The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-05-07 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
No. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXIX.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 7, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
BY AUTHORITY.
AN ACT
For the relief of Gilbert C. Russell. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That there be paid to Gilbert C. Russell late a captain of a company of mounted infantry, of the state of Tennessee, out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated by law, the sum of six hundred and seventeen dollars and ninety-five cents, for so much by him expended to the use of the United States, for provision and forage, supplied by him, for his men and horses, and for forages paid, on a tour of duty from the state of Tennessee to the Natchez; performed under the order of the President of the United States, by virtue of "an act to enable the President of the United States to take possession of the territories ceded by France to the United States, by the treaty concluded at Paris, on the thirtieth of April last, and for the temporary government thereof."
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH,
President of the Senate pro tempore.
April 15, 1806.
APPROVED—
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Supplementary to the act making provision for the payment of claims of citizens of the United States on the government of France.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the secretary of the treasury shall cause to be paid, at the treasury of the United States, the amount of certain claims of citizens of the United States against the government of France, arising from the Bordeaux embargo, in conformity with a certified list of liquidations, attested by the minister of the public treasury of France, and transmitted by the minister plenipotentiary of the United States, at Paris, to the said secretary; which payments shall be made for such sums, respectively, as are stated in the above mentioned list of liquidations, to such persons, respectively, as the accounting officers of the treasury shall determine to be rightfully entitled to the same, and out of the monies heretofore appropriated for the purpose of discharging the claims of citizens of the United States against the government of France, the payment of which was assumed by the government of the United States, by virtue of the convention of the thirtieth April, one thousand eight hundred and three.
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore.
April 18, 1806.
APPROVED—TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To repeal so much of any act or acts as authorise the receipt of evidences for the public debt, in payment for the lands of the United States, and for other purposes, relative to the territorial courts.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the provisions of the act entitled "An act for providing compensation for the marshals, clerks, attorneys, jurors and witnesses, in the courts of the United States, and to repeal certain parts of the acts therein mentioned, and for other purposes," passed February the twenty-eighth, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, be, and the same hereby are extended to the territories of the United States, so far as the said act may relate to the provisions of the act entitled "An act to extend jurisdiction in certain cases to the territorial courts," passed March the third, one thousand eight hundred and five, excepting that the clerks of the said territorial courts shall not receive the additional five dollars per day, allowed to the clerks of the circuit and district courts by the third section of the act first above-mentioned.
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH,
President of the Senate pro tempore.
April 18, 1806.
APPROVED—TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To repeal so much of any act or acts as authorise the receipt of evidences for the public debt, in payment for the lands of the United States, and for other purposes, relative to the public debt.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That so much of any act or acts as authorise the receipt of evidences of the public debt, in payment for the
lands of the United States, from and after the thirtieth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, be repealed: Provided, That the right of all persons who may have purchased public lands previous to the passage of this act, to pay for the same in stock, shall in no wise be affected or impaired: And provided, further, that there shall be allowed on every payment made in money, at or before the same shall fall due, for lands purchased before the thirtieth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, in addition to the discounts now allowed by law, a deduction equal to the difference at the time of such payment, between the market price of six per cent. stock and the nominal value of its unredeemed amount, which market price shall, from time to time, be stated by the Secretary of the Treasury to the officers of the several land offices.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the commissioners of the sinking fund shall not be authorised to purchase any of the several species of the public debt, at a higher price than at the rates following, that is to say: they shall not pay more for three per cent. stock than sixty per cent. of its nominal value; nor for any other species of the public debt more than the nominal value of its unredeemed amount, the eight per cent. stock only excepted; for which they shall be authorised, in addition thereto, to give at the rate of one half of one per cent. on the said nominal value, for each quarterly dividend which may be payable on such purchased stock, from the time of such purchase to the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and nine.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That so much of any act as directs that purchases of the public debt, by the commissioners of the sinking fund, shall be made within the thirty days next ensuing after each day on which a quarterly payment of interest on the debt of the United States shall become due; and also so much of any act as directs that the said purchases shall be made by open purchase, or by sealed proposals, be, and the same hereby is repealed. And said commissioners are hereby authorised to make such purchases, under the restrictions laid by the preceding section, in such manner and at such times and places as they shall deem most eligible, and for that purpose to appoint an agent or agents to whom they may allow a commission not exceeding one fourth of one per cent. on the respective purchases of such agents.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore.
April 18, 1806. APPROVED—TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
In addition to an act, intitled "An act regulating the grants of land and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States, south of the state of Tennessee."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That whenever any person who shall have received a pre-emption certificate, from either of the boards of commissioners, appointed for the purpose of ascertaining the rights of persons to lands in the Mississippi territory, shall, by a final judgment or decree of the highest court of laws, or equity, in which a decision could be had, within the said territory, rendered in favor of another person claiming by virtue of a British patent, lose the whole or part of the tract of land to which he was entitled by virtue of such certificate, it shall be lawful for the receiver of public monies for the district where the land lies, to repay to such person or his assigns, so much of the purchase money as had been paid by him for the land thus recovered, by the holder of the British patent.
In all cases where only a part of a tract of land, to which any person may be entitled by virtue of a certificate granted by the commissioners aforesaid, is also claimed by the holder of a British patent, a patent may issue in favor of the owners of such certificate, for so much of such tract of land as is not claimed by virtue of such British patent. Provided: That he shall in every other respect have complied with the provisions of the acts of Congress, regulating the grants of land in the Mississippi territory. And the lands contained in British grants, which have been duly recorded in conformity with the provisions of former laws, and for which certificates have not been granted by the commissioners aforesaid, shall not be disposed of until otherwise directed by Congress.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That persons entitled to a right of pre-emption to lands in the Mississippi territory, by virtue of certificates granted by either of the boards of commissioners aforesaid, shall be allowed till the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven, to make the first payment of the purchase money of such
lands: And if any such person shall neglect to make such first payment, on or before the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven, his right of preemption shall cease and become void.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That each of the commissioners appointed to ascertain the claims to lands in the above mentioned territory, west of Pearl river, shall be allowed at the rate of six dollars for every day he shall attend, subsequent to the first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six: Provided, That such additional allowance shall not exceed five hundred dollars, for each commissioner, and the agent appointed in behalf of the United States for the said board shall be allowed an additional compensation of three hundred and fifty dollars for the whole of his services. And the register and receiver of public monies, in each of the districts of the above mentioned territory, shall, and they are hereby authorised, in their districts, respectively, and after the dissolution of the board of commissioners for their district, to regulate the location of any tract of land lying within such district, for which a certificate shall have been granted by the commissioners, whenever it shall appear that the location specified in such certificate, interfere with each other, or do not include the improvements, by virtue of which such certificates were granted: Provided, That the said register and receiver, shall not be authorised to allow any location on land not improved and settled, in the manner provided by the former acts of congress, regulating the grants of land in the above mentioned territory; nor to allow, in any case, a greater quantity of land than had been allowed by the commissioners.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That whenever it shall appear to the satisfaction of the register and receiver of the district, east of Pearl river, that the settlement and occupancy, by virtue of which a pre-emption certificate had been granted by the commissioners, had been made and taken place, prior to the 30th day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety eight, they shall be authorized to grant to the party a donation certificate, in lieu of such pre-emption; and the patent shall issue as in other cases of donations: Provided, That application shall be made for such an exchange, and evidence produced of the date of such settlement and occupancy, on or before the 31st day of December next.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the right of the United States, to all the land lying between the front street of the city of Natchez and the Mississippi river, and bounded on the north by north Fourth street, and on the south by the lands annexed to the old fort, and those granted to William Barland, be, and the same hereby is, forever vested in the corporation of said city, so as not to affect the legal or equitable claims of any individuals, or of any body politic, or corporate, if any such there be: Provided, That the said land, as above described, be neither cultivated nor occupied by buildings, but that it be planted with trees, and preserved as a common, for the use, comfort, and health of the inhabitants of the city aforesaid, and all other persons who may occasionally resort thither.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That whenever the section No. 16, shall fall upon land already granted, by virtue of any act of congress, or claimed by virtue of a British grant, the secretary of the treasury shall locate another section, in lieu thereof, for the use of schools, which location shall be made in the same township, if there be any other vacant section therein, and otherwise, in an adjoining township.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That Richard Sparks be permitted to enter with the register of the land office, for the district west of Pearl river, his claim to three hundred and twenty acres of land, lying within said district; and that Richard S. Bryan, and George Brewer, senior, be permitted to enter with the register of the land office, for the district east of Pearl river, their certificate of a right of pre-emption for three hundred and twenty acres of land, lying within the district last mentioned: And such entry of the claim of the said Richard Sparks, shall have the same effect, as if it had been made prior to the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and four, and such entry of the certificate of the said Richard S. Bryan and George Brewer, senior, shall have the same effect as if it had been made within three months from the time it was issued.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore. April 21, 1806. APPROVED—TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To regulate and fix the compensation of clerks, and to authorise the laying out certain public roads; and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the secretaries of state, treasury, war, and navy departments, shall be, and they are hereby authorised to apportion the compensations for clerks in their respective departments, in such manner, as the services to be performed shall, in their judgment, require: Provided, That the whole amount of ordinary compensations for clerks in the said departments respectively, shall not exceed the following sums annually, that is to say:
For the department of state, seven thousand one hundred and fifty dollars;
For the treasury department, forty four thousand two hundred and twenty seven dollars and twenty eight cents, that is to say; in the office of the secretary of the treasury, ten thousand two hundred and eighty nine dollars and eighty one cents; in the office of comptroller of the treasury, nine thousand and sixty seven dollars; in the office of the auditor, eight thousand eight hundred and eleven dollars; in the office of the treasurer of the United States two thousand eight hundred and seventeen dollars, forty five cents; and in the office of the register of the treasury, thirteen thousand two hundred and forty two dollars and two cents;
For the department of war, sixteen thousand five hundred and forty dollars, that is to say; in the office of the secretary, six thousand three hundred and for v dollars; in the office of the accountant of the war department, eight thousand five hundred dollars; and in the office of the purveyor of public supplies, one thousand seven hundred dollars.
For the department of the navy, twelve thousand nine hundred dollars, that is to say; in the office of the secretary, four thousand nine hundred dollars; and in the office of the accountant of the navy department, eight thousand dollars.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the post master general of the United States, shall be, and hereby is authorised to appoint such number of clerks in his office, as he shall judge proper, and to apportion their compensations in such manner as the services to be rendered by each, shall in his judgment require: Provided, That the whole amount of ordinary compensations for clerks in the said office, shall not exceed the sum of nine thousand three hundred and forty five dollars annually.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted That the director of the mint be, and he is hereby authorised to allow to one of the clerks employed in his office, seven hundred dollars per annum; and the said director is hereby authorised to expend the further sum of one thousand dollars annually, in clerk hire, in such manner as his discretion shall dictate. And the surveyor general is hereby allowed to expend twelve hundred dollars annually, for clerk hire.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That there shall be allowed to the commissioners of loans, in the states of Massachusetts and New-York respectively, not exceeding five clerks, at the rate of five hundred dollars each, per annum: to the commissioner of loans in Connecticut, not exceeding two clerks, at the rate of four hundred dollars each, per annum: to the commissioner of loans in Pennsylvania, not exceeding six clerks, at the rate of five hundred dollars each, annually: to the commissioners of loans in Virginia and South Carolina, respectively, not exceeding two clerks, at the rate of five hundred dollars each, annually: the aggregate of compensations for clerks employed by either of said commissioners, to be apportioned among them at his discretion.
And there shall be annually allowed in lieu of clerk hire, to the commissioner of loans in the state of New-Hampshire, three hundred and fifty dollars: to the commissioner of loans in the state of Rhode Island, four hundred dollars: to the commissioner of loans in the state of New Jersey, three hundred dollars: and to the commissioners of loans in the state of Maryland, two hundred and fifty dollars.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the compensations allowed by this act to clerks, shall commence with the year one thousand eight hundred and seven; and it shall be the duty of the secretaries for the departments of state, treasury, war and navy, and of the post master general, and surveyor general, and of the commissioners of loans in the several states, to report to Congress, at the beginning of each year, the names of the clerks they have employed respectively, in the preceding year, and the sum given to each; and whether the business for clerks increases or diminishes in their respective departments, that Congress may be enabled to make further arrangements
by law, respecting clerk hire. And it shall be the duty of the secretary of the treasury particularly to report, whether the business in the loan office of Pennsylvania, shall from year to year, continue to require the additional sum of two thousand dollars allowed by this act for clerk hire, in consequence of the removal of the treasury office from Philadelphia, in eighteen hundred, to the permanent seat of government; and likewise, he shall report the necessity, if such shall continue, of employing clerks on the business belonging to the office of the late commissioner of the revenue.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That hereafter, in case of the removal of any public office, by reason of sickness which may prevail in the town or city where such office is located, a particular account of the cost of such removal shall be laid before Congress, that they may be enabled to judge of the proper sum to be allowed for the same.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to cause to be opened a road from the frontier of Georgia on the route from Athens to New Orleans, till the same intersects the 31st degree of North latitude: Provided, He shall not expend more than six thousand four hundred dollars in opening the same; and to cause to be opened a road or roads through the territory lately ceded by the Indians to the United States, from the river Mississippi to the Ohio, and to the former Indian boundary line which was established by the treaty of Greenville: Provided, He shall not expend in opening the same, more than six thousand dollars. And to cause to be opened a road from Nashville in the state of Tennessee, to Natchez in the Mississippi territory: Provided, He shall not expend more than six thousand dollars in opening the same.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That to defray the expense authorised by this act beyond the appropriation for the support of government, for the year one thousand eight hundred and six; there is hereby appropriated a sum not exceeding twenty eight thousand dollars, payable out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated. And that the act entitled "An act to regulate and fix the compensation of clerks," which passed on the second day of March one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine, shall from and after the first day of January next be, and the same is hereby repealed.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore.
April 21, 1806. APPROVED—TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
In addition to act, intitled "An act supplementary to the act providing for a naval peace establishment; and for other purposes."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the second and fourth sections of "An act providing for a naval peace establishment, and for other purposes," be, and the same are hereby repealed.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to keep in actual service, in time of peace, so many of the frigates and other public armed vessels of the United States, as in his judgment, the nature of the service may require, and to cause the residue thereof to be laid up in ordinary in convenient ports.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the public armed vessels of the United States, in actual service in time of peace, shall be officered and manned, as the President of the United States shall direct; provided that the officers shall not exceed the following numbers and grades, that is to say, thirteen captains, nine masters commandant, seventy-two lieutenants, and one hundred and fifty midshipmen: but the said officers shall receive no more than half their monthly pay, during the time when they shall not be under orders for actual service; and provided further, that the whole number of able seamen, ordinary seamen and boys, shall not exceed nine hundred and twenty-five; but the President may appoint, for the vessels in actual service, so many surgeons, surgeons mates sailing masters, chaplains, pursers, boatswains, gunners, sail-makers, and carpenters, as may in his opinion be necessary and proper.
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore.
April 21, 1806.
APPROVED—TH: JEFFERSON.

AN ACT, For the punishment of counterfeiting the current coin of the United States, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That if any person shall falsely make, forge, or counterfeit, or cause or procure to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited, or willingly aid or assist, in falsely making, forging or counterfeiting, any gold or silver coin, which have been, or which hereafter shall be coined at the mint of the United States, or who shall falsely make, forge, or counterfeit, or cause, or procure to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited, or willingly aid or assist in falsely making, forging, or counterfeiting any foreign gold or silver coin, which by law now are or hereafter shall be made current or be in actual use and circulation as money within the United States; or who shall utter as true any false, forged, or counterfeited coins of gold or silver as aforesaid, for the payment of money with intention to defraud any person or persons, knowing the same to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited; any such person so offending, shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and being thereof convicted according to the due course of law, shall be sentenced to imprisonment, and kept at hard labor for a period not less than three years, nor more than ten years; or shall be imprisoned not exceeding five years, and fined not exceeding five thousand dollars.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall import or bring from any foreign place into the United States, any false, forged, or counterfeit gold or silver coins, which are by law made current or in actual use and circulation as money within the United States, with the intent to utter, or make payment with the same, knowing the same to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited; or who shall utter as true, any such false, forged, or counterfeit coins of gold or silver as aforesaid, for the payment of money, with intention to defraud any person or persons, knowing the same to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited; the person so offending shall be deemed guilty of felony, and being thereof convicted according to the due course of law, shall be sentenced to imprisonment, and kept at hard labor for a period not less than two years, nor more than eight years; or shall be imprisoned not exceeding two years, and fined not exceeding four thousand dollars.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall fraudulently and for gain's sake, by any art, way, or means whatsoever, impair, diminish, falsify, scale, or lighten the gold or silver coins, which have been, or which shall hereafter be coined at the mint of the United States; or any foreign gold or silver coins, which are by law made current or are in actual use and circulation as money within the United States, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not exceeding two years, and fined not exceeding two thousand dollars.
SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained, shall be construed to deprive the courts of the individual States of jurisdiction, under the laws of the several states, over offences made punishable by this act.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore April 21, 1806. APPROVED. TH: JEFFERSON.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MARCH 11.
DEBATE On Mr. Gregg's Resolution.
[CONTINUED.]
MR. JACKSON. My conviction of the importance of this subject will plead my apology for the trespass I make on the time of the committee, the purpose to take a rapid review of my points in discussion between this country and Great Britain, and to touch lightly upon the arguments of gentlemen, we have contended that it is better to surrender them than to assume an attitude of resistance, or to adopt measures perfectly pacific for the purpose of producing a relaxation of the arbitrary systematic attacks upon our neutral rights; for with one or two exceptions, the objections adduced go to sanction the opinion that the commerce in question ought to be abandoned; and that this government ought not to do any thing to protect it. The measure preferred to the consideration of this committee is calculated to produce a redress of the grievances complained of, with so much justice. 1st. The capture of our vessels sailing on the high seas, in strict observance and obedience to the law of nations. and 2ndly. The impressment of our seamen, bona fide citizens protected by the flag of the nation. While we are discussing the proposition of reforming a remedy to redress these evils, we are met by gentlemen who deny that it is right to do any thing. First—Because the executive has not recommended any particular measure; and secondly—because the trade under con-
deration is fraudulent, and the citizens impressed are the subjects of G. Britain. With regard to the first allegation, that the executive has not recommended any specific measure, was it not objected under a former administration that the executive interfered improperly in legislative measures? Congress possesses the constitutional power of declaring war, and should the executive recommend a declaration of war to us, I presume we should hear much of the executive attempting an undue and indecent influence over our legislative powers, for judging by the past I have no doubt that whenever such a recommendation shall be made by the executive, it will be opposed by the same persons who now call for his recommendation, and express dissatisfaction at his withholding it.
But it is asserted this trade is fraudulent, and it is dishonorable to protect it. So much has been said and written upon this subject, that it is altogether useless to combat the arguments urged on this floor—for it is not because a celebrated pamphlet, without an author, has been written on the subject on this side of the water, vindicating the fairness and legality of the trade, or as gentlemen will have it, surrendering the question at the threshold, or because another equally celebrated has been written on the other declaring it "War in Disguise," that I will consent to be concluded on the question, as they are all free game, and ought to pass for nothing unless their arguments carry conviction to the mind. The question resolves itself into the consideration whether this trade is fraudulent or not. Can we exchange our productions with the colonies of the belligerent nation—bring here theirs, and carry any surplus beyond our wants to other nations? I conceive that we can—common sense sanctions the opinion. Gentlemen however say, we cannot. That the property is not changed, but still belongs to the original owner of it, and that our neutral flag fraudulently covers enemy's property. But gentlemen deal in a mere coinage of the fancy when they say so. I demand their proofs—they will not accept our opinions, and I with equal propriety reject theirs. How will they show that this is not our property? It is said that a want of capital is a proof of it; but on investigation it will be found, that the American capital is fully adequate to the carrying on this trade. Do not we find our merchants engaged in the trade to the East Indies, which requires a capital of three and four hundred thousand dollars, and if the trade to the West India islands be equally profitable, is it not to be presumed that they will likewise engage in it? If this property does not pass by the transfer as we contend it does, it may be maintained that a horse sold in the open market will be subject to an execution subsequently issued against its previous owner, nay even that the executor of such owner may sue for and recover it. But this argument shakes every principle involved in commerce to its foundation; its origin is traffic, which induces one man to exchange the surplus beyond what is necessary for him for that which is necessary, and was the surplus of another—and if the property is not changed by this traffic nothing is safe, every thing is afloat, and no man knows to whom any property belongs which may happen to be in his possession. Such a doctrine must destroy all commerce at a single blow. But, say gentlemen, G. Britain indulges us in pursuing the honest carrying trade. I disclaim the position. How can she be said to indulge us with a right sanctioned by the law of nations; a right inherent in every independent nation. I contend that the trade to which I have just alluded, is as just and honest as any other trade of this country afloat on the ocean.
Great Britain not only imposes on our trade, the restriction which interdicts our carrying the products of the colonies of her enemies to the mother country, after incorporating them with our own flock, but she disallows all trade with her enemies in time of war not permitted in time of peace. The gentlemen from Virginia argues this is correct. He says Great Britain has a preponderance on the ocean, and inquires whether we have a right to check it by supplying her enemy with any thing necessary to relieve his wants. This is going farther than "War in disguise," than the time serving Sir William Scott who sometimes recollects that he is called on to expound the law of nations as a judge, and at others only to register the orders of the king and council, or any other man in England. Does not this strike at the root of the whole trade of our country? There is no nation at war that is not more or less supported by our products; they derive from us the means of subsistence, and the carriage of them it seems is to be prohibited because Great Britain has a preponderance on the ocean, and can starve out her enemies if we are not permitted to carry to them. Great Britain lays you shall not carry on a trade in time of war not permitted in time of peace. She seizes our vessels; invents the natural principle of evidence, throws the onus probandi on you, showing that the trade then prosecuted
was carried on in time of peace, on the owner of the property, & thus our whole trade afloat is exposed to hazard and vexatious interruptions. But in defiance of this rule set up by herself, Great Britain opens in war her own islands, whose trade is shut up in time of peace. Tell then her principle by her practice. It will not be contended that she connives at a fraudulent trade, or justifies it as lawful with herself when she declares the same trade relatively to her enemies, illicit and subject to condemnation. If then she is not governed by narrow and unjust views, she cannot contend that that is right when it respects herself, which is wrong in relation to another. She has yielded that question by opening her ports in war which were shut in peace, and has made, even if there existed a previous doubt, this trade lawful. But not confined to going this length, she carries on that trade herself which she denies to us—thus adding another to the numerous outrages committed upon us. If we acquiesce in this doctrine advocated by G. Britain, sanctioned by her admiralty courts, and enforced by her cruisers—I ask if we shall not violate that honest neutrality which compels us to treat all nations alike. The great principle of a neutral nation as defined by the law of nations, is to treat the belligerents with equal impartiality, and not to favor one at the expense of another. By acquiescing in the doctrine that renders this part of our trade liable to capture, we make ourselves a party on the side of one of the nations engaged in war.
This colonial trade is not only lawful, but it is beneficial to the merchant and also the farmer. Gentlemen have attempted to draw a distinction between the mercantile and the farming interests. I shall by and by expose the fallacy of their reasoning; but at this time I will confine my remarks to proving that this trade is not only beneficial to the merchant but likewise to the farmer. The colonies from which this trade is derived, are fed exclusively from this country—to them we carry our provisions and receive in return their productions. It is not our interest to receive money if they had it, because we should lose the profit on the return cargo. If we were not at liberty to purchase beyond the consumption of our country, the extent of our exports would be diminished in the same ratio, for not having money to pay for our provisions they could not purchase them. The consequence would be that the trade would fall into retail hands, and the loss would reverberate on the farmer, the demand for his productions would be diminished, and they would rot in our warehouses. This shows that the farmer is as deeply interested in the trade as the merchant.
But while we are attempting to obtain justice for this outrage, which some gentlemen admit to be such and others deny, we are told that we are paving the way to war. Will a measure of this kind lead to war? If so, we hold our rights by a feeble tenure. Shall we not be permitted to say to a nation doing injustice to us, we will have no intercourse with you without giving that nation a just cause of war? Strange principle! If a nation is not allowed to take such measures of redress, without involving herself in a war, I cannot conceive in what the rights of a nation consist. I acknowledge myself always to have been a stranger to them. If this measure will have such an effect, any thing we can do will have the same tendency. If to prohibit all articles from G. Britain be a war measure, to prohibit any part of them will also be a war measure, and it is therefore but fair to consider the arguments of gentlemen as equally applicable to doing anything. If the scourge of war is held over our heads by such a slender thread, shall the fear of it prevent us from doing that which we consider as but justice to ourselves. But the gentleman says G. Britain will not be injured by a war with us even to the value of a single dollar. Such language I should have scarcely expected to hear, even as coming from the English chancellor of the exchequer, upon the floor of Parliament. I am ready to allow, and I firmly believe, that if Britain thinks it her interest to go to war with us she will do so, she will first strike the blow as she did in the case of the Spanish prizes, and declare war afterwards. So the argument goes for nothing. But we are her best customers. We supply her with raw materials which she cannot obtain from other countries. I consider this as giving us a decided advantage over her, of which if properly used, we may always avail ourselves without giving her a just cause for war. Her writers say a non-intercourse with this country would prove a loss to her of six millions sterling a year. Surely they know what would be the effect of such a measure better than we; and with this assertion staring them in the face, it will not again be said that a war with us would not cost her a dollar. But it is said G. Britain is fighting for her own existence, against an enemy that is most powerful; that she is the only bulwark between France and universal despotism; and that an attempt is made to enlist our sympathies in her favor. But let her do us justice before she claims our sympathy. Shall we wait until she has subdued the whole continental marine and have triumphed on land, before we demand justice? Shall we fold up our arms, and say we perceive you are convulsed—you are menaced with an invasion; we will patiently wait till you get rid of all these sources of alarm before we press you. Can it be imagined that she is
contending for a right in war, pressed, convulsed, and threatened as she is, which she will abandon on a return of peace? This is to suppose that the millennium is approaching of which G. Britain is to be the harbinger. Practice this system and in a little time you will have nothing left worth fighting for. Let a nation strike at an important branch of your trade, and trample on rights held dear by every citizen of America, and let her know that you will wait till every alarm which she feels is removed, and then ask for justice, that you deem it dishonorable to make a stand until she has her hands cleared of all other difficulties—let this system or no system be resorted to, and you will not, I repeat it, have a right left that is worth contending for. But say gentlemen, if we resort to this measure, Great Britain will go to war, & instead of having 15,000 seamen, she will have 15,000 of our citizens groaning in her prison ships. This is truly a degrading picture, which goes to show that we shall not be permitted to resist an encroachment on our rights, because the injury will be increased tenfold. Let Britain once know that this is your mode of thinking, and instead of holding in bondage 15,000, she will indeed rob you of 15,000 of your seamen; and instead of capturing 15 millions of property, she will take 150, and you will be as bankrupt in fortune as in character. But say gentlemen, this right is not worth contending for—and ask triumphantly, shall we lose six millions for the protection of one? But on this score we hesitate resisting aggressions, we shall soon have no millions to lose. Are we then, indeed, to sit down tamely and count the costs; debit so much for honorable resistance—credit so much for national degradation—balance in favor of pusillanimous acquiescence. Are gentlemen ripe for such humiliation? I consider spirit as essential an ingredient in government as in man. Let a nation, or an individual whose rights are invaded, or whose person is insulted, once say he will not resent the injury because it will cost more than patiently enduring it, he will soon not have a right left worth defending. But say gentlemen, will you go to war for this carrying trade? If the question of war were fairly involved in it, I answer yes—I would as soon go to war to protect it, as to protect the right of highway on terra firma. But it is asked will you in infancy contend with Britain who is in her manhood? Sir, if our infancy is not fostered, we shall never arrive at manhood? Better for us to die contending for our rights than submit to such a principle. But I have another answer. We have shown ourselves able to contend with this very nation, when we had as many internal as external foes; and if we succeeded against her then, shall we fear to contend with her now? It is however said, that by this measure we shall lose a revenue of six millions. It is not, however, probable, that we shall incur such a loss. The articles we receive from Britain are not of the first necessity. They can be got elsewhere, and our refusing to trade with her will open new markets in other countries. It is contended that our exports will be cut off. This, however, is evidently erroneous. We furnish Britain with raw materials which she cannot obtain elsewhere, which, if she could avoid it, she would not obtain from us. She looks to your commercial greatness with a jealous eye, and would not permit a single article to be exported from this country into her dominions, if it could be obtained elsewhere. Where are the cotton and provisions with which she can be supplied? Were she to refuse these productions from this country, she might be likened to an individual who in consequence of a famine in the land could not procure bread except from a single farmer, and because he was his enemy—would rather than do this, sit down and die. Millions of her subjects depend for bread and support on you. Cut off the exportation of raw materials to that country, or the importation of her manufactures into this, and the effect will be almost as serious as the invasion of Ireland by a French army. Her whole people will be up in tumult against the government; for what political body can legislate, or what police can guard effectually against starvation; against impending ruin. But the trade with Britain, it seems, ought to be fostered by us. Why? Is it because it presents a great balance against us? For let gentlemen say what they will, they must allow the balance is in her favor. But they ask how is this balance made up? From the balances in our favor drawn from the trade with other countries; it is therefore ruinous, for it is a maxim well established and known by Great Britain, that a nation never can accumulate wealth from a trade when the balance of such trade is against her; and that a trade under such circumstances ought almost to be interdicted. But gentlemen say, G. Britain knows the genius of the American people; and if they go to war, we will make peace with her on her own terms. I will admit the genius of the American people is pacific.
[It being now the usual hour of adjournment, Mr. Jackson waved the remainder of his remarks until the next day.]
[Debate to be continued.]
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 7.
The President of the United States yesterday left the city for Monticello.
It is with great pleasure we are enabled to state, that advices received from Mr. Munroe, of as late a date as March 11, are of a more favorable complexion relative to the amicable adjustment of our differences with Great Britain, than any previously received.
We understand that the Spanish agents at Mobile have agreed that that city shall be a place of deposit for goods brought in vessels of citizens of the United States arriving there; and that goods having been so deposited may be carried either up the river or outwards.
We further learn that in consequence of the disturbed state of the frontier, a large portion of our army, amounting to about one thousand men, have been directed to station themselves at Fort Adams.
The following paper is taken from the Charleston Courier. Appearing without date, or the attestation of signatures, we are at a loss whether or not, to consider it authentic. Whether it be authentic or not, its contents will reward the trouble of the reader. The topic, in the present state of our affairs, is uncommonly interesting, and it is treated in this performance with no inconsiderable ability. If it is not an actual expression by the people of Tombigbee of their sentiments, it is probably at least a faithful delineation of them.
If it be authentic, our readers will scarcely fail to contract its concluding language with that recently held by the federalists of New-York. The rights of our citizens at both places have been invaded by foreign powers. In the one instance the claim for redress is accompanied by a bold denunciation of the government; while, in the other, it is connected with, nay founded on a declared confidence in it.
THE APPEAL
Of the People of Tombigbee to the People of the United States.
A people inconsiderable in number and in wealth, detached from every other portion of the American population, known only by the rumors of our wrongs, in the council of the nation; we cannot command your attention by the weight of political influence, but we are entitled to it, on the broad basis of justice and the general good. When duties on American produce were demanded by Spain on the Mississippi, the whole continent was in a flame—not merely on account of the injury done to the people of the western country, but because it inflicted a mortal wound on the dignity and honor of the nation. That wound is as great when inflicted on us, as when inflicted on our fellow citizens of the Ohio. Though not equal in numbers and political importance, we are in proportion to our population, infinitely more injured by it. Situated on tide waters, nature has not taught us, as she has taught our brethren in Kentucky, to cultivate habits of independence of other countries. Our existence depends upon commerce. Our products are valuable; but they are of no use at home;—we must exchange them for other articles which are absolutely necessary for our subsistence. If we continue to be deprived of this advantage, we must abandon our country. The measure will be afflictive to us;—to many of us it may be ruinous; but its consequences will not be confined to ourselves: they will have a wide spreading influence on the weal of the American republic. A country which under better auspices may become flourishing and populous, will be converted into a wide waste, and from the frontiers of Georgia to the waters of the Mississippi no check will be left to the influence of foreign powers on the numerous tribes of Indians that inhabit that extensive territory. We have sworn allegiance to the American government and we expect protection. We ask the free navigation of the Mobile river not as a favour, but as a right. We appeal to the law of nations, to a law, which, at all times independent of the arbitrary encroachments of the powerful, and the mean submissions of the weak, stands firm and unchanged on the immutable basis of justice. The common sense of men revolts at the idea, that when nature created rivers watering extensive territories, she meant to confine the benefits of them to those who should possess the country where they discharge themselves into the ocean. They were intended for the common good—and those who possess their mouths can have no more right to bar the use of them, than those who possess their sources can have a right to divert their currents into other channels. If this doctrine be abandoned, no other can be substituted in its place which is founded on the principles of justice. Power may trample on this, as it has done on all other rights, and weakness may sink under the usurpation; but no successful exercise of lawless power can contravene the unalterable rules of rectitude.—The waters of the Mobile pass through the territory of the United States from north to south for a space of at least 400 miles.—Shall Spain, who holds not 40 miles on its banks, say that this river was created for her alone?
Were we, through a diffident distrust of our own conceptions of natural justice, solicitous to fortify our cause with the opinions of others, we could easily quote

in our favour the decision of a writer on the law of nations, whose opinions have always been treated with respect in similar controversies. But we feel satisfied in resting our cause on an appeal to that law of rectitude which is written on the heart of every man by the finger of his maker. Nor let it be said, that oppressions similar to those which are exercised on us were formerly practised on our western fellow citizens, that a formal treaty with the king of Spain was necessary to confer on the people of the United States a right to navigate the Mississippi, and that they acquired by an act of grace from his catholic majesty a privilege to which nature had given no title. The idea is false: the doctrine is alike groundless and disgraceful to the United States. There is no clause in the treaty alluded to which admits the rights of the King of Spain to monopolize the use of the Mississippi river. The spirit of the treaty presumes a collateral right on the part of the United States—and the only express provisions contained on the subject are, that a similar right shall not be assumed by other nations, and that it shall be rendered practically useful to the United States, by their having a place of deposit within the dominions of the king of Spain. The mere right of navigation on the Mobile and Mississippi remained the same, therefore, under the treaty. The United States did not decline to accept in either case from the favour of the king of Spain, but presuming that they possessed it under the law of nations , procured the establishment of regulations, which though needless on the Mobile, were on the Mississippi absolutely necessary for rendering the right of navigation productive of its full advantage to the people of America.
It is a circumstance not a little surprising that the different Spanish agents in this country, disavow the charge of having been originally the cause of our being burdened with duties at Mobile. When in October last Governor Claiborne, with a patriotic zeal for our interests, applied to the intendant Morales for a suspension of the order; Morales, as we have been informed, replied that he was entirely without information in the case referred to, that his order concerning the Mississippi, was entirely unconnected with the navigation of the river Tombigbee, and could not have been the basis of the proceedings at the Mobile—that the arrangements must have been made by Governor Folsom—on whom reinstated in the exercise of his office, he would, as far as should be compatible with his duties, comply with the desires of Governor Claiborne.
On the other hand when Governor Folsom was applied to about the same time; as we have reason to believe, assured the Governor of Orleans, that the duty of 12 per cent. was established when he took possession of the government—that the order for this purpose had been issued by Morales, and had been approved by the king.
Nor is there any foundation for the pretence that the exaction was sanctioned by principles of reciprocity, on the ground that similar duties were demanded of Spanish subjects passing up and down the Mississippi. No such fact exists. No Spanish vessel ever has been stopped on its passage between Baton Rouge and the ocean, nor is the collector of the port of New Orleans authorized to demand duties on goods aboard Spanish vessels really and bona fide destined for that settlement.
When Governor Folsom in November last, assured Governor Claiborne, that the order for the collection of duties at Mobile should be suspended provided that Spanish vessels were subject to no detention or payment of duties at New Orleans, when going to or returning from Baton Rouge, he was assured by Governor Claiborne,—an assurance he has not designed to notice—that no hindrance was offered to the passage of Spanish vessels up the Mississippi, and that the existing regulations at the custom house did not subject a vessel to detention or the payment of duties in passing New Orleans whether going to or returning from Baton Rouge, or other port or place on the river possessed by Spain,—the cargo being destined for such port and not for New Orleans.
This is precisely the situation in which we claim the right of being placed. We ask no more from the Spanish government than our own government grants to subjects of Spain. Is there any other section of the union where American citizens, after paying all the duties on imports demanded by their government, are obliged to pay twelve per centum into the coffers of a foreign treasury. Is it thus that the freedom of America are to be oppressed by the agents of a foreign monarchy? Is it possible that such conduct can be viewed with apathy and cold neglect by any man who values the principle of independence, or who has really at heart the interest, the honor, and the character of his country.
But our injuries do not end here. Heretofore we were burdened with duties. We are now prohibited from navigating our own rivers. The U. S. have established a port of entry and delivery at Fort Stoddert;—but the Spanish have declared that no American vessel shall sail to Fort Stoddert. From the declaration of Morales, when not exercising his office of Intendant, we had hoped that upon being recognized as such, he would certainly do us that justice, of which he had given solemn assurance to Governor Claiborne. Judge then our surprise and indignation upon being informed that Mr. Morales when personally applied to for this purpose by Mr. Graham in December last, though he still denied having authorised the collection of duties, added that the only order he had ever given which could
be considered as bearing upon the subject, so far from directing the collection of duties on the cargoes of American vessels, passing the Mobile, would, if it had been executed, altogether have prohibited the passage of such vessels or the entrance into the port, and that from the instructions of his court he concluded that he could not permit them to enjoy the navigation of the Mobile.
From the observations of the intendant it clearly appears that the recent order concerning the navigation of the Mobile had no connection with the order for the removal of Spanish officers from the territory of Orleans. It is in fact nothing more than a confirmation of an order issued by the intendant soon after the cession of Louisiana, and which upon being re-instated in his office he appears to have embraced the first opportunity of enforcing. And let it be remembered that the declarations of the intendant, which afforded us strong reasons to anticipate the entire suspension of American commerce on the waters of the Mobile were made previously to the order of Governor Claiborne of January 16th, requesting that all persons holding commissions or remaining in the service of his Catholic Majesty should quit the territory of Orleans—a measure resorted to as a precaution rendered more expedient by the rejection at the court of Spain of proposals for an amicable adjustment of differences, by reinforcements then lately landed at Pensacola, and by similar movements and recent aggressions on the western frontier. And yet certain Spanish agents have had the audacity to propagate the tale, that we are robbed of our rights because the Marquis of Casa Calvo's presence was no longer acceptable at New Orleans, though it is a fact notorious that the Intendant had made the declaration above alluded to, before any thing had been said about the retirement of Spanish officers. At one blow, therefore, and without provocation, has this officer utterly paralyzed our country. Our prospects are valuable. No part of the Mississippi country produces better cotton. The whole of last year's crop, and a portion of that of the preceding year was still on hand, just ready for the market. It was destined to purchase our clothing, our flour, our sugar, our coffee, our liquors, our iron, and our salt. We are deprived of the means of becoming purchasers—and if we had them, we should be prohibited from the only practicable means of having them brought to our places of residence. We are doomed to suffer; we will do it with the fortitude of men; we cease not to have confidence in our government; our President knows our situation and is anxious to relieve us; let our fellow citizens emulate the patriotism of their chief, and they shall ever have at their devotion our gratitude, our fortunes, and our valor.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
The memorial of the Mayor, Aldermen and Commonality of the city of New York.
Respectfully sheweth — That your memorialists repose full confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the present administration of the United States. They are sensible that the general government is disposed to afford sufficient and adequate protection to every portion of the Union.
A melancholy event has taken place. This day consigns to the grave the remains of John Pierce, a fellow-citizen, inhumanely and wantonly murdered by the British. Our port is blockaded—our vessels intercepted—our seamen impressed—our commerce interrupted, and our jurisdictional rights most grossly violated. A British squadron is now before our harbor, evincing a disposition to renew its outrages, and to perpetrate additional enormities.
We therefore respectfully request that a naval force may be immediately stationed at this port, and that three or more American frigates may, without delay, be sent for our protection.
DEWITT CLINTON. By order of the Common Council, T. WORTMAN, City Clerk.
Baltimore, May 5. NAVY DEPARTMENT, 21st April, 1806. HON. J. TURNER, Chairman of a commit- tee of the Senate.
I have this moment received your letter of this morning requesting my sentiments of the navy peace establishment bill now before the Senate, and proposing to me these questions, viz. "Is it correct?" "Are any alterations or amendments requisite? and if so, what?"
Without presuming to judge of the correctness of a bill sanctioned by the House of Representatives, I would only take the liberty of sending to you herewith a copy of a note this day transmitted by me to the President.
I have the honor to be, Respectfully, Sir, Your most obedient servant, R. SMITH.
COPY. The Secretary of the Navy to the President.
Navy Department, 21st April, 1806.
SIR, HAVING obtained a sight of the bill now before the Senate, entitled "An act in addition to an act, entitled, 'An act supplementary to the act providing for a naval peace establishment and for other purposes,'" I lose no time in informing you that under the restrictions
of such an act of congress, the Chesapeake, as contemplated by you, cannot be sent to the Mediterranean. The proposed act, among other regulations, contains this proviso, viz. "that the whole number of able seamen, ordinary seamen, and boys, shall not exceed 925." As we are at this time in actual service, 1299 able seamen, ordinary seamen, and boys, if this bill should be passed into a law, we cannot consistently with its restrictions put in commission another frigate. Instead of increasing the number of men in service, we shall be under the necessity of reducing the number to 925.
If congress will, agreeably to the recommendation contained in your message of the 14th of April, 1806, revive the Mediterranean fund and appropriate a part thereof to the purposes of the navy, and will moreover augment the number of seamen that may be employed to 1,591, the frigate, the Chesapeake, may be put in commission and sent to the Mediterranean under the authority of law—we otherwise shall not be able to send out this frigate until the return of the vessels ordered home by my letter of the 12th October, 1805."
The Mediterranean fund has been revived; but Congress did not deem it expedient to appropriate any part of it to the purposes of the navy; neither did they perceive the necessity of authorizing the President to employ more than 925 men. The Chesapeake, of course cannot be manned until 666 men of the Mediterranean squadron shall return to the U. S. It is to be lamented that a greater latitude of power had not been entrusted to the President, so as to have enabled him to send out not only the Chesapeake to the Mediterranean, but a competent force to protect our harbors from the humiliatiating aggressions to which they are at present exposed.
New York, May 5. The papers by the ship Silenus , from Amsterdam, have been returned by the translator, though they are as late as the 22d of March, they contain but little news. The following articles, however, are deemed worthy of insertion.
AUGSBURG, MARCH 3. The head quarters of the Grand French army left this city to day. Marshal Ney is expected here the day after to-morrow.
MUNCHEN, MARCH 3. Yesterday marshals Ney and Davoust arrived in this city. The French have taken possession of Wilzburg, in the name of the king of Bavaria.
FRANKFORT, MARCH 8. On the 3d inst. the Grand French army arrived in this city from Augsburg, and the next day the city was taken possession of for the king of Bavaria. The head quarters of this army was lately at Ulm.
By the arrivals from England, since our last, we have received London papers to the 15th ult. inclusive.
In the British House of Commons on the 14th of March, Mr. Fox observed, "Every man knew that representations had been made by America, and that these representations at present occupied the attention of his majesty's government."
In the House of Commons on the 14th of March, Mr. Lascelles moved for certain papers respecting the trade of India, and complained that neutrals participated too largely in it, although he was not for excluding them entirely. Foreigners, he said, enjoyed a share of that trade, beyond what was possessed by the India company. Since 1801, there had been 114 American vessels at Calcutta alone. Mr. Francis seconded the motion. He said by treaty the Americans had been permitted to carry to the U. S. but they had now become the carriers to Europe from India.
It is stated that the emperor of the French has been striving to induce the Prussians and Danes to exclude British vessels from their ports.
The Russian account of the battle of Austerlitz has been published. It contradicts the French relation of that engagement. It states, that the whole loss of the Russians during the war did not exceed 17000 men; that so far were they from having any colours taken, that they actually retained all their own, and took one pair of French; that all their misfortunes at Austerlitz were owing to a scarcity of provisions and forage; that the allied forces were inferior in number to those of the French; and that the Russians commenced their retreat at the particular desire of the emperor of Germany.
LONDON, MARCH 13. According to a letter from Paris of the 22d ult. the pecuniary distresses of the French government are as great as before Bonaparte's late brilliant campaign in Austria. Several more banking and merchant houses of Paris, Bordeaux, Nantz, Lyons, and Marseilles, have stopped payment, and the public treasury was entirely exhausted. The army of the interior has not been paid for 11 months, and the army on the coast, not for 7 months. Bonaparte's public functionaries have received no salaries for 8 months, and his household troops are unpaid since last September. The armies of Germany and Italy, have also several months pay due to them. The manufacturing towns are, however, in still greater distress than the sea ports; because, while the former have neither capitals, workmen, or protection, the latter are regularly supplied with the productions of the French colonies by the assistance of American traders.
SUN. AMERICAN SEAMEN. —It is said to have been determined upon by our government to concede at least a portion
of the claims made upon Great Britain on the part of the United States, by liberating the American seamen impressed into the navy. This is indisputably a measure highly honorable, and worthy of the British character; nor do we entertain a doubt of a similar conduct having been hitherto invariably adhered to, in every instance where discrimination could possibly be made, or identity established. We trust a candid representation, and a dispassionate discussion of the commercial complaints of the American merchants, will produce an adjustment equally equitable and satisfactory to two nations, whose interests are mutually interwoven, and between whom a lasting friendship is indispensably requisite to insure their future prosperity.
Although no official accounts have been received of such an event, reports have been industriously circulated that the government of the United States had declared war against Spain prior to the last advices leaving America, and that an expedition was preparing to proceed against some of the Spanish settlements upon the continent. We do not know what degree of credit ought to attach to the rumor in question. Weak, however, as the force of Spain is known to be in that quarter, we are inclined to believe, that America can make but little impression upon her Trans-Atlantic dominions, the imbecility of the naval means of the United States rendering it impossible for them to achieve any conquest of importance.
In order to harrass our combined foes by every possible exertion in the occidental hemisphere, it might perhaps be sound policy were G. Britain to aid the American government in reducing all the settlements of Spain to her subjection; for, by doing so, we should not only deprive our common enemies of the sources of their wealth and the sinews of war, but secure to ourselves at least a share, if not the greatest part of the trade to that immense continent. Probably a wiser plan could not be pursued; and certainly, if such a transfer of territory could be effected, a more deadly vital blow could not possibly be directed against the inordinate ambition of the usurper of France.
We are now entering upon a maritime war, single handed, against three of the principal naval powers in the world, and on the success of which depends the fate of England. If the people are unanimous, victory will be the order of the day; and we shall stand in the estimation of surrounding nations, the omnipotent guardians of civilization. But if haggard fear, and her gloomy relative despondency, disgrace the land that gave Nelson birth, we must pass under the yoke of a bloody and inexorable usurper. We shall be slaves, and shall certainly deserve to be so.
New York May 5. The Leander and Cambrian British men of war, sailed from Sandy Hook yesterday.
Philadelphia, May 5.
Yesterday arrived brig Nancy , capt. Huggins, from Trinidad, which place he left the 3d April, and informs us, that it was reported by two vessels from the Spanish Main, that Miranda, with his squadron was arrived and landed at Margaritta, of which place he had taken possession, that he was joined by 3000 of the inhabitants, that he was proceeding to Carracas, and that the Spaniards were joining him from all quarters. This was the report, and as such capt. H. gives it; but, as Miranda was left at Jacquemel the 24th of March, it is hardly probable that he could have arrived on the Main in time for the news to get to Trinidad on the 1st of April, which was the time capt. H. heard it. The same story is told as being received at Martinico in the hearing of capt. Sherman from thence, previous to the 8th of April.
From the above accounts and some others that we have heard, it is not improbable, that the insurgents of that country, being well informed of Miranda's movements, had fled to arms and taken possession of some posts which gave rise to Miranda's having landed. The several Spaniards whom capt. H. saw at Trinidad seemed pleased with the idea of Miranda's landing, and seem to think he would succeed.
In pursuance of the notice given to the Stockholders to chuse Directors of the North Carolina Gold Mine Company the following gentlemen were duly elected on the 1st inst.
John F. Mercer, esq. Thomas Tudor Tucker, esq. Philip Barton Key, esq. Daniel Carrot of Duddington, esq. John P. Van Ness, esq. Seth D. Peckle, esq. William Thornton, M. D. &c.
The Directors are requested to meet at Rhodes's tavern on Friday the 9th inst. at 6 o'clock P. M.
WILLIAM THORNTON. May 7.
PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of a deed of trust from Daniel Hurly, I will offer for sale on Tuesday the 20th of May next, at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises, for cash, part of lot number one in square number eight hundred and forty five in the city of Washington—with a well built two story BRICK HOUSE on the same adjoining the house of Robert Alexander, esq and now occupied by Mr. Sandford. The title is indisputable as may be seen on application to
NICHOLAS VOSS. April 2—tM20
FOR SALE. UPWARDS of 2000 acres of Land lying on each side of Little River in Loudoun county being part of the Goose Creek tract of land purchased of the late col. Barkley Carter; the river runs nearly through the middle of it and forms on each side upwards of two hundred acres of low grounds, of which about forty acres is timber. It is in general good farm land, and remarkable for its production of grass and of timothy in particular. About three fourths of the tract in my own occupation, the remainder in the possession of tenants. The land lies well, abounds in good springs, and has a sufficiency of white and red oak timber, and some fine poplars. The purchaser may be supplied with stock of every kind, also with from 40 to about 30 negroes in families, and taking them in their manner upon very reasonable terms; the land lies about the same distance (40 miles from Washington, Alexandria, and Dumfries, eight miles from Leesburg & six from Middlebury; there is on the part in my occupation a small dwelling house containing two rooms and an entry below, and two rooms above stairs, a kitchen, good stable and carriage house and other necessary buildings, all of them erected within the last five years, a good garden. The purchaser may be accommodated in the payments.
JOSEPH JONES. Near Leesburg, Loudoun County, April 7—ep12m
NOTICE. THE Partnership of the Subscribers, trading under the firm of Samuel Lowdermilk and Co near the Navy Yard, was dissolved on the 26th inst. by mutual consent.—All persons indebted to said firm will please to make payment to S. Lowdermilk before the first day of June next, otherwise their accounts will be put into the hands of proper officers for collection.
SAMUEL LOWDERMILK, BRGS Leave to inform the public that he will continue to keep a constant supply of Liquors, Groceries, Hardware, and Dry Goods, and through the medium which he receives his supplies, flatters himself he will be enabled to sell as low as any of the retailers in the district of Columbia, for Cash only; and requests all persons (in order to prevent the necessity of a refusal) not to ask for credit, as he is determined to credit no person whatever.
Corner of L street south and 8th street east, near the Navy yard.—6t TO RENT, EITHER the whole or a part of the HOUSE on Penny vanis avenue close by the Centre Market, for early occupied by FUGAT SOMERVILLE, deceased. The front consists of an excellent shop and a fine adjoining; the back building is two stories high with three rooms on each floor; below is an excellent kitchen and a large cellar; there is also a good garden well-fenced and richly manured. The stand is equal to any in the neighborhood, for a store of any kind, and the back part well calculated to accommodate a private family. For particulars, apply to Joseph Huddleston or David Somerville, who will show the premises. Possession may be had immediately. May 7—tf
NOTICE. By virtue of a writ of venditioni exponas, issued from the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Richard Ringgold to me directed; will be exposed to public sale for ready cash on the 27th inst. at the premises, all the right, title, claim and interest of John A. Burford in and to a part of Lot No. 1, in square No. 882 with a large Brick Building thereon. The sale will commence precisely at 11 o'clock
DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal. May 7—w3t
SPRING GOODS. JOHN COX, HAS received a part of his Spring Assortment of Goods, consisting of many fancy and substantial articles. He has also received by the Jefferson captain Hunt from Amsterdam, a quantity of Ticklenburgs, Osnaburgs, HOLLANS, Hempens, Rolls, Glass and Quills, and by the Washington from Leghorn, Handsome Leghorn Chairs and Hats. All which goods he will sell at his usual low prices by the piece or retail. George Town, April 30—epNI&UG6w.
TAKE NOTICE. The creditors of PETER VAN WAGENER (late merchant in the city of New York an insolvent debtor) are requested to exhibit their accounts properly authenticated in or before the first day of May next to the subscriber for examination—when a dividend will be made of the said insolvent's property by
JOSEPH T. BALDWIN, assignee, Newark, New Jersey, April 11—w4t
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD will be given for apprehending and securing so that the owner may get her again, a likely negro girl named ANN, about twenty years of age—of dark complexion, large eyes of rather a down look—& of middle stature. She absconded from George Town about four or five weeks ago. She formerly belonged to John Brent, Esq. near Port Tobacco, in Charles County, state of Maryland. She took with her sundry articles of wearing apparel, among which were a black silk floor gown, and a red pink ditto. She appears, when spoken to, diffident and unassuming. The above reward will be paid if she is taken out of this district, and ten dollars if taken in it.
GEORGE GLOYD, one of the Constables of George town. March 27—2wtf.

NOTICE, IS hereby given that unless the tax due to the Washington Corporation from the following persons be paid on or before the 23th day of May next, the following property or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon, will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder.
  Joseph Addington, improvements on square 825 1803. 1.00   John B. Anderson lot 1 in sq 74 with improvements 1803. 1.99   Adam Aults heirs 1-2 lot 8 in sq 1 with improvements 1804. 1.69   Mahlin Atkinson, 1-2 lot 12 in sq 379 with improvements 1804. 4.70   Samuel Blodget, lot 6 in sq 225 with improvements 1804. 2.60   John Burnett, part lot 11 in sq 631 with improvements 1804. 1.17   Ignatius Boone, part of sq 907 with improvements 1804. 4.06   Matthew Brown, lot 1 in sq 686 and part of lot 19 in sq 689 with improvements 1804. 21.73   Jesse Burch, lot 24 in sq 758 with improvements 1804. 1.93   Benjamin Bacon, Lot 5 in sq 218 and Lot 9 in sq 738 with improvements 1804. 2.76   John A. Burford, lot 1 in sq 881 with improvements 1804. 4.02   Daniel Buffard, 1-2 Lot 6 in sq 86, 2-3s of Lot 1 in sq 163 with improvements 1804. 5.37   George Betz, part of Lot 20 in sq 254 with improvements 1804. 3.66   Joseph Bentley, 1-2 Lot 21 in sq 254 with improvements 1804. 1.92   Samuel Baker, part of sq 503 with improvements 1804. 5.56   Mrs. Bull, house on sq 302 1804. 0.64   Benjamin Bryan, part of sq north of sq 743 and part of sq 906 with improvements 1804. 3.78   John Brackenridge, Lot 12 in sq 119 with improvements 1805. 7.43   Joel Brown, 1-2 lots 10 and 11 in sq 78 with improvements 1805. 10.81   Quinton Bain, Lot 5 in square 86 with improvements 1805. 3.12   Richard & Agnes Beyer, 1-2 Lot 15 in sq 163 with improvements 1805. 3.48   James H. Blake, Lot 2 in sq 289 with improvements 1805. 3.52   Richard B. Bratton, 1-2 of lot 1 in sq 348 with improvements 1805. 1.33   Bishop Clagett, Lot 18 in sq 168 with improvements 1805. 3.23   Crow & Wright, part of lot 1 in sq 291 with improvements 1805. 1.06   Wm. Croft, part of sq 825 with improvements 1805. 1.35   John Craig & others, lots 1, 2, & 7 in sq 771 with improvements 1805. 3.42   Daniel Caffray, part of sq 503 with improvements 1805. 1.84   John Christy, part of lot 5 in sq 460 with improvements 1805. 1.49   Crookshanks & Thompson, lot 5 in sq 461 with improvements 1805. 29.49   Timothy Caldwell, part of lot 5 in sq 78 part of sq 128 with improvements & improvements on sq 845 1805. 10.14   Wm. Duncan, part of sq 651, whole of sq 767 and square 875 with improvements 1805. 4.83   James Dais, part of sq 504 with improvements 1805. 0.44   Deblois and Nicholson wharf & ware house 1802. 7.20   Alexander Davidson, lot 1 in sq 651 with improvements 1803. 3.12   Jasper de Camap's heirs, sq 743 with improvements 1803. 1.92   Hugh Densly part of sq 651 and part of sq 695, with improvements 1803. 11.48   Richard Delphi, part of sq 738 with improvements 1803. 2.08   John Dempsey, part of sq 737 with improvements 1803. 1.67   Elizabeth Ditterly, part of lot 15 in sq 141 with improvements 1804. 1.65   Joseph Dove, 1-2 of lot 3 in sq 320 with improvements 1803. 2.72   Lewis Deblois, lot 16 in sq 667 and lot 2 in sq 948 with improvements 1804. 9.19   Evan Evans, 1-2 of lot 2 in sq 60 with improvements 1802. 6.22   Elizius Edelin, part of sq 936 with improvements 1805. 10.62   Richard Frazier, lot 5 in sq 700 with improvements 1805. 2.62   Edward Fallon, part of sq 225 with improvements 1805. 8.95   Bennet Fenwick's heirs, lot 6 in sq 224, and lots 15 & 16 in sq 407 with improvements 1805. 30.91   James Foulkner, lot 15 in sq 377 with improvements 1805. 4.28 
  Joshua Greer, part of sq 562 with improvements 1802. 0.28   Richard Gridley, part of sq 603 with improvements 1802. 4.63   James Graham, improvements on sq 662 1803. 0.50   Edward Griffin, pt of sq 325 with improvements 1805. 1.38   Peter Hull, part of sq 700 1802. 0.41   William Herron, part of sq 288 with improvements 1803. 1.43   Daniel Hurley, part of lot 1 in sq 845 with improvements 1803. 2.53   Peter Hamlin, improvements on sq 118 1805. 12.30   George Jacobs, lot 5 in sq 462 with improvements 1802. 0.86   William Johnson, lots 5 & 10 in sq 224 with improvements 1802. 2.35   Alexander Ingram, 1-2 of lot 2 in sq south of sq 825, and part of sq 695 with improvements 1804. 2.24   Andrew Jameson, 1-2 of lot 18 in sq 457 with improvements 1804. 2.54   Thomas Jones, part of sq 651 with improvements 1805. 4.95   Absalom Joy, part of lot 1 in sq 322, and half of lot 3 in sq 106 with improvements 1805. 23.22   James Knight, part of sq 651 with improvements 1802. 2.90   John Kennedy, half of lot 1 in sq 291 with improvements 1803. 5.38   Thomas M. Kirk, lot 13 in sq 347 with improvements 1803. 8.22   James Kennedy, part of lot 22 in sq 378 with improvements 1804. 0.92   Henry Luddington, lot 15 in sq 28 with improvements 1803. 1.69   Charles F. Lovering, part of lot 5 in sq 168 with improvements 1803. 0.76   William Lovell, part of sq 225 and sq 253 with improvements 1803. 17.41   James Lyon, part of lot 6 in sq 141 with improvements 1803. 1.54   William Lowry, lot 1 in sq west of sq 4 with improvements 1804. 8.75   James M'Lingan, part of sq 118 and lot 4 in sq 117 with improvements 1804. 108.73   George Lyles, 1-2 of lot 18 in sq 168 with improvements 1804. 4.14   Nolay Maddox, lot 12 in sq 881 with improvements 1802. 3.25   John Mc Carthy, part of sq 731 with improvements 1802. 1.80   Henry Moscrop, part of sq 74 with improvements 1802. 5.25   John Mc Elwee, part of sq 118 with improvements 1803. 8.11   Andrew Mc Donald, lot 7 in sq 170 with improvements 1803. 2.67   Lewis Morin, sen. lot 14 in sq 503 with improvements 1803. 1.02   John Moore, part of sq 575 with improvements 1803. 1.87   Charles Mc Donald, part of lot 8 in sq 770 with improvements 1803. 0.46   Bernard M'Dermott Roe, lot 10 with improvements 1805. 2.17   James O'Brien, part of lot 1 in sq 662 with improvements 1802. 2.35   Susannah Osborne, part of sq 690 with improvements 1802. 0.92   Pratt, Francis & others, part of sq 502, part of sq 503, sq 504, sq 546 and part of sq 973 1802. 276.61   Isaac Pollock, part of sq 38 and part of sq 74 with improvements 1802. 8.23   Robert Ware Peacock, part of lot 1 in sq 291 with improvements 1804. 7.11   William Prentis, part of sq 907 and part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 1.24   Phillips, Grout and West, lot 13 in sq 407 with improvements 1805. 3.35   Isaac Reid, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 1.17   Rhodes & Higden, part of sq 118 with improvements 1805. 1.94   Michael Shanks, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 0.60   John Swank, part of sq 741 with improvements 1802. 0.64   John Story, part of sq 741 with improvements 1802. 0.53 
  Alexander Shaw, 1-2 of lot 8 in sq 787 with improvements 1802. 0.51   Stoddert & Templeman, 1802. 67.87   lot 11 in sq 104 with improvements 1802. 42.44   John Sutton, lot 10 in sq 229 with improvements 1803. 1.08   Joseph Saul, part of sq 253 with improvements 1803. 3.05   Roger Smith part of sq 907 with improvements 1803. 1.51   Shreeve and Unthank, lot 11 in sq 322 with improvements 1804. 3.96   George & Sarah Sweeney, lot 13 in sq 290 with improvements 1804. 5.08   John Stewart, 1-2 of lot 6 in sq 86 with improvements 1804. 1.93   Shaw and Birth, lot 17 in sq 75 with improvements 1805. 2.39   Callison Smith & co. part lot 3 in sq 141 with improvements 1805. 5.08   Nicholas Spohrer, part of lot 5 in sq 460 with improvements 1804. 3.04   James Tomkins, part of sq 651 with improvements 1802. 1.17   Theatre company, part of sq 349 with improvements 1805. 23.72   Patrick Tool, lot in sq 322 with improvements 1803. 1.82   Philip Tool, part of sq 787 with improvements 1803. 0.57   George Thompson, part of sq 38 with improvements 1803. 1.37   Thompson and Veitch, part of sq 74 with improvements 1805. 31.19   Colin Williamson's heirs, 1-2 of lot 17 in sq 254 with improvements 1802. 2.24   Ambrose White, part of sq 695 with improvements 1802. 0.72   Thomas Wilson, part of sq 738 with improvements 1802. 0.43   John Wilson, part of sq 825 with improvements 1802. 0.48   Nathan Walker and James Thompson, lot 5 in sq 759 with improvements 1802. 0.51   Robert Wilson 1-4 of lot 7 in sq 288 with improvements 1802. 0.79   James Waugh, part of sq 929 with improvements 1803. 0.50   George Walker, lot 17 in sq 728 with improvements 1803. 54.86   Joshua Ward, part of sq 503 with improvements 1804. 3.43   George Washington's heirs, lot 16 in sq 634 with improvements 1805. 40.10   Thomas Webb, lot 9 in sq 253 with improvements 1805. 9.11   John B. Winsett, part of sq 906 with improvements 1805. 1.60   Mary Yeats, part of sq 929 with improvements 1803. 0.65 
TO RENT, THE COMMODORE BRICK STORE near the Capitol, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf  FOR SALE, AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and inclosed with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid. Note—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 6—tf  CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Bennetts patent cord, woolveteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk moleskins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, flannel, flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to compleat them in the newest style of fashion. N B Ladies habits, reg'tmentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 18—tf  PUBLIC AUCTION, on the premises at 12 o'clock on Tuesday the 14th day of May next, if fair, if not the next fair day thereafter. ALL that valuable tract of Land formerly the property and in the occupation of the aforesaid deceased, lying in the neighborhood of Robert Sewell, esq. about seven miles from Piscataway and 12 from the city of Washington, containing about 360 acres of rich fertile land, well adapted to the culture of tobacco, corn, and every kind of small grain. Upwards of 25 acres of fine meadow land and a very great proportion of wood and timber of the most valuable kind. Terms will be made known on the day of sale. CHARLES D. HODGES. April 11—tdof  CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf  A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit orchard, and abounds with springs, affording a good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of brush wood, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable. From its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searcy residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Tuention, Washington. Isaac Pollock, I. P. Jan. 29—eptf  TO BE SOLD, AT public sale, on Saturday, the 17th day of May next, at Stelle's hotel; a number of lots in the city of Washington, belonging to the estate of Guffavus Scott, Esq. deceased. The greater number of these lots are situated between the President's house and George Town. Also one moiety of forty-two acres of land on Rock creek, adjoining Rockhill and Mr. Holmead's. Also a number of shares in the North American Land Company.—Terms of sale; negotiable notes with approved endorser, at ninety days, where the sum does not exceed two hundred dollars. For all sums above two hundred dollars, a credit of three and six months will be given, on giving notes as aforesaid. Sale to commence at eleven o'clock. ELIAS B. CALDWELL, Trustee. April 25.—2awtf
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf  Treasury Department, Washington, May 3rd, 1806.  Notice is hereby Given, That sealed proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as Agent for the commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 13th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz. Eight per cent. Old Six per cent. and Deferred Six per cent. Stock, with the dividends payable on the first of July next off. Such persons as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above-mentioned stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals SEALED UP, under cover to the subscriber, specifying therein the unredemed amount and species of said stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same, which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law. In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber, in trust for the United States. TH: T. TUCKER, Treasurer United States. May 5—eptf.  PURSUANT to a decree of the superior court of Chancery held at Richmond, will be exposed to sale two TRACTS of Land in the county of Loudon, the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, esq. One called the Valley Tract, containing about 1097 acres, lying about 3 miles from Leesburg. The other called the Green Hill Tract, lying on the Potomac river near the Blue Ridge and supposed to contain about 1940 acres. These Lands are to be sold for the purpose of raising the sum of 6000 dollars, due from the said Thomas A. Digges, to certain creditors in the decree mentioned. The sales will be made to the highest bidder, for ready money, and will commence on the 13th day of June next, in the town of Leesburg and county of Loudon. THOS. SWANN, } Commissioners. WILSON C. SELDEN, } Auctors. April 23—wtdf  The subscriber and possessor of the above advertised Lands, thinks it proper to warn any person who may incline to purchase under the above decree (which was obtained in the most secret manner and totally unknown to him), that he will not give, or aid in any manner whatever, the procuring a title to perfect such sale of the Land; the attempt to which is a vague and ill tempered effort. THOS. A. DIGGES, Warburton, Maryland. April 23—tJr3.  The public are notified, and all persons are cautioned against purchasing certain lands in Loudon county, Virginia, decreed by the superior court of Chancery, to be sold as the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, and advertised by the commissioners, Messrs. Swann and Selden, to be sold at Leesburg, on the 13th day of June next; the fee of said estate being clearly vested in and belonging to William Dudley Digges, of Maryland, an infant under age. ROBERT PRENT, attorney in fact for the estate of Wm. Dudley Digges. City of Washington, April, 23—tJunt3  Will be sold at Public Sale. ON Saturday, the 17th day of May, at the Union Tavern in Georgetown, the following property belonging to the estate of George French, deceased. The House and property that I now occupy a three story brick house 26 feet front, nearly opposite the Bank of Columbia. Several unimproved lots in Washington and George town. One hundred acres of land about one mile and a half from Georgetown, on the road leading to Frederick town, opposite Mr. Forrester's Three-hundred & one acres of land, part of Friendship, and part of Magruder and Beall's Horseferry, about seven miles from George Town, on the left hand side of the road leading to Frederick Town. Mr. Warren, who resides thereon, will show it to persons disposed to view it. Between 3 and 400 acres of land, part of Magruder and Beall's Horseferry, on the river Potomac, about a mile above the Little Falls, Mr. Barnes, who resides thereon will show it. Likewise 2 tracts of land in Allegany county, without bottary, containing 350 acres, and Castle Hill, containing 50 acres; a more particular description of the two last mentioned tracts, will be given on the day of sale. Terms of sale cash or notes with approved indorsers, payable in sixty days. Sale to commence at ten o'clock. ARIANA FRENCH, devisee of George French, dec'd. April 28—tds.  SALES. AT public auction on Friday the 9th inst. at 12 o'clock on the corner of the Centre Market square and Pennsylvania Avenue, in the city of Washington, will be sold for cash, all the wearing apparel, books, a tea quadrant, spy glass, &c. lately the property of Mr. Mark Stockwell, deceased by order. JOHN SMITH, } Executors. ROBT. UNDERWOOD. } May 5—3t.  Sales at Auction. For each, at the spring fair, to commence in the city of Washington, on the 7th inst. will commence the sales of a handsome assortment of dry goods, house-hold furniture &c. &c. by JOHN STEPHEN. City Auctioneer. May 5—3t.  TO RENT. THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, esq. Possession given the first day of April next—I will also rent the Wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Deblois on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Hewitt, esq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard. NICHOLAS VOSS. City of Washington, March 14—2awtf
WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of W. City. Washington, April 28—2awtds.  MONEY DETAINED. THERE was kept a few days ago by the subscriber, a BANK NOTE offered for change by a Black Girl under suspicious appearance. Whoever can prove in a satisfactory manner their right to the same, may have it by paying charges. JOHN PLUMMER, at the Seven Buildings. May 1—3t
FOR SALE, MILLINERY. THE subscriber respectfully informs the public he has just received from Philadelphia, a variety of Dry Goods, Parasols, and Millinery of the Newest fashion; and will dispose of on reasonable terms. Situate on the street leading to the Navy Yard, two squares from the Gate. FRANCIS WAYNE. May 1—3t
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanton at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf