The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-10-29 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCXVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 29th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
"THE proper study of mankind is man." This is an aphorism at which few men will attempt to cavil. It is the title page of a science, the knowledge of which so immediately concerns every individual of the human race, that it is equally the interest of all to be conversant in it. Our lives, our liberties, and our dearest interests, are involved in this first greatest concern. Not an incident of ancient or modern history, not an action of human life and manners, but proves to us, that it is the want of a sufficient knowledge in this particular, which has been the cause of so many absurd and frightful forms of government, and consequently of so many public and private calamities. Yet though such has been, and still continues to be the case, there is scarce an individual who has not his pretensions. But when we see communities, as well as private persons, after having accomplished some great end for their public or personal happiness, by respecting the cause of their grievances, suffer themselves to be cajoled into the same errors, and even by similar delusions; it is not evident that it is for want of studying themselves, or in other words, human nature, that they submit to the impositions.
We are too apt to over-value those things which we do not possess, and to think lightly of those which we do possess, though of much greater importance to ourselves and society. It is not in the nature of things that any one man can know every thing, and much less do every thing; this must be accomplished by the joint efforts of all. Consequently, any one member of a community, whatever his vocation may be, provided he attends to it as he should, and that it is such as ought to be attended to, is of as much consequence to the community, as any other of a different calling; information in their separate professions being equal. This reasoning will hold good, from the high to low, and vice versa; for society will feel as great a loss in losing the one as the other. The lawyer of wood and drawer of water, were his place to become vacant, in society, would occasion as much real loss, as were those of the lawyer or divine to become so. Nay, I might go farther by shewing that it might be easier to retrieve the loss by filling the blank of the latter by the former, than the reverse procedure. But as I verily believe that all classes of men are of equal importance there can be no preference; and in the eye of all human laws, it ought to be so; for most undoubtedly it is the case in the eye of Him, who is the best judge of man's passions, principles, and properties.
Seeing then, that men in a state of civil society, as it concerns society, are all equal, it is not astonishing that a community will submit to the degradation of suffering any individual of its members to seize upon the liberties and properties of the whole, and of dip sing of them at pleasure? Not only so, but to encourage the act, and to pay homage into the bargain! Yet so it is, and where is the remedy? I answer, in the study of man; in which, when we have made any proficiency, we will reverence ourselves as men, and society as being composed of such. We will not allow the merits of a whole community to be comprised in one, for such has never been yet the fact, that any one was entitled to it; we will, on analysing this idol of our wonder and worship, find that he is a mere man, deficient in ten thousand qualifications that are to be found in the great body of the community; and we will perceive, that in the very act of attempting to enslave his country, though fancied by the deluded and designing, he is a most flagrant villain, and one of the most unworthy members of society. Let us observe the manner by which he accomplishes his purpose, and we will see nothing but a complication of cunning deception and injustice, pervading every movement. Overbearing and tyrannical to one, obsequious to another, the mere puppet of a third, and so on. Now mark the consequences, and we will find, that after this idol of human folly has acted the several parts of madman, fool, and knave, on the stage of human frailty, and after he has patronized and sanctioned thousands to do the same, he drops through like Hamlet's ghost, and leaves us to wonder, after all we had been taught to believe of him, how in the name of astonishment we can do so very well without him! Even supposing that he acted the part of a man of probity and virtue, and that he accepted of the power for the purpose of doing good; yet at the close of his well spent life, however we might regret him as a worthy man, society would not experi-
ence the least inconvenience in his loss. It is the case with respect to the principal of every subordinate institution, and experience has taught us that it is so with respect to this. The reason is evident; there is not a profession in any civil society, but where there are hundreds, nay if the population be such, thousands of the professors of equal merit in every branch. How then can the community suffer by losing any one of them? Yet, it may be said, that notwithstanding all this, there are great and uncommon geniuses who start up, from time to time, who have no equal among their contemporaries; who have not only acquired all the learning and information of the day, but have added to the common stock by their own discoveries, enterprises, and inventions. And are not those entitled to everlasting veneration? I grant it, and they are always sure of receiving it. But did they should they be idolized during their lives, or canonized after their deaths? Or why exclusively engross the merits of millions? They have been under the same obligations to their predecessors, as every body else, and their contemporaries are on a footing with them from the moment the information becomes public, as they will most assuredly avail themselves of it. It must be allowed, had those men kept their discoveries a secret, that they might be said to have known one or two articles more than the catalogue of human knowledge then contained; but in doing so the community would be under no obligation to them; therefore they would be entitled to no exclusive praise. Let it be further understood, that the whole circle of human knowledge has originated in chance or conjecture. It takes a life of experiment to find a demonstration. Yet time and chance will develop what reason never could; therefore what has been guessed at ages back, has been demonstrated in latter times. The case is this—peculiarities are always too quick for experiment; the one leaves the other behind, sometimes many centuries. If we could act as fast as we can think, all our schemes would soon be brought to maturity; but hands as well as heads must be employed; materials must be procured and instruments constructed; the mechanic and the day labourer must render their mite. The mine must have been explored, the mineral procured, and its properties and uses ascertained, either by accident or experiment, before new worlds could have been discovered. To whom then are we indebted for all those things? To the joint labours of millions of every description; without which the philosopher would remain nothing better than a mere system-maker or theorist.
As, from these considerations, it would appear, that even the sage is not entitled to exclusive honours for his discoveries; let us next examine, by the same rule, what are the hero's pretensions to them for his conquests. It must be acknowledged, when we contemplate the military function, that we find it is an art established on certain fundamental principles, the knowledge of which constitutes the professional character as definitely as that of the professor of any mechanical art whatever. Therefore the reasoning made use of with respect to the exclusive merits of other professional characters, will hold good with respect to this; for in the one as in the other, there are thousands of equal merit; and so far as reason and experience can go to establish a truth, we may be satisfied of the fact. But there have been received opinions in all ages, relative to kings and military heroes, which prostrate all reasoning, and which in fact, have done wonders in establishing their unlimited authorities. We are told that prodigies awaited the births and promotions of some, and strange and astonishing events, the lives of others, to shew that there had been a preordination of their greatness. That the Goddess Diana having been occupied as midwife on the birth of Alexander the Great, and therefore neglecting to be at home, the consequence was, her temple was burned to the ground that very night; that the horse of Darius neighed, that being the signal agreed on, in order that he should be crowned king, in preference to his competitors; that Romulus was begotten by a God in armour, and tho' he had been flung, when an infant, into the river Tiber, without any thing to keep him buoyant, but a wicker basket, yet he got safe to shore, and was nursed by a wolf, in order that he might be the first king of the Romans; that Oliver Cromwell, Hampden, and others of their companions, had actually embarked for America, to avoid the then persecutions in England, but were prevented by the interposition of Providence, in order that they might be ready at hand, to superin-
tend the execution of their king, and the administration of freedom and justice to their country. Now two of those mighty miracles are mere fictions, and entitled to no credit; a third, the electioneering trick of a groom, for the purpose of serving his master, and which by the by was equal in low cunning, tho' not in malice, to any of the tricks of the New-England federalists, on like occasions; and the fourth, the effect of a general prohibition, which prevented thousands at the time, from emigrating, as well as Cromwell and his companions. Ridiculous as those opinions may seem, with thousands of others of equal credit, yet they answered the purposes for which they were intended. Alexander and Romulus, in consequence, had divine honours paid them, Darius was crowned king, and Cromwell, at the head of an army of saints, vanquished all who opposed him. But is it to be supposed that if those men had never existed, that the histories of the times would not have been the same? Certainly they would. It was the spirit of the times which made those men what they were, and not those men the spirit of the times; for most probably what gave rise to the circumstances which brought them into notice, commenced some fifty or a hundred years before they were born. Surely it will not be contested, at this enlightened period, that there is any thing innate or intuitive in one man more than in another, or that it was not chance or the captive of the moment, which had the greatest share in promoting those who have made the greatest figures, from time to time, in the world; or that there were not thousands of their contemporaries, who, if the whim of fortune had placed them in the same situations, would have displayed equal abilities, whether in villainy, virtue, or valour. For instance, at the commencement of our own revolution, is it to be supposed that if our immortal Washington had not been in existence, that a substitute could not have been found among the American people; or that the history of the day would not be the same that it now is; or finally, that the metropolis of the Union, instead of having received that venerated name, might not have had the illustrious one of a GREENE, a MONTGOMERY, a WASHINGTON, or hundreds of others? With the greatest deference, I verily believe, such would have been the case, in every instance.
Here then we see, that men, in every nation, have equal claims and equal merits; for every thing that has been done, is now doing, or may hereafter be done; and consequently, are of equal consideration to society. Now why this mighty homage, this adulation and servility! this giving up our liberties and properties to any one man, when hundreds of the community in the same predicament, are of equal merit; and when, without the joint efforts of all, he could have done nothing!
Thus, fellow-citizens, it would appear, that if we would consult our own happiness and security; discriminate between the merits of man and man; do equal justice to equal merit in whatever shape or situation it may be found; and prevent the injustice of suffering any individual from engrossing, exclusively, the merits and immunities of a whole community, we must study the science of man. Had this been the practice heretofore, we would find that a great many mighty men, both of former and latter times, would have been stripped of the plumes which justly belonged to others. We would not hear of men of injured merit languishing in prisons, or putting themselves to death to avoid persecution, or coming forward in a fit of desperation to exact, at the dagger's point, their own and their country's rights. We would not hear of impious arrogance, surrounded by privileged orders or legions of honour, or immuring itself in a musket-proof carriage, on taking a party of pleasure, in order to secure in its way person, the rights of millions and the laurels of thousands, which it had basely usurped. No, fellow-citizens, we would see every individual placed in the situation that nature intended for him, and in which his genius would sustain him with credit to himself and profit to the community. We would no longer see the full order of things inverted, nor the civil policy of a country abused. Prejudice, partiality, and party, having no longer any operating currency, every man would be found at his station; the community in doing justice to herself, would be able to extend it to all her members.
Candour, I am sure, will not for a moment suppose, that it is intended by this, to detract from the merits of any mortal living, or who has ever lived; on the contrary a just distribution only, is contem-
plated. That when the riches, the liberties, the merits of a whole people, are placed to the account or put into the hands of any one man, or set of men, that the one party is despoiled of their rights, and the other, overpaid by the plunder. That those principles which are most impartial, are most equitable and just; that as man has been made for a state of civil society, each individual ought, in common with his fellow-men, to enjoy all the immunities attached to it; that if we apply those considerations to ourselves as a nation, we are entitled above all others, to a proud pre-eminence; and that as our form of government, under the present administration, will bear the strictest scrutiny in all those particulars, it must, and it will be pronounced, that it is the most equitable and impartial under Heaven.
PLAIN SENSE.
From the LANCASTER INTELLIGENCER.
We do not believe that all Federalists are Tories—far from it. There are many worthy men and good Citizens, who have hitherto adhered to what is called the Federal Party, merely because they are unacquainted with the real views of certain Men, styling themselves Federalists, who, under that denomination, have usurped a lead in Party politics. But, although we frankly make this acknowledgment, we do believe most firmly, that most of the "Old Tories," and all the "Apostate Whigs," abashed of the disgraceful name of "Tories," have veiled themselves under the more imposing appellation of Federalists; that they have done this, in order to wreak their spiteful vengeance against every thing Republican; and to have a better opportunity of showing their malevolent spite against all those Characters, who bore the most conspicuous part in the achievement of our glorious Independence.
It is to this source we trace the vile Calumnies and infamous Falsehoods, with which these Federal Tories have disgraced themselves, while endeavoring to depreciate the characters of Franklin, Jefferson, and all those illustrious Patriots, who adhered to the Principles of the Revolution.
This Toryism, too, is the cause of their inveterate hatred of Thomas Paine. Do not let them tell us, that their rancorous invectives are levelled against Mr. Paine, only on account of his religious Heterodoxy. No such thing. That is all Hypocrisy and Grimace: For we find they are the very same set of men that idolized John Adams; and yet Mr. Adams, while President, with the concurrence of a Federal Senate, ratified a Treaty with the Mahometan Pirates of Tripoli (in Barbary) by which it is declared, that "The Government of the U. S. is not in any sense founded on the CHRISTIAN Religion." But we have nothing to do with the religious Opinions of Mr. Adams or Mr. Paine: They must account, for them, to their MAKER.
No: It is the Policies of Mr Paine that make him so obnoxious to Monarchists, under the garb of Federalism. He has not apostatized from the Whig principles of 1776; and therefore he is hated and reviled by Tories. Here is the clue to all the Calumnies, which this sort of People have been winding about his Character: But their texture is as flimsy, as that of the veil with which they endeavour to conceal their designs; mere cobweb-artifice, and easily seen through. The Virtue of the Whigs, irradiated by Truth, has already penetrated it. It will soon be rent to pieces; when those who have worn the thin disguise will appear in their proper light.
As there are probably many persons, who are not fully informed of Mr. Paine's Merit and Services, during our Revolutionary War, we subjoin, here, such evidence of their nature and importance, as no Whig will dare to controvert. The exhibition of these testimonials, now may afford information to such "young Federalists," as were not born at the period to which they refer: And may, besides, serve to refresh the memories of such Whigs as have "remembered to forget" them. They will show why the Tories calumniate Mr. Paine; and why GENERAL WASHINGTON and the WHIGS honored and rewarded him.
Soon after the Declaration of Independence, Congress, by a unanimous vote, appointed Mr. Paine Secretary in the Department for foreign Affairs, without any knowledge, on his part, of their having such a design. About the close of the year 1780, he accompanied that gallant young Officer, Col. Henry Laurens, to France, on a Mission from Congress. He also received, during the War, two or three respectable Appointments from the State of Pennsylvania. At the conclusion of the War, Mr.
Paine went from Philadelphia to Bordentown, where he had a small Estate. Congress was then at Princetown, fifteen miles distant; and General Washington had taken his Head-quarters at Rockyhill, in their vicinity, for the purpose of surrendering up to them his Commission. At this period, the General addressed to Mr. Paine the following Letter. It bears testimony, highly honorable, in favor of both Parties & Honorable to Mr. Paine's past Services to this country; and to the General a proof of his grateful recollection of those "Services," and his lively sense of the importance of Mr. Paine's Works."
"Rockhill, Sept. 10, 1783.
"I have learned, since I have been at this place, that you are at Bordentown. Whether for the sake of retirement or economy, I know not. Be it for either, for both, or whatever it may, if you will come to this place, and partake with me, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you as soon as possible."
"Your presence may remind Congress of your past Services to this Country: And if it is in my power to impress them, command my best exertions with freedom, as they will be rendered cheerfully by one, who entertains a lively sense of the importance of your Works; and who, with much pleasure, subscribes himself, Your sincere Friend."
"G. WASHINGTON."
Message from the PRESIDENT and the SUPREME EXECUTIVE COUNCIL of Pennsylvania to the General Assembly.
GENTLEMEN, The President having reported in Council a conversation between General Washington and himself, respecting Mr. Thomas Paine, we have the honor to be induced to take the Services and situation of that Gentleman, at this time into our particular consideration.
Arriving in America just before the War broke out, he commenced his residence here, and became a Citizen of this Commonwealth by taking the Oath of Allegiance at a very early period.
So important and disinterested were his Services during the late Contest, that those Persons, whose own Merits in the course of it have been the most distinguished, concur with a highly honorable unanimity, in entertaining sentiments of esteem for him, and interesting themselves in his Defenses.
It is unnecessary for us to enlarge on this subject. If the General Assembly shall be pleased to appoint a Committee, they will then receive information, that, we doubt not, will in every respect prove satisfactory.
We confide that you, Gentlemen, will then feel that the attention of Pennsylvania is drawn towards Mr. Paine, by motives equally grateful to the human heart, and reputable to the Republic; and that you will join with us in opinion, that a suitable acknowledgment of his eminent Services, and a proper provision for the continuance of them, in an independent manner, should be made on the part of this State.
JOHN DICKINSON.
Council Chamber, Dec. 6, 1784. Whereas during the late revolution, and particularly in the most trying and perilous times thereof, many very eminent services were rendered to the good people of Pennsylvania, and other parts of the U. States, by Thomas Paine, Esq. accompanied with many distinguished instances of fidelity, patriotism, and disinterestedness.
And whereas the said Thomas Paine did, during the whole progress of the revolution, voluntarily devote himself to the service of the public, without accepting recompence therefor; and moreover did decline taking or receiving the profits which authors are entitled to, on the sale of their literary work; but relinquished them for the better accommodation of the country, and for the honor of the public cause.
And whereas besides the knowledge, which this House has of the services of the said Thomas Paine, the same have been recommended to us, by message of his Excellency the President, and the supreme executive council of this State, of the 6th day of December last past, and by the friendly offices of the late patriotic Commander in Chief, GENERAL WASHINGTON.
And whereas it is just and right, and consistent with the true character and principles of a republic, that when services and benefits have been received by the citizens thereof, more especially those done in times of public danger and foreign invasion, that they on their part acknowledge and recompence the same. And whereas it is the design and in-

tion. Paine and people of the State, to do to the said Thomas Paine.
Be it known that it is hereby enacted by the present Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, and by the authority of the same, That, as a temporary measure to the said Thomas Paine, and until a further provision shall be made by the said Assembly, that the sum of five hundred and fifty dollars be paid to the said Thomas Paine, for his services, to be paid to the said Thomas Paine, and payable to the said Thomas Paine.
Signed by order of the House. JOHN BAYARD, Speaker.
In Congress August 26, 1785.
On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Gerry, Mr. Pettit, and Mr. King, to whom was referred a letter of the 13th, from Thomas Paine. Resolved, That the said, unqualified, a resolution of Mr. Thos. Paine, in explaining and enforcing the principles of the late revolution, by ingenious and timely publications upon the nature of liberty and civil government, have been well received by the citizens of these states, and merit the approbation of Congress; and that, in consideration of these services, and the bench produced thereby, Mr. Paine is entitled to a liberal gratification from the United States.
In Congress, October 3, 1785.
On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Gerry, Mr. Howell, and Mr. Long, to whom were referred Sunday letters from Mr. Thomas Paine, and a report on his letter of 14th September.
Resolved, That the Board of Treasury take order for paying to Mr. Thomas Paine, the sum of 3000 dollars, for the considerations mentioned in the resolution of the 26th of August last.
It will also be recollected, that the states of New-York and New-Jersey remunerated the important revolutionary services of Mr. Paine, by acts of their respective legislatures.
Dr. Ramsay, in his history of the American revolution, observes; that, "While the public mind was balancing on this eventful subject," the declaration of independence, "several writers placed the advantages of independence in various points of view. Among these," continues the Author, "Thomas Paine, in a pamphlet under the signature of Common Sense, held the most distinguished rank." And Dr. Gordon, the historian, makes a similar remark, respecting the efficacy of Mr. Paine's political writings: "The constant publication (says he) which have appeared, and been read with attention, have greatly promoted the spirit of independence; but no one to such extent as the pamphlet under the signature of Common Sense, written by Mr. Thomas Paine, an Englishman."
Thus, Mr. Paine prepared the minds of the American people for independence; Mr. Jefferson draughted, and brought forward to Congress, the declaration of independence; Virginia made the proposition to all the other states, to meet in convention, for the purpose of framing a federal constitution of government; and the first motion, for this purpose, was made by Mr. Madison; And, preparatory to all this, Dr. Franklin and Mr. John Dickinson prepared the Intercolony-Medals , for "exonerating this glorious country from the domination of Britain. How then can we wonder, that the Tories hate these Men and their Memoires ! Let the Whigs of America, however, bear always in their recollection, that Thomas Paine has rendered great and important services to their country, that, on that account, he enjoyed the friendship and esteem of Gen. Washington; that, for the same cause, he retains the good-will of Mr. Jefferson; and that, for these very reasons, every enemy of the American revolution, and of the principles of our government, is his enemy."
A REPUBLICAN.
* Mr. Rufus King, Ambassador from the United States to Great Britain.
SPEECH of his Excellency Governor TRUMBULL, to both Houses of the Legislature of Connecticut.
Gentlemen of the Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
When we reflect on the situation of most parts of the world at the present day, disturbed with political agitations, and perplexed with revolutionary pursuits; and compare with them the circumstances of our own state—enjoying a like measure of tranquil and general happiness as heretofore experienced, our hearts should expand with gratitude to the Divine Author of all mercies, who gives us this continuance of his favor.
If we turn our eyes to Europe, there amidst scenes of troubles and distress we behold a nation which has been tossed on the tumultuous ocean of revolution for more than ten years past—violently
agitated during that period, with the conflicts of contending passions, in pursuit of imaginary and delusive ideas of liberty and equality, and which after suffering almost every species of calamity in their wild career, are now under the influence and policy of a fortunate leader, just returning to the point from whence they started: with this exception, that instead of returning under their ancient royal Family, they seem disposed to form a new Dynasty, under a foreign head. To the civilized world, the course of events which in this period has been exhibited by that nation, is peculiarly interesting and instructive; more especially to surrounding nations, does this result of their political, present a serious and impressive lesson of instruction against plunging themselves into the vortex of revolutionary practices, or being deluded into vain and philosophical reveries of untimed forms of government.
With this recent example before our eyes, in addition to the numerous instances recorded in history, of similar issues to revolutionary pursuits—the people of this state may be taught the expediency and necessity of adhering with firmness and stability to their ancient habits of political government and religious institutions, as the best means of social happiness and general prosperity. They may also learn to venerate the long tried forms of civil regulations which have been well devised by our revered ancestors, & which have hitherto been beneficially continued in practice by successive generations. They will moreover be led seriously to reflect how dangerous the attempt is whenever, and by whomsoever attempted, to put to hazard the existing prosperity and happiness of the present community, for the uncertain prospect of visionary scenes of greater happiness, however decorated by specious recommendations, which will most probably fail them in the grasp, or sit before them like the passing dream of the night. And may they always bear in mind, that lessons of practical good sense, as applied to governmental administration, are immensely more valuable to the world, than all the fine-spun theories of visionary politicians, or the delusive projects of Closet-Philosophers.
One statute provision of work-house for the punishment of idle, dissolute and disorderly persons, is calculated to answer very valuable purposes, for the correction of certain vices and misdemeanors, which are difficult to be reached or reformed by other means. But it is much to be feared, that the object intended, is almost, if not wholly defeated, by a permission in the law, for substituting temporarily four common goals for the purpose designed. In this way their effect is exceedingly impaired, if not lost. It appears to me, that this subject merits the attention of the legislature. For if our goals are still to remain subservient for work-houses, some peculiar regulations for their management and government, as respects that object, to be provided by law, will be necessary for the attainment of the salutary purposes of such an institution. The most eligible mode would be to have distinct houses; but if these are not to be obtained, it will doubtless be judged necessary to have distinct yards, and under peculiar rules of government and police, some I surmise and appropriate rooms for the proposed labor and correction.
The time of service for which one of the senators from this state, in the Senate of the United States, is appointed being nearly expired, it will probably be thought expedient, in order to give necessary experience and trouble, that a new appointment by the legislature, during their present session, should be made, to supply the vacancy, which will happen in March next.
J. TRUMBULL.
October Session, 1802.
WASHINGTON BUILDING COMPANY.
A stated monthly meeting will be held at one of the Company's houses on 12th Street, the 3d door from Pennsylvania Avenue, and nearly opposite Morin's Tavern, on Monday evening, 1st. Nov. next. The members will please to be punctual in attendance, to take into consideration, (among other important things) propositions to alter the constitution, introductory to an application to Congress for an act of incorporation.
T. HERTY, Sec'y.
Oct. 22. 3t.
Notice is hereby given,
THAT after the 1st day of November next, by an act of the Corporation of the City of Washington, it is required that all persons bringing provisions &c. to market, shall deposit the same in the Centre Market House until eleven o'clock of each day, & until that hour passes a penalty is inflicted for selling or exposing to sale in any other part of the City. It is expected that those concerned will be punctual in their compliance with the law of the Corporation which has been made on this subject, and published in the papers of this City.
JACOB CRAWFORD, Clerk of the Centre Market.
Oct. 27. appt N.
L I M E.
JUST Received and for Sale by the Subscriber, a quantity of Rhode Island Lime.
M. CLEARY.
Foreign Intelligence, From arrivals at New York and Charleston.
FRENCH REPUBLIC.
ACTS OF GOVERNMENT.
Report made to the First Consul, in Senate, by the Minister for Exterior Relations, the 29th Fructidor (7th Sept.) year 10.
The First Consul having ordered me to render him an account, in Senate, of the difference which have lately happened between the French republic and the regency of Algiers, and of the success attending the measures which have been taken to terminate them, I ought previously to recall the state of affairs which preceded them.
From the frontiers of Egypt to the strait of Gibraltar, the north of Africa is possessed by a people strangers to the public code of Europe. The principles and manners, which, if we may be allowed the expression, combine the different European powers into one society which not only prohibit oppression, but enjoin kind reception, protection and assistance in case of danger, to the navigation and commerce of a peaceable people; which repress every unjust aggression; which tarnishes that valour that is attended with cruelty, and which desire that the rights of humanity should always remain sacred: these manners are still unknown to the people of those countries.
They acknowledge no other right of nations than the laws of their own police, which, permitted amongst themselves individual violences, authorize them with respect to foreigners, and even consecrated them as acts of courage towards enemies. They are ignorant that the law of nations, by its general rules, abolishes those general rights, which a people too much inflated with their local importance, pretend to infer from the licence of their usages. It is to be believed, for the honour of Europe, that in this respect the supremacy of the laws of nations, aligning just limits to the toleration of particular legislations, shall not, hereafter, be condemned, excepting in Africa.
The regency of Algiers is particularly remarkable for an audacity which certain events must have unmasked.
Gives the Vah turned against Africa his victorious arms.
He wished to deliver Europe from the inuendos of barbarians, by reducing them to insignificance: but the event deceived him, and did not answer to the grandeur of his preparations.
In later times, Louis XIV. avenged on the Algerines the honor of the French flag. Algiers, by his orders, was bombarded three times in the space of six years; but here his vengeance was bounded. The affairs of Europe exacted all his attention. The Algerines, by this circumstance, however, learned from that period to respect France, and the peace, which was concluded in 1688, established above a century, when the influences and orders of the Sublime Porte caused it, in the 7th, to be broken.
Of the enemies which remained to France, when the First Consul assumed the reins of government, the Regency of Algiers was the least formidable. The First Consul, anxious to extinguish, everywhere, calamities of war, apprized that the Dey of Algiers had declared war against his inclination, and was desirous of peace, sent a negotiator to Algiers, preceded by the renown of those exploits of which Italy, Germany, Egypt and Syria had been the theatre; the first Consul's envoy was received as he ought to have been. Peace was decreed and even proclaimed in the divan.—However a new interpretation of the Sublime Porte, postponed the signature. War appeared to recommence, but it was a war without hostilities. All the French were permitted, freely, to retire from Algiers with all their property, and the agent of France waited at Alicante for the moment when negotiations could be resumed.
In short, a definitive treaty which assures to France all the advantages stipulated by the antient treaties, and which by new stipulations, guarantees more explicitly and fully the liberty of French commerce and navigation with Algiers, was signed the 7th of last Nivose.
The general Peace was concluded, & Commerce began to resume its accustomed routine.
But very soon we learned, that Algerine armans is overrun the Mediterranean, defeating the Commerce of France and infesting its coasts. Even the flag and territory of the French Republic was not respected by the corsairs of the regency. They carried into Algiers transports which failed from Toulon destined for St. Domingo. They seized a Neapolitan vessel in the seas, and almost within the banks of France. An Algerine rais dared, in the road of Tunis, to make a captain of a French merchantman submit to infamous treatment. The barks of the coral company, which agreeably to the terms of the treaty, went to fish for coral, were violently driven from the coast. The Charge d'affaires in vain demanded satisfaction; they had the presumption to make him propositions injurious to the
dignity of the French Nation—that France should purchase the execution of the treaty!
Informed of these aggressions, the First Consul ordered a naval division to sail for Algiers.
I transmit by his orders, the instructions to the charge d'affaires, the citizen Dubois Thainville, who deported himself with as much energy and dignity, as he conducted with prudence.
The division commanded by the counter-admiral L'Espergues, appeared before Algiers the 17th Thermidor, adjutant-commandant Hullin an officer of the pique was on board, the bearer of a letter from the First Consul to the Dey.
On the 13th, this officer went on shore, was received with distinction, presented to the Dey, and delivered the First Consul's letter, which was conceived in the following terms:
"BONAPARTE, First Consul, to the very high and very magnificent Dey of Algiers; whom God preserve in prosperity and glory!"
"I write you this letter direct, because I know that you have ministers who deceive you, and who induce you to conduct yourself in a manner that may bring upon you the great and just punishments. This letter will be delivered into your own hands by an adjutant of my palace. Its purport is to demand from you prompt reparation, and such as I have a right to exact, from the sentiments you have always entertained for me. A French officer has been beaten in the road of Tunis by one of your officers Rais. The agent of the Republic has demanded satisfaction and could not obtain it. Two barks of coral have been taken by your corsairs, which carried them to Algiers, and have remained them on their voyage. A Neapolitan vessel has been seized by your corsairs in the road of Tunis, by which act the French territory has been violated. In short, of the vessel which was cast away last winter on your coast, 150 men are still missing, detained in the hands of barbarians. I demand reparation from you for all these grievances: and not doubting but that you will take all the measures which I should take in similar circumstances, I dispatch a vessel to bring home to France the 150 missing men. I believe you moreover to mistrust those of your ministers who are enemies to France; you cannot have greater enemies; and if I desire to live in peace with you, it is essential, that you should preserve the good understanding about to be re-established, which alone can maintain you in that rank and prosperity you now enjoy: for God has decreed the punishment of all those who are unjust towards me."
"If you wish to live in friendship with me, you must not expect to treat me as a feeble power; you must cause the French flag to be respected, as likewise that of the Italian republic, which has nominated me its chief, and you must make me reparation for all the injuries which I have sustained. This letter being intended for no other purpose, I request you to read it yourself, with attention, and let me know by return of the officer I send you, the resolution you mean to take."
Whatever were the secret intentions of the Dey, he only replied the desire of living in a good understanding with the French republic. "I will always be," says he, "the friend of Bonaparte."
He promised and actually gave every satisfaction that was demanded. To render particular homage to the First Consul, in the person of his envoy, he was disposed even to dispense with the ordinary formats, and contrary to the immemorial usages of the regency, he received, in the most magnificent kiosk of his gardens, the officer of the palace, the charge d'affaires of the republic, the counter-admiral L'Espergues and his numerous staff-major. It was in that place, that he delivered to general Hullin the answer which he had prepared for the First Consul, in substance as follows.
"In the name of the only God, the God of mankind, our master the illustrious and magnificent lord Mustapha Pacha, Dey of Algiers, whom God preserve in glory."
To our friend Bonaparte, First Consul of the Republic of France, president of the Italian Republic.
I salute you, the Peace of God be with you.
Henceforth, our friend, I inform you that I have received your letter dated the 29th Messidor. I have read it; it was delivered to me by the general of your palace, and your (vekil) charge d'affaires, Dubois Thainville. I reply article by article.
1st. You complain of rais Ali-Tatar, although he is one of my Jedaches , I decreed that he should be put to death. At the instigant of the execution of his sentence, your Vakil demanded his pardon in your name, as a favour, and for your sake, I have reprieved him.
2d. You demand from me the Neapolitan palace, taken, you say, under the cannon of France. The particulars of this transaction, as reported to you, are not correct; but agreeably to your request, I have delivered up eight Christians composing its crew; I have surrendered them to your Vakil.
3d. You demand a Neapolitan vessel, which, it is said, failed from Corfu with French clearances. No French papers
were found in it; and, but, in conformity to your desire, I have let the crew, as they have delivered them to your Vakil.
4th. You demand the punishment of the rais who brought into this port two vessels belonging to the French Republic. According to your request I have discharged him from my service; but I must inform you that my rais know not how to read European characters; they are only acquainted with the pilot language; and for this reason, it will be proper that the vessels of our belonging to the French Republic, should make some signal, whereby they may be known by my corsairs.
5th. You demand 150 men, who you say are in my territories: there does not one of them exist. It was God's will that they all should perish, a circumstance which occasioned me great pain.
6th. You say there are certain persons who give me counsels that may embitter me with you. Our friendship is solid and ancient, and all those who seek to embitter us, shall be disappointed.
7th. You demand that I shall be the friend of the Italian Republic. I will respect its flag the same as your own, as you desire. Had any one else have made a similar request, I would not have granted it for a million of dollars.
8th. You would not give me the 200,000 dollars which I demanded of you, as a recompence for the losses which I have sustained for you. Whether you will give them, or will not give them, we will, notwithstanding, always be good friends.
9th. I have terminated with my friend Dubois Thainville, your vekil, every thing respecting the coral fishery, which your vessels can immediately resume. The African company shall enjoy the same prerogatives, which is formerly enjoyed; I have given orders to the Bey of Constantine, to afford it every possible protection.
10th. I have satisfied you in every respect as you have desired, in whatever you have demanded: in return, you will satisfy me, as I have satisfied you.
11th. Therefore, I request that you will give orders, that the nations my enemies may not navigate under your flag nor that of the Italian Republic; that there may be no further discussions between us, as I will always be to be friends with you.
12th. I have ordered my Rais to respect the French flag at sea. I will punish the first who shall bring a French vessel into my ports.
13th. At any time hereafter any discussions should be necessary between us, write to me direct, and every thing shall be amicably arranged.
I salute you: may God continue you in glory. Algiers—this 13th of the moon Radaid, 1217, in the year of the Hegira 1817. "
In concluding this report, I ought to inform the First Consul, that the Adjutant-Commandant of the palace, Hullin, and the Counter-Admiral L'Espergues, have fulfilled the commission entrusted to them, with dignity, firmness and circumspection.
CH. MAUR. TALEYRAND.
PARIS, Sept. 9.
A report prevails that the Ex-General La Fayette, has died at one of his estates in Brie.
The signing of the Treaty of Peace between France and the Porte, was announced the day before yesterday at the Theatres. At noon a discharge of cannon testified the public joy on this happy event.
LONDON, Sept. 6.
The Paris Journals, which we received yesterday, announce that the affairs of Germany are on the point of being settled, with the consent of Austria. This important fact is communicated by the Moniteur , an authority of peculiar weight. No one supposed Austria would have the temerity to resist the will of France, Russia and Prussia united. She must submit at present, as it is evident a league is formed against her. The French government, in announcing, through its official journal, the Moniteur , the adjustment of the affairs of Germany by the great powers, takes no notice of Britain—An oversight very insulting to this country. The King of England, as elector of Hanover, is far more deeply interested in the affairs of Germany than France or Russia. He is one of the first Princes of the Empire, either in a territorial or a political point of view, while neither France or Russia possess such a character as established members of the Germanic Body.—But it seems by the French official journal, that the King of England has not once been consulted on this arrangement; and that though important parts of dominions are secularized, his consent to the general project has not been deemed so necessary as the consent of the elector of Bavaria. This is an insult to England, which it will be mean in an independent newspaper not to notice; but it would be inconsiderate to do more than notice it. It may be judicious to let France know that her measures are duly estimated, though the steps for redress, which a high and unguarded spirit would dictate, cannot now be pursued. The art with which France extends her power, by the settlement of

Germany, is manifested distinctly in the disposition of Hanover. The Prussian troops by being brought into Hildesheim, are placed in the centre of the electorate, only fourteen miles from the town of Hanover. Of course the court of Berlin will look forward with hopes of becoming possessed of the whole, while the King of England will have fears of the loss of his paternal domains equally strong. France will thus establish a control over Prussia by hope, and over Britain by fear. In every corner of the empire the spread a similar influence, and thus prepares each state to become the victim of her future ambition, or the instrument of her power.
VIENNA, Aug. 18.
We learn from the latest intelligence from Turkey, that Pashwan Oglou is in open negotiation with the Porte, and that the moment of his absolute submission will be the moment of the arrival of the Grand Vizier in the environs of Widdin. That city will be delivered up to the Grand Vizier, by Pashwan Oglou himself. We are ignorant what will be the condition of the arrangement; whether this rebel, who has caused so much distress to the Porte, will be raised to any dignity, or whether he will retire with his troops to a foreign country.
BERNE, August 30.
We hear at this moment that the insurgents have just begun hostilities—have taken the post of Rengs, which was occupied by a company of carabiniers of the Canton de Vaud. The captain and about thirty men have perished in that action. No precise accounts of this unfortunate event have as yet been received; but it appears that this post has suffered itself to be surprised, and that the insurgents have easily rendered themselves masters of it, by taking possession of a height that commanded it, and which had been left unguarded.
On hearing the news, General Andermatt and the Commissary of Government Keller, gave orders for all the Helvetic forces to advance. They had addressed a proclamation to the inhabitants of Uri, Schwytz and Unterwalden, summoning them to submit to the government; but things are come to such a pitch, that there is no probability of this summons producing any effect.
August 28.
The second sitting of the Diet took place on the 26th; the minister of Bohemia, M. de Schrank, gave a very important vote upon the declaration and convention transmitted by the ministers of France and Russia. The following is the substance:
"That the affair of the indemnities being merely an interior concern of the empire, could not be otherwise settled than by the free concurrence and co-operation of its States: That the plan communicated by France and Russia was but a project proposed to the deputation, which the latter could reject, modify or adopt, as it might think proper; that, when it related to interests so important as those which now occupy the deputation, no power could prescribe, either the steps to be pursued, or, above all a period to its sitting: That, however, Bohemia, was disposed to do every thing depending on her to accelerate the affair in question."
This official declaration of the court of Vienna, the first that it has published on the subject of the convention of indemnities, has created a lively sensation amongst the accredited ministers.
RATISON, Au. 25.
It is positively known that citizen Laforest is alone, as minister extraordinary of the French Republic, to follow the negotiations relative to the important affair of the indemnities. Citizen Bacher still continues to remain as charge d'Affaires from France for every thing not connected with the settlement of the indemnities.
The two declarations transmitted the 18th inst. to the directory of the empire by the ministers Plenipotentiaries of France and Russia, have yesterday been carried to the diet and published.
In the conference which took place on the 23d, betwixt the members of the deputation, a difference arose, between Hesse Cassel and Wurtemberg, respecting the priority of votes.
CAVALRY ORDERS.
THE WASHINGTON TROOP OF CAVALRY will appear on the race ground on Saturday the 30th instant at eight o'clock in the morning precisely. It is earnestly hoped that every member of the troop will be punctual in his attendance, as on that day there will be a legionary review, and fines will be strictly exacted of absentees.
It is particularly desirable that all the gentlemen belonging to the troop will appear completely equipped on this occasion.
By order of the Captain, N. LUFBOROUGH, Adj't. 25th October, 1802.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, October 29, 1802.
The interesting foreign news which we this day offer to our readers, has been extracted from French and London papers received at New York by the brigs Eliza and Mary, in 36 days from Havre, and by the ship Boyne, arrived at Charleston, in 29 days from Liverpool.
A rumor prevailed in Paris of the death of LA FAYETTE, the illustrious friend of liberty, which we sincerely hope is unfounded.
The United States frigate Boston, capt. M'Neil, arrived here on the 26th inst. from the Mediterranean.
Yesterday was executed JAMES MCGIRE, sentenced to death for murdering his wife.
A New-York or flat states that a treaty of peace between France and the Porte has been exchanged and ratified; it is dated the 6th Thermidor (26th June.) By the 2d article of this treaty, the French are to enjoy, in the territories of the Sublime Porte, every privilege enjoyed by any other power. The French nation is moreover, entitled to the free and uninterrupted navigation of the Black Sea, with all the privileges and protection extended to merchant vessels navigating that sea. In return, a reciprocity of privileges are granted to Ottoman vessels in the ports of the French republic. The French Republic and Sublime Porte, by the 5th article, mutually guarantee the integrity of their respective possessions.
Anonymous detraction has attempted, through the federal prints, to inflame the public sentiment respecting the issue of the Delaware Election, by the imputation of charges as unfounded as atrocious. Delaware is divided into the three counties of New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex. In the first county the republicans have triumphed by a vast majority; while in the two last the federalists have had a majority. Accordingly no calumny is too gross to impute to the former, and no encomium too extravagant to bestow on the latter. An indecent attempt is made by reviling the voters of New-Castle, to agitate the passions of Kent and Sussex, and to destroy the soothing harmony between them and New-Castle. It is said that a large portion of the votes of New-Castle are illiterate and corrupt, while all the votes of Kent and Sussex are averred to be legal and pure. The former are said to have been swelled by aliens and reprobates, regardless of their oaths, and without character, to obtain those votes false and improper means were used, by which New-Castle has obtained an undue political weight, to the deprivation of the other counties of their legitimate share. Let us examine these charges.
In point of general respectability of character, the county of New-Castle has been pre-eminent. It is the most populous, the best informed, and the wealthiest county in the state. A large portion of its population consists of Friends, whose industry and probity are proverbial. By these remarks it is not meant in the least to derogate from the character of the other counties.
So far then the republicans of Delaware stand upon the firmest ground.
A different view will show that in other respects they stand upon ground equally firm.
Table with 4 columns: County, Day of vote, Rodney, Total. Rows: New-Castle, 707, 1,664, 2,371; Kent, 1,162, 943, 2,105; Sussex, 1,537, 814, 2,351. Total: 6,827.
According to the late census, the numbers of the respective counties, deducting slaves, are, New-Castle, 23,523; Kent, 18,069; Sussex, 16,528. Total: 58,120.
According to the respective numbers of the counties, had each voted proportionally, of the whole number of votes given, viz. 6,827, each would have had the following number of votes:
Table with 2 columns: County, Votes. Rows: New-Castle, 2,776; Kent, 2,135; Sussex, 1,916.
Had there been the votes given, and had the majorities and minorities borne the same proportion with those of the votes actually given, the following would have been the result:
Table with 4 columns: County, Republican, Fed., Total. Rows: New-Castle, 1,944, 832, 2,776; Kent, 957, 1,178, 2,135; Sussex, 663, 1,253, 1,916. Total: 3,564, 3,263.
Repub. majority, 301. Thus it appears that the county of New-Castle, so far from having had in the late election an undue weight, did not enjoy that weight to which her numbers entitled her. It shews also that Sussex enjoyed more than her due weight. If then charges of unfairness and fraud
are made, to whom are they most applicable? To the county whose votes are comparatively small, or to that county whose votes are comparatively great? It is not alleged that there was fraud or unfairness in either county; but it is contended that if they are to be ascribed to either, they may be imputed, with more force, to Kent and Sussex, than to New-Castle county.
Let us then hear no more of these vague and vicious calumnies. Whether they proceeded from infatuate disappointment, or anti-republican hatred, they are equally unworthy of any one who pretends to the character of a good citizen.
If unfairness or fraud ever pollute the right of suffrage, let them be proved, exposed, & punished; but let not the incendiary of the public peace, because he is disappointed, revile the honest exercise of the very right he professes to esteem sacred.
The Gazette of the United States contains the following statement of the NEW-JERSEY ELECTION.
The following may be relied on as the result of the election in New-Jersey.
Table with 4 columns: Council, Assembly. Rows: Bergen, 1 Rep, 0 Dem, 3 Rep, 0 Dem; Essex, 0 Rep, 1 Dem, 0 Rep, 3 Dem; Middlesex, 1 Rep, 0 Dem, 3 Rep, 0 Dem; Monmouth, 0 Rep, 1 Dem, 0 Rep, 3 Dem; Somerset, 1 Rep, 0 Dem, 3 Rep, 0 Dem; Burlington, 1 Rep, 0 Dem, 4 Rep, 0 Dem; Gloucester, 1 Rep, 0 Dem, 3 Rep, 0 Dem; Salem, 0 Rep, 1 Dem, 0 Rep, 3 Dem; Cape May, 1 Rep, 0 Dem, 1 Rep, 0 Dem; Hunterdon, 0 Rep, 1 Dem, 3 Rep, 1 Dem; Morris, 0 Rep, 1 Dem, 0 Rep, 3 Dem; Cumberland, 0 Rep, 1 Dem, 0 Rep, 2 Dem; Sussex, 0 Rep, 1 Dem, 0 Rep, 4 Dem. Totals: 6 Rep, 7 Dem, 20 Rep, 19 Dem.
For the accuracy of this statement we do not vouch. But if correct, there will be a tie between the republican and federal members on a joint meeting of the two houses, at which the Governor, federal Senator, and Chief Justice, are to be elected. The session will be rendered more important from the necessity of providing an election law for the choice of members of Congress, there being at present no law on that subject.
The South-Carolina Election for Senators and Representatives was held on the 13th. The number of votes given on each side in Charleston does not appear; but both the republican and federal tickets in part succeeded. The representatives from Charleston in the last house were federal, notwithstanding which a large majority of the legislature was republican. We believe there is no doubt of the same result in the present election. Indeed our accounts from that state represent the rapid increase of republican sentiments, and the growing confidence of the citizens in the administration of the general government; and the President, in particular, is stated to possess more popularity than has fallen to the share of any man beside Washington.
CONNECTICUT ELECTION.
On Thursday last the votes of the freemen of the state of Connecticut for members to represent them in the eighth Congress of the United States, were counted. The following gentlemen are chosen by the number of votes annexed to their respective names.
Table with 2 columns: Name, Votes. Rows: John C. Smith, 8743; Roger Griswold, 6601; Benjamin Talmadge, 7370; Samuel W. Dana, 7232; Elias Perkins, 6997; Calvin Goddard, 6942; John Davenport, 5390.
A Philadelphia paper says—We understand that the court of Portugal has issued a decree, prohibiting the importation of flour after the 4th of January next.
Le Chevalier de Frere, who was an official character to this country, is, we learn, nominated by the Portuguese court Minister to the Court of First Consul Bonaparte, for the purpose of explaining and adjusting the difference which occasioned the abrupt departure of the French Minister Laines from Lisbon.
An experiment is now making at Paris on the method employed in Egypt of white-washing walls. The process consists in the addition of a few hand-fulls of marine salt to a quintal of lime, mixed for use. It possesses the advantage of being attended with very little expense, of killing insects, and destroying the miramata, which penetrate walls frequently to a great depth.
CERTIFICATE.
The subscribers do hereby certify and make known that HENRY LATIMER, (late a member of the Senate of the United States, and as such sworn to support our REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION) asserted and declared in our presence, and in the presence of others, more than once, "That the people of this country would never be happy while the farmers, mechanics and labourers were able to live in the manner they now do—while they eat roast meat, and make use of tea and coffee—that they must be reduced to the same state as the peasants of Ireland, who live on turnips and potatoes—nor, continues he, nothing will serve those people, (the farmers, &c.) but turkeys and ducks, and three loaves as well as any of us!"—and that rather than live under such an administration as Jefferson's he would remove to the dominions of the Empress Kate of Russia."
(Signed) JOHN WATKINS, HENRY NILES. Wilmington, October 2, 1802.
same state as the peasants of Ireland, who live on turnips and potatoes—nor, continues he, nothing will serve those people, (the farmers, &c.) but turkeys and ducks, and three loaves as well as any of us!"—and that rather than live under such an administration as Jefferson's he would remove to the dominions of the Empress Kate of Russia."
(Signed) JOHN WATKINS, HENRY NILES. Wilmington, October 2, 1802.
It is to be wondered that such a man as this should call Jefferson a grand rogue?
CERTIFICATE.
Happening to be at the Post-Office, in New-Port, on the 23th Sept. 1802, when a political dispute arose concerning voting, I called on Henry Lattimer, who just came in, to decide the question—his reply was, "That if the question was to decide whether the President was an honest man, he could readily decide that he was a great Rogue."—And then repeated and said he was a grand rogue. CHARLES ANDERSON.
From the Morning Chronicle of N. Y.
The opposition to the measures of administration, in this city, grows every day more feeble. Those persons whose pecuniary circumstances were affected by the change, continue to express their objections, but with little influence. The good sense of the people has now an opportunity of exercise: they can tell those measures by their effects; they can judge by their own experience, and are no longer to be deluded by the misrepresentations of men interested in exciting injudicious prejudices. The people want a government that will secure their properties and protect their persons, in the unimpeded pursuit of those objects which they consider as essential to their prosperity. They know that in a sudden change of public affairs—when a party that has long held the reins of power is supplanted, circumstances injurious to individuals must result from a revolution of such magnitude. These moments therefore no longer excite their attention. They were tangle to apprehend other evils of a more serious and general nature, which they now find excited only in anticipation. At the moment of Mr. Jefferson's election to the presidency, we heard many declare, that they would close their accounts and seek a residence in some other country; for that, in the United States, the reign of anarchy and disorganization had commenced, which would diminish the value of their possessions, and utterly destroy their hopes of rational enjoyment. These forebodings being induciously echoed from every quarter of the city, had their weight with many well-meaning men, who form their opinions from the information of others. These now find the affairs of government conducted with a wisdom and a regularity calculated to protect the citizen in the exercise of all his privileges; and with a mildness that regards with an eye of unmerited lenity the endeavours of disappointed persons to misrepresent its measures and insult its public officers. They find also the expenses of the nation reduced and the burthen of taxes diminished.
It is true that some men determined to disappropriate every act, however meritorious, have attempted to raise a hue and cry at the reduction of the internal taxes. They will not give credit for what is done; but exclaim—this you have omitted. They will not acknowledge the good they receive—because not carved according to their particular appetites. Such is the censure of individuals; but the mass of the people judge more rationally. This is a subject on which their own experience can determine:—nor are they to be misled on a ground so void of intricacy.
The repeal of the auction duty affords an extensive relief to a numerous class of merchants, in moderate circumstances—as well as to those in exclusive business; while the abolition of the stamp-act, has removed a weighty and inequitable burden, that operated oppressively, and almost exclusively upon the commercial interest. This was a tax that bore peculiarly hard on many retail dealers, whose industry was scarce competent to their support. It in many instances drew from them annual sums, greater than the whole amount of taxes, paid by more opulent citizens, whose concerns did not bring them within the operation of that law.
In consequence of such salutary measures, the mist of prejudice is rapidly dissipating: and the people are daily becoming more strongly attached to an administration that consults general happiness, rather than national aggrandizement; and prefers the diffusion of riches among its citizens, to the accumulation of large sums in the public coffers.
MILITIA MUSTER.
The enrolled Citizens attached to Captain ANDREW's company are requested to meet on Saturday the 30th inst. at nine o'clock, back of the big Hotel, equipped agreeably to law.
By order of the Captain, J. G. O'REILLY, Serjeant. October 26, 1802.
District of Columbia, Oct. 21st, 1802.
LEGIONARY ORDERS.
The General having by a appointment on Saturday the 30th inst. for the meeting of the 1st Legion. The officers commanding companies will please take notice that ten o'clock is the hour, in the hour of all mbling at the race ground in the City of Washington. It is hoped the companies will be in the best possible order for inspection agreeably to law.
By order, Wm. D. BEALL, Adj't.
FOR SALE.
Stock and Common Bricks, Scantling, Firewood, Slate, Coals. Apply to JAMES O'BRIEN, Carrollshurg Oct. 29.
New Books from London.
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, have received an extensive collection of
New and Valuable Books,
Amongst which are the following: Sonlam's memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Lord Bolingbroke's private Letters and correspondence, 4 vols. Nicholls's translation of Cicero's Letters, 3 vols. Beloe's Herodotus, 4 vols. Barthelemy's (author of Anacharsis travels) Letters from Italy. Ferguson's history of the Roman Republic, 5 vols. Mickle's translation of Comeen's Luciad, 2 vols. A new edition of Peter Pinder's work, 5 vols. 8vo. Brown's travels in Africa, 4to. Giffey's Aristotle's Ethics and Politics, 2 vols. 4to. Jacob's Law Dictionary, 2 vols. 4to. Walker's Dictionary, 4to. London. Belsham's memoirs of George 3rd vols. 5th and 6th. Thomson's chemistry, 4 vols. Barthelemy's voyage to the East Indies. Lee's Canterbury Tales. Justina, a new Novel, 4 vols. Helen of Glencairn, 4 vols. Belinda, by Miss Edgeworth, 2 vols. Beggars' Boy. Mysterious friendship, 2 vols. Knight and Mason, 4 vols. Man of Fortitude, 3 vols. Trewanien, 2 vols. Follies of fashion, 3 vols. Accusing Spirit, 4 vols. Belsham, 2 vols. Voyage in search of La Perouse, 2 vols. with elegant cuts. Mackenzie's voyages through North America, to the frozen and Pacific Oceans. Sullivan on land titles. Willes' Reports. And a variety of school books & stationary articles, all which they will sell at their usual low prices. A few bags of Maxwell's first quality of printing ink. Oct. 29.
This is to give Notice,
THAT the Subscriber of the city of Washington, has obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, letters testamentary on the personal estate of JOHN FOWNES, late of the said City and District, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are her by desired to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the tenth day of May next—they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 29th day of October, 1802. SARAH FOWNES, Admix. Oct. 29.
PUBLIC SALE.
WILL be sold by Auction, to the highest bidder, on Saturday next, the 30th inst. at the House of the deceased JOHN FOWNES, New Jersey Avenue, city of Washington, a quantity of
Slops and Shoes.
Terms of Sale Cash.—By order of the Judge of the Orphans Court of Washington County. SARAH FOWNES, Admix. Oct. 29.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or STOLEN, on Saturday last, TWO HORSES,
BELONGING to the subscriber, residing on Greenleaf's Point. One of the Horses is a bay, about 15 hands high, rough shed all round, when rode, paces in a foot pace, and carries his head straight; has no peculiar mark—mane much worn by collar.
The other is a sorrel, about 14 hands high, has a white mark on his forehead, which extends, with a small interval, to his nostril—mane also much worn by collar. Where the head stall passes back of the ear, the bridle has worn the hair off in a small spot; it is a trotting horse, has a fore joint below where the name is worn by the collar. Below the knee there is a small scar on the hind legs.
Ten Dollars reward will be given for each Horse, and fifty Dollars for apprehending the Thief, if stolen, and securing the Horses.
SAMUEL SPEARS. Oct. 25.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber intends to petition the Washington County Court, at their next meeting, for License to keep the Ferry from George Town to Virginia, known by the name of Keary's Ferry. JOHN KENNEDY. Sept. 23, 1802.

Address to Subscribers.
On the 31st of this month two years will have elapsed since the first appearance of the National Intelligencer. During this period much has occurred abroad to awaken curiosity, and much at home to excite interest. The intrinsic importance of the events that have occurred has necessarily and properly produced these effects. It had been well for the national character, if other effects, had not accompanied them. Unfortunately for the peace of society, party violence has burst forth with unbridled fury, and threatens to prostrate the brightest talent and purest virtue of the community.
The transfer of power from one set of men, governed by certain political principles, to another set of men guided by different principles, has kindled a resentment that precludes itself no limits; and too many of our presses, administering to its gratification, are filled with the basest and lowest detraction.
Under these circumstances it becomes the Editor of the National Intelligencer openly and distinctly to affirm the rules of his conduct; rules which he has found no reason to abandon, and which it is not probable he will ever relinquish.
Believing the freedom of speech and of the press to be one of the great bulwarks of our liberties, it has been and shall be vigorously sustained. That freedom consists in the temperate discussion of all principles and measures on which the general happiness depends. While on the one hand, it holds no principle too sacred for examination, it forbids all personal slander and vulgar language. The National Intelligencer, therefore, has not, and will not enter into personal warfare with any wretch who by his crimes has abandoned himself to infamy; nor will it, elated with editorial consequence, make the nation the theatre of the petty feuds of hostile prints. Such fallacies and follies will be left to their own fate. On the contrary detraction will be discountenanced, and the plain language of truth, whenever it shall be thought necessary, shall put down the slanderer.
Believing that our happiness essentially depends upon a republican government, and that such government is alike susceptible of abuse and improvement, whatever increases a love and respect for it whatever tends to destroy its abuses or promises its amelioration shall be admitted.
Believing that the measures of the late administration tended to draw into disrepute the republican system by incorporating numerous and dangerous abuses which were calculated with great rapidity to hurry us into the common vortex of ruined nations, those measures have been held up to public opinion as unworthy of imitation; while the measures of an administration, zealously attached to the republican system, and resolutely bent on keeping this country apart from foreign connection, have been enforced as the offspring of a wise and honest policy.
These measures are well known to the readers of the National Intelligencer, with the arguments urged as well in their opposition as support. Since the establishment of the paper, every document of importance has been given, and the debates of the legislature at a length which, it is believed, is unparalleled. Nor will the malice of party ascribed to them a want of rigid impartiality.
From this exposition, it will be seen that the Editor does not claim an exemption from decided political convictions. However the recluse student may shroud himself in apathy, the citizen of a genuine republic, in the midst of the political scene, must have little sensibility and less patriotism not to embrace with zeal one side or the other. If he believe the general happiness to depend upon the republican system, if he believe that system to depend upon the unimpaired enjoyment of peace, upon the moderation of taxes, and if he believe that the men now in power will insure these effects, while those in opposition would mar them, can he be indifferent? No fellow citizens, while we are moderate let us be vigilant; while we limit ourselves to truth, let us
embrace that truth with zeal; and while we desire the happiness of our opponents, let us take care of our own.
So long as the National Intelligencer is conducted on these principles, it may, without presumption, claim the support of the enlightened patriot. That support it already possesses in an eminent degree. But an extended subscription, while it rewarded the Editor, would enable him to improve the plan of the Paper, and to enlarge the sphere of its usefulness. Under this impression, and with this view the Editor requests the person, who shall receive the accompanying specimen papers, to obtain as many subscribers as shall be in his power, on one condition, which experience has proved to be indispensable, the actual payment by each subscriber of five Dollars in advance.
In Pursuance of Orders From the Orphans Court of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, and of Prince George's County, in the State of Maryland , we shall proceed to sell by public Sale, at the farms of the late Nutley Young, Esq. in Washington County , on Monday the 25th of October next, if fair, if not fair on the first fair day,
A valuable Stock of Cattle, Draft Horses, Hogs, Sheep, Farming Utensils, and various other articles of the personal Estate of the said Nutley Young , deceased—and on Tuesday the 26th day of November, we shall sell all the personal property belonging to the Estate of the said deceased, at his plantation in Prince George's County , in the Forest of Queen Ann , except his slaves, consisting of a very large and valuable stock of every kind, farming utensils, &c. &c.
Nine months credit will be given for all sums above twenty dollars, on bonds with approved security. BENJ. YOUNG, NICH. YOUNG, Executors. ROBT. BRENT. N.B. The Sales will commence at the Farm adjoining the City, which belonged to Mr. Young. Sept. 27th, 1802. ept250.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
By virtue of a writ of venditioni exponas, issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia, for the county of Washington, to me directed, will be exposed to Public Sale, on Saturday the sixth day of next month—
AH FORRETT , either in law or equity, to the following described property, viz: Lots No. 11, 12, 13, 29, and 30, in square No. 103, lots No. 8, 9, and 10, in square No. 119, in the city of Washington—one square or lot of land in Georgetown, 320 feet front on Fayette Street, running back on the south 245 feet, and on the north 160 feet, also one square, or lot of land in said Town 254 feet front, on eighth street, and 204 feet on Fayette Street.
Also, a Chariot with plated harness, two Carriage Horses, one saddle Horse, one elegant French clock—together with a variety of Household Furniture, consisting of chairs, tables, side-boards, desks, book cases, &c. &c. taken as the property of said Ah Forrest , and sold to satisfy debt and costs due William Thornton, Alexander White and Tristram Dillan —The sale of the lots in the city and Georgetown will take place at Burney's Tavern, Georgetown , at 10 o'clock, A M—and the personal property at the dwelling house of General Forrest about a mile and a half above Georgetown, at 4 o'clock P. M. Terms of sale cash. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the district of Columbia. Marshall's Office, Washington, Oct. 11th, 1802.
On the same day at 3 o'clock P. M. at Mr. Forrest's dwelling house will be sold, to the highest bidder, a great variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, some sheep, Hogs, a Horse and a Cow, a Negro woman, Negro girl and child, and a number of Books. Six months credit will be given for all sums above twenty dollars, the purchaser giving bond with security, for payment, with interest from the day of sale, for all sums under twenty dollars, cash. JOHN H. WEIL, Assignee for the estate of Ah Forrest . 23d October, 1802. dtf
TO RENT,
And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on F Street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM Dyer. April 7, 1802. eptf Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W.D.
FOR SALE,
A FEW PUNCHBEONS excellent Antigua Rum, of 3d and 4th proof. Apply to the Subscriber. WM. BRENT. Sept. 29, 1802. tf
FOR SALE OR RENT,
THAT elegant three story Barick House , on the corner of Falls & Frederick street, in George Town, lately occupied by Mr. Picton.
Likewise,
THE two well-finished three story BRICK HOUSES , adjoining that occupied by Mr. Samuel H. Smith, Printer, on the Pennsylvania Avenue, east of the centre Market House, City of Washington—Apply to GEORGE THOMPSON, George Town. Geo. Town, O.S. 29. tf
HENRY INGLE,
Has imported in the Ships Franklin and Brutus , from Liverpool, and now offers for Sale at his Store, on New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill, City of Washington—
Ironmongery, Cutlery, Brass Wares, & Liverpool Earthen ware in crates,
A few Pkantheon , Rumford & Forrest coal grates of neat patterns—Also, coal hods, bras and wire feeders, hand irons, shovel and tongs, cinder flters, knives, and forks, iron and brass chopping dishes, crust stands, ironed ware, brushes, brooms and shovels, flying pans, mill, pit and cross cut saws, carpenters tools, smiths tools, horse cutters chisels, materials for bell hangers, locks, hinges, screws, nails and racks of various qualities, and a variety of other articles. Oct. 22d. sawtj.
Advertisement.
On Thursday the 18th day of November, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to sale on the premises, in the town of Alexandria, the following parcels of land, late the property of JOHN FITZGERALD , deceased, sold pursuant to the directions of his will, for the payment of debts, to wit:
One parcel of land lying upon the east side of Union street, and to the north of Wilkes street, being a wharf or made ground upon which there is a Frame Warehouse , it will be sold together or laid off into convenient lots, to accommodate purchasers—the ground is subject to an annual rent of £9 17 6. One half of a Brewery , commonly called Wilkes's Brewery , with the necessary instruments and utensils for carrying on that business, and the ground appertaining to the Brewery; the whole of the Brewery is now under ademece at 600 dollars per annum. A piece of ground immediately joining on the Brewery, fronting on Water street and a twenty foot alley, extending on Water street above forty feet, and upon the alley 150 feet. A piece of ground fronting upon Wolfe and St. Asaph streets—this will be laid off into convenient lots—A piece of ground lying upon the south side of King street, fronting thereon upon 22 feet, and extending 82 feet to a 12 foot alley, upon which is erected a two story brick house and a frame warehouse.
On the same day, if there be sufficient time after the sales of the above property, if not, on the next day will be exposed to Sale—also on the premises, a small tract of Land contiguous to the Town, containing 37 acres—this is subdivided and will be sold in small parcels, containing from four to six acres. The terms of Sale are one fourth of the purchase money in hand, one fourth in six months, one fourth in twelve months, and the remainder in eighteen months; the latter payments to be secured by a trust upon the land, which will be conveyed to the purchaser on payment of the first fourth part of the purchase money. THOS. DIGGES, Acting executors of JAS. KELLY, J. Fitzgerald, dec. Alexandria, Oct. 22. ept8N.
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
The Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments. The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the flats of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c. A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in. Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT. N. 37 Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. eptf
CHARLES VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR from Philadelphia, Capitol Hill, New-Jersey Avenue. HAS received an assortment of summer goods consisting of the best superfine Cloths. Cashmeres, Silk Borraches, English Striped Nankeens, White India Dimities, White and printed Marcellas, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N.B. Ladys Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms, made in the first style of fashion. July 9, 1802. tf
LAND FOR SALE.
The subscriber offers for sale the tract of Land where he now lives, lying in King George County, on Potomac Creek, containing eleven hundred and ten acres—This Land is very heavily timbered with all the different kinds of timber common to this climate, and a rich soil. Is bounded by the creek about three quarters of a mile, where the water is from eight to ten feet deep. There is an excellent Rock fishery on it, and at the fishing shore (which is considered a good stand for a store.) There is a store, a dwelling house, kitchen, stable, and corn house, a good garden, &c. About a mile from the Creek is a good dwelling house, containing five rooms, every convenient out-house, a well enclosed yard, garden, &c. at present occupied by the Subscriber. From the situation of this land, the goodness of its soil (which is adapted to the growth of corn, wheat, and tobacco) the quantity of wood it contains, its contiguity to the water, and facility of conveyance to Alexandria and the City of Washington, induces the subscriber to believe that he will meet with a ready sale, as he is determined to risk a moderate price to induce a speedy sale. For terms apply to Daniel C. Brent, Esq. and Mr. Jeremiah Booth , of the City of Washington, or to the Subscriber, or in his absence, to Mr. John Murphy , who lives on the premises. LEWIS WAUGH. October 11th, 1802. sawtj.
Thomas Carpenter,
TAYLOR,
HAS just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cashmeres; India, Manchester, and silk striped nankeens; cotton cambrics, boglepoor, Bengal elegant white chard for pantaloons, white and coloured marcellas, janes and satin croisés, silk gingham, black and other coloured striped futans, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner—Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's square. May 24, 1802. eptf
LEWIS DEBLOIS,
Has just received by the Brig Leopard , the following articles, which he offers for sale, on moderate terms—at his store on
Stewart or Lowndes Wharf.
Russia Sheerings, Ravens Duck, India Cottons, Ozalbagis, Breads Iron, Cordage, Sugar in Barrels, New-England Rum. A few Casks of cut Nails, of different sizes. George Town, Sept. 22, 1802. S
TO RENT,
A Two story frame House, near the Treasury Office, CONTAINING three rooms on the first floor, and a pantry—a covered way to the kitchen, a cellar, piazza and portico, with an excellent garden; stable and carriage house if required—now occupied by Doctor Harrison . Possession may be had on the first of next month. Enquire of Pierce Purcell , near Rhodes's Tavern , and Mr. Jeremiah Connor George Town. Oct. 15, 1802. tf
TO BE RENTED,
Two or three large three story brick Houses, SITUATED on the Capitol Hill, convenient to the Capitol—to prevent trouble it is wished that no one would apply who will not pay half the rent in advance, or who can give good security for the payment of the rent—possession to be had the first of November, application to be made to DANL. CARROLL of Duddi. Sept. 8, 1802. eptfN.
The George Town and Annapolis STAGE,
WILL commence on the first Monday in October next to run three times a week; leave Annapolis every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, and return from George Town every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday—Fare and allowance as usual. JOSEPH SEMMES, JOHN SMITH. This is intended to accommodate such gentlemen and ladies as are going to and from Frederick and Hager's-Town. October 11th, 1802. tf
ADVERTISEMENT.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust from OWEN ROBERTS to the Subscriber, will be exposed to Sale, for ready money, on the Premises, on Wednesday the 18th day of November, if fair, if not, then the next fair day, ONE half of that LOT OF GROUND in the city of Washington, lying in square No. 256, and designated in that figure by the No. 10; the moiety intended to be sold fronts upon the open area on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and joins upon the lot No. 11 in that square, has a front of 24 feet 2 inches and an hall, and 93 feet 5 inches deep; upon it is erected a frame Dwelling House. JAMES KEITH , Trustee. Oct. 15. eptfN.
Now Landing.
FOR SALE, On Messrs. R. & G. Barry's Wharf, TEN hds Molasses, twenty barrels brown Sugar, two thousand pounds of the green Coffee, five hundred pounds of Carroll's best Peterburg chewing Tobacco, in small kegs, and a few excellent Casks—Also, soap and a few chests of low priced Tea. Apply to the Subscriber near the 20 Buildings. RD. FRAZER. Oct. 18. ept4w.
LAND FOR SALE.
The subscriber offers for sale the tract of Land where he now lives, lying in King George County, on Potomac Creek, containing eleven hundred and ten acres—This Land is very heavily timbered with all the different kinds of timber common to this climate, and a rich soil. Is bounded by the creek about three quarters of a mile, where the water is from eight to ten feet deep. There is an excellent Rock fishery on it, and at the fishing shore (which is considered a good stand for a store.) There is a store, a dwelling house, kitchen, stable, and corn house, a good garden, &c. About a mile from the Creek is a good dwelling house, containing five rooms, every convenient out-house, a well enclosed yard, garden, &c. at present occupied by the Subscriber. From the situation of this land, the goodness of its soil (which is adapted to the growth of corn, wheat, and tobacco) the quantity of wood it contains, its contiguity to the water, and facility of conveyance to Alexandria and the City of Washington, induces the subscriber to believe that he will meet with a ready sale, as he is determined to risk a moderate price to induce a speedy sale. For terms apply to Daniel C. Brent, Esq. and Mr. Jeremiah Booth , of the City of Washington, or to the Subscriber, or in his absence, to Mr. John Murphy , who lives on the premises. LEWIS WAUGH. October 11th, 1802. sawtj.
FOR RENT,
SEVERAL Houses in New Jersey Avenue, well calculated for Boarding Houses and private families. WM. BRENT. Atty. for Thomas L. L. Esq. Sept. 29, 1802. ept4d.
TO LET.
A TWO STORY FRAME HOUSE, near the Bank, the tenant will have the advantage of a well cultivated Garden. Enquire of Mr. Joseph Saul at the office of Lancourt and Beroff , Washington. Sept. 27, 1802. tf
UNITED STATES,
District of Columbia and County
Washington.
IN CHANCERY, Oct. 9, 1802.
Charles Lovendus, John Templeman, James M. Cuthbert, Thomas Lays, John Weams and Edward O'Neil, Complainants, AGAINST Francis Deakins, John Hewitt, assignee of Uriah Forrest , Benjamin Stoddert, Joseph E. Rowles, Thomas Sim Lee, John Laird, Joseph Forrester, Thomas Law, Isaac Peacock, John Murdock, William O'Neil, David Peacock, Eliza Janney, Jacob Hoffman, Jonah Thompson, and John Scott, Defendants.
THE object of the Bill is to obtain a decree for the sale of the bridge over Potomac river built by, and belonging to the George Town bridge company to raise money to pay a large sum of money due from the said company to sundry persons.
The bill states that these debts amounting to the sum of dollars 16,067 76 principal, before a large sum for interest thereon, were all contracted for in and about the building of the said bridge, that the accounts have been submitted to the stockholders and that they have approved of the expenditures of their monies and the contracting of this amount of the debt. That the whole monies subscribed by the stockholders for building this bridge have been appropriated and paid away properly and pay, that this amount of debt still remains unpaid by the company, who though frequently called on, will make no provision for the payment of the same.
The bill further states that Samuel Blodgett , Thomas L. Moore , James Reid , Hudson & York , John Reid & William Vaughan , Defendants above named, reside in Philadelphia in the commonwealth of Pennsylvania; that Harrison and Scott , Charles Carroll , James M'Ilwain , Charles Wallace , John Muir , William Stewart , Louis Deblois , Alexander McDonald and Co. Joseph Hardy , Thomas Charles Clark , Benjamin Clark , Martha Clark , Charles Thomas Clark and Ann Maria Clark , Defendants, above named reside in the state of Maryland; that Joseph Covache and Domine Lynch , Defendants above named, reside in the city of New-York; that Farris and Stocker above named reside in the state of Massachusetts, and that Alexander J. Miller , Richard W. Ashton , Henry Lawrence , Clement Lawrence , James C. Nielson , and Pierce L. Tanner reside out of the District of Columbia and not within the jurisdiction of this Court, but where they do reside, is not known.
It is on the complainants motion ordered that they procure this order to be inserted at least once in six successive weeks in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, before the first day of February next, to the intent that the aforesaid defendants, and all other persons (if any there be) who are interested in the premises, may have notice of the complainants application and of the substance and effect of the bill, and that the said defendants and each of them may be warned to appear here in person, or by solicitor, on or before the fourth Monday in July next, to the cause if they can, why a decree should not be as prayed by the said bill.
By order, URIAN FORREST, Ck. Oct. 20. saw6w
Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, ff.
IN CHANCERY.
Valentine Peyton, against Mary Cook , widow and relief of Joseph Cook deceased, Alexander Stedman and Jelia Cook , and Joseph Wilson & Robert Brown , administrators of Joseph Cooke , deceased.
THE object of this bill is to foreclose a Mortgage of two lots, a parcel of ground situated in the City of Washington, given by Joseph Cook , deceased, to James R. Dermott , and by the said James R. Dermott assigned to Francis Deakins , deceased, and by the said Francis Deakins assigned to the complainant, Valentine Peyton .
It appears by the return of the Marshal that the defendants are not residents of Columbia, but reside in the state of Pennsylvania—It is thereupon ordered that the complainant cause a copy of the above notification to the object of the Bill to be inserted in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, printed in Washington County, in the said district, during the term of six weeks, warning the defendants to appear in the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for the County of Washington, on the sixth day of the ensuing term (December 1802) to show cause why a decree should not be passed as prayed by the Bill.
By Order, URIAN FORREST, Clerk July 29th, 1802. Oct. 13—saw6w
FOR RENT,
SEVERAL Houses in New Jersey Avenue, well calculated for Boarding Houses and private families. WM. BRENT. Atty. for Thomas L. L. Esq. Sept. 29, 1802. ept4d.
TO LET.
A TWO STORY FRAME HOUSE, near the Bank, the tenant will have the advantage of a well cultivated Garden. Enquire of Mr. Joseph Saul at the office of Lancourt and Beroff , Washington. Sept. 27, 1802. tf