The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-06-20 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1199.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JUNE 20, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE
On the Resolution offered by Mr. G. W. Campbell for authorising the President to SUSPEND THE EMBARGO under certain contingencies.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13. (CONTINUED.)
Mr. Love said, to a proposition having for its object the removal of the embargo, at the first moment the public interests would permit, he had presumed there would have been no objection made either on that floor, or by any man in the nation. In this presumption (said Mr. L.) I am extremely sorry to be disappointed, and more especially so, as the mode of opposition calls for a reply from those who have been the advocates of the system of policy pursued by the government, during the embarrassing crisis it has been compelled to encounter.
The proposition before the committee is so familiar to those who have been long in the habits of legislation, from the frequent exercise of the general principle on which it rests, that nothing not already obvious to the minds of the greater part of this honorable body, I am sure, can be said in support of it. In the observations therefore, sir, which I shall trouble the committee with, it will not be necessary to say more than shall be proper in answer, only, to the objections which have been made at this time, to the exercise of the power contemplated by the resolution.
I have heard no argument yet urged against the right of delegating in any situation, or under any circumstances, the exercise of special powers which are acknowledged to be vested in a more general view essentially in the legislature. The argument if urged to such an extent would evidently defeat itself, and go to destroy the operations of this or any other government deriving the source of its authority from a legislature. Our constitution has enjoined many duties on Congress, which without a delegation of the powers thus vested in it, could never be effected. An objection to the resolution under discussion on so broad a ground, would have been too obviously untenable. The question has not been thus directly met; but in opposition to the constitutionality of the delegation of power contemplated, a distinction has been taken between the authority which should be given to suspend a law, already in operation, and one which has not yet commenced its operation.
I listened, sir, with every possible attention to the argument made on this distinction, I am obliged to say there was no reason intelligible to my mind, offered in support of it. I will content myself therefore with expressing the opinion that the circumstance of a postponed or present operation, cannot make a difference in the principle. In both cases the authority which delegates the agency is the same, it is the act of every branch of the legislature, and there can be no distinction which would not apply to one equally with the other. It may in the manner of its exercise be assimilated to the powers of a legislature to repeal a law already in existence, in contradistinction to the power of repealing one, the operation of which had been suspended. If such a position could be sustained (as a proper inference from our constitution) it would be vain; for if the legislature have the right of repealing a law, they might in the same breath that they would repeal this, enact another which should provide in a manner so far in conformity with the practice acknowledged to be correct, as to be entirely exempt from the objection urged on the ground of this distinction.
When I compare the limited nature of the power now proposed to be delegated, with those almost unbounded trusts, which it has been the constant practice of the legislature to confide in the executive department, I cannot help feeling at a loss to account for the present opposition on any grounds of consistency. Those delegations of authority have not been confined in practice to either of the political parties which have at different times given a tone to the government. The gentleman from Tennessee
see who has introduced the resolution, has mentioned several instances in which this has been done, permit me to add others, in which it appears to me the principle has been carried further than in the present case.
By the constitution the power of borrowing money is in express terms exclusively vested in Congress. Yet this has been only exercised by a delegation of it, from the commencement of the government till the time has ceased when it was necessary to exercise it. I hope, sir, it may never be necessary to do it again, but if it should, I ask gentlemen how it will be effected but by the intervention of an agency, although the words of the constitution, permit Congress only "to borrow money on the credit of the United States."
Other powers of great importance, solely confided to Congress, have been delegated, and not as now contemplated, in a restricted and limited degree, but in terms of the broadest and most absolute discretion; many instances have occurred of this in constant succession ever since the revolution, in political opinion, which has taken place in the legislature of the union; for scarcely were the republicans warm in their seats before they made a delegation of power to the President, more unlimited in principle, and more dangerous in practice than that now advocated, for suspending the operation of the embargo law.
In 1802 he was authorised to organise a military corps. In February 1803 he was authorised to cause to be built several vessels of war, if the exigencies of the service should require it. In 1804 the same powers were repeated, and many others equally dangerous and equally necessary, were delegated both these years. In March 1805, he was authorised to permit or interdict at pleasure foreign vessels from coming into our ports; compare the discretion either in extent or importance vested by those laws, with that now contemplated, and on the ground of precedent we are more than justified; even in the present session we have delegated the power of suspending or continuing a law, now certainly in operation, by authorising the President to build and equip, or not, at his discretion, a number of gun-boats, or he may under the influence of the like discretion, forever desist from the execution of it.
If this body is supposed to act under the regular impulse of any political principles, it appears to me, sir, that the numerous precedents to be found in our statutory code, ought to have an effect. In those which I have mentioned, and many others which have been enumerated by the gentleman from Tennessee, the President was vested with the right ad libitum , to continue, suspend or terminate the operation of a law. In the present one the discretion is limited to the contingencies, of peace in Europe, a suspension of hostilities, or such conduct and assurances on the part of the belligerents who have invaded our commercial rights, as will enable our vessels to pass with our produce in safety to a foreign market.
Let us now examine, sir, the other constitutional objection made by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph), that Congress have not the power to lay an embargo. If indeed this novel position be correct, the question is at an end, and the people of the United States would be justified in the resistance the argument invites. I had indeed understood the gentleman, as others near me did, to found his idea of the unconstitutionality of this embargo, on the circumstance of the laws imposing it being unlimited as to time. He defined an embargo to mean an inhibition for a limited time, and the unlimited nature of the present embargo, was dwelt on by him with peculiar emphasis; but when a gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Johnston) who followed him, had ably exposed the fallacy of this distinction, and completely sent the argument home to its author, the distinction was abandoned by explanation. I understand the explanation of the gentleman; but as the object in pressing the unlimited quality of this embargo, on the sensibility of the nation, cannot be mistaken. I have too, sir, for reasons alike obvious, thought it proper to mention it. But, sir, as to the power to lay an embargo.
The first motives for an union of the states, imply this as indispensa-
ble; it would be enough to shew it to be a measure of general defence, and protection, to give Congress a right to act on the subject; as such, sir, it expressly ranks among the provisions assigned as the great causes for the adoption of the federal constitution; for in the preamble to this instrument, the people say, they have adopted it, in order "to provide for the common defence and general welfare."
In the first paragraph of the eighth section of the first article, the same words are repeated; common defence and common protection, to the external interests of the U. S. are then the peculiar objects of its government. An embargo under some circumstances is not only a proper, but a necessary and indispensable means of common defence and protection; I might say that the present crisis is a strong illustration of such necessity; but if the right to lay an embargo is controverted, I would ask by what means is the government in time of war, or expected war, under the authority of law to secure the property of its citizens, which it is the business of all governments to do, towards all who claim under it the protection of their rights? Where is the power lodged if not in the national legislature, which shall prohibit your own, or even your enemies vessels from leaving your ports, after a declaration of war? Are the states vested with, or do they generally retain the right to lay an embargo? No, sir, they cannot so far enter into the collisions of interests which would follow among each other by preventing the vessels from sailing from the ports of any one of them. The effect of doing so would be too obviously an invasion of the general powers of commercial regulation solely entrusted to Congress. Can any man of rational mind suppose, then, that the government of this country is really so defective in what is not only to common sense an obvious reason but one of the express objects of its institution?
But to lay an embargo is unconstitutional, because Congress cannot lay an export duty! And it is argued by the same gentleman that the lesser power being thus provided against, the exercise of the greater must of course be included in the prohibition; the minor forming an objection, the major is a fortiori inadmissible. How easily sir, is this argument of inference retorted on the gentleman; for according to a familiar and certainly plain course of reasoning, it would seem, that if the subjects are the same as is said, when the framers of our constitution made an exception of the lesser power, they had intended also to except the greater, they would not have forgotten it.
The reasons which influenced the framers of that instrument to provide against the power of laying an export duty, were obvious; the provision was adopted in that spirit of mutual accommodation, which was so necessary to the harmony of the whole; it would be difficult, it was easily foreseen to devise an export duty, which would not bear harder on some of the states than others; it was better therefore not to resort at all to a mode of taxation which would afford so fruitful a source of contention. The policy too of taxing exports was perhaps radically inadmissible; yet I cannot for my life, discern how an export duty has been drawn into analogy with an embargo.
That the embargo was a curse, sir, and continues to be a most calamitous one to us all, I have heard no one deny; but until now, I have not heard the assertion advanced, that our government by its conduct was the author of that cause. Yes, sir, many evils which the injustice of other nations have inflicted on the peace and honor of the U. S. are acknowledged to be curses of the most irritating and affecting nature; but the gentleman has said more for England and France, than either of them have before said for themselves, when he attributes to his own government the misconduct which has produced those evils. It was scarcely to be expected that any state of internal division or any views of whatever description would have produced on this floor, an assertion which has thus put a new argument in the hands of our enemies in justification of their aggressions on us: it is more than our ene-
mies have asserted. We have heard indeed from France and England that their decrees and orders, which make the present voluntary retirement from the seas necessary on our part, were the effect of an unjustifiable attack, which each has attributed in the first instance to the other. Each criminate the other, and not America, with being the author of the peculiar mode of warfare which has proved so destructive to the rights of neutrals. The very language of their orders and decrees, assume this position, and they are all prefaced with the declaration, that their orders are enacted in the spirit of retaliation on each other, and not, sir, for any offence which our government has been the author of as the gentleman now tells the American people; for what purposes let the nation judge.
I may surely be permitted to express my surprize and astonishment at this assertion, sir, as it has never before been insinuated, on this floor at least, and as it forms so strong a contrast with the declarations which have been before made by the same gentleman; permit me to recall the gentleman's attention to his arguments in conclave, and to notice, if it will not be out of order, (which I presume it will not, as all which then took place has been since directed to be published) the grounds of his opposition to the embargo at that time.
It is recollected by us all that the honor of presenting a resolution in conformity to the policy recommended by the President in his message of the 18th of December last, was an object of emulation between the gentleman from Virginia and one from Massachusetts, (Mr. Crowninshield) whose absence from the House, the nation has so much cause to deplore, and we all so sensibly feel. I thought it then, and still think it was an honorable emulation, arising from a patriotic sense of duty. The gentleman from Virginia finally succeeded, and became the author of the resolution in this House for laying the embargo: scarcely had he, however, presented the resolution, the necessity of which he at the same time took occasion to observe, he had long foreseen, and for two years at least, before the period when it was recommended, (and of course, sir, prior to the rejection of this noted London treaty of December, 1806, now so much eulogised) scarcely had he thus expressed his approbation of the embargo, till he again doubted its policy, and soon after denounced its justice, not yet indeed for any of the reasons we now hear, respecting the rejection of the treaty, but because it was a measure said, or insinuated to be dictated by France, and that it was to have an injurious operation solely on England. It was in vain that the friends of the embargo urged the probable existence of the very grounds, that measure now more strongly rests on; that the hostile determinations of France to enforce her decree of November 21st, 1806, would probably be followed by orders as harsh, on the part of Great Britain; that this was the course of policy the adoption of which England had already announced, and its execution might therefore be fairly anticipated; that the king's proclamation of the 16th of October, 1807, a copy of which accompanied the President's message, was an evidence of the determination of that government to offer no satisfactory accommodation of our differences, and of its determined usurpation of our maritime rights; to these arguments nothing was replied, but the repetitions in lengthened speeches of the same charges. The opinions then avowed, sir, by the advocates of the embargo, have met with support from the events which have since been developed, while the unjustifiable grounds of opposition are abandoned, even by their authors. But, sir, if there is any gentleman who with his eyes open to the situation of the commerce of the world, will say that the embargo ought to be removed, & that the policy is unsound, let me now ask him to tell us what, in the embarrassing state in which we are placed, by the efforts of France and England to involve us in their conflicts, we are to do? The gentleman from Virginia has hinted at arming our merchant-men! War then is the substitute; it is indeed the only one, I agree. To arm our mer-
chantmen, leads to war, nay sir, it is war, according to the interpretation nations have a right to put on such an act, of a government; it will be opposed by open war, and undisguised hostility; if we are to have war, let it be in the direct tone and unequivocal language of a nation indignant at the insults it has received, not in the indirect manner of arming a few trading vessels, the masters of whom would chuse for the nation its enemy, or involve us with both the belligerents at once, as their particular animosities might dictate; if we are to go to war, it might be well to fight one at a time at least; but, sir, I cannot but hope if our strong, but pacific policy is adhered to, cursed as it is said to be, it may yet preserve us from the conflicts of Europe. It is a curse indeed sir, under which we are compelled to labor, but what is the alternative? I have thought much sir, on the subject; it has been my duty as well as that of every other gentleman to weigh it well. We hear its effects are severely felt, and we hear too what are the exertions of our opponents to seize the favorite opportunity, which it is so well calculated to produce, to excite the sensibility of the people through the medium of their immediate interests; but remove the embargo, and we must arm our vessels & war is at once declared. I have heard no one deny that this must be the alternative; compare the evils, both of great extent. I admit, by the embargo we lose half the value of the products of our country, or the receipt of it is suspended; by war to admit the effect in this particular no worse, at least it could be no better; but have we counted the costs of the armies we are to raise, and to pay, of the supplies we are to furnish, of the loss of our blood and the diminution of our strength, of the reduction of the profits of agriculture itself, by calling men from their domestic occupations, and lessening the number of hands for tillage—have we calculated the thousand other evils, which follow in the train of war; to plunge into war, sir, to escape the curse of the embargo, would be truly fulfilling the adage of old, out of the frying pan into the fire. I do not hesitate to say that if we have patriotism enough to pursue our own interests, better would it be for this country to remain under the truly calamitous curse of the embargo for years, than at once to launch itself into war: But if we must at length, after all our efforts to prevent it, have war, let it be a war dependent on national sentiment and arising from no doubtful necessity, which must be produced by the conflicts of our vessels at sea. We all know, and have felt that it has required the exertion of an unparalleled fortitude, to resist the emotions which have impelled us to acts of vengeance and redress, for our injuries; let us not then seek for new causes of doubtful necessity, to place us at once at war, as would be the case by arming our vessels. No, sir, let it be a cause which in spite of our divisions so earnestly of late tormented, must unite us, in one spirit of opposition, in one sentiment of indignation against the enemy who shall attack us; with the spirit of unanimity with which a sense of injury will inspire us, I do not too highly estimate our strength or, I trust, our patriotism, when I say, that no army which Europe combined, could transport across the Atlantic could long withstand the American arms. That we have had ample cause of war, wanton, unprovoked cause, I had not till now supposed had been doubted; we are now indeed informed that our government is to blame, and that the insults and injuries to which we have been subjected, are in a great measure attributable to its misconduct. What the object is, in making these assertions, let the nation judge; believing them groundless, I do not fear to be able to prove them so. The non-importation law has been mentioned as one of the subjects of just umbrage to England, & as having had an embarrassing effect on the state of our negotiations there. The gentleman has certainly but little attended to the documents which have lately been read in this House; if he had he would there have found under the sanction of authority which he is not presumed to doubt, that it was a measure one of our ministers in London has given his most unequivocal approbation to.

It was said that our ministers were suppliants at a foreign court, our government must place an efficient instrument in their hands; and a coercive system of policy is recommended, with a direct allusion to the enactment of the non-importation law, before the rising of the Congress then in session.
We are told too that a principal cause of our embarrassments is the rejection of the treaty concluded by our ministers in London on the 31st December 1806. This assertion has been made here, sir, with such earnestness that it requires examination. The treaty which has been rejected by our government has been eulogised, and a month's discussion of it has been challenged; not it is true, wholly on its intrinsic worth, or positive merits, but because the circumstances also under which it was concluded made its provisions proper, and its adoption necessary. The treaty of 1794 commonly Jay's treaty, I understood the gentleman also to say, would under the existing circumstances of December, 1806, have been proper for our adoption. This was indeed, sir, a necessary preface to his defence of the rejected treaty, for it is certainly susceptible of easy demonstration, that it is in its features and provisions far more objectionable and defective than the treaty of 1794, and whether we take it on the ground of peculiarity in the circumstances of the contracting parties, or on its intrinsic merits it has less claim to our assent.
In the first place let us examine the circumstances under which those two treaties were made, and then compare their respective provisions: From the retrospect I am at this time able to take of our situations at those different periods, I cannot hesitate to believe, that the circumstances under which the treaty of 1794 was made, were more unfavorable for negotiation on the part of the U. S. at that time, both as they respected England, and America, than they were in December 1806. As they respected England, her situation was at the former period infinitely more commanding—By her combinations with the great powers of Europe, as early as 1792, or perhaps antecedent to that year, she was perfectly secure, against any annoyance from France; her only enemy in 1794. The treaties of Pavia and Rastadt, to which she adhered England early in 1792 acceded, and which certainly laid the ground work of the conventions and coalitions of spring, 1793, had produced the effect of uniting in concert with her against France the powers of Russia, Germany, Prussia, Spain, Portugal, and many of the minor states of Europe. England then felt no apprehensions for her own safety, none for the abridgement of her commerce, and seemed to be but little sensible to her interests in cultivating a good understanding with America: her single enemy was confined to his own territories, and threatened even with famine. The U. S. in 1794, had not long commenced their existence as a nation, and their new government might be said to be scarcely more than in a state of experiment. The debts which had been created by the revolutionary war, we had undertaken the honorable discharge of, and we were then laboring under the immense load: our resources were comparatively small, our embarrassments great, our burthens by no means in a course of alleviation, and our situation totally defenceless: the savages who bordered on our frontiers were numerous, strong, and fierce, and our armies had but recently suffered a dreadful carnage and terrible defeat; we were destitute of manufactures which could supply us with arms, or the means of filling our arsenals: a civilized nation of Europe, then great and powerful, bordered her colonies on our southern frontier, and disputed with us the navigation of our rivers. Sir, if circumstances could ever sanction a dereliction of right, and a compromitment of interest, those circumstances then might be said to exist. Then indeed there might have been a semblance of apology, in our infant and crippled state, for leaning in some measure on the strength of a nation which was supposed to stand firm. I confess, sir, I would rather even at that time have had no treaty, than such a one as was then made; it has set at least a bad example. But what was our situation in December 1806; adverting again to circumstances, which are made the test in this case, when the treaty since rejected was signed in London? Our strength and population increased to a most envious and flattering degree; our foreign debts discharged, and our domestic one, which we had honorably assumed the payment of, reduced—our credit established at home and abroad, our treasury overflowing, and our resources flourishing; manufactures of arms, were every where reared, and had furnished the nation with the best means of de-
fence; the savages on our frontiers were subdued, or civilized; our southern frontier was extended and had grown strong: England, instead of her prosperity and powerful combinations of 1793, was left almost single handed. The subordinate powers of Europe had become a part of France, the great nations were either under her control, or struggling in the last efforts of disastrous conflict; France instead of being confined to the defence of her own dominion, was carrying on offensive war, and England had been made to tremble for her own existence. What then are the circumstances alleged, to palliate the evils of such a treaty as was offered us? Was England about to be suddenly relieved in an instant from her embarrassments and burthens? How? We are told indeed, that France had pushed her conquests too far, that her Emperor had so far stretched his arm of conquest, as to leave himself exposed to the most eminent danger at home; was it therefore, that England elevated her hopes, and carried her demands? Stuff, sir, fit only for the cook-shops and coffee-houses of London. I should never have expected it to find its way into the semi-official letter which has been read to us, from a character who has deservedly stood high in the rank of politicians. But our own internal situation threatened with conspiracy, the extent and magnitude of which was unknown, was another reason it has been suggested for hastening the execution of this treaty. How in Decem. 1806, accounts so alarming could have reached England of the extent of Burr's conspiracy, I cannot but be at a loss to conjecture. The alarm at that time here was not I believe very serious, not such however as would have been a reason with any man in this country, to have thrown ourselves into the lap of a foreign nation, or to have made a treaty which compromised our rights, and left our interests unprovided for. I must say I think too much alarm was felt on this subject, and that it would at least have been an honorable sentiment towards the people and government of America, to have entertained an entire confidence in them, that without any great or dangerous effort they were capable of quelling the conspiracies which might be engendered against their peace; I assert that independent of circumstances which I have endeavored to shew were more unfavorable as they regarded the U. S. and far more favorable as they regarded England in 1794, than in December 1806, the treaty of the latter date is worse than that of the former. The former did provide redress in some sort for previous injuries. That of the latter date contains no provisions for any kind of redress or compensation, which was due to us, for the very many spoliations which had been committed on our commerce—it offers no alleviation to the evils of the former—is silent as to the injuries and insults which we had sustained in our waters; totally, sir, although these were subjects of special instruction from our government, & although we were told by our embassy, that a treaty was concluded on the different points of commercial interest. Was it forgotten, sir, to what an immense amount America had suffered under the different orders of the king in council, even from the very date of the former agreement for reparation? Were not our losses under the orders particularly of 1798, which gave rise to so much of the havoc our neutral commerce had groaned under, and which placed the nations of Europe in a better situation than the U. S. in the conveyance of colonial produce, known to our ministers? It must have been recollected, for it was enforced in their instructions, how our vessels had been incessantly sent into the ports of Britain and her colonies for adjudication, the unjust condemnations which had taken place, under the construction of those orders. It must have been recollected how far in the first instance the orders themselves had gone towards the subversion of the laws of nations. The time was indeed, when a great jurist, lord Mansfield, had declared, that neither the orders of the king in council, or even an act of Parliament which contravened the law of nations was binding on any one; this was said in the case of the Silesia loan, but those days were past. Sir William Scott has since told us, that the text of the instructions are his guide, and king George the third, is thus by his single voice to make and expound the law, which is adjudged to be paramount in modern times to the laws of nations: the adjudications, it is a well known fact, have been in conformity to the royal will, stimulated alone by the shipping interests of England: principles of adjudication have been established in the British courts of admiralty, which had on the most un-
just pretensions wrested from our citizens many millions of their property. Why by this treaty give up our claims to reparation, as they were most emphatically, by signing a treaty which yielded no redress for them while the claims were still unsatisfied; by making a compact which wholly pretermitted them? It is said, sir, that the disputes respecting the colonial trade are adjusted by this treaty. How, by agreeing to a duty on exports? Where was our constitution now so strongly pressed in discussion when this stipulation was made, when it was solemnly covenanted, that we should directly invade one of its provisions by laying an export duty ? And that, in addition to the deduction on drawbacks allowed by law an export duty of one, two or three per cent. should be imposed on colonial articles? Why make the extraordinary and vain stipulation too, contained in the fifth article, that we should have a right to lay the same export duty, which England should have a right to impose, if we could lay none by our constitution? The subject of blockades also, sir, was one, on which some stipulation was made absolutely necessary, by the novel doctrines lately asserted, and insisted on by the nations of Europe; it was important that their extent should in some way have been defined, their nature described, when a blockade should be said to exist, and that it should not be a question left entirely to the discretion, or interest of a belligerent, or the caprice of her officers: this single question had already led us at different times to the very brink of war with England. In June 1793, she asserted all France to be in a state of blockade, and ordered our vessels to be captured which should attempt to enter any of her ports with our produce. France had in May of the same year issued an inhibitory order against our trade, of a nature but little less hostile in consequence as it was said, of the Russian convention made in London, I think in March of the same year. In the fall of 1795, the British had issued secret orders on the same principle of blockade which entrapped our West-India commerce, to an immense amount, before they were known by us to be in existence; this it was said was a principal reason for the proposition contained in a bill for prohibiting all intercourse with England which had in the early part of 1794 received the sanction of the House of Representatives, and was rejected in the Senate but by the majority of one vote, and which was succeeded by Mr. Jay's mission. To the same class too, may be assigned the British orders of May 1795, against our vessels laden with provisions which brought President Washington to a stand on the British treaty, and caused him, it is said, to demand a previous explanation, which was at that time I presume, satisfactorily made, but which has been since in innumerable instances violated, and the same vague and undefined principles of blockade enforced, at one time by declaring a blockade to exist, from Brest to the river Elbe, at others by proclamations of blockade equally extravagant, and more than once by the declaration of the British naval commanders, that a whole kingdom should be cut off at stroke of the pen, from all the trade of neutral nations—but, sir, if the general and extensive evils which the new doctrine of blockades had super-induced, were not of sufficient importance to claim a stipulation against their exercise in future, there was one species of injury which seemed really to merit, and to claim indispensably, some notice either by redress or stipulation against its future practice. I know not how to class it; it may be assimilated to a modern blockade, inasmuch, as it assumes a jurisdiction wholly ideal; I mean that which was a particular subject of complaint, from the assumption made of a right by a British naval officer in the port of New-York in claiming jurisdiction, and the exercise of the right of impressment, and of course every one less inimical to natural right, within the distance of the buoys from his ship. To this assertion of authority I see no disclaimer in this applauded treaty, or any hint at redress for the injury inflicted by the particular occasion on which it was exercised: if this new claim of naval sovereignty is insisted on or thus tacitly permitted, it is time it should be so understood; for with the same propriety which the British commander in New-York claimed jurisdiction within his buoys, another might claim British jurisdiction from Boston to Charleston, if he could so far stretch a cable. I come now, sir, to say something on the question of impressments wholly omitted in the treaty, and which the gentleman from Virginia has said was informally and satisfactorily arranged by the note of the British
commissioners on that subject. He has said that their note contained a stipulation, "that they would order their naval commanders to abstain from the practice of impressments on board American vessels ." I confess I was astonished at the declaration. It is true the printed document has not been furnished till just now—I presume the note of the 8th of Nov. 1806, to have been alluded to, because something like the same defence on this subject has been used by one of the American commissioners in his late letter to the secretary of state, (although indeed until I heard that defence read, I had not understood that any improper dereliction of the American interests had been imputed to our ministers, I had always understood, and except in the letter alluded to, and the arguments of the gentleman I have yet understood from every source of information open to me, that it was not expected by our ministers that the treaty could be ratified by the American government, but that it was the best they could obtain;) I could not think the quotation of the gentleman correct as to the language of that note. I mentioned then, sir, to those who sat near me, that I had understood it to convey no promise to abstain from the practice of impressments , but a vague and unsatisfactory declaration, that the British naval commanders, should be instructed to use caution in the impressments they made; as it was said they had been always before instructed; by that means, sir, placing ourselves, if we chose to recognise this informal stipulation, in a worse situation, than before, inasmuch as it was an unequivocal acknowledgement of the right of impressment, when exercised under the caution of a British officer: and what, sir, is the language of this same note of November 8th—we have it now before us. "His majesty's ministers give to Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinckney the most positive assurances, that instructions have been given and shall be repeated and enforced for the observance of the greatest caution in the impressing of British seamen and that the strictest care shall be taken, to preserve the citizens of the U. S. from any molestation or injury; and that immediate and prompt redress shall be afforded upon any representation of injury sustained by them." How, sir, let me ask, have those officers conducted themselves under these repeated instructions? To say nothing of the continued violations committed on our merchant vessels, we have indeed had a most notable example of the extreme caution which her naval officers had no doubt been instructed, and were determined to observe, in their mode of impressments, in that excessively cautious plan adopted by admiral Berkeley, to effect his honorable and loyal purposes, in the memorable attack upon the Chesapeake. Then, sir, I must admit, that in pursuance of what I now believe, were his orders, the most cool and deliberate caution was used. Our frigate on an outward voyage, on the day she left her port, in the usual unprepared state, in which I am told vessels of war sail in times of peace, is with the utmost caution pursued by a British ship of superior force, in sight of several others. The American frigate is overtaken; her men, proved to be American citizens, are demanded of her, as of right being the subjects of the king. They are refused, and indeed, sir, I must acknowledge, with peculiar caution , before it was possible for our frigate to prepare for action and the defence of the honor of her flag, the British commander fires three broad sides into her, and commits the murder of fifteen or twenty other American citizens, and no doubt most cautiously compels the United States frigate to strike her colours, goes on board, and takes off three of the native citizens of our country, none of whom have to this day been returned! But, sir, if this treaty, with its appendages, had contained in it provisions and stipulations which were responsive to our injuries, and which comported with our rights, is there a man in this nation, who consults the dignity and honor of his country, who could have wished its assent to it, subject to the condition dictated by the king of England, and transmitted by a note of the British commissioners annexed to it? The gentleman from Virginia has spoken of the insult conveyed by the letter of Champagne of the 15th of January, 1808, to our minister in Paris; its terms have been grammatically scanned. Sir, there was no need for this; we are at no loss for subjects of humiliation and insult, whether we look to France or to England. As early as 1793, attempts of the most unjustifiable nature were made to involve us in war by both these powers. Lord Grenville so early as that time, expressly told our minister, without disguise, that the
British orders of November in that year were intended to have an internal effect upon the affairs of this country; such has ever since been the conduct of the belligerents, constantly and undeviatingly pursued in the most disrespectful manner towards us, such was certainly the object of the British cabinet, in annexing the note of the 31st of December, 1806, to the treaty of that date, and certainly sir, if a direct attempt to force us into war, is considered an insult to our independence, and an encroachment upon our rights of self government—such was the language of that note, which in open and unreserved terms, made it an indispensable condition to the ratification of the treaty, "that the government of the United States, by its conduct or assurances, will have given security to his majesty , that it will not submit to such innovations in the established system of maritime law,"—as the French decree therein alluded to contained. His majesty thus most graciously taking upon himself the right of determining for us what course of conduct we should pursue towards his enemy. I do not say, sir, that the letter of Champagne, which has been repeatedly mentioned, with such asperity by the gentleman, is such an one as consists with the respect due to us; by some gentlemen its language has been construed to mean a proposition, originating in a disposition of friendship, and to convey nothing more than an offer, founded on a supposition of the actual existence of war between Great Britain and the United States, and in that event, to take care of such of our property as should be exposed to capture, until there should be an opportunity of restoration; but to me, sir, I confess the language is not satisfactory; we have a right to expect from all nations something more, or something less than equivocal language. Our government speaks in terms of friendship, and in the plain language which neither conveys a doubt as to its hostility or friendship; we have a right to expect the same frankness in others. But why, sir, should gentlemen who profess to feel, and I hope do feel only as Americans, suffer their sensibilities to transport them to battle with the Gallic Cock, while under heavier insults they seem disposed to succumb to the British Lion. Why is the letter of the British minister of the 23d of February wholly forgotten, when we are undergoing the humiliating revival of insults and threats? Is it less awakening to our national sensibility, and to the alarms of honor or interest, to be told, as we are by that letter, that his majesty the king of England, is disappointed in his just expectations , that we should have gone to war with France, than to be told through our minister at the court of France, that the emperor of that nation expected we were at war with England. If insult was intended by either, it seems to have been measured by the same equal standard with which they have by their hostile orders measured their injuries to our commerce; perfectly in the spirit of retaliation, sir.
My astonishment, sir, has indeed been excited more than on any former occasion, when I have heard a gentleman condemn our government for the rejection of a treaty, which provided no redress for former injuries, no security against future ones, and which by the conditions annexed to it, would have infallibly, by stipulating resistance against a belligerent, directly have involved us in war; and that not a war of self defence, but a war of alliance with one of the powers, for the purpose of resistance and offence against the other. War, sir, I hope will be avoided, notwithstanding the bold attempts made to involve us in it, and which have been so steadily pursued by the contending nations. It will I hope be avoided, unless our self-defence shall render it indispensably necessary. Attack or invasion from France cannot be rationally contemplated. War with England we must all agree, rests on more uncertain grounds; if any thing will prevent it, I believe it to be the course pursued by our government. The resolution under discussion explicitly avows the terms on which we will consent again to renew our intercourse with Europe. If Great Britain is induced to relax, France must and will pursue the same policy. I think, sir, we have a right to believe from the best information from England that this relaxation will take place. I am aware of that disposition in the ruling party in England to go to war with us, I have no right to doubt the truth of the declarations of Mr. Monroe, that there is a party in that country strong and active indeed, as he has described it to be, who are disposed to hostility with us, and who are at all hazards determined to support the maritime supremacy of Great Britain—they are described to be the navy interest, the East India chartered companies, the West India traders, and the shipping interest—

strong and active indeed, sir; they sit at the elbow of majesty, and influence his ready will; but their temptations to war are removed by the embargo, and I hope will continue to be so, until they rescind those orders which have cut us off from the commerce of the world.
But the power contemplated by the resolution of meeting any friendly disposition on the part of the European powers, is to be withheld, because it would add too much to the already overgrown popularity of the President—who like Julius Cæsar has been offered the honor of a crown! It is true, sir, the demonstrations of confidence in the present Chief Magistrate are general and sincere, in many parts of Union. At the time the only address of this kind was proposed which I have ever understood originated in Virginia, I had the honor of a seat in her Legislature; it was introduced and supported by the description of politicians, there denominated the republican minority , in what spirit of sincerity, I leave others to judge at this day; but thank God it was not permitted to progress, and thus the person to whom it was intended to be presented, was saved the suffusion of a blush, which the evidence of such adulation, from his own state, would for its sake have infallibly produced.
On this occasion, an attempt is made to alarm us, by the assertions, that the administration of the government is assimilating itself to that of a monarchy; and it is said that the power of the President is more dangerous than that of a British king? Has the gentleman weighed the extent of this assertion, or contemplated the powers of a British king? In power unrestrained as he is by their constitution, if constitution that can be called, which consists of unsettled and undefined practices most of them originating no one knows where, and founded on principles which can not be traced to any rational ground, a constitution which notwithstanding their declarations of rights is perfectly incapable of restraint upon the executive arm, which subjects the Parliament to the king, which make it completely his Parliament, and deludes the people with the shew of liberty, while they are governed by the single voice of a monarch—Yes sir; it is his Parliament—Has he committed any great act of outrage on the nations of the earth; he feels the pulse of his Parliament, before he permits them to convene. His Parliament, I may again emphatically call it, for it is he who orders it into existence, and he who suspends its functions, or dissolves it at will. If its pulse does not beat responsive to his wishes, he either dissolves it, or postpones its meeting, from time to time, as has been the policy with the present Parliament, which if it had met at the time first appointed, scarcely less than a revolution might have been apprehended from the general ferment the execrable conduct of England towards Denmark had excited, and the head of our old master might have atoned for that unprecedented act of criminality; for as such it has been contemplated with abhorrence by a magnanimous people; a people who felt for the character of Englishmen in the commission of it. There are men there, sir, I acknowledge, who do honor to human nature. When we read the speeches of an Erskine and other great men in the present opposition, we may yet hope that there may be found enough of integrity in the nation to redeem its character from the stains of murder and robbery, which the conduct of its monarch has marked it with; yet this is the king to whose power, that of a President of the United States is said to be assimilating itself. By what instance let ask, does it appear that we are verging to the practice of a corrupt monarchy? Is it in the proposition involved in this resolution? No, certainly; for I have before proved, that the same powers, and much more extensive and unqualified, have been delegated, at every period of our government, from its commencement to the present session. Is it from any other general assumption of power? No, for it is acknowledged by all that the present administration has acted in perfect consonance to the powers of the constitution, and I will add what its enemies have before allowed, with the most strict and unceasing regard to the interests, and happiness of the people.
Why are we warned, sir, on this floor, against authorising the President to do an act which may enhance his popularity so much as the removal of the embargo, and that it is another mode of adding to that influence already so overbearing? If indeed, the embargo operates most
distressingly, as we all know it does, on every part of the community, it is he who in the first instance, from the strong sense of duty, assumed on himself the responsibility, the odium the gentleman would call it, of the measure; it is but fair then, however ludicrous the charge in itself, that he should be left to regain the popular favor, he is supposed to have lost; it will only leave him where he was.
But, sir, seriously let me ask gentlemen to tell the nation before we separate what they will do? Is there any one so desperate, inconsiderate, or wild in his opinion as to say, the embargo ought at the present time to be removed, while the hostile orders of France and England, are both enforced with the utmost rigor against us, and when they have multiplied, and been extended in their effects since the expediency of the embargo was fully decided on? What is the obvious alternative? Either authorise its removal when our safety will permit, or continue in session to wait that event; but why, sir, sit here, at the daily expence of many hundred dollars, to the community, when we shall have transacted the business of the nation, merely because some gentlemen are now doubtful of the right, or the policy, of delegating to the President, a power which has in much stronger, and more general terms, been before entrusted to him and all who have preceded him. But if any thing better than this can be devised, let it be submitted; for my own part, I promise to give it the attention its importance may merit; but at least let us unite in the adoption of some measures for the safety and interest of our country at this time so eminently jeopardised by the powers of Europe.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JUNE 20.
Mr. OGILVIE will deliver a discourse on suicide this evening at the Theatre; being the last he will deliver in the city.
CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON.
IN compliance with the wishes of a respectable number of my fellow-citizens I invite you to attend at Stelle's hotel on Tuesday the 21st inst. at 6 o'clock P. M. for the purpose of taking into consideration the expediency of organizing a plan for the encouragement of DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the city of Washington.
The meeting at Stelle's to-morrow evening will give the citizens of Washington an opportunity to shew that spirit which has invariably characterised them. The object, which they are called upon to consider the expediency of promoting, is at once national and local, and one, which at this crisis eminently demands every exertion of patriotism. In imitation of the example set by our brethren of several towns in the U. States, it has been considered most advisable to convene the citizens generally, as the first preliminary step towards its accomplishment. As it is one, in which every man is interested, it is sincerely to be hoped that the meeting will be full; and that every citizen will attend who is friendly to the object, however small the contribution he may be able to render towards its accomplishment. From the rich we may expect money, from the powerful example, and from the intelligent the formation of a plan that will be crowned with success. Let it too be recollected that the eyes of our fellow-citizens generally are naturally directed to the metropolis, and that it emphatically behoves us in the present imminent crisis, not to be regardless of the duties imposed upon us. Let us not, then, on this occasion be wanting in their discharge. Let us follow the example so honorably set us by others, and in our turn reap the honor of setting others an example which they will follow. Let us come forward with the sentiments of patriots fully impressed with a sense of the duties we owe our country, and with those of men sensible of the benefits we have now an opportunity of conferring on ourselves. Few towns in the union have greater natural advantages for manufactures than Washington. Let us seize the auspicious moment to bring them into activity.
General Turreau, the French Minister arrived here on Friday from Baltimore.
We understand, that dispatches have been received from Gen. Armstrong of a late date in April. Gen. Armstrong was then in Paris. The Osage had not been detained by the
French government, but by Gen. Armstrong, to take his communications for our government. She was soon to return to England, whence she would soon sail for the U. States, without returning to France. We do not learn that any extraordinary circumstances had occurred.
We have seen a letter dated Richmond, June 13, which states the recent sale there of one hundred barrels of flour belonging to Mr. Jefferson, which probably gave rise to the story in the Evening Post . It follows that a part of Mr. Jefferson's crop of wheat had been manufactured before that day. Although this circumstance is altogether unimportant, and does not affect the general character of the libel, it is but just to state it in correction of a part of the article in the National Intelligencer of the 15th instant.
Massachusetts Legislature. On the 11th inst. the legislature adjourned.
The minority of the House of Representatives on Mr. Wheaton's anti-embargo resolutions, to the number of 168 members, have entered a solemn protest against them, which shall appear in our next.
We regret that the extreme length of Commodore Barron's defence before the court martial, and the pressure of other interesting matter, will for the present prevent us from republishing it. After minutely analysing and generally repelling the charges against him, the Commodore observes—"I have said nothing, sirs, on the law applicable to these charges. It is to avert censure, not punishment, that I am solicitous.—To an honorable mind reproach is more terrible than death. The remarks with which I shall trouble you on that head, are not designed to extenuate the penalty of transgression. They are solely intended to show, that no transgression can be affixed on me, without perverting the law, which I am supposed to have violated, from its true import and meaning."
After a few observations on the law as applicable to the charges against him, he concludes his address to the court martial as follows:
"I have, sirs, but a few words more to add—My destiny is in your hands—My life, my honor, the sole patrimony which ten years of service enable me to bestow on my posterity, hang on your decision—I wait that decision with the solicitude which these great considerations ought to inspire. Of one blessing I can never be deprived—a mind free from self-reproach, and unconscious of offence against the duties of my station, or the honor of my country!"
The Chesapeake Frigate on the 11th inst. went down to Crany Island. We understand that she will sail on a cruise during the present week.
Norfolk Ledger.
Extract of a letter from St. Mary's dated 27th May.
"We expect a large English armed vessel to load by force. If she does, we shall have warm work. The day before yesterday, sixty-four barrels of provisions were taken out of a store on Cumberland island, belonging to Josiah Smith, and carried to St. Mary's."
Charleston paper.
The fortification on Governor's Island, in this harbor, are progressing, under the direction of Major Swift, of the Engineers, as fast as materials can be procured.
Boston paper.
We are authorised to state, that satisfactory proof was produced to the Collector of this district, that the Schooner La Superieure , which sailed from this port a short time since, was a public armed vessel, possessing a commission from the Emperor of France, and as such was exempted from the operation of the Embargo act as will appear by the following extract from the second section of said act, viz. "armed vessels possessing public commissions from any foreign power, are not to be considered as liable to the Embargo laid by this act."
Phila. Amer. Adv.
Boston, June 10.
Mr. Sheriff Chandler, of Kennebec, has informed the Governor, in a letter dated the 4th inst. that the article inserted in the Kennebec Gazette of the 3d inst. and copied into other papers, of his having called out the militia to quell the insurgents, is a base falsehood—"and that he has not had occasion, since being Sheriff, to call out any one company of militia, or any part thereof."
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
ON the petition of JAMES THEKER an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said James Theker, that on Monday the 27th instant at the court room at Lindsay's Hotel, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said James Theker, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist , twice in each paper before that day.
By order of the honorable William Cranch, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Clk. June 20—2t
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY.
THE Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company are hereby notified that the second instalment of Ten dollars on each share is called for by the Directors and must be paid on or before the 1st day of August, next, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia."
By order of the Directors. DANIEL CARROL of Dudn President. June 20—w 1pm
LANDING THIS DAY.
From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation.
For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE,
THAT the subscriber, of Montgomery county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of the county aforesaid, letters of administration on the personal Estate of Stephen Adams, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said Estate. Given under my hand this 29th day of April, 1808.
HENNARITTA ADAMS, Exec. of Stephen Adams, dec'd. May 2—
PASSPORTS
GRANTED by the Department of State to citizens going into foreign parts, having been in sundry instances obtained from the persons receiving them, by others assuming their names; it has been thought proper to guard against the abuse by requiring the former to write their own names in the body of the passports, and with this alteration they will be issued after the 21st day of June 1808.
Department of State, June 15, 1808.
The Printers who publish the laws of the United States are requested to insert this notice. June 17—
NOTICE
Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet , capt. Baros, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz.
N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11,000   " 1795 May 11. 13168 800   " " July 16. 13450 250 08   " 1796 June 11. 14337 2,000   " " " 14341 247 81   " " 14. 3615 1,567 55   " 1797 February 7. 14942 277 30   " 1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   " 1799 December 17. 16918 882   Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. 19,999 99  
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship British Packet , viz.
   Denomination of the Stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   " " " 14345 2,000   " " " 14346 2,000   " " " 14347 2,000   " " " 14348 758 42   " " " 3616 2,000   " " " 3617 2,000   " " " 3618 2,000   " " " 3619 2,000   " " " 3620 2,000   " " " 3621 458 15   " 1797 February 7. 14944 222 05   " " March 3. 15005 1,500   " " June 3. 15204 766 78   " " 16. 15257 1,700   " 1798 February 1. 15604 1,505 65   " 1799 December 17. 16917 980   Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. 25,891 05  
WILLIAM WHAIN. June 20—
JOURNEYMEN SHOE MAKERS.
WANTED, a Foreman to the Boot and Shoemaking business, to whom constant employment and good encouragement will be given. Also 20 or 30 Journeymen to make strong shoes, by JOHN MINCHIN. New Jersey Ave. nne. June 20—3t
FRESH TURNIP SEED. Early Turnip, Yellow do. Ruta baga or Swedish do. Hanover do. Large white do.
For sale at Theo. Holt's Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and Dr. Ott's Medicine store, George Town. Washinton city, June 20—f
Fresh Teas, Nutmegs, sugars, Coffee, etc.
W. & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York,
6 Chests } 20 Boxes } Fine Imperial Teas 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } Hyson Teas 15 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 20 Chests } 18 Half do. } Young Hyson Teas 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Hhds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee, 12 Bags Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Tenerife wine. George town, June 20—2wtf.
Prince George's county court, April term, 1808.
HENRY T. COMPTON of Prince George's county having applied to this court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the session of 1805, and the supplement thereto in 1806; and a schedule of his property and list of his creditors as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition; and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Henry T. Compton resided the two last years preceding this application within the state of Maryland. And the said Henry T. Compton being in the custody of the sheriff of Prince George's county; and having entered into bond in such penalty as directed by this court, and with approved security, conditioned for his personal appearance before this court, on the second day of the next term, to answer the allegations of his creditors or creditors. It is by this court directed that the said Henry T. Compton be discharged from imprisonment, and the said second day of the next term, which will be the sixth day of September next, is by the court appointed for the said Henry T. Compton to appear before this court, to answer interrogatories, which his creditors may propose to him. And it is ordered, that the said Henry T. Compton, give notice to his creditors, of his application, by causing a copy of the foregoing, to be published three months in the National Intelligencer , previous to the next term. True copy from the proceedings, Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, jr. Ck. June 1—w3m
FOR SALE OR RENT,
The dwelling house of the subscriber—possession may be had immediately, if required. JOSEPH FORREST. June 3—6t.

NOTICE. THE Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned, are notified that the Board of Appeal, composed of the City Commissioners will sit at the Council Chamber on Tuesday the 14th day of June next, and continue to sit for TEN days, Sundays excepted, from 3 until 7 o'clock, P. M. to hear and determine on appeals from the late assessment. WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington city. June 1—124
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—p85
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the country house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
WOOLLEN DRAPERS, mens-mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
PROPOSALS in writing for building a bridge across Rock Creek, at the termination of Bridge Street, will be received, by the Mayor, until Thursday the 23d inst. The bridge must be built of stone, with one stone arch of at least eighty feet span, raised on solid abutments of stone. It must have parapet walls four feet high, and must be thirty six feet in width inside of the parapet walls, and the centre of the arch be at least 25 feet above the level of high water. The contractor must give bond and security to complete the bridge before the first day of January next—and to support it in safe, firm & passable condition for five years after being completed. Persons proposing to contract would do well to hand in a draught of their plan with the proposals, and to be particular in describing the manner in which they would perform and finish off the work. Thomas Corcoran, John Mason, David Wyley, Wm. Whann, Wm. Crawford. Commissioners. George Town, June 14th, 1803.
I hereby certify that Walter Mitchell, the manager at the farm of Robert Brent, brought before me as a stray trespassing on the enclosures at said farm, a dark bay horse, about ten years old, no perceivable brand or mark, about fourteen hands high, rather lean in flesh. He appears to have been accustomed to work in gears. Given under my hand, one of the Justices for the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia, this 14th day of June, 1803. (Signed) DANIEL RAPINE. True Copy The owner of the above described horse is desired to prove property, pay charges, and take him away. WALTER MITCHELL. June 15—3t
PUBLIC SALE. ON Monday the 11th of July next will be sold at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE, with adjacent FRAME Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 925, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel. The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. June 15—tdos
15 DOLLARS REWARD. STOLEN from the Subscriber near the Eastern Branch Bridge in the city of Washington on the 5th inst. a SORREL HORSE, about 14 1/2 hands high, stout and well made, a star in his forehead, on his flank near his off hind a small spot, branded on his near buttock with the letters G. G.; six years old, and his tail cut short. The above reward will be paid on the delivery of the above described horse and all reasonable charges by GERARD GIBSON. June 15—w3t
TAKE NOTICE. WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, Maryland, on the 20th day of April last, as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JOHN ROMAN; he appears to be about 29 years of age, about five feet five or six inches high, well made, very black, and has a smiling countenance: his clothing when committed, was as follows—a blue cloth coat and patacoons, a striped cotton waistcoat, an osnaburg shirt, a pair of black woollen stockings, and one pair of shoes, all of which are pretty much worn; by trade, as he says, a blacksmith and gunsmith; he has a small scar between his eyes, and says he belongs to Bennet Taylor, of Jefferson county, Virginia, within six miles of Charlestown, on the water of Bullskin, near the place it empties into the Shenandoah. The owner is requested to come and release him otherwise he will be sold for his prison fees agreeable to law. GEORGE CREAGER, jun. Sheriff, Frederick county, Md. May 13—w8t.
THE ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1803, is withdrawn.  PROPOSALS For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive. 1. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperelboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebunk, Wells, York, & Kittery to Portsmouth (N. H.) thr' a week.
April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday, at noon, & arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. 2. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperelboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebunk, Doytysfalls, Berwick and Dover, to Portsmouth, three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday noon, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland the next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours.
December 1, to April 15. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by 10 P. M. in 12 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Portland the same days by 4 P. M. in 12 hours. The same arrangement for route No. 1 from December 1, to April 15, reversing the days. 3. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, Scarborough, Salisbury, (Mrs.) Newburyport, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, 7 times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 1 A. M. and arrive at Boston by noon, in 11 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 9 P. M. in 11 hours.
December 1, to April 15. Leave Portsmouth every day at 11 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by noon, in 13 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth same day by 11 P. M. in 13 hours. 4. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicestershire, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 2 A. M. & arrive at Boston on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours.
5. From Boston by Dedham, Walpole, Foxboro', Attleboro', Providence, Scituate, Plainfield, Jewett City, Chelsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guilford & Branford to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours.
6. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West-Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, and Harlem, to New York, every day. Leave New Haven every day at 8 P. M. and arrive at New York the next days by 2 P. M. in 18 hours. Leave New York every day at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 1 A. M. in 17 hours.
7. From New York by the turnpike road to Philadelphia, 7 times a week. Leave New York every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York, the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. This will contain the main mail, and is not to be opened at any intermediate office.
8. From New York by Jersey city, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmeburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, six times a week. Leave New York every day, (save Sunday) at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 P. M.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 P. M. 9. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vansville, Bladensburg, and Washington to Georgetown, seven times a week. Leave Baltimore every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 6 A. M. and arrived at Baltimore by 2 P. M. in 8 hours.
10. From Washington City to Alexandria, seven times a week. Leave Washington City every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 P. M. Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 5 A. M.
11. From Alexandria by Colchester to Dumfries, seven times a week. Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 7 hours.
12. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house, to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 1/2 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M.
13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, and Hanover court house, to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours.
14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1/2 P. M.
15. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent court house, Williamsburg, Yorktown, and Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week. May 1, to Dec. 1. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. in 27 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 27 hours. Dec. 1, to May 1. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. & arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE That the subscriber of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's court of St. Mary's county in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Dr. John Reeder, late of the county aforesaid, deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the 15th day of November next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 15th day of May eighteen hundred and eight. JOSEPH HARRIS, Admr. May 16—w3m.
Notice is hereby Given, THAT application will be made for the renewal of the following lost certificate of United States stock, issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury. LOUISIANA 6 PER CENTS. In favor of FRANCIS BARING & Co. of London, No. 93, DECEMBER 24th, 1803—4000 dollars. JAMES DAVIDSON, JUN. May 13—w6w.
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—w1N
JAMES A. PORTER, ATTORNEY at LAW, hath just settled in the city of Washington, and opened his Office in the house of THOMAS HERTY, Esq. opposite Mr. Rhodes's tavern, Pennsylvania avenue; where, he can be consulted, and employed in the line of his profession, at almost any time, and will use every necessary attention and exertion to merit public confidence. May 11—w2m
RUNAWAY. WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, district of Columbia, as a runaway on the 12th instant a blackman who calls himself CORNELIUS and says he belongs to John Cross, of Anne Arundel county, Md. He is about 40 years of age, 5 feet 2 1/2 inches high; had on when committed a black hat, blue cloth round jacket and trousers, black silk vest, check linen shirt, old shoes, and no other clothes with him. His owner is desired to come and prove him and take him away, or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses as the law directs. CARTWRIGHT TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail for Washington Boyd, marshal. May 25—w3t
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. TREASURY DEPARTMENT, May 28th, 1803. IT has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the United States, were enclosed by William Kenis, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said Bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post Office as aforesaid; neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Kenis, and on one part if the back of all or of most of the notes, was written the name of Lewis Leroy; from which circumstance the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped at the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen. ALBERT GALLATIN, secretary of the Treasury.
 DESCRIPTION OF NOTES.    No. Date. To whom payable. Dollars     1401 20th July, 1804, Adam Gilchrist or bearer at Charleston, for 100   1428 20th July, 1804, Do. 100   2284 12th March, 1805, Do. 100   4729 27th Feb. 1807, Do. 100   4790 27th Feb. 1807, Do. 100   2641 19th March, 1805, Joseph Habersham, Savannah, 100   2620 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   2666 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   2774 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   35 2d April, 1806, W. Warner at the Bank of the U. States, 100   3061 16th April, 1805, Cornelius Ray, New York, 100   3841 22d Jan. 1802, do. 100   1973 20th July, 1804, Adam Gilchrist, Charleston, 50   3609 12th March, 1805, do. 50   2183 20th July, 1804, do. 50   1265 23d March, 1804, Joseph Habersham, Savannah, 50   1355 23d do. do. do. do. 50   5597 18th Nov. 1806, do. do. 50   Dollars 1,500  
May 30—1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spasolets and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
TO RENT, AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man, named BOB, who calls himself Robert Thomas, about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloaths, and took with him one dark green broadcloth coat and pantalettes with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantalettes nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown surtout coat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress. As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—eptf
NOW LANDING From on board the Schooner VIRGINIA from New York, First quality St. Croix SUGAR in hogsheads, prime green COFFEE in bags, fresh TEAS, Bordeaux CLARET in boxes of one dozen each, SWEET OIL, OLIVES, CAPERS & ANCHOVIES, for sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, May 23—tf
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 31—eptds
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trailgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk molekins do. Toilets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dinetics, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angora hose, Gentlemen's pantalettes do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, loss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, garruas, &c. &c.
ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
TO BE LET, After the 20th June next, THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE, lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylvania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 220 dollars per annum, will expire on that day.—For terms enquire at Robert Underwood's, directly opposite. April 27—eptf