessary to address him on this occasion because the Legislature of the Commonwealth had done it, and Kittery had a Representative then present at the General Court—However, to our great surprise and mortification, it has lately appeared, that he was so lost to every principle of his duty as to give his vote in the negative of that address—Therefore, we now consider it indispensable to forward one immediately, ourselves, expressive of our sense of public affairs at this time; and should you think it necessary, you will please to apologize to him for our being so late, and state the above reason.—Dear Sir, in all the measures you may be called upon to act, we wish you to persevere with the same firmness, that marks your former conduct.
With the highest esteem we subscribe ourselves, EDWARD CUTTS, JOHN FROST, JOSHUA HUBBARD, ANDREW P. FERNALD, Committee in behalf of the addressers. To the Hon. Geo. Thatcher, Esq.
To the President of the United States.
SIR, THE subscribers, freeholders, and other inhabitants of the town of Kittery, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, beg leave to join the multitude of our fellow citizens in presenting you with our warmest gratitude for that wisdom, vigilance, integrity and patriotism, which have marked your administration; and particularly for your persevering solicitude to preserve to these States the blessings of peace and neutrality, upon such terms as would be consistent with the preservation of our essential rights and interest.
Altho repeated attempts to accommodate existing differences with the French republic have not produced the effect which might have been reasonably expected, they may prove the essential means of our political salvation by unfolding the designs and enormous demands of that government which we have hitherto been unwilling to conclude our enemy. This disclosure must produce universal conviction, that no hope of safety is left for us without our united exertions—therefore we thank you, Sir, for your repeated calls on the proper department to make the most speedy provision against the worst events—for your firm resolution that you will never surrender the independence or essential interests of your country—and for calling on the people to unite with you in supplicating the direction and blessing of that almighty Being under whose patronage we have nothing to fear from any power on earth.
Every attempt to detach us from that government which is the work of our own hands, and from which we have already derived blessings far beyond the highest expectations of its warmest admirers, we repel with indignation. To abandon such a government with the invaluable privileges, civil and religious enjoyed under it, for any consideration whatever, would be acting a part unworthy the descendants of our renowned ancestors—bring indelible infamy on ourselves and posterity. While we deprecate the evils of war, should so unhappy an event take place, with an humble reliance on that Being whom we acknowledge as the only "Arbiter of Nations," and confiding in the wisdom, patriotism and firmness of the constituted authorities of our country, we are determined at the risk of our lives and fortunes, to support the constitution, and those measures which they shall prescribe as necessary to preserve inviolable the rights and liberties of our country.
[The foregoing was signed by more than two hundred of respectable inhabitants of the town.]
To the Freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Kittery, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
GENTLEMEN,
Your candid address of the 17th July, which I received on the 16th of August, deserves my thanks. The repeated attempts to accommodate differences with the French republic have been dictated by a love of peace, and a respect to the French nation, as well as to the sense of the American people. They have answered no other end than to unfold designs the most pernicious, and demands which can never be complied with. No hope of safety remains for us, without our own united exertions. The conviction of this is general, but will never come when all will acknowledge it. In the last extremity, I fear, we shall find Traitors who will unite with an invading enemy, and fly within their lines, there to be tormented by their own consciences, and by the contempt of their supposed friends—The number, however, will be incomparably smaller than in the years 1775 and 1776.
Quincy, August 17, 1798. It has been said in the Boston papers, that the vessel which was spoke with, said to have Mr. Gerry on board, was the United States brig Sophia. We believe, however there is no certainty of this, as Capt. Besom informed us, that the master of the sch'r who gave him this account could not say whether it were that brig or not. It is conjectured by many that Mr. Gerry is not permitted to leave France. We are informed that the French at Bayonne were struck with consternation by a report which had got among them, that the United States were fitting out 40 sail of armed vessels against the French. Salem paper.
The Dutch Council of the Island of Curacoa has officially announced, that in case the United States and France should be at war, and the Batavian forced in as a party, Americans and American property will be respected agreeably to the United States treaty with Holland.
The Newyork Legislature has agreed to a bill appropriating One Million Two Hundred Thousand Dollars, to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States to the Fortification and Defense of the Port of Newyork—and Two Hundred Twenty one Thousand Dollars, for the purchase of Arms, building of Arsenals, mounting of Cannon &c. &c.
The citizens of Annapolis, have volunteered in the defence of that city and harbor.
Intelligence is received, via N. Brunswick, that a Dutch fleet, comprising seventy sail had been defeated in or near the Texel, and that a large fleet had escaped from breist.
An arrival at Philadelphia, from Russia confirms the sailing of the fleet of that nation, said for England.
A Virginia paper says "We have the best authority for saying that upwards of ninety thousand volunteers, have made a tender of their services to the President, and been accepted."
THE FEVER
Increases in Philadelphia; 51 new cases from the 21st to the 22d inst.—In Boston, only two persons are said to have died from the 27th to the 30th ult.—Accounts from Portsmouth are unfavourable.
At a meeting of the 1st and 7th companies of militia, 1st regiment, belonging to this town, EBENEZER MAYO was chosen to command the former, and ISAAC GAGE the latter of said companies. It is hoped the abilities of these gentlemen will render the Portland militia respectable.
Captain POTE,
Who was to have been executed in this town on Thursday next, DIED suddenly, on Monday evening last, in the dungeon of the new goal. The verdict of the jury was, That his Death was occasioned by a Fever.
"Noto," and "The American Tar," shall appear next week.
*MARRIED—At Gorham Jeremiah Jones, to Miss Hannah Hamilton.
DIED—In this town on Tuesday last, Mr. JOHN EM. MONS, aged 32.—Mrs. ABIGAIL BURNHAM, aged 58.
MARY R. GARDNER, youngest child of Mr. James Gardner.
"Death like an overflowing stream Sweeps us away—our life's a dream, An empty tale, a morning flower Cut down and wither'd in an hour."
"On the 30th ultimo died at Dover (with the Portsmouth fever) on his way with his family from Portsmouth to Campton, MOSES LITTLE, Esq. aged 60. This gentleman married his first wife in this town, daughter to the late Deacon James Milk, a lady of much worth. Mr. Little's death is a public loss. He was an enterprising man from early life, and to whose great exertions, much is due for the rapid settlements of the back lands in the State of Newhampshire, where more particularly his great loss will be felt. He was always found a man full of benevolence, sincere in his friendship, and the honest man in all his dealings."
Also died at Dover, Mr. JOHN FERNALD, aged 21; only son to the lady of Moses Little, Esq.
Marine Articles.
Port of Portland.
Tuesday last arrived here, snow Mary, capt. Rowland Jones, 63 days from St. Ubes. Left there, ship Commerce; Ham, of Newburyport, to sail in ten days; ship Statira, Seward, of Portsmouth, to sail in 12 days; snow Resolution, Chamberlain, for do. in 30 days.
Yesterday arrived, snow Fredericks, capt. Georgenkinson, 33 days from St. Croix.
Capt. Smith of Boston, spoke on the Grand Banks, a fisherman, who informed him that two French privateers were on the Banks, and had robbed several vessels.
Wanted Immediately,
A LAD, about 14 or 15
years old, who is acquainted with writing and arithmetic, to attend in a final store, and assist in a tavern. None need apply who cannot bring good recommendation.—Inquire at this Office, or of the subscriber at New Gloucester. N. JENKS.
September 1st, '98.
JOHN DEERING, Has for sale at his Store, at the bottom of Fifth-street, an assortment of WEST-INDIA & HARD WARE GOODS, and GROCERIES, AMONG WHICH ARE,
Duck & Cordage, Coffee Mills, Sewing and Whipping Twine, Hammers, large & small, Knives and Forks, Pen & Jack-Knives, Spoons, Chisels, Gouges, Iron Squares, Paint and Tar Brushes, Mason's Trowels, Hones, Fire Steels, Flints, Gun Locks, Latches, Saws, Bung-Boarers, Gimblets, Scrape-ers Brushes, Tin Ware, of all kinds, Time Glasses of all sizes, Earthen Ware, of all kinds, Allspice, Pepper, Alum, Red Wood, Log Wood, Copperas, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Raisins, Chocolate, Wine Glasses, Tumblers, Spirts of Turpentine, Tobacco, Drawing Knives, Deep seed Lines, &c.
WAX-WORK.
Roswell Moultrop,
Respectfully informs the ladies and gentlemen of this town, that his new Exhibition of WAX-FIGURES is now opened, at Mr. Goff's COLUMBIAN HALL.—This Exhibition consists of twenty Wax Figures, as large as life—among which are the following characters:
1. JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States. 2. DAVID, going forth against GOLIATH, with a sling and stone. The figure of the giant is truly majestic, with his coat of mail, and implements of war. This is allowed to be one of the greatest curiosities ever represented in Wax. 3. A striking emblem of Virtue and Vice; in which Virtue is represented by a Seraphim with two beautiful children looking upward in pleasing devotion, and Vice by a card party, assaulted by a Demon. 4. Maternal Affection. 5. Connecticut Beauty. 6. The Ruffic Courtship. 7. Mango, disciplined by his master. 8. A bloody contest between two Indian Chiefs. 9. Coffee, in high life. The Exhibition will be open from nine o'clock in the morning until nine in the evening. It will be removed from this town September 8th. Therefore all who wish to see this collection, must improve the present opportunity. Admittance, for grown persons, One Quarter of a Dollar. Children half price. Portland, Sept. 3.
THE nonresident proprietors of the several lots of land lying in the town of Poland, in the county of Cumberland, are hereby notified, that the same are taxed for the State, County and Town taxes, in the bills committed to me the Subscriber to collect, for the year 1797, in the respective sums following, viz,
Table with 7 columns: No., Lots, No. Acres, State tax, Town tax, Delinquents, Read tax. It lists tax amounts for various lots in Poland, Maine.
If no person shall appear to discharge said taxes and all necessary intervening charges, on or before the first day of October next, at 9 o'clock, a sum of the said lots of land as will be sufficient to discharge the same, will then be sold at Public Auction to the highest bidder, according to law, at the house of DANIEL JACKSON, Enholder, in said Poland. JOHN T. MERRILL, Collector.
Poland, September 1st, 1798.

POETRY.
FROM A LATE ENGLISH PAPER.
THE CROWN A FANCIED KING; A NEW SONG.
QUOTH Hodge while zwinging on a Gate, If I vorlooth, cou'd live in state, And like a King could wear a crown, And white bread eat instead of brown;
And if a kingdom I could rule, And zway alike the herring-pool, On roasted oxen would I dine, And fish by cart-loads should be mine;
And then I'd have a thousand wives, To coax and please me all their lives; A thousand horses too to ride, A thousand coaches too beside;
And then the zyder's juice to squeeze, I'd have a thousand apple trees; And borders make for garden beds, By cutting off a thousand heads;
Thus Hodge with fancy took full swing, The gate his kingdom—he a King; And haply if to wear a crown, A man there lives like this same clown,
A necessary precaution respecting the use of brown glazed earthen vessels.
FROM the following circumstance it is very evident that this ware, either from its not being baked sufficiently hard, or from some composition in the colouring, is rendered capable of communicating a noxious poisonous quality.
During the time of our using these liquors we have been affected (without ever suspecting the cause) with considerable degree of weakness, regular state of the body, frequent vomitings, and aversion of food, with an almost continual disagreeable bitter taste in the mouth.
Recipe, for purifying Rooms, infected with noxious air, by fumigation.
Put into a tin kettle, skillet, or any other suitable vessel, iron or earthen, so much sand, that a tumbler glass, placed in the middle, all not touch the bottom by two inches, and all be nearly immersed.
This method of fumigation was lately used with success on board a prison-ship where the jailer had raged, by Doctor Carmichael Smith, and by him communicated to Lord Spencer, Lord of the British Admiralty.
Singularities of great men.
Doctor Warton produces many curious instances to illustrate the following line;
"Unthought of frailties cheat us in the wise." Who would have thought, he observes, that Cromwell, during his famous retreat, performing many acts of the most vulgar superstition; that Augustus was alarmed and dispirited if he put a slipper on his right foot, which should
have been on his left; that Newton once studied astrology; that Thuanus, Dryden, and the chancellor Shaftesbury calculated nativities; that Roger Ascham and doctor Whitby were devoted lovers of cockfighting;
The night before the battle of Blenheim, after a council of war had been held in the duke of Marlborough's tent, at which Louis of Baden and prince Eugene had assisted, the latter, after the council had broke up, stole back to the tent to communicate something he had forgot to the duke, whom he found giving orders to his aide-camp, colonel Selwyn (who related this fact), at the table, on which there was now only a single taper burning, all the others being extinguished the moment the council was over.
Remarkable instance of Flattery.
TIRDATES, King of Armenia having been defeated and made a prisoner by the Roman General Corbulo, was brought before Nero in Rome; and the captive King knowing Nero's blind side, and that he loved to be flattered, fell on his knees before him, saying, "I am near kinsman to the puissant Lord Arfaces, brother to the two potent monarchs Volgeses and Pacorus, yet glory more in having the honor to be your imperial Majesty's servant;
A painter employed in taking the likeness of a very fine woman, on coming to the mouth, perceiving that she endeavoured to make it appear smaller by contracting it with some violence, "Madam," said he, "you need not take so much trouble in contracting your mouth, if you will with it, I shall leave it out entirely."
APHORISMS.—From LAVATER.
AN insult offered to a respectable character were often less pardonable than a precipitate murder—he who can indulge himself in that, may bear assassinations on his conscience.
The obstinacy of the indolent and weak is less conquerable than that of the fiery and bold.
Who censures with modesty, will praise with sincerity.
Who hides hatred to accomplish revenge, is great, like the prince of hell.
Who hides love to bless with unmixed happiness, is great, like the king of heaven.
Soldiers Wanted!
BY an act of Congress of the 27th of April last, the President of the United States is authorised to engage, by voluntary enlistment, an additional regiment of
Artillerists & Engineers,
to serve for the term of 5 years, unless sooner discharged. PORTLAND is established as the principal place of rendezvous, for the recruits raised in the District of Maine; where provisions, cloathing, and other necessaries are provided for them; and to which all persons, who are properly qualified, and who are ambitious to serve their country, are invited to repair.
AMOS STODDARD, Capt. 2d Regiment, United States Art. & Engineers. Portland, August 1, 1798.
Genteel Boarding, &c.
MRS. Anne Heyliger, respectfully informs the public, that she has opened a Boarding House at the north part of the town, near Clay Cove, over Mr. Enoch Issley's Store.
Those gentlemen who may favor her with their custom may be accommodated with separate apartments—The price is three dollars per week.
Single meals will also be furnished at the shortest notice. Ladies' Dresses, and all sorts of Needle Work executed in the neatest manner, and with dispatch—Every attention shall be paid, and the smallest favors thankfully received.
Portland August 20, 1798.
Strayed or Stolen,
FROM the inclosure of the subscriber, on Friday night, a light chestnut coloured MARE, four years old last spring, about 14 hands high, with a white stripe in her face; trots all. Whoever will return said Mare, shall be handsomely rewarded—and all necessary charges paid.
JOHN DEERING.
Aug. 27, '98.
Thomas Slemons' Estate.
WE the subscribers, having been appointed by the Hon. WILLIAM GOREHAM, Esq. to receive and examine the claims of creditors to the estate of THOMAS SLEMONS, late of Falmouth, yeoman, deceased, represented insolvent, do hereby give notice, that six months from the nineteenth day of June last, were allowed to said Creditors to bring in and prove their claims; and that we shall attend that service at the dwelling house of WILLIAM SLEMONS in said Falmouth, on the last Tuesday of this and the four following months, from nine to six o'clock.
ARCHER LAUS LEWIS, ISAAC LOBDELL. Falmouth, August 15th, 1798.
Thomas Hodges' Estate.
THE Subscribers hereby give notice to all concerned, that they have been duly appointed Administrators on the Estate of THOMAS HODGES, late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, deceased, and given bonds as the law directs. They therefore call upon all persons who are indebted to said Estate, to make payment without delay.
JANE HODGES, STEPHEN CODMAN. Portland, August 7, 1798.
THE Subscribers, appointed Commissioners by the Hon. WILLIAM GOREHAM, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to receive and examine the claims of the several Creditors to the Estate of THOMAS HODGES, late of Portland, merchant, deceased, represented represented insolvent, hereby give notice, that they will attend said business on the second Tuesday of this and the five following months, at Mr. WOODBURY STORER'S Store, No. 3, Union Wharf, Portland, from two to five o'clock, p. m.
ARTHUR McLELLAN, WOODBURY STORER. August 10, 1798.
To be Sold, by the Subscriber, A QUANTITY OF
St. Croix RUM,
by the hoghead or barrel—Also, a number of barrels of MIDDLING PORK—Likewise, a SHOP in Fish-street, to let. THOMAS SANFORD. Portland, August 1, 1798.
TO BE LET,
A convenient apartment under UNION SCHOOL—calculated for a large Store, and may be easily fitted for other purposes, a few months.—Apply to
THOMAS M. PRENTISS. Union-street, Portland, August 13, 1798.
Clear the Streets!
THE Subscriber, Surveyor of the Highways in the Southern district, requests the owners of Lumber, rocks, &c. which lie in the streets of said district, to remove the same without delay; otherwise they will be removed at the expence of the owners.—Federal and Union streets are much incumbered.
H. WHEELER. Portland, August 9, 1798.
Stone Lime.
Jonathan Bryant, has for Sale at his Store and Lime-kiln, fresh LIME, which he will warrant to be of the first quality. Portland, July 30.
Take Notice.
ALL persons indebted to the late firm of Winslow & Robinson, either by note, bond, or account, are hereby requested to call and settle with the Subscriber, within 40 days; otherwise they will be put in suit.—None excepted.
JONATHAN WINSLOW. Saccarappa, August 1, 1798.
The above measure is absolutely necessary, that justice may be done to the Creditors of said firm.
WANTED, one or two thousand SHEEP & LAMB SKINS, with the wool on them, for which the highest price will be given—Apply at the Store of the subscriber in Fore-street, near Mr. Dinsfield's tanyard.
S. Bird, Leather-Dresser. Portland, July 23.
Take Notice.
THE Subscriber will attend at his Office in York, from the 14th to the 20th of September, (Sunday excepted) to receive Applications, and grant Licences, to retail Wines, and foreign distilled Spirits; and to receive Entries, and the duties on Wheel Carriages—and will attend at the house of Mr. JOHN HIGGENS, Innholder in Berwick, on Saturday, the 22nd day of said September, for the like purposes, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon.
JOSEPH TUCKER, Collector of the Revenue, York County. York, August 6, 1798.
The Copartnership of
J. & E. Deering,
IS this day by mutual consent, dissolved.—All persons who have any demands, or are indebted to said company, are requested to exhibit their accounts to JOHN DEERING for settlement, at his shop at the foot of Fish-street.
JOHN DEERING, ELIHU DEERING. Portland August 6, 1798.
Latest Prices Current
Table with 4 columns: Item, Price, Item, Price. Includes items like Ashes, Leather, Pearl, Molasses, Butter, Beef, Brandy, Nails, Coffee, Sugar, Chocolate, Oil, Rum, Pork, and various types of lumber and goods.
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