The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-01-27 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1295.
VOL. IX.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 27, 1809.
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CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON EXTRA SESSION
THURSDAY, JAN. 19.
[CONTINUED]
Mr. MACON said he had not intended to have said any thing, but that a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Burwell) had broached a doctrine which he did not approve—that this government was like that of G. Britain. Now they were so little alike—[Mr. Burwell explained that he had said that the governments were in some of their features alike.] Mr. Macon said that the reason of the fear in G. Britain that the Parliament would not meet often enough was extremely obvious. The only voice which the people had was in the Commons, and they wanted them to be always in session to keep the king and nobility off from them. In G. Britain the king dissolved parliament at his pleasure. Here, he said, there was no power to dissolve Congress. Indeed there was no similarity in the two governments. He said he had no fear of any mischief being done by Congress meeting earlier; but he was opposed to their meeting earlier, because they would do more good by staying away. Could any man say what would take place betwixt this day and the third of March, and yet the House were now called on to determine on an extra session. He was for giving such time, after the deliberations of the present session closed, as that Great Britain might see what we had done, and consider whether she would retract or go to war, for if she did not retract, war must be the consequence. Mr. Macon said he would give every opportunity for peace; he would not be for hurrying the matter. He had no opinion that Congress being in session would have any effect on the people. The cry of an intention to destroy commerce was not to make him do a single thing which he would not otherwise do. No man can believe (said he) that we who raise produce should wish it to lie on our hands, as is now our situation. It is maritime rights for which we contend. For these we planters are making sacrifices and we know it. As to the grower, it is immaterial, in point of interest, into what ship or waggon his produce goes; but he is contending for the interests of his mercantile brethren. A great deal has been said about repealing the embargo to put an end to discontent. Let gentlemen beware of it, lest in trying to please every body they please nobody. Let us do what is right; that is the only ground for us to take. Whenever we begin to temporise, that principle is abandoned. I disagree with the gentleman from Tennessee as to the expediency of continuing the embargo; I do not believe that it would be inexpedient to try it beyond May. I believe we ought to try it till September. This is my opinion. What effect do gentlemen expect that the embargo will have had in May? Not more than at this moment. Whilst every day from that time till September it will be more and more effectual. I never voted for it as a permanent measure; but my opinion was, as I stated it, that it might be necessary to hold on to it for one, two or three years. I might be wrong; but this was my opinion then, and I have not changed it. As to an extra session, I have never thought of it; but I am willing to leave it with the Executive. It has been so suddenly suggested, however, that I would not undertake to decide positively on the subject—I should rather incline to let them send to us now; we have sent to them long enough. As to the people being tired of the embargo, whenever they want war in preference to it, they will send their petitions here to that effect. When gentlemen from the eastern states say, that the people there are tired of it, perhaps they speak correctly. As to all the talk of insurrections and divisions, it has no effect on me. When the sedition law was passed under the former administration, it was said that the people would not bear
it. I thought then as now, that the elections would shew their disapprobation, and that they would manifest it in that way alone. When the people are tired of the embargo, as a means of preserving peace, they will tell you so and say, "Give us war!" But none have said so, yet, sir. I know well, that myself and some others are blamed for our adherence to this measure. I can only say, that it is an honest adherence. I do believe that the continuance of that measure, with the addition of a bill now on your table, (non-intercourse bill) is the best thing you can do; and if I thought that Congress would declare war in May, I should be much more averse to meeting then, than I am now; but I do not believe it will. Put the question to every man in the nation—war or embargo? The certainty of that alternative would make them more favorable to the embargo, than they are now. I should not be surprised that the opposition to the embargo would themselves wish it to be continued a little while longer. I agree with gentlemen, that the people will point out what should be done. Do not decide war before you adjourn, and I have no fear of your doing it, when you meet again. Let each man put the question to his neighbor, whether he will have war or embargo, and there is no doubt but he will answer in favor of the latter. I agree with the gentleman from Tennessee, that the new administration should not be considered as a new dynasty. But when new politics come into office, it is something like it; and we have seen it in our days. But, believe me, sir, in my opinion, there is no danger of insurrection in any part of this happy country.
Mr. SLOAN was against the passage of the bill because it would keep the people in suspense, a state which he himself did not like. He had expected that when we met here the embargo would have been repealed. He wanted to know whether the embargo was to remain on till September? He would not, however, gloomy the prospect, forego the hope that Congress would relieve the people from the burden which they could not bear. Any man might see what would be the effect of this law. Congress would meet in May, and would continue the measure a little, and a little longer, and eventually rise without removing it. He wished once again to restore the smiles of content, to this once happy land; and to do it without an extra session.
Mr. QUINCY—Mr. Speaker, if the bill under consideration had no other aspect on the fates of this country, than its terms indicate, I should have continued silent. If the question upon it involved no other consequences than those of personal inconvenience to us and of expense to the public, I would not now ask the indulgence of the House. But I deem this bill to be a materially component part of that system of commercial restriction under which the best hopes of this nation are oppressed. I consider this measure as intended to induce this people still longer to endure patiently the embargo, and all the evils which it brings in its train, by exciting and fostering in them delusive expectations. A great crisis is, to all human appearance, advancing upon our country. Gentlemen may attempt to conceal it from the nation, perhaps from themselves, but every step they take has an influence upon that crisis, and small as they may deem the decision on this bill, in its effects it will be among the most important of any of the acts of this session.
It is very painful to me, Mr. Speaker, to be compelled to place my opposition to this bill, on ground resulting from the conduct of the administration of this nation. I say, sir, this is very painful to me, because I have no personal animosity to any individual of that administration. Nor, if I know myself, am I induced to this opposition from any party motive. But, sir, acting in a public capacity, and reasoning concerning events as they occur, with reference to the high duties of my station, I shall not, when I arrive in my conception, at a just conclusion, shrink from any proper responsibility, in spreading that conclusion, before this House and nation. One thing I shall hope and certainly shall deserve from the friends of administration. The acknowledgment that I shall aim no insidious blow. It shall be made openly, distinctly, in the day-light. Be it strong, or be it weak, I invite those friends to parry it. If they are successful, I shall rejoice in it not less than they. This is the position in relation to the conduct of administration which I take, and on which I rest my oppo-
sition to this bill; that this House, when it passed the embargo law was under a deception touching the motives of administration, in recommending that measure—that it has been, in adopting that measure, instrumental in deceiving this people as to the motives which induced that law; that if it passes this bill, it will again act under a deception touching those motives, and again be instrumental, unwarily and unwillingly, as I believe, in deceiving this people, in relation to them. I think I have stated my ground of opposition so clearly as to admit of no misconception. And invite gentlemen to meet me candidly upon it. When I speak of deception, I beg gentlemen not to misunderstand me. I will be as just to administration as I mean to be true and fearless in the performance of my duty to this people. By this term I do not mean any moral obliquity, any direct falsehood or palpable misrepresentation. But I intend by it political deception. That species of cunning, not uncommon among politicians, which lord Bacon calls "left handed wisdom." This is exhibited, when ostensible and popular motives are presented as inducements to a particular line of conduct, and the real and critical ones are kept behind the curtain. This is practised when those who have obtained an influence over others, troll them by the means of fair promises upon trundles in a downhill path, and so are enabled gradually to shove them, by gentle motions, farther than at first they had any intention to go. We witness this species of political deception, when we see men meshed in the toils of a complicated policy, and then dragged whithersoever their leaders will, through sheer shame, or breaking the cords of that net in which they have suffered themselves incautiously to be entangled.
In support of my first position—that this House, when it passed the embargo law was under a deception touching the motives of administration, I shall ask the House to recollect, as far as possible all the motives which induced it to pass the embargo law, and then I will attempt to show that the motives of administration were different, in kind or in degree, from those which operated on this floor. I will recapitulate them as distinctly as possible, excluding no one which I have any reason to think had an influence in the House, imputing none which did not exist. One motive was the preservation of our resources—that is, the saving of our seamen and navigation. This was the ostensible and popular motive. That avowed by administration. Another motive was that many thought war was inevitable, and that embargo would give an opportunity to prepare for it. Again. Some thought that it would have a good effect on the negotiation then daily expected and fought Mr. Rose. Again. Others supposed that it would strain G. Britain at a moment the most favorable to make her feel the importance of the U. States. The system of commercial pressure was in full operation in Europe, and should this country complete the circle of compression, they thought that it would be impossible for her not to yield to our pretensions. Again. Some thought that the French emperor was contending for maritime rights, and that it was time for us to co-operate. [Here Messrs. Smith and Eppes required of Mr. Quincy to know to whom he had allusion.] I am surprised, said Mr. Q. to hear that question asked by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. If, however, it be denied as a motive, I have no objection to withdraw it. What I am now doing ought to excite no passion. I am not about to question the motives of this House. I am only recapitulating all those which there is any reason to believe existed. If any gentlemen say a particular one did not exist, for the present argument I reject it. My present object only is to be complete in my enumeration, in order to make more forcible the bearing of my principal argument, that it does not include those which principally had an influence with administration in recommending the measure. I do not recollect but two other motives besides those already mentioned. Some voted for this embargo, because they thought this House ought to do something, and they did not know what else to do. Others intimated that it might have an effect to injure France in the few West India possessions which remained to her. But this was urged so faintly, and with such little show of reason, that I doubt if it were an influential motive with any man. The preceding enumeration
includes all the motives, as I believe, either urged on this floor or in any way, silently, operative in producing that measure. Now I do not think I state my position too strongly when I say that not a man in this House deemed the embargo intended chiefly as a measure of coercion on G. Britain; that it was to be made permanent at all hazards, until it had effected that object; and that nothing else effectual was to be done for the support of our maritime rights. If any individual was influenced by such motives, certainly they were not those of a majority of this House. Now, sir, on my conscience, I do believe that these were the motives and intentions of administration when they recommended the embargo to the adoption of this House. Sir, I believe these continue to be still their motives and intentions. And if this were fairly understood by the people to be the fact, I do not believe that they would countenance the continuance of such an oppressive measure, for such a purpose, without better assurance than has ever yet been given to them that, by adherence to this policy, the great and real object of it will be effected.
The proposition which I undertake to maintain consists of three particulars. First. That it was, and is, the intention of administration to coerce G. Britain by the embargo, and that this, and not precaution, is, and was, the principal object of the policy. Second. That it was and is intended to persevere in this measure until it effect, if possible, the proposed object. Third. That it was and is the intention of administration to do nothing else effectual in support of our maritime rights.
Having in my own mind a perfect conviction of the truth of every one of these propositions, I should be false to myself and to my country, at such a crisis as this, if I did not state that conviction to this House, and through it to my fellow-citizens. I shall not, however, take refuge in mere declaration of individual opinion, or content myself simply with assertions. I shall state the grounds and the reasonings, by which I arrive at this result. I invite gentlemen to reply to them, in the spirit in which they are offered. Not with the design of awakening any personal or party passion, but to fulfil the high duties, which, according to my apprehension of them, I owe to this people.
When we attempt to penetrate into the intentions of men, we are all sensible how thick and mysterious is that veil, which, by the law of our nature, is spread over them. At times it is scarcely permitted to an individual to be absolutely certain of his own motives. But when the question is concerning the purposes of others, experience daily tells how hard a task it is to descend into the hidden recesses of the mind, and pluck intentions from that granite cell, in which they delight to inure themselves.
The only mode of discovery is to consider language and conduct, in their relation to the real and avowed object, and thence to conclude, as fairly as we can, which is the one, and which the other. This course I shall adopt. If there be any thing fallacious, let the friends of administration oppose it.
When I state that precaution was not, but that coercion on G. Britain was the principal motive with administration in advising the embargo, I do not mean to aver that precaution did not enter into the view, but only that it was a minor consideration, and did by no means bear so great a proportion in producing that policy, in the cabinet, as it did before the world. This will appear presently. That the principal object of the embargo policy was coercion on G. Britain I conclude from the language of the friends of administration, in this country, and the language which the minister of administration was directed to hold across the Atlantic, as also from their subsequent conduct. Here all the leading calculations had relation to coercion.
The dependence of G. Britain upon her manufactures, and their dependence upon us for supply and consumption—the greatness of her debt—her solitary state, engaged with a world in arms—the fortunes and the power of the French emperor—the certain effect of the commercial prohibitions of combined Europe upon her maritime power; such were the uniform considerations in support of this policy, adduced by the friends of administration on this floor, or in this nation.
There, on the contrary the considerations urged as the motive for it
were altogether different. Let us recur to the language which our minister was directed to hold to the court of Great Britain, on this subject. The Secretary of State, in his letter of the 23d of December, 1807, to Mr. Pinkney, thus dictates to him the course he is to pursue in impressing on the British cabinet the objects of the embargo. "I avail myself of the opportunity, to inclose you a copy of a message from the President to Congress, and their act, in pursuance of it, laying an embargo on our vessels and exports. The policy and causes of the measure are explained in the message itself. But it may be proper to authorise you to assure the British government, as has been just expressed to its minister here, that the act is a measure of precaution only, called for by the occasion; that it is to be considered as neither hostile in its character, nor as justifying, or inviting, or leading to hostility, with any nation whatever, and particularly as opposing no obstacle whatever to amicable negotiations, and satisfactory adjustments with Great Britain, on the subjects of difference between the two countries." Here our administration expressly declare that "the policy and causes of the measure are explained in the message itself." And in that message the "dangers with which our vessels, our seamen and merchandise are threatened," and "the great importance of keeping in safety these essential resources," are the sole causes enumerated as explanatory of that policy. At the court of Great Britain then our minister was directed to represent this measure as merely intended to save our essential resources. But administration were not content with the direct assertion of this motive, they abjure any other. They expressly direct our minister "to assure the British government that the act is a measure of precaution only," and "that it opposes no obstacle whatever, to amicable negotiations between the two countries." Here then the friends of administration, speaking, as is well known, its language, allege, in this country, that the embargo is a measure of coercion, and that if persisted in vigorously, it will reduce Great Britain to our terms. Whereas the minister of the United States, speaking also the language of administration, is directed, unequivocally, to deny all this in Great Britain, and to exclude the idea of coercion, by declaring it to be a measure of precaution only. Certainly never was there a policy more perfectly characteristic. It is precisely that policy, which one deeply skilled in the knowledge of the human character, described as "a language official and a language confidential." A language for the ear of the American people. An opposite for the ear of the British cabinet. If this had been, as the minister of the United States was directed to assure the British cabinet, "a measure of precaution only," why were the friends of administration permitted to advocate it as a measure of coercion? Why is it continued after all pretence of precaution has ceased? Did not administration know that if it were supported here, on the ground of coercion that this fact would necessarily be understood in Great Britain, and that it must form "an obstacle to negotiations" notwithstanding all their declarations? If, therefore it had been truly "a measure of precaution only," would not administration have been the first to have counteracted such an opinion and not permitted it to have gained any ground here or elsewhere? Yet they countenance this opinion in America, at the moment they are denying it in Great Britain. And why? The reason is obvious and is conclusive in support of the position, that it was at first, as it is now, simply a measure of coercion. The mode adopted by administration is the only one they could adopt, with any hope of success, in case the object was coercion, and the very mode they would avoid, had it been really precaution. There is not an individual in the United States, so much of a child, as not to know that the argument of precaution was good only for ninety, or at farthest an hundred and twenty days. After our ships and seamen were in port, which within that time, would have been principally the case, the reason of precaution was at an end. Upon the principle that the self-interest and intelligence of the merchant and navigator, are the best guides and patrons of their own concerns; and that the state, which society has in the prosperity of the citizen is better secured by his own knowledge and activity. (Continued on 2nd page)

Again, sir, you talk of going to war against G. Britain, with, I believe, only one frigate, and five sloops of war, in commission! And yet you have not the resolution to meet the expense of the paltry, little navy, which is rotting in the Potomac. Already we have heard it rung on this floor, that if we sit out that little navy our treasury will be emptied. If you had ever a serious intention of going to war, would you have frittered down the resources of this nation, in the manner we witness. You go to war, with all the revenue to be derived from commerce annihilated; and possessing no other resource than loans or direct or other internal taxes? You! a party that rose into power by declaiming against direct taxes and loans! Do you hope to make the people of this country, much more foreign nations, believe that such is your intention when you have reduced your revenue to such a condition? [Mr. G. W. Campbell asked the gentleman, if he could tell how much money there was now in the treasury. Mr. Quincy continued.] My memory has not, at present, at command the precise sum, but perhaps twelve or thirteen millions of dollars charged with the expenses and appropriations for the year. But what is this? Make any material preparation for such a war, as you must wage, if you engage with either of the European powers, and your whole treasury is exhausted. I am not now examining the present state of our finances. But I would address myself to men of sense, and ask them to examine the adequacy of our revenues, in their future product, to the inevitable exigencies of war. Sir, you have no other resources, commerce being gone, than loans or internal taxes. Great Britain and France know this fact as well as you—Nothing can be conducted in such a country as ours, without public notoriety. The general resources of our country are as well known in Europe as they are here. But we are about to raise an army of 50,000 volunteers. For what purpose? I have heard gentlemen say "we can invade Canada." But, sir, does not all the world, as well as you, know that Great Britain holds, as it were, a pledge for Canada? And one sufficient to induce you to refrain from such a project, when you begin seriously to weigh all the consequences of such invasion. I mean that pledge which results from the defenceless state of your sea-port towns. For what purpose would you attack Canada. For territory? No. You have enough of that. Do you want citizen refugees? No. You would be willing to dispense with them. Do you want plunder? This is the only hope an invasion of Canada can offer you. And is it not very doubtful whether she could not, in one month, destroy more property on your sea-board, than you can acquire by the most successful invasion of that province? Sir, in this state of things, I cannot hear such perpetual outcries about war, without declaring my opinion concerning them. When I say, sir, that this administration could not be induced into a war, I mean by its own self-motion. War may—I will not assert that it will not come. But such a state, administration do not contemplate, nor are they prepared for it. On the contrary, I do believe that the very tendency of all imbecile measures is to bring on the very event their advisers apprehend. Well did the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Troup) warn you the other day, not to get into war. He told you it was the design of the federalists to lead you into that state, in order that they might get your places. Now I agree with the gentleman, that if, by your measures, you get this country into a war, that you will lose your places. But I do not agree that in such case the federalists would get them. No, sir. The course of affairs, in popular revolutions, proceeds not from bad to better, but from bad to worse. After Condorcet and Bissot came Danton and Robespierre. Well may gentlemen dread, on account of their places, being involved in war. For let the people once begin to look on the state of the country, with that anxiety, which the actual perception of present danger never fails to awaken; let them realize the exigencies, which that state involves, and compare with them your preparations for it; let them see an army, in which perhaps a full half of your citizens cannot confide; a small navy rendered less by natural decay, and even the few ships we have, not in a state to give battle; our treasury exhausted as it will soon be, and all the ordinary sources of commercial supply dried away; and they will hurl you from your seats, with as little remorse, with as much indifference, as a mischievous boy, would slight, so many timid and trembling kittens, six to a litter, into a horse pond. Yes, sir, be assured, that war is the termination of your political power, unless you have the prescience to prepare an effectual force, worthy of this nation, worthy of either adversary you may elect to engage. But, remember, you must rely upon something else than the paltry surpluses of your
treasury, which, in fact, in one year will not exist; upon something else than loans or direct taxes. This bill, I consider as a continuation of the same deception as to the motive, as that which operated in the passage of the original embargo law. If we pass it, I fear, we shall, again, be instrumental, in deceiving this people. The effect of this bill, whatever may be its avowed design, is calculated, to sooth the people impatient, under the embargo, until the spring elections are passed, and until the first session of the state legislatures are finished. By a new session of the next Congress, in May, the people are to be led to hope that next May will bring them relief. But let the embargo be kept on until May, and as the honorable gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Mason) told you, very ingeniously, it will then be found necessary to keep it on until September; and perhaps for another year. This is the key-stone of the whole policy of this bill, as I apprehend. If it be your real intention to remove this embargo, after May, why do you not adopt a provision similar to that proposed the other day, by the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Sturges) and annex it to this bill? Why not limit the continuance of the embargo law, until next June? And thereby leave the new Congress free relative to this measure from the power of the Executive. Give the people a pledge that the embargo shall be removed at a limited time. At least, put it into the power of your successors, by refusing to re-enact the law, to control the Executive's will. This pledge the people have a right to claim, if it be your real purpose to abandon the measure after May. If however, this be not your policy, avow your intentions. Tell the people at once, that it is a power of coercion, in which you mean to persevere, until it has effected its object. Show them the reasons on which you rely that it will be successful. Perhaps they will consent to endure it. But with the present state of things they cannot, they ought not to be satisfied. At least get back, by limiting the present law, your commercial power, which you have absolutely surrendered to the President and twelve men. Permit your successors to be as independent of the Executive, in continuing this system, as you were when you consented to adopt it.
The only consistent advocates of the embargo system are such gentlemen as those from North and South Carolina (Messrs. Mason and D. R. Williams) & they are opposed to this bill. They tell you that this is an effectual weapon against G. Britain, and believing this, as they do, they say truly that a session in May will evidence timidity and defeat the effect of the weapon. You ought to take one or the other ground decidedly. Either you still confide in its efficacy, or you begin to doubt of it. If the former show your confidence to be rational, and leave the weapon to have its full operation, not undermined by the hope of a May session. If the latter, either repeal it instantly, or give the people an assurance that it will be done in May. The course you are pursuing has no other tendency than to excite suspicions, to agitate and embarrass.
I ask gentlemen to consider what will be their situation in May. Will you be in a better condition to go to war then, than you are now? No. You will be in a worse. You will be more embarrassed—you will have less revenue. You will have more discontent. Your efficient force will not be materially greater. Will you have more encouragement then to strike at the Canadas than exists at present; and what other point of attack have you on G. Britain? Will you be a whit more inclined in May or June to remove the embargo than you are at this moment? No. It will be stepping back then just as it is now. That dreadful thought will be, I fear, sufficient to induce then as now adherence to the measure six months longer. And after abundance of war speeches, Congress will rise and leave that measure bending down the people until next December.
Sir, these are the general reasons which I have to urge against the adoption of this bill. In what I have said my only view has been to exhibit to this House and nation the real motives which as I apprehend caused the original imposition of the embargo, and which still operate in support of this bill. I do not believe that it is the intention of a majority of this House, at present, to continue this system after May. But I do believe that it is the intention of administration. My design has been to recall the recollection of gentlemen to the difference between the arguments now urged for its continuance, and the official reasons at first given for its adoption. And I would warn them that if they mean to gain credit with the people for the intention of repealing the embargo in May, they will not obtain it, if they leave the next Congress at the mercy of the Executive, by rising without affixing some limitation to it.
Mr. Epps said that he had no hope that at this late hour of the day, after the House had been so long an-
ed with an eloquent oration, abounding with tropes, figures and well turned periods, that he could offer any thing calculated to interest or amuse them. I cannot, however, (said he) suppress the sentiment I feel at hearing a gentleman, in the present situation of this country, attempt to place in a degraded point of view the resources of the nation, and level exclusively at the administration of his own government, that asperity which ought to be confined to the belligerent nations. To a man who knew nothing of the foreign relations of this country, it would appear from the speech of the gentleman from Massachusetts, that peace, prosperity, and every other blessing would attend the removal of the embargo. No person from his speech could suppose that the sovereignty and independence of this nation was in danger from the atrocious and unprincipled conduct of foreign nations. The embargo is the cause of all our difficulties! Nothing but a removal of the embargo is necessary to re-establish the unrivalled prosperity of the nation! This measure is represented as having originated in political deception; as having been supported on grounds not only extraordinary but unprincipled. Even the present bill is represented as a new species of political deception, intended to deceive and mislead the people. The speech of the gentleman himself is nothing more than political delusion; an old story dressed up in a new garb, and ushered into the world at the present moment, for the purpose of meeting the present state of things in Massachusetts. It is intended to produce an effect on the legislature of that state, and on the approaching elections. The speech is certainly not made on the bill before the House. It can have no object but to increase the irritation already produced in that portion of the union by misrepresentations. The gentleman has said, I am sick to loathing, at hearing the constant cry of war, war, war. I (said Mr. E.) am sick to loathing, at hearing the constant cry of embargo, embargo, embargo. I am sick to loathing, when I find a representative of this nation called to the wrongs of his country; when I hear him holding out to foreign nations the idea that we cannot be driven into war; that we are incapable of making it. What has the gentleman told you; you cannot carry the nation into war; you have neither resources nor men; will this country resort to direct taxes or loans? Will the party that came into power by opposing direct taxes and loans, resort to them? They cannot, whenever they do they must go out. It was neither direct taxes or loans, which lost to the federal party the confidence of the people. The prodigal expenditure of public money, which produced the necessity of taxes and loans, deprived them of the public confidence. The republican party came in as the friend of a proper and not a niggardly system of economy; on the ground of attachment to the rights of the nation individually and collectively; neither the people or the party will shrink from that species of expense which is necessary to maintain the independence and rights of the nation; that species of niggardly economy, which could put money in competition with the independence of the nation, I for one disclaim. It would be disclaimed by the whole of the republican party. By a judicious management of our funds we have acquired credit—that is equal to our wants; we can command without difficulty and without taxes, whatever sum may be necessary to assert and maintain our rights; when the period of difficulty shall have passed, it can be discharged honestly, as our debts heretofore contracted have been, without new taxes or burdens on the people. We possess a credit superior to that of any other nation, and we deserve it. The gentleman, in speaking of his political opponents, has said, by their deeds shall you know them. Apply this principle to the ground taken by the gentleman. Will you, says he, with 170 gunboats fight Great Britain? Will you march into Canada and take possession of her territories? They have it in their power to punish your rashness; they will destroy your sea-port towns. This is the language of an American representative, when this nation is assailed by foreign danger; make war and punishment awaits you; you have no army; no effective militia; no resources; you mean not to assert the rights of the nation; your object is political deception. These observations are not less extraordinary than the ground on which the gentleman attempts to convince the people, that we have no intention to maintain their rights by any course but the embargo. The army, he has told you, has been officered exclusively by persons of a particular political sentiment. This he considers as a proof that the army is not intended to fight foreign nations; he has understood from authority, which he cannot doubt, that no federalist was to be appointed to the new army; that this was a correct principle, I have no doubt. The old army is almost exclusively officered by federalists; the ap-
pointment of republicans exclusively to the new one, will still leave to the federalists more than their relative share of these appointments. Even if this was not the case, I should consider the principle correct. I have never on this subject disguised my sentiments; I ever have been, and I ever will be, opposed to the appointment of federalists. But, sir, the gentleman has told us, you have not even spirit enough to fit out and send to sea your navy, reduced as it is. Does the gentleman mean to rest the rights of the nation on the frigates and public armed vessels? Does he expect that with our naval force our rights can be maintained on the ocean against Great Britain? I should despair indeed, if on this element alone Great Britain was to be assailed, and with this force. Her commerce in the event of war must be assailed, by employing our commercial capital in privateering. We are capable of assailing her in this way, in every place where her canvas floats. It will afford an honorable and profitable occupation to our seamen; it will be a field to exercise their courage, enterprise and patriotism. It is in our power if war shall be resorted to, to assail with effect her possessions near us; to cut off this resource for the supply of her islands; to increase the distance between us, and destroy the pretext for her armed vessels hovering on our coasts; to prevent in future the disgrace of being insulted in our ports; of having her officers enjoying hospitality in our ports at night, and going out the next morning to rob and murder our citizens. We can take possession of her territories here, and if future events shall justify that course, we can take possession of the Floridas also, and prevent the danger of future collision with foreign nations. The gentleman from Massachusetts has brought into this discussion what he calls the reasons for laying the embargo, and has attempted to show that the real grounds of the measure have not been avowed by the administration. He draws this conclusion from the arguments used on this floor in support of the measure. 1. That it would preserve our commercial capital. 2. That it would prevent immediate war. 3. That it would coerce Great Britain. 4. That it would have a good effect on Mr. Rose's negotiation. 5. That Bonaparte was asserting the maritime rights of the world, and that it would go in aid of that assertion. That the embargo did preserve from ruin our commercial capital, and that it did prevent war, are facts admitted by all unprejudiced men; that it produced great sensibility and alarm on the part of the British ministry, we know. The inducement held out to our citizens to violate the laws of their country proves it—When did the British ministry lose this sensibility? When it was discovered, that by means of their agents and subjects here, the law could be evaded. As to the operation of the embargo on the negotiation of Mr. Rose, this is entirely new to me. It is the first time I have ever heard this assigned as one of the grounds on which it was supported. As to the mission of Mr. Rose, it was a mere political juggler on the part of the British ministry. It was intended to palsy the feeling of the nation as to the outrage on the Chesapeake; it produced that effect. The fifth ground as to Bonaparte, I understand the gentleman from Massachusetts as having withdrawn. If the gentleman has withdrawn it, I will forbear to remark on it.
Mr. Quincy explained, and said he withdrew it. Mr. Epps continued. I am really glad the gentleman has done so. I should indeed have been sorry that any gentleman who has a reputation to support, should have urged in a new form a charge so often refuted. Mr. Quincy did not know that it had been refuted. Mr. Epps called him to order, and proceeded. From the grounds taken, as the gentleman from Massachusetts informs us in debate on the embargo, he infers, that the administration in recommending the embargo as a precautionary measure, practised political deception. That it was intended by the administration—1st as a measure of coercion exclusively on Great Britain—2ndly to keep it on at all hazards—3rd to do nothing else. The gentleman tells us this measure was represented to the British government as a precautionary measure only—that if it had been presented as a measure of coercion negotiation would have been at an end. How does it happen that negotiation has totally failed notwithstanding the measure was presented to the view of the British government as a precautionary measure only—did the British ministry possess information in which they had more confidence tending to prove that this representation of the measure was only political deception? As to the 2d and 3d points that the administration was to adhere to the embargo at all hazards, and to do nothing else, it's a mere naked assertion totally unsupported by the course which has been adopted. For what purpose did we desire the last session raise troops? Why have we
doubled our seamen and motives? Why have we made large appropriations for fortifications? For what purpose are we about to raise more troops? The gentleman says to enforce the embargo at the point of the bayonet—all this preparation is designed only for enforcing the embargo—really I have too much respect for the understanding of the gentleman to believe that this is seriously his opinion. The gentleman has told us that those who talk most about fighting are least disposed for war. What are we to think of those who in the present situation of their country can find no theme or which to exercise their eloquence but the embargo. I cannot believe such men very zealous to maintain the rights of their country.—Why does not the gentleman come forward and give us an exposition of the decrees and orders—let him do this and give his people an opportunity of deciding, whether the decrees and orders or political deception and the embargo produced our present distress and difficulties. What is the practical operation of these decrees and orders—a planter in Virginia wishes to send tobacco to the continent of Europe, what must he do? Send it first to a British port—pay a tax and obtain a permission from his majesty to ship his own produce. Suppose an inhabitant of the state of Massachusetts wishes to send fish to Spain or to any other part of the continent of Europe—why he must first go to a British port, ask permission of his majesty and pay for the permission. Will any gentleman venture to deny that this is the practical operation of the orders in council. Will the gentleman from Massachusetts tell the people of this country they cannot—must not fight for this. That they have no resources. The gentleman from Massachusetts could not maintain this ground before the people in any portion of this country. The rankest tory in our country would blush to take such ground. He would be scouted by honest men.
Mr. E. concluded with saying that the general scope of the argument of the gentleman went to show that the embargo was to be a permanent measure. Conscious that such a view was entirely erroneous, calculated to deceive and mislead the people, he had obeyed the impulse of his feelings and confined his observations to the speech of the gentleman instead of discussing the bill before the House. (Debate to be Continued.)
WEDNESDAY JANUARY 23.
Mr. CLOUGH presented a petition from a number of British subjects, presented, but not acted on, in 1804, praying for an alteration of the jurisdiction of the Federal courts of the U. States, in regard to the recovery of debts; which he moved to refer to a select committee. Mr. C. stated that in making this motion, he was far from having any desire that the prayer of the petition should be granted; on the contrary he was very much opposed to it—but that he made the motion solely to comply with the solicitation of an agent of the petitioners, residing in the district he represented, who had earnestly requested him to call the subject into view, and endeavor to obtain a final decision by the House.—Motion for reference lost—Ayes 33.
IMPEACHMENT.
Mr. QUINCY.—Mr. Speaker.—I rise to perform a great duty. But one imperiously demanded, as I apprehend, by my station, and by the knowledge of facts which I have in possession. By the 2d section of the 1st article of the constitution, this House have "the sole power of impeachment."
This duty, always painful, it must perform, if occasion calls for it. And every member, who has reason to believe that a high crime or misdemeanor has been committed, is bound to state that opinion to the House, and to move such an enquiry as the nature of the supposed offence demands.
Of all the duties of the Executive magistrate of this nation, that in relation to the filling of important public offices is the most critical, the most likely to be abused, and the one which this House ought most scrupulously to watch. Because these appointments are the avenues of corrupt influence. And of all species, perhaps, that is the most dangerous, which keeps men, then acting in high official stations, subject to such an influence, by not only the actual perception of the profit of the places which they hold, but by the assurance of further lucrative advancement, in case of continued fidelity to him who holds the distribution of offices. Under this aspect, sir, I do not hesitate to declare my opinion, that a high misdemeanor has been committed against this nation, concerning which it is the bounden duty of this House to enquire, and either to remove the ground of suspicion, or establish the fact, before the world. This is the charge which I expect to substantiate—That the collectors of the ports of Boston and Charleston, being a place of great trust and importance, and also of ample emolument, has been now for more than two years, kept in a manner vacant, and ever since left in the condition of a sinecure, in the hands of the then incumbent, after the Executive had full information of the fact, for the purpose of keeping the said office in reserve, for Henry Dearborn, long a member of the present administration, and then new Secretary at War.
The facts, I expect, and am prepared to prove are:
First—That in November, 1806, Benjamin Lincoln, esq. collector of that port, did write to the President of the United States, stating his infirmities and advanced years, and requesting leave to resign at the end of that year.
Second—That he did receive an answer from the President, in December following, expressing a high sense of his revolutionary services, and requesting him to give him a little longer time to look out for a suitable character, to fill the said office, and that the time to the last of March then ensuing—viz. March, 1807—beyond which he supposed him he should not be detained. That gen. Lincoln, in reply, consented to continue until the last of March then ensuing.

That no appointment in March was made, and that Gen. Lincoln did on the 5th of September, 1807, write to the President stating his infirmities, and total inability to perform the duties of his office, and again requested to be relieved from his office, at farthest by the end of that year—that to this he never received any answer.
Fourth—That he has been continued through another year, without any reason assigned for such continuance, in a situation totally unable to perform any of his duties; so much so, that he has not been in the town of Boston, since June last.
So far the facts are to be proved, as I have reason to believe, in a court of law. The next fact, I have no doubt, will be made out perfectly to the satisfaction of the House and nation.
Fifth—That this office has been kept in effect, vacant for more than two years, for the purpose of gratifying a favorite of the Executive, Hon. Dearborn, Secretary at War, by that appointment, and that, for him, it has been, in this manner reserved.
I need not use any arguments to show that these facts, if they be proved, constitute, to say the least, a high misdemeanor, into which this House ought to inquire, and to take such course upon it as its wisdom shall deem expedient, under the high duties imposed upon it by the constitution.
I am instantly impelled to this duty, by a paragraph in a paper, the National Intelligencer of this day, which I now hold in my hand. In this paper major general Benjamin Lincoln, one of the chief glories of our revolution—a hero the halting victim of war—his body all seamed and scarred, with wounds rotting in the cause of his country—now on the brink of the grave—his laurels never yet tarnished—and though the aged root is descending into the tomb, yet their leaves upturn to the eye a youthful green, and shed all around a celestial fragrance—This hero, the companion, the beloved friend of Washington, is characterized as "A FEDERALIST, whom the forbearance of administration has long retained in office, in opposition to the wishes of a respectable class of the community." I have no language to express my indignation. And I am quickened to a duty, which I had before made some preparation to perform. I therefore move the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to lay before this House, all correspondence touching the offers to resign, and the resignation of his office, by Benjamin Lincoln, esq. late collector of the port of Boston and Charlestown.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the causes, which prevented the acceptance of the resignation of Benjamin Lincoln, late collector of the port of Boston and Charlestown, in the years 1806, and 1807, and into the reasons which have occasioned a postponement of the appointment of a successor, and that they report the result of such enquiry to the House.
The House agreed to consider the resolutions by Yeas and Nays, 93 to 24.
Mr. Quincy moved that they should lie on the table till to-morrow, and be printed.
Mr. Gholson said, he hoped that they would neither lie on the table, or be printed. He acknowledged that the present attempt had excited his astonishment, more than anything which had occurred during the session. He could scarcely credit his hearing, when a member rose and moved to institute an enquiry with a view to impeachment on a subject like this. What was the charge? Was it a charge of mal-administration? Was it any charge which would authorize the course pursued? Was it alleged that the duties of collector had not been faithfully performed? Nothing of this had been urged. But the President had not appointed a person to fill the office of collector. Mr. G. said, that the late collector had only resigned within a day or two, and there had been therefore no vacancy to be filled. The former collector had an undoubted right to resign whenever he thought fit, and had not resigned. Why then this ridiculous proposition? If the collector had resigned, the President would have been compelled to fill the office; but this was not the fact. He therefore hoped the resolution would receive an immediate rejection.
Mr. Burwell said, he partook of the surprise of his colleague at the resolutions just submitted. He knew but of one parallel to it, in the history of impeachments, and that would be found in Gulliver's travels. The recollection of gentlemen would save him the trouble of specifying the particulars of that case. The gentleman wanted an enquiry into the reason why the President did not wish to accept of the resignation of Mr. Lincoln. How would a committee of this House proceed in this enquiry? They must either go to the President and ask him the motives of his conduct, or they must have some other mode of penetrating his motives. After the handsome panegyric of the gentleman on the late collector, Mr. B. asked, how he could come forward and impeach the President, for keeping in office a man whose merits transcended all description? It appeared to him, from the speech of the gentleman, that he had been long in possession of these facts. The paper of this morning certainly could not have gone to Boston and returned since its publication. The gentleman must therefore have been previously possessed of this information; and why, if it was so very important, had it not been previously brought forward? As to the subject of this appointment being destined for any particular person, Mr. Burwell observed, that the President, if he had any such intention, certainly had not communicated it to the gentleman from Massachusetts. The gentleman's statement in this respect must therefore be mere inference and conjecture; and however the gentleman's passions had been influenced by a paragraph in a newspaper; his ideas thus excited could not have an influence on the judgment of those who were not under the same irritation. If the gentleman from Massachusetts wished to conduct an enquiry into any result, he ought to show that the misconduct of the officer in question had produced effects which ought to have compelled the President to remove him. If the gentleman would show that the revenue had been defrauded, or the laws evaded through his negligence, or by his connivance, and that the President having knowledge of such facts, had refused to remove him, there might be some ground for the resolution.
Mr. Love asked of the gentleman from Massachusetts when the late collector actually resigned—and whether the gentleman knew of any misconduct of the officer alluded to? If so, whether this had been within the knowledge of the President of the U. S.
Mr. Quincy said, whether it was or was not an offence to keep in an office, the salary of which is 5000 dollars a year, a man who had declared his inability to execute it, was for the House to determine. The charge which he made was simply this: that an officer had been compensated for doing no services, and kept in a situation the duties of which he was unable to perform. It was a charge of so great an amount as the collectorship of Boston should be kept in the
position, the U. S. paying 5000 dollars a year for inadequate services, contrary to the express wish of the gentleman himself, who, ever since June, had not been in the town of Boston; and of consequence the execution of the duties of the office had been totally dependant on one individual, the deputy collector. You said a law on (said Mr. Q.) to be executed, and by one individual. The deputy says he will not act; the collector is unable to act, and the consequence is, that that law is not executed. In answer to the question whether the country has suffered, I will state a fact: the deputy collector of that port had a right to resign his office to the collector; and if the collector had been an efficient man, there would have been no difficulty: but, because he was not efficient, the law is not in a state of execution. I take this position, because the facts which I have stated can be proved. Whether the House will or will not agree to these resolutions, is no concern of mine; nor, if gentlemen choose to utter any abuse, do I regard it. I stand before this nation, and fear not to do my duty.
Mr. Bacon said, that whatever might have been his feelings on the subject matter of these resolutions at the moment when they were first propounded to the House in so menacing a style by the hon. mover; yet from the course of reflection which had since taken place in his own mind, as well as from a view of the reception which the resolutions had since met with on all sides of the House—the feelings which their extraordinary nature were at first calculated to excite, had in his bosom totally changed. He really thought that the gentleman by the indiscreet course which he had taken on this occasion, had reduced himself to a condition in which he was an object of sensations very different from those of resentment. For himself he now harbored no other passions in relation to him than those of sympathy. It was now very evident that his ill-advised zeal had led him into a labyrinth, where his own political friends could not consent to follow him. From the first moment when the proposition was submitted he had not entertained a doubt, that such must be the result: he had too high an opinion of the honorable sentiment and correct principles which he must presume would ever govern a large portion of the minority of that House, to suppose that they would conduct otherwise. It was now clear that the mover of these resolutions having been for some time past plunging on from one degree of extravagance to another, had at last brought himself to a point where he must either stop, or travel by himself.
What is really the sum and substance of this mighty accusation which is brought up as a solemn ground of impeachment against the Chief Magistrate of our country, even according to the gentleman's own showing? It is not even that he refused to receive the resignation of a public officer, because it is not until within a few days that it has been specifically tendered; this is a thing which has always within the power of that officer to do, and whatever might be the inclination of the President, he could not refuse it. It is only then that the President had persuaded the Collector of Boston to delay the period of his actual resignation, and to continue in the occupation of his office for a longer time than he was desirous of doing, in order that it might afterwards be conferred upon another person, to whom it was not then convenient to receive it, or whose services were then needed in another capacity. Well, sir, allow all these facts, of which, however as a public man I can know nothing, to be true in their full extent, what is there reprehensible in it? and who has been injured by the procedure? Not Gen. Lincoln certainly, for he had in his power at any moment to retire by an actual resignation. It is not alleged that during the two years for which the office is said to have been thus held, the public service has suffered, either by unfaithful or negligent performance of the duties attached to it, this is not even pretended. But when pressed on this point, which the gentleman appeared to feel fully the force of, he brings forward the circumstance of the present state of inexecution in which our laws are placed by Gen. Lincoln's resignation, and that of his deputy, to prove that the public service has in this way suffered, and adds that this state of things might have been prevented had Gen. Lincoln's place been earlier supplied. Now the same gentleman had long since told the House, that it was utterly out of the power of the government to carry our laws into execution by any human means whatever, & to day we are told that this inexecution in the port of Boston is attributable to the want of an earlier appointment of a Collector; it is for the gentleman to get along with these paradoxes, no one else can. But there is something in the circumstances of these sudden resignations, given in at a critical moment, without previous notice to the government, which bespeak a preconcerted and systematic design to defeat the operation of our laws, embarrass the government and prostrate the National honor at the feet of faction and anarchy. Another instance of the same character has just been mentioned by a gentleman from S. Carolina, and is perhaps to be followed up by all your revenue officers of the same description of politics with the late Collector of Boston; and thus in a moment is the authority of our laws trodden down, and their obligations spouted with, by men who have long been standing evidences of the toleration and moderation of the government, and who have lived upon its particular bounties; to me the conduct of this sort speaks a language which it is impossible to mistake, and
exudes emotions which it is perhaps better to repress.
Ex, the name of Gen. Lincoln would not by me have been wantonly dragged into this debate, nor should I have presumed to sport with any animadversions upon the conduct of a man venerable for his years, and respectable for his revolutionary services and achievements, had he not have suffered himself as is manifest, from his own connivance at least, to have been ushered into this House, through the indiscreet zeal of his own unlucky friends as the weapon by which they would annoy the Chief Magistrate of our country—let it be from me to indulge in regard to such a character any reproachful epithets, or any language which the disparity of our age and standing would render indecorous and improper. But there are some circumstances growing out of the disclosure which has to day been laid before the House by my colleague, which it is impossible to overlook, or to contemplate with entire apathy.
What are the facts as stated by the gentleman himself—that Gen. Lincoln, though well known to have been utterly opposed to the present Chief Magistrate in his political sentiments and conduct, has through the liberality of the government; perhaps no more than its justice, been permitted for these eight years past to continue in the possession of a most honorable & responsible office, and in the reception of its great emoluments to the time of $5000 a year, and that in opposition to the wishes of the political friends of the Executive; and what according to the gentleman's statement is a still greater stretch of indulgence, that for nearly two years he has even been suffered to retain it as a sinecure, without the performance of its ordinary duties; and frail this liberality and all this indulgence, what is the return which that officer and his friends is ready to give the government? The one furnishes to the other that sort of evidence by which it is vainly hoped that this very indulgence may be turned as a weapon against his benefactor, and the made the ground of a public accusation. As to this fact it is not possible I should be mistaken; for though it is not stated by my colleague that the evidence which he has adduced has been put into his hands by Gen. Lincoln, yet it must be evident that the letters which have passed on this subject between himself and the Executive, and which the gentleman states are in his hands, could only have been furnished either directly or indirectly by Gen. Lincoln himself. What a picture does this statement present; a man who for a long period of years has lived upon the liberality of the government; who by the favors that he has been permitted to enjoy from the bounty of the nation, has amassed a liberal fortune, deserts its service, and abandons his post at a most critical and important moment, and then to avert from himself the public censure and public indignation, turns and endeavors to wound the hand that has fed him, and raised him from penury and want, to affluence and ease. Throwing for a moment out of view the utter futility of the charges as they are attempted to be laid, there is something in the means by which they have been got up, that is too utterly revolting to every honorable sentiment of the heart to allow one to think of it with composure. The public feelings cannot with impunity be thus wantonly sported with, nor can the public indignation by any stratagem of this sort be diverted from its proper object. It will fasten upon those, and those alone, who by a precipitate and probably preconcerted abandonment of duty at a critical moment, have suffered the government of their country to be set at defiance, and the authority of the nation defeated and trampled upon.
In reply to the observations of various gentlemen against his proposition—
Mr. Quincy observed that neither the asperity of his political opponents, nor the disagreement of his political friends, would change his mind on a subject which he had well considered. If he was in an error concerning the charge, or rather allegation which he had made, he was willing to stand before the nation alone in support of it. It gave him no sort of pain or anxiety. Mr. Q. replied to some incidental observations made by gentlemen in the course of the debate, but which are not noticed in the course of the proceeding sketch. In relation to the execution of the late embargo law, he said that the deputy collector had not dared to execute the law, not from any insurrection or disobedience to the laws, but from a determination in the community to bring the laws of the U. S. where he hoped the people of this country always would bring the laws, to the decision of the judiciary. In particular cases (said Mr. Quincy) gentlemen, whose vessels were loaded with property to the amount of perhaps 80 or 90,000 dollars, were called upon by your laws either to give bond in six days the amount of the cargo, or to unload their vessels. They refuse to unload; the collector breaks open the hatches and takes possession of the property; and as soon as this is done, he must give bond in the state courts to the amount of 100,000 dollars, or double the amount of the property seized. This is a civil right of the citizen. The instant your officer begins to execute that law, before one day is at an end, he will have been obliged to give bond in a million of dollars or to have gone to jail. The deputy collector therefore could not put at hazard the whole hopes of himself and his family by executing a law which brought him into such obvious danger. Gentlemen say that I admitted that this law might have been executed. That was not the bearing of my expression. It was that if the law could have been executed, the head of the office, if an efficient man, would have been competent to execute it; but not when that head is an individual, who is absolutely from infirmity confined to his house, and almost to his bed. The misfortune is that there is not now a responsible officer to execute your laws; and it is this which has led to the present motion. Mr. Quincy said, that, convinced that it was proper that an enquiry should be made, notwithstanding gentlemen near him had asked him to withdraw his resolution, although alone he should wish a question to be taken on it. He denied that General Lincoln had been kept in office as a reward for his revolutionary services; and, if it were so, the Executive had no right to gratify any man by a sinecure at the expense of the public interest. The facts which he had stated, if the House would go into a committee of enquiry, he could prove. He said he had not, as suggested by his colleague, received his information from Gen. Lincoln, and this was all that he would state on that point. Mr. Quincy said his observations had been attributed to a design to excite New-England. He said New-England was in a state of excitement under the operation of the embargo laws; laws which some of the wisest men and best patriots in the country deemed unconstitutional, and so much so that they could not submit to them. This was the general sentiment. Suppose it to be the case that this House should ever pass an unconstitutional law; what then?
course of the people? They could pursue no other mode than a constitutional remonstrance; and if that failed, he said they had no other resource than a constitutional resistance. He hoped that course would not be taken, because he hoped the government would see the evil of its ways, and the incorrectness of the principle on which it acted. He maintained the correctness of the ground that, when a law is passed by which in the opinion of the people their interests are entirely destroyed, the law could not be enforced. His motives being as he had stated them, he had wished to lay the subject before the nation. This House, he said, was the guardian of the rights of the citizens, and had a right to inquire into the manner in which officers were filled. And though he might be alone in this opinion, deeming it his duty to make the enquiry, he said he should not withdraw the motion.
The question on the passage of the resolution (Mr. Quincy having withdrawn his motion that it lie on the table) was taken by Yeas and Nays as follows:—
YEAS—Mr. Quincy.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Hard, Barker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Catts, J. Campbell, Champion, Clay, Clopton, Cook, Culpepper, Davenport, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durrell, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardenier, Gardner, Garnett, Ghudson, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, J. G. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Lore, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Milnor, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, Porter, Pugh, Rea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Say, Searcy, Shaw, Sloan, Snell, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Steadman, Storer, Sturges, Tallmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Upham, Van Allen, Van Clandland, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Wharton, Whitehill, D. R. Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson, Winn, 117.
EXECUTION AND EVASIONS OF THE EMBARGO LAWS.
A communication was received from the Secretary of the Treasury in pursuance of a resolution offered by Mr. Elliot, enclosing a list of known evasions of the embargo laws, and copies of 517 letters which passed, in relation to the execution of them, between the Secretary of the Treasury and the Collectors.
Thursday, January 26.
NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
The House took up the message of the Senate, informing the House of their adherence to their amendments to the bill on the subject of the navy.
After some debate the bill was ordered to lie on the table; and
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill originally received from the Senate, for arming, manning and fitting out all the frigates and armed vessels of the U. S.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the bill was amended so as to conform to the proposition of the conferees from the Senate (for fitting out four of the frigates, &c.) as given in the last National Intelligencer; and the committee rose and reported the bill as amended.
The amendments were agreed to by the House.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved further to amend the bill by adding a clause making it discretionary with the President to send out these vessels. After debate, negatived—Yeas 35—Nays 78.
The bill was then, after an opposition by Mr. Macon, and reply Mr. Lyon, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading—Ayes 70.
NEW STORE.
The commodious new store, counting room and cellar on F street, near the Treasury Office, is to let—possession may be had the first of next month—Few stores (if any) in the district are so well situated for the wholesale or retail business in any line—There is a dwelling house on the lot to accommodate a family—Enquire of JAMES HODAN. January 27—6t.
A NEW PAMPHLET.
Just received and for sale at D. Rapine's Book Store, Capitol Hill. An address to the Congress of the United States, on the utility and justice of restrictions upon foreign commerce. With reflections on foreign trade in general, & the future prospects of America. Price FIFTY cents. January 27—4t.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnel Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorizing and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnel Carty, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided.
Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINTIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Eastern.
We had prepared a becoming notice of the remarks of the honorable Josiah Quincy, on the paragraph in the last National Intelligencer, respecting the resignation of the Collector and Deputy Collector of Boston. But a desire to do ample justice to this patriot, and to evince the feeling excited in the body to which he belongs, by a comprehensive view of their proceedings, compels us to omit it. We feel the less regret at this, after the portrait which this honorable gentleman has drawn of himself at full in our preceding columns, and after the cutting replies that will immediately follow; and more than all, after the humiliating situation to which his unbridled zeal has reduced him. There is something in an unanimous vote of friends and foes against a man, that ought to disarm all anger. It is, however, proper to say that, we were not, at the time of penning the paragraph, apprised of Gen. Lincoln's infirmities, or our remarks might have been exclusively applied to his deputy. Not that any such consideration can exonerate a man who in his situation acts in such a manner; but because we should have been willing to consider him as having been in the hands of his enemies, and as having followed advice, which, in his better days, he would have abhorred.
The SENATE have passed, without opposition, the bill for an Extra Meeting of Congress on the 4th Monday in May. It consequently only requires the signature of the President to be a law.
On the 23d instant, the largest meeting of citizens ever known in that city, assembled in Philadelphia, to express their approbation of the measures of the General Government, and their readiness, at the call of their government, to avenge the wrongs inflicted upon us by foreign nations, and to maintain the empire of the laws against the unprincipled machinations of domestic traitors. More than ten thousand citizens attended. Captain Jones presided, and opened the meeting with a patriotic address; when Walter Franklin proposed the resolutions that were adopted, which he prefaced with spirited remarks. Many of those, hitherto attached to the federal party, attended. We have not yet received the resolutions.
The towns of Gloucester, Northampton and Newbury-Port have passed resolutions declaring the Embargo laws unconstitutional—Contrary resolutions have been passed in various other towns. In Philadelphia meetings have been held, in which the following resolution, among others, has been adopted—"Resolved, That we consider every person who violates or attempts a violation of the Embargo laws, to be an enemy to the U. States, and totally unworthy the name of an American citizen."
Jonathan H. Hubbard, federal, has been elected a representative of Vermont in Congress, by a majority of 15 votes; and Mr. Chamberlain, likewise federal, in the room of Mr. Fisk, by a majority of 169.
NOTICE.
NAVAL OFFICE,
Boston, January 19, 1809. In consequence of the "disability" of the Collector of this District, and in "defect" of a Deputy, the duties of that principal officer have "devolved" upon the Subscriber by LAW; and the Federal Executive has been of course, notified that I WILL execute those duties with the same conscience which has directed the line of my "explicit" duties under my proper commission—which bears the seal and signature of WASHINGTON.
I therefore "lose no time" for giving this Public Notice for ALL concerned, and especially for those who are most interested in the Effects of the 1st, 2nd, 3d, 6th and 8th sections of the act of the ninth of this current month—"to enforce and make more effectual an act entitled An act laying an EMBARGO on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto." Which present act, it is hoped, "every free citizen" does or will immediately possess, study, and DULY regard. JAMES LOVELL, Naval Officer.
JUST PUBLISHED And for sale at R. C. Weightman's Book Store, Pennsylvania Avenue, THE MYRTLE OF BRIN—A NOVEL By Mrs. PLUNKETT, late Miss Gunning; Price ONE DOLLAR. Jan. 27—3t.
COAL FOR SALE.
A Cargo of RICHMOND COAL, on board the sloop Rebecca, lying at LEAR'S WHARF. Apply to the subscriber, back of the Second Buildings. JOSEPH MURPHY.

(Speech continued from first page.) than by any general regulations whatsoever. It was necessary, therefore, in the United States, to resort early to the idea of coercion, and to press it vigorously. Otherwise the people of America could not be induced to endure beyond the time when the reason of precaution had ceased. In America, therefore, it was coercion. But in Great Britain the state of things was altogether the reverse. Administration knew perfectly well, not only from the character of the British nation, but also from the most common principles of human nature, that once present this embargo to it as a measure of coercion, to compel it to adopt, or retract any principle of adopted policy, and there was an end of negotiation. It would have been like laying a drawn sword upon the table, and declaring "yield us what we demand, or we will push it to the hilt into your vitals." In such case, it was perfectly apparent that there could be received from an independent nation, but one answer. "Take away your sword, withdraw your menace, while these continue we listen to nothing." Aware of this inevitable consequence, administration not only aver that it is precaution, but even condescend to deny it is anything else, by declaring that it is this, and this only. Thus in Great Britain, precaution was the veil, under which a sword was passed into her side. But, in the United States, coercion was the palpable liquor, with which administration softened and gargled the passage, while it thrust at the point of the bayonet, the bitter pill of embargo, down the throats of the American people. It is this variation of the avowed motive to suit the unquestionable diversity of the state of things in this country and Great Britain, combined with the fact, that the embargo is continued, long after the plea of precaution has ceased to be effectual, that produces a perfect conviction in my mind, that precaution was little more than the pretext, and that coercion was in fact the principle purpose of the policy. Indeed how is it possible to conclude otherwise, when the very mode of argument adopted in each country was the only one which could have made coercion successful, and the very one, which would have been avoided if precaution had been the real and only motive? I cheerfully submit the correctness of this conclusion to the consideration of the people.
I come, now, to my second proposition. That it was the intention of administration to persevere in this measure of embargo, until it should effect, if possible, the proposed object, and as I believe, at all hazard. The evidence of this intention I gather, not only from the subsequent perseverance in this system, in spite of the cries of distress heard in one quarter of the union, and the dangers not to be concealed resulting from an adherence to it, but from the very tenor of the law, from its original form and feature. If this had been, as it was asserted by administration, originally a measure of precaution only, there was every reason, why it should be limited, and none why its duration should be unlimited. A limited embargo was conformable to precedent, in this country. It was conformable to practice in others. There was less question of its constitutionality. And certainly much less reason to be jealous of it, as a transfer of power to the Executive. The question of precaution having reference to the interests of the merchant, and of the other classes of the community, was naturally one which the members of this House, emanating directly from the people, were best qualified to decide, and was the last which they ought or would, in such case, have submitted to the entire control of another branch of the legislature. But as, notwithstanding assertions, it was in fact a measure of coercion, a very different principle operated in its formation. It was to be used as a weapon against G. Britain. If drawn against her, it was necessary to be put into such a situation as most certainly to effect its purpose. If drawn, it was not to be sheathed, until this had been done, or until it had reached the marrow and the vitals of the enemy. But with such a purpose, a limited embargo would have been a nerveless weapon. At every term of its limitation, it would have been under the control of this House; a body deeply responsible to the people, liable intimately to be affected by their feelings and passions. These would have instantly operated upon this House, which never could have been brought to continue the measure one moment longer than it was for the interest and consentaneous to the wishes of the mass of their fellow citizens. But if the intention was to keep it possible these restrictions upon the people, until they effected their object at all hazards, then no other course could be adopted but that of unlimited embargo. The whole commercial power given to us by the constitution, was thus transferred absolutely to the President and twelve men, in the other branch of the legislature. Men, from their situation and their tenure of office, not so likely to be affected by the
interests of the people, or able to sympathise with them, as the members of this House. If it were intended then to keep this instrument of coercion aloof from the influence of the people, so that it might be maintained long after they had ceased to appropriate it, this was the only course which could be adopted. This House could not be trusted with the power of re-enacting it. The weapon would be shortened and weakened, if it remained in our control. But in the exclusive possession of the President and twelve men, its whole force might be wielded with the greatest possible efficacy. It is from this feature of the embargo law reconcilable to no other intention than a predetermined determination to persevere in it aloof to the people's sufferings, until it had effected, if possible, its object, as well as from the actual obstinacy of adherence after the most manifest symptoms of discontent, in the commercial states, that I draw the conclusion, that such was the original determination of administration. And not only so, but I am perfectly of opinion, that such is still their intention, and that if the people will bear it, this embargo will be continued not only until next May, but until next Sept. Yes, sir, to next May twelve months. Having this conviction, a sense of duty obliges me to declare it and thus to state the reasons of it.
I come now to my third position. Not only that embargo was resorted to, as a mean of coercion; but that from the first, it was never intended by administration to do any thing else effectual, for the support of our maritime rights. Sir, I am sick, sick to loathing of this eternal clamor of "war, war, war," which has been kept up, almost incessantly, on this floor, now for more than two years. Sir— If I can help it, the old women of this country shall not be frightened in this way, any longer. I have been a long time a close observer of what has been done and said by the majority of this House, and for one, I am satisfied that no insult, however gross, offered to us by either France or Great Britain, could force this majority into the declaration of war. To use a strong but common expression, it could not be kicked into such a declaration by either nation. Letters are read from the British minister. Passions are excited by his sarcasms. Men get up and recapitulate insults. They rise and exclaim "perfidy," "robbery," "falsehood," "murder."
"Unhacking hearts with words and full a cursing, like a very drab, a scullion."
Sir— Is this the way to maintain national honor or dignity? Is it the way to respect abroad or at home? Is the perpetual recapitulation of wrongs the ready path to redress, or even the means to keep alive a just sense of them in our minds? Are those sensibilities likely to remain for a long time very keen, which are kept constantly under the lash of the tongue? The grounds on which I conclude that it was the intention of administration to do nothing else effectual, in support of our maritime rights, are these, that if it had ever been contemplated to fight for them, less would have been said about war, and more preparation made for it. The observation is common; and just as true of collective bodies of men, as of individuals, that those fight the best, who make the least noise upon the subject. The man of determined character shows his strength in his muscles, in the attitude he assumes, in the dignified position in which he places himself. Just so is it with men, determined to maintain the rights and honor of the nation. They consider the nature of the exigency, the power of the nation, with which they are likely to involve their country; what preparations are necessary to its ultimate success. They do not content themselves with evaporating words of passion. They look to the end, and devise and put in train such means as are suited to a safe and honorable issue. This conduct speaks more terribly than any words to the fears of foreign nations. And as to our citizens, they find in it an assurance, which can be given them by no enumeration of wrongs, however accurate or eloquent. But it is not, merely by what has been said, but by what has been done—that my mind is satisfied that administration never seriously contemplated a war, with any nation, under heaven—That all this clamor so ostentatiously raised and all this detail of the horrors of war are nothing else than the machinery, by which it is intended to keep this people quiet, through apprehension of a worse state, under their most oppressive evil, the embargo—We have been told from divine authority, "by their deeds, ye shall know them." The rule is just as true, in relation to professors in politics, as to professors in religion. I ask, sir, what has this majority done, during the two years past, in every moment of which the people have been kept under almost a daily anticipation of war, towards an effectual maintenance of their rights, should war, in fact, result. Why, we have built 70 gun-boats. We have in requisition 100,000 militia. Are either of
these intended to fight G. Britain, or competent to maintain our maritime rights? But we have an array of 5000 men. And how have you appointed officers to that army? Have you done it in a manner, to create that sentiment of unanimity so necessary to be inspired, if your intention be to fight seriously a foreign enemy? In the last session, when the proposal to raise that army was before the House, no cry was so universal as that of union. Well, sir. And how did those gentlemen, whose sentiments usually coincide with mine, act upon that occasion. Did we make a party question of it? No. It was supported very generally by us. Now upon what principle have you conducted in your appointment of officers, to that army. As though you wished to unite every heart and hand in the nation, in opposition to a foreign enemy? No. But as though you had no other project than to reward political adherents, or to enforce the embargo laws. I mean not unjustly to charge any member of the administration. But I am obliged to state that I have satisfactory evidence to my mind, that it has been established as a principle by the Secretary at War, not to appoint any man to a command in that army, who was not an open partisan of the existing administration. If I am in an error, appoint a committee of enquiry, and I will be the happiest, if it be proved to acknowledge it—[Mr. Love asked if Mr. Quincy was in order. Mr. Speaker conceived he was not]—Mr. Q. continued—I am performing what I deem a great duty, and if the connection between this topic and the subject before the House be denied, I am prepared to establish it. I am contending that if the purpose, for which this army was raised, were to meet a foreign enemy, this principle would never have been adopted in the appointment of officers. I do not believe the fact I state will be denied. But if it should be, it is easily to be ascertained by comparing the applications for appointments to those offices, with the list of those appointments. Now, sir, if the intention were to unite the nation as one man, against a foreign enemy is not this the last policy, which any administration ought ever to have adopted? Of all engines is not a party army the most dreadful and detestable? Is it not the most likely to awaken suspicion, and to sow discontent, rather than concord. This is one reason, on which I rest my opinion, that it was not the intention to go to war, or they would have adopted a principle more harmonizing in relation to the organization of that army.
Mr. QUINCY'S Speech Concluded on second page.
Prince George's County, to wit: ON application to me the subscriber (in the recess of the court) an associate judge of the first judicial district, in the state of Maryland, by petition in writing, of NATHANIEL HAGAN, of Prince George's County, praying for the benefit of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, on the terms mentioned in the said act, and its supplements, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having satisfied me by competent testimony, that he has resided in the state of Maryland, two years immediately preceding the time of his application—and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having also stated in his petition, that he is now in actual confinement, for debt, and not on account of any breach of the peace, or for the non-payment of any fine or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state, or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the Sheriff of Prince George's county to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement, on the terms prescribed in the said act and its supplements, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court, to be held in and for Prince George's County aforesaid, on the first Monday in April next, to answer any allegations that may be made against him by his creditors. I do also order and adjudge, that the said Nathaniel Hagan be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in April next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the County Court, at the Court House of said County, on the said first Monday in April next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Nathaniel Hagan, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed, for the delivering up his property, and to show cause if any they have, why the said Nathaniel Hagan should not have the benefit of the several acts of assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors. Given under my hand this thirtieth day of November, eighteen hundred and eight.
DANIEL CLARKE.
December 30—w3m. State of Maryland—In Chancery, January 10th 1809. ORDERED that the sales made and reported by JOHN KILTY and JOSIAS W. KING, trustees under a decree of this court, for the sale of certain LOTS in the district of Columbia, in a suit, wherein the Executors of Alexander Lewis & Edward Burd, were complainants, and the Commissioners of the city of Washington and others were defendants, be ratified and confirmed, unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the 10th day of February next. Provided a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks before that day. The report after specifying the several lots and squares sold to the respective purchasers, states that the gross amount of the sales was 16,049 dollars.
ON application by petition, in writing, of GEORGE W. WILLETT of Prince George's county, to me the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1805, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last preceding years; and being also satisfied, that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt; and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into a bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him—It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next, he, and hereby is appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the Judges of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighteenth day of June, 1808.
DANIEL CLARKE.
True Copy, Test, JOHN READ MACRUDER, jun. C P G Cy Ct
December 19—w13t.
Prince George's county court, Sept. Term, 1808. ON the application, by petition in writing by John M. Burgess, of Prince George's county to this court for the benefit of the act of assembly passed at the November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application and being also satisfied that the said John M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt; and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said John M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said John M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day, to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MACRUDER, Jr. Ct. November 8—w3m
Prince George's county court, September term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince George's county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MACRUDER, Jr. C. November 8—w3m
FOR SALE, THE two story BRICK HOUSE, situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the sub scriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENT.
TO LEASE FOR A TERM OF YEARS, A LOT on which is which is established a Soap and Candle Manufactory in the town of Fredericksburg Virginia.
THE Proprietor being desirous of retiring from the business, will lease out his Soap and Candle Manufactory with all the apparatus thereunto belonging for the term of three, seven, or ten years; and will also, if agreeable, hire an excellent manufacturer for the same period. It is unnecessary to give a description of the Lot and Manufactory, as it is presumed that any person inclined to Lease would first view the premises—suffice it to say that the Lot is equal if not superior to any in the state for the business. It has a spring in it almost sufficient to turn a grist mill, which is conveyed by pipes to a factory house 32 feet by 16 having 4 rooms besides the cellar where the boiler is erected. It is the only establishment of the kind on the Rappahannock, and ashes, tallow, &c. may be procured in the greatest abundance. The terms may be known by addressing a letter to the subscriber. GEO. W. B. SPOONER, Fredericksburg, Virg. January 16—w4t.
NEW-YORK STATE LOTTERY. For opening and improving certain roads to the Black River. Positively to commence drawing on the 17th of April next—604 Tickets to be drawn each day, until the whole are concluded. Prizes payable 30 days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature. THE CAPITAL PRIZES ARE— 30,000 Dollars, 20,000 Dollars, 10,000 Dollars, 5,000 Dollars, 2,000 Dollars. Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c. Less than two Blanks to a Prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American Public, and the price of Tickets at present no higher than eight Dollars each. TICKETS, Halves, Quarters and Eighths, Are to be had of Joseph Milligan, George-Town, where a regular Check Book of the drawing is kept for the inspection of tickets gratis. Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Joseph Milligan, George-Town, may have Tickets and shares returned by post to any part of the union, with the utmost punctuality; and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large Gratis, and Cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for Tickets in this. J. Milligan having established a regular correspondence with G. and R. Waite's, pledges himself to give the earliest information about the Lotteries gratis—purchasers of tickets may rest assured of being furnished at the New-York price, without the risque or expense of postage. George-Town Dec. 22—Eopbt.
NOTICE. THE cautions given to many trespassing on my plantation not being attended to I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with their dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w12t.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia hath lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a certain GEORGE GORDON, of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be going at large in this state, and hath transmitted an inquisition, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in Cumberland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with feloniously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand, and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT. By his Excellency's command, NIANIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hager's Town; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. Jan. 4—2w6w.
SAMUEL STETTINIUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET.
GRATEFULLY sensible of the past favors of both his Friends and the Public at large, takes the liberty to offer in addition to his lately Advertised Stock of DRY GOODS, a new supply of— Common Broad Cloth, Pelice do. Tappy Velvet, Silk do. and Flannels of almost any description at the most reduced prices, as also every other article in the Dry Goods line, at the most reasonable accommodations a favoring public can expect. He has also newly received by the schr. Hope, capt. James Keeth, and offers for Sale at Wholesale, 5000 lbs. best Green Coffee, 500 lbs. well tamped Seal Leather of first rate slaughter Hides, 1 pipe Holland Gin, 1 bale Almonds in shells, 9 boxes Tin, A quantity of best Sheet Iron, single, double and treble, 1 box London imported Hats, A few pieces Oil Cloth, Spanish Segars by the box, Linen Checks, Apon do. Cotton Velvets, Black Cambrics, Do. silk Velvets, Plain Velvet Binding of all numbers, 1 trunk elegant Calicoes, Silk Shawls, Pelice Cloth, Dressing Looking-Glasses, Buck Worsted Stockings, Cotton Stripes, Linen do. 1 trunk tanned Buck skins suitable for gloves and pantaloons making, 5000 best Clarified Quills, All of which he intends to dispose of on the most pleasing terms for cash or approved notes. December 28—3t&wtf
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. THAT the subscriber of Washington County, District of Columbia—has obtained from the Orphan's Court, of Washington, and District aforesaid—letters of administration on the personal estate of MARIE CRISTINE, late of said District, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the 25th day of July next, or they may otherwise by law be excluded from any benefit of said estate. Given under my hand this 25th day of January, 1809. NICHOLAS CAMMEN. January 25—w3t.