The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-06-24 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1201.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, JUNE 24, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Extracts from evidence on the British Orders, delivered before the English Parliament.
MARCH 22.
Mr. Thomas Martin.
What were the premiums on American risks in summer from Liverpool to America, in the summer of 1806? Two guineas per cent. and two and a half per cent. in the summer of 1806. In the winter?—In the winter three guineas per cent. and sometimes four.
And in 1807 what were the same premiums?—They were much the same as in 1806; the summer were two and a half, and the winter three and sometimes four guineas.
When did the news of the Berlin decree of the 21st November, 1806, reach Liverpool?—On or before the 11th December, 1806.
Do you remember to have effected an insurance to America on the 13th of that month?—Yes; my house effected an insurance on an American risk on the 13th of that month, that was from America to Liverpool.
At what premium did you effect that insurance? At three guineas per cent.
So that there was an immediate temporary rise after the knowledge of the Berlin decree came to Liverpool? There was.
How long did this rise continue? In January following an insurance was effected on a vessel to America at five guineas per cent. but this was to a small amount, and on the 13th of February following an insurance was effected on the same vessel at three guineas per cent.
Being the same premium as in the former year before the Berlin decree? Yes, it was.
What is the general difference in almost all years between premiums on American voyages in summer risks? The difference is one or one and a half per cent.
The falling off of the manufactures from Liverpool, at the spring shipments, is in your opinion owing to the orders in council only? It is in my opinion principally owing to the orders in council.
Will you state whether the shipments in the fall of 1807, had not fallen off considerably, as compared with the fall shipment in 1806? Certainly not; and I doubt whether they were not very nearly, if not quite as much as those of 1806; but if they had fallen off, it was by no means considerably.
When you state those reasons which would prevent your shipping goods to America, do you not take into your consideration at all, that a merchant exporting goods from this country would look for his return for those goods from America; and do not you think that the embargo in America might operate to prevent his shipping them there? If I am desired to give an opinion on that subject, it is precisely this: we know as matter of fact that the embargo was laid in December; the question for a merchant in this country, shipping goods to America, is, how long it is probable that embargo will continue; if it is likely to continue for a great length of time, he will be the less induced to send goods, and if for a short time, he will be induced to send out goods; the orders in council having taken place, I conceive that an effectual bar is put to sending goods, for he will infer (at least that is the case with myself) that the embargo will be prolonged by the orders in council.
You conceive that, though you know the embargo was laid on without any knowledge of the orders in council? I conceive it was known in America for nine or ten days before the laying on of the embargo, that provisions equivalent to the orders of council were intended and determined upon by the British government nine or ten days.
What is your source of knowledge upon that subject? On the 12th of November I wrote a circular letter to my American correspondents, which letter was received out on the 12th or 13th of December; but I believe the 12th of December, in which I stated, "It is strongly reported, that it is the intention of our government to extend the system of blockade to France and the respective states on the continent under her influence, prohibiting from
entrance into any of their ports all vessels whatever, except such as have last cleared from Great Britain or her dependencies." I have received advice, that one of the vessels by which this circular letter went, arrived on the 12th, or not later than the 13th of December.
Shakespeare Phillips called in again. Had you any occasion to insure goods to America, in the way of your business, in January 1807? I had.
Was that early in January? I cannot exactly state; I should rather think about the middle of January.
What premium did you pay for that insurance? Five guineas per cent.
Did you consider that an increased premium? Certainly.
Increased how much? The usual winter premium from England to the United States is three guineas per cent: two to three.
And the summer premium? The summer premium two guineas.
How long did this increase of premium from three guineas to five guineas per cent last? A very short time.
A fortnight? I should rather think not a week.
So that before the end of the month of January, 1807, the premium had fallen back to its usual rate? Yes, we effected insurances at three guineas, in, I should think, less than a fortnight after we had effected that at five guineas.
In the same year did you effect any insurances in August? Yes.
At what premium? Two guineas per cent.
What were the premiums in July and August, 1806? I conceive two guineas; but I cannot precisely answer that question; it is so long since.
You do not conceive that in July and August, 1807, you paid higher than the ordinary premium? Certainly not. I never knew it lower to the United States.
Since July and August 1807, have you had occasion to effect any insurances in the year 1807? Yes, I effected some small insurances in the year 1807, from the U. States to England, and they were, I believe, at two per cent.
Mr. Wm. Bell called in again. Had you any occasion to know of or to effect an insurance here of any vessel from Virginia to any port in Sept. 1805? I rather think I had.
At what premium did you effect the insurance? At four guineas per cent. to any port in Europe, with liberty to call for orders.
In July, 1806, had you occasion to effect an insurance from Virginia to any market? I had.
At what premium? At five guineas per cent. to return two per cent. if she discharged in Great Britain, and one per cent. if at any port out of the Baltic, which came to the same thing.
In January, 1807, and after the Berlin decree, had you occasion to effect any insurance from Virginia to Nantes or Bordeaux? On the 21st of January, 1807.
At what premium? At four guineas per cent. to Bordeaux or Nantes, with liberty to call at the isle of Rhe for orders.
On the first of January, or early in January, 1808, from Virginia to Nantes, what was the premium? I paid fifteen guineas; but in about six days from that time, it would have cost, I believe, about thirty; I think that was what they told me; and that same ship was warned into Falmouth, and is now discharging her cargo in the port of London.
What do you conceive to be the premium at this time from America to France, if a British clause were added, and cargo American? I do not imagine it could be done at any price, not at ninety per cent. provided you are determined to send the ship on.
Have you lately had any letters from your correspondents in Holland, containing information respecting the execution of the French decree in that country? On the 17th of Sept. I had a letter, dated the 7th of Sept. from our friends in Rotterdam, saying, "We are able to assure you, the late decree does not affect Americans that may have called in England, provided they have not loaded in England, and that they declare the last port they came from."
Have you had any letter subsequent to that from Holland? On the 22nd of Sept. received on the 17th of October, I had one from the same
house, saying, "we repeat, ships touching in England, are admitted here as before."
Have you any letter dated late in October? I have one dated Rotterdam, 29th of October, and saying, "prices mean time seem at their level, without some new difficulty or broils," if nothing new had occurred.
Suppose that the embargo in America were removed altogether, both as far as it respects the continent and as it affects this country, and suppose that in this case the orders in council were continued; would you resume your shipments? No, I should not.
For what reason would you not resume your shipments, since you could receive shipments from America here in such cases? I conceive I answered that question before; I have already stated that I do not conceive that this country consumes more than one third of American produce; I mean that the American produce consumed in this country does not amount in value to more than one third of the exports from this country to America; therefore I should certainly not execute that proportion, was that to be the case.
Do you conceive that you should ship the whole of that one-third, notwithstanding the continuance of the Orders in Council, and the prohibition of the exportation of manufactures in cotton to the continent? If it is to be supposed that America would submit to the orders in council, I should; if the thing was to remain as it does, in uncertainty, conceiving that it would lead to war, I certainly should ship nothing; supposing America to submit, I certainly should.
You did insurances in September, 1807, from America to the continent of Europe? I did.
Did you do no insurances in October or the month of November? I did but one, I think, in October, a further insurance on the Phoenix to Bordeaux; but from the general tenor of those letters I have received from Holland, I have no doubt, I could have done them on the same terms as in August.
Do you not know that in point of fact, a much higher premium was given in October, 1807? No, I do not know it.
Does it come within your knowledge, whether any American ships which had commenced their voyage prior to the orders in council, and had been warned to discontinue their voyage to a restricted port, had been warned to proceed to a port not within those restrictions? I have heard of ships which have been warned into British ports having proceeded, and 25 or 30 per cent paid upon them.
Do you know whether vessels which have been warned not to proceed to ports included, have proceeded to a port not included, Sweden for instance? They have generally come to Great-Britain, I believe; I understand that the notice which has been given is this, "You may go home or go to Great-Britain;" that they have an option of returning or coming to Great-Britain; I never heard of Sweden.
That they had no other option? So I understood.
Mr. Alexander White. Did it happen to you in the month of January, 1807, to charter two American ships for Amsterdam? In January one, and in March another.
Two American ships? With what were those ships laden? Chiefly cotton, produced by America and the West-Indies.
Did you hear of the success of those voyages? Yes.
Did the ships arrive safe in Amsterdam? Yes.
Did they discharge and sell their cargoes? I know nothing of their sale, but I know of their discharge, and that the ships were paid for their labor.
Did you receive your commission as ship and insurance broker? Yes.
Do you recollect the premiums at which you insured? Yes, it was six guineas per cent. against all risks, I have the policy in my pocket.
Did you effect any other insurance, during the same year on a similar voyage, on Americans sailing from this country to Amsterdam? Yes.
At what premium and times? None later than March, and at the same premium.
Six guineas per cent? Yes.
Where did those ships, which
cleared out from this country with the intention of sailing to Amsterdam, clear to nominally; what papers had they? That is a question I beg leave to decline answering.
At what rate could you effect a similar insurance at present, on the same voyage? In the month of February last, I had occasion for two ships to go on similar voyages, and I tried to get an insurance done on their cargoes and ships for 30 guineas or 35 guineas, and I could not.
Do you mean that you attempted last February to effect insurances on ships from this country to the continent with similar papers, and could not do it? Yes.
How much did you offer from this country? Thirty-five guineas.
And no one would underwrite? Some few, but not sufficient to make up a cargo.
Do you know of any means of getting English cargoes into the continent, previous to the orders in council, which have been cut off by the issuing of the orders in council? There have been means such as cannot be explained.
Can you, without specifying what those means were which are now cut off by the orders in council, state the reason why they have been cut off? I must submit that question to this honorable house to determine.
Do the means to which you have alluded no longer exist? I conceive not.
What is the reason, in your opinion, why those means no longer exist of sending British goods from this country to the continent? The reason in my opinion is, because there is no longer any connection between the U. States and the continent direct.
Prior to last November, do you know that American ships used to clear out regularly from this country to the continent, and there land their cargoes? Yes.
Do you know more particularly than in the months of September and October, several American vessels went on those voyages and landed their cargoes? I was not immediately connected with any myself, therefore I cannot pretend to speak to that point.
Do you know that since the month of November last, any American vessels have gone upon this voyage, with cargoes from this country for the continent? Not that I am particularly acquainted with.
Do you know of any American vessels, since November last having touched at this country, discharged their cargoes, and gone in ballast to the continent? Yes.
But none with cargoes? None that I am particularly acquainted with.
Do you know that considerable quantities of West India produce have been taken in American vessels to the continent since the Berlin decree in the month of Nov. 1806? Yes.
Do you know of any such cargoes having been taken to the continent since the month of Nov. 1807? No.
Abraham Mann. Did the French decrees up to Nov. last, affect your shipments to America? They did not.
Was the reason of this that you could still receive remittances from the continent? Before the appearance of the orders in council, we considered that the course of our remittances was very little interrupted, therefore we had no objection to continue the general line of business, making shipments to America.
Have you made any spring shipments this year? We have made none.
On what account have you made none? On account of the orders in council conceiving that they may issue in a war between this country and the United States; we have on that account abstained from making any shipments.
Is there any other way in which the orders in council prevent your shipments, in case they should not lead to a rupture? The consignment of American produce being made to the continent, from which we receive remittances.
The whole of your extensive trade is stopped up by the orders in council? Totally so far as respects our disposition to proceed.
I am also to understand you, that
in so far as respects what has actually taken place, the shipments, for the spring season, being half your annual shipments, have been totally stopped by the orders in council? Totally so; for we have not made any spring shipments not do we intend it.
This is a matter of fact? Yes.
Previous to the 11th of November, was it pretty well known among mercantile men in the city that such a measure was intended? It was a general subject of conversation among persons concerned in the American trade.
Had they a definite knowledge of the nature of the orders in council? They appeared to be pretty much of the nature that was expected.
Do you recollect a current expression that you heard on change? Yes, I do recollect an expression I heard on change for some days that government had a rod in pickle for the Americans; which was considered as a harsh measure on their commerce.
Did you communicate to your correspondents in America this rumor you heard about the orders in council? Generally as postscripts to commercial letters.
Do you recollect the dates of those letters? Early in November, probably towards the middle of November, certainly before the orders in council appeared.
You say you suspended your shipments to America in consequence of the orders in council; had you no other reason for suspending those shipments but the orders in council? None whatever.
Had you heard of the embargo in America? We heard that as a matter of course.
Did not that operate with you to suspend your shipments? I viewed it at as a precautionary measure of the Americans to keep their property from the effects of the English orders in council, believing that the Americans had an intimation that such orders were in contemplation on behalf of the British government.
Was the non-importation law in America no inducement to you to suspend your operations? Certainly in some small degree we considered it as a measure which carried with it some hostility, and therefore would curtail our shipments in some degree, but that would not altogether have induced us to relinquish our shipments, had not the retaliating measures of the British government taken effect.
Do you conclude that the embargo was in some measure owing to the orders in council? I have no doubt of it.
Is it your opinion, that the embargo in America was not a measure directed against France, or any measure taken by France, but solely against this country? I conceive against them both; that the Americans seeing their property exposed by the measures, which were taking place by the two great belligerents of Europe, month after month, and that the risks were becoming so imminent, took precautions to protect their property, as much against the French edicts as the English orders in council.
Did you not, before the month of February, hear of a decree of the French, called the Milan decree? Certainly.
Would that have had no share in preventing your expectation of the repeal of the American embargo? I conceive it would, but that measure was viewed as a measure consequent on the British orders in council.
Did you not know that in the month of August last, a great many American vessels were seized and embargoed in the ports of Holland and France? A great many were seized and condemned, but none that I heard of & embargoed under what is called the Berlin decree.
Have you no conception that that proceeding on the part of France had influenced the American embargo? I conceive it was owing to what are termed by the Americans, aggressions proceeding from both France & England.
Do you know when the orders of council were printed so as to reach Cowes, from whence Mr. Monroe embarked? No, I do not; but the substance of them was in a paper sup-

posed to be under the influence of government, I mean the Morning Post three weeks before; I think they afterwards in a measure retracted what they had stated, and said that they might have made a mistake.
Are you aware of the construction given by Mr. Regnier by order of the Emperor of France, of the Berlin decree? I am not.
Then you are not aware that that explanation is supposed to have been communicated to America by Mr. Armstrong, and to have had some considerable influence in determining on the measure of the embargo? I consider the measure of the embargo to be to protect themselves against both France and England.
In the course of your business, did you ever stop your shipments to America in consequence of the Berlin decree of 1806? We certainly did not go to the extent we had done before, conceiving that it might lead to difficulties with this country.
Abraham Mann's evidence to be continued.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE
On the Resolution offered by Mr. G. W. Campbell for authorizing the President to SUSPEND THE EMBARGO under certain contingencies.
THURSDAY, APRIL 14.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS felt that the question which was about to be decided was one of so much importance, every member of the House must be specially responsible for his vote on it; and laboring under that responsibility, he felt it duty to state some of the reasons for the vote he should give. I shall vote against the resolution, said Mr. W. and in so doing shall not be influenced by the reasons assigned by my friend from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) nor by those of the gentleman from Maryland. When this resolution was first presented to us, I felt very much inclined to vote for it; but upon considering it more maturely I cannot. This I regret exceedingly, because I shall perhaps differ from a large majority of the friends to the embargo. Gentlemen themselves who advocate it, if all the consequences which certainly attach to it be deliberately considered, will I hope give it up. What is the object of the resolution, or rather of the embargo itself, for I presume it is intended either to fix the day or the circumstances on which it shall be suspended? [Mr. Randolph observed that while up he had forgot to propose an amendment to the resolution so as to declare it expedient to repeal the embargo.] No, sir, said Mr. W. it is not expedient. This amendment however has cut in upon me unexpectantly; but as the debate has heretofore been a kind of general battle, parrying of war, army, embargo treaty, resolution and amendment—I shall be in order on any point, it has taken so wide a range.
The resolution is pernicious, and for this reason: the embargo is not designed to affect our own citizens, though I confess it operates hard on them; but to make an impression on Europe: and beyond all question, the firmer you stand, the more likely is your measure to have effect. What is the opinion inferable from the adoption of such a resolution? Does it not tell the belligerent powers of Europe with whom you are contending, that you are tired of the embargo; that you are sick of it, and will accept any modification of their general principles (I would rather say practice, for they have no principle) so hostile to your neutral rights, rather than submit to it any longer? I hope this consideration will have weight with gentlemen, who, like myself, are friendly to the embargo, for assuredly it is entitled to it. Besides, are gentlemen aware of the embarrassment they will not be able to avoid in framing a law on such a subject? It will be scarcely possible to define the circumstances on which you will permit the suspension to take place, without incurring one of two risks; either too precise to admit the President's acting, for being a law its letter must be fulfilled, or so general as to invest him with a discretionary power altogether inexpedient. I cannot conceive a situation more disagreeable than would be the President's with such a power. Though I subscribe to what I consider the sound part of the declarations of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) the other day as to the tendency this resolution will have to throw a monstrous & unusual power into the hands of the President, yet I do not believe it unconstitutional; nor can I subscribe to the arguments of my friend with respect to the constitutionality of the laws laying an embargo: for, sir, if
they prove any thing they prove quite too much; and did I possess but a moiety of the eloquence and ability of that gentleman, I could certainly confute them. I contend that the power to lay an embargo is granted in the power "to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes." If you cannot prohibit commerce with a particular port or nation, of what avail is the power to regulate it? The law prohibiting all trade with St. Domingo is authorised by the same clause of the constitution, and yet it never was supposed to be unconstitutional. Will it be questioned that you can prohibit exportation from the U. S. in the vessels of any particular nation? Will it be questioned that you have a right to exclude foreigners from trading with the Indian tribes within your jurisdictional limits? Most assuredly you have these rights and all derived from the same general power to regulate commerce. The embargo is not an annihilation, but a suspension of commerce to regain the advantages of which it has been robbed; it follows then that it is a constitutional regulation of commerce. The gentleman read my name among others in the negative on the passage of the section in the bill to authorise the President to suspend the non-importation law. I will not undertake to say what were the reasons of the gentleman for voting against that section, but I know that my reason was, it vested the President of the U. S. with power to suspend the law at the time when we ourselves should be in session. I thought then as I do now, that it is inexpedient, under any circumstances, to give the President power to suspend the operation of a law during the session of Congress.
I am determined for one to adhere to the embargo, and will give my reasons for it in as few words as possible. It appears to me that the operation of this measure upon Great Britain is demonstrable and that its pressure must be irresistible. In ordinary times an embargo in this country could not fail to produce distress in that island and its western dependencies; but how much more fearful and alarming must those distresses be in the present state of the world? The ruinous commercial regulations of Europe generally, have almost completely dried up the source of British revenue from that quarter; the other channels through which the wealth of the world flowed into her coffers are now either diverted or destroyed. The confused relations of the whole commercial world, pressing more seriously on her than on any other nation, because the existence of no other so much depends on commerce, all conspire to produce a crisis, peculiarly favorable to our policy. The nature of her imports too, enters justly into the calculation. What are they? Cotton, tobacco, lumber generally, wheat, flour, rice, pot and pearl ashes, tar, pitch, flax-seed, hemp and hides; all of these articles (tobacco alone excepted) are necessary for their food or manufactures, and for which no substitutes can be found. We find from the statements of her imports and exports for 1805, that she imported (exclusive of inland) from Europe, 13,383,275. from Asia, 6,072,160. from America, 9,615,161. and from the rest of the world, her western colonies excepted, 106,995. That she exported to Europe 21,784,345. to Asia 1,638,600. to America 12,164,000 and to the rest of the world, exclusive of her western colonies, 1,022,092—of her exports to this country so large a proportion as 11,203,986. are of her own manufactures. The aggregate amount of her exports to countries from which the power of France has excluded her, is 17,310,000—add to this her exports to the U. States, and then say, what must be the inevitable deduction resulting from it. Occluded from Europe, and shut out from America, she must lose the profits resulting from so many millions in trade, which support the monstrous machinery of her government; she nor any other nation, with such a load of debt as she now staggers under, can resist such a pressure growing out of so many important deprivations. The drawing from Great Britain the commerce of cotton alone cannot fail to produce an effect which I hope the British ministry are not mad enough to meet. The Newfoundland fisheries are nearly at an end for want of a market; the Baltic and Turkey trades are almost extinct; the Italian, a large portion of the Mediterranean, the whole of the Spanish, French, Dutch, German and Russian commerce is annihilated; her West-India planters almost ruined—and her manufacturers at home discharging their workmen. Such is the dislocated state of Europe and the relations of Great Britain with the continent, that she is totally cut off. Where are the stores of the Baltic to
come from? Where is she to find the grains of Dantzic? Above all how is she to procure the hemp of Russia? No where and in no manner but in American bottoms. Thus insulated, thus pressed, she will not long resist. So much for the operation of the embargo upon the island of Great Britain. Now as to the West Indies. The system of her policy at the commencement of the revolutionary war was monopolization, and that which characterised the wisdom of that system was this; she confined the consumption of the national family to the products of the family. Now it so happened that the same system which was then wise and politic, became ruinous to the British West-Indies; because the U. S. being separated from the British empire, and the restrictions remaining the same, the products of the empire were no longer adequate to their supply. The politicians of the Sheffield school were notwithstanding determined to adhere to the same system, and the world never can forget, that in attempting to enforce that system, fifteen thousand persons died of famine in Jamaica alone. In 1783, the ministry satisfied of the necessity, determined to open an intercourse with the U. States through British and colonial built vessels duly navigated, and by statute excluded American vessels from participating in that intercourse. This has been the policy of that government ever since down to the passage of the "American intercourse bill," during the administration of Mr. Fox. Has this policy ever been maintained for one entire year? No, sir. Notwithstanding the law of the realm, prohibiting importations in foreign vessels, it has been annually, I had almost said regularly, violated: and what, sir, were the circumstances under which these violations were made? Indisputably the most perilous to ministers. The awful responsibility of suspending the law by their own act, to say nothing of the whole navigation interest at home, which they were sure to provoke, were circumstances of fearful import. It was a stern, stubborn, uncontrollable necessity in the West Indies, which coerced the infraction of the statute, and Parliament has never refused to ministers a bill of indemnity. And what does this teach us? If they were unable to maintain this policy when our ports were open to them, how is it possible to supply the West-Indies when they are occluded? I hazard nothing in telling gentlemen our lumber is as necessary for the profitable existence of the West Indies, as our Indian corn, flour, rice, and provisions generally are to their actual being; and yet lumber is higher in Great Britain than in her colonies. Where are these articles to come from? Not from the mother country, for the average annual importation of flour into Liverpool alone, is 90,000 barrels. The fact is, sir, these are no longer staples in the British empire, and hence it is that her colonial system is so repeatedly relaxed. Instead of supplying the West Indies, Great Britain has more than once been obliged to resort to a policy directly the reverse. She has opened her ports and paid a bounty upon the very articles necessary to the existence of the West Indies. From whence then are the West Indies to be supplied? Not from her North American colonies; that expectation has been long since proven to be fallacious. In truth, sir, from no where but the U. States. And when she is thus cut off from all her resources, thus unable to feed her own subjects, what must be the inevitable result? She must yield that which her own honor & interest calls for, justice and reparation to our moderate claims upon her.
I am a friend to the embargo for another reason: its operation is impartial. Impartial, because all my observations as to the British West Indies apply with ten-fold force to the French and Spanish West Indies. Her marine is annihilated; not a French merchant-man can be found on the ocean. Without even a coasting trade, she cannot enjoy the commerce of her own colonies. How then can she supply her West Indies with subsistence? How can France be supplied with the product of her own West Indies, coffee and sugar, or with the product of the East? No where but through American bottoms: they must starve if you have resolution enough to hold on to the embargo.
But a gentleman from Maryland yesterday (Mr. Key), for whose talents I have a high respect—I mean no incivility—proved that which he can most indubitably prove at any time, that he is a better lawyer than a politician. I cannot subscribe to the opinion of my friend from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) that the details of the gentleman from Maryland on the subject were correct; and I have
endeavored to discover the data of his calculations, and I cannot for my soul. The gentleman observed, speaking from a report of high authority before him, that previous to the revolution the sand bank of Nantucket alone maintained 5000 men and boys, whose habitations were temporary; and that these amphibious animals produced from the sea 400 dollars each. The gentleman says the product of the sea for the year 1807 is two millions, and 5000 men are employed on this bank—ergo, they average 400 dollars each. Sir, the gentleman must have forgotten that there are many fishermen other than those at Nantucket. I will undertake to say that there is no description of people in the whole world that live by labor that average such a profit. Besides, the gentleman forgot to mention how large a quantity of fish taken by the British, is exported as American fish by the Boston and other merchants. The cultivation of cotton never yielded such profits, and that has been more productive than any thing I never heard of. But I am willing to allow that the gentleman is correct, that the profit of each fisherman is 400 dollars. What does it prove? That you have been imposed upon in granting them a bounty. But gentleman on the same side of the question are at war with one another; for a gentleman who understands this business, (Mr. Quincy,) proved to us that these fishermen were employed in a very unproductive business—so valuable, and yet so unproductive! I am willing to grant all the importance which gentlemen ask for to the fishing trade; but as the gentleman has intimated, I am not afraid of the fishermen moving off. In so doing to use a trite proverb, they would jump out of the frying-pan into the fire. Yes, sir, into the fire; for the Newfoundland fisheries not in so good a situation as your own, the embargo to the contrary notwithstanding. Their fishery is swept from the ocean; all the ports of Europe are shut against them. But there are other consequences attached to this sandbank besides the privilege of fishing; something like the blessings of freedom. If it be possible that the fishermen could be tampered with to leave their country, I say in God's name let them go.
[Mr. Key, by way of explanation, here repeated his statement respecting the fisheries, which may be found in his speech in our paper of the 27th inst.]
Mr. W. said he was glad the gentleman had explained, and sorry he had not done it sooner as he had been invited to do; for if he knew his own heart it would be the last thing he would willingly do to misunderstand or misrepresent. One thing I do not understand, said he, the gentleman told us that the embargo was partial, and gave us the instance of its operation upon the fishermen to prove it. He says the ocean is his farm, and the fish his crop. The land is my farm, sir, and cotton is my crop; and I stand as to cotton as the fisherman as to his fish. We are all blockaded, sir, and fishermen no worse off than others. We are admitted to cultivate our farms, to bring our produce to the national market, but not to suffer our enemies to eat of it. But the gentleman took this distinction, and really it is remarkably strange to me, that the embargo is peculiarly hard upon the fishermen, because, forsooth, their fish will not keep. I much doubt whether it has been a week since the gentleman himself eat cod fish; it is not three days since I did. It is kept and can be kept, sir. How could they get it in Europe if it was not kept. All the Catholics at this particular time (lent) are living on it. It cannot but be preserved if they will take care of it. It is really strange that gentleman who see fish every day—in Massachusetts it is the standing dish of Saturday the whole year round—will yet say that it will not keep.
If the law is partial, amend it: and I will here do the gentleman from Maryland the justice to say that upon another occasion he made use of this argument as a reason for cutting of the exportation by land. If the law be partial it will not operate as a reason for repealing, whatever it may do for amending it. The gentleman was peculiarly unfortunate in supposing that the West Indies may be supplied by the British northern provinces, because, as he says the line between the U. States and the British provinces on land is artificial. Granted—and was there ever any more obstruction to the exportation of your products through that quarter when Jamaica was starved than there is now? No, sir. Unfortunately for the gentleman's argument he hit upon naval stores, tar and turpentine as the pro-
ducts she is to get by land transportation. Certainly these are not the staple commodities of Vermont. No naval stores can Great Britain get but from us and from the Baltic; she never did get any anywhere else, & if you keep on the embargo she will neither get them here nor there.
The gentleman has objected to the measure of the embargo, because it operates upon the belligerents who are dishonorable and faithless in their proceedings, and may recede but to involve us the deeper. This cuts up the treaty-making power by the roots. If you are not to depend upon promises, why talk about them? Why form a treaty or why publish this correspondence between our ministers through the world, if no faith is to be placed in them? Whether you have war or embargo you must ultimately resort to promises and parchment obligations.
I understood the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) also to say that 38 millions of our product are as free of exportation as they ever have been at any time for the last ten years. If I did not understand the gentleman correctly I hope he will correct me. It does really astonish me that a gentleman of his understanding, for I allow it to be infinitely superior to my own, should hazard a declaration of this sort. If this is a fact you have been in an error from the time of your coming here. We raise for exportation 48 millions, and of these the gentleman says that 38 are free as they have been for the last ten years. The embargo is wrong and we are in the dark if this be the fact. But I undertake to say that not a single dollar of American produce is free from the operation of European prohibitions. We differ on this subject and it is not extraordinary. For it is recorded that "with difficulty do we procure the things that are upon the earth, and much labor do we find out those that are before us." I hold in my hand that which is said to be the observations which dropt from the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the British Parliament. This was to prove that the ministry were willing to accept of a commutation of duty which should operate as a total prohibition and in lieu of a duty on exportation; that the ministry were willing to modify the British orders of council so that cotton should not be exported from the country, instead of permitting it to be exported by paying a duty. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said this or it is said for him. Yet it is cause of no complaint to you that she puts you in the same situation as when these states were her colonies; gentlemen have no objection to this arrangement, and your produce is as free from embarrassment as it has been for ten years past! It is one of the blindest pieces of folly that ever any nation attempted; and the effect will be directly opposite to what the British ministry aim at. The entrepot for cotton will not now be London but Hamburg, or some other port where no export duty is paid. Why? Because the moment there is one pound more of cotton in England than is necessary for home consumption, the price will fall, and Great Britain will have diverted the commerce of this country to another channel. What says Mr. Erskine? That all your commerce must go through the ports of Britain. Is it possible that any gentleman can consider this as no restriction? The amount of your exports to Great Britain alone has been 28 millions; and now not only that but all the products which you send to other governments, completely independent as you are of her, must all centre there—and why? That they may contribute to the support of the British war; and yet we are to be told that this is no restriction on us! [Mr. Key explained that neither Mr. Erskine's note, or the British orders of council had influence on our commerce except to such states as are under the control of Napoleon; and do not relate to our commerce either with the East or West Indies.] Mr. W. continued: I did state, sir, when I began to comment on this part of the gentleman's argument, and he assented to my statement, that he had said that thirty-eight millions were as free of exportation as they had been for ten years past. The gentleman has now again risen to explain, and what does he tell you? That they are free from British orders. Does the embargo act only on British orders or do the British orders affect only what is sent to French ports? Is there a single port exempt from the French decrees, sir? What became of them in the gentleman's arithmetical calculations of profit and loss? What induced you to lay the embargo? The gentleman from Virginia has told you that you had no official information relative to the British orders in council; but they were laid in consequence of the French decrees, and every one

was open to the operation of those decrees. I will admit to the gentleman that in kind indulgence to us, Great Britain has allowed us to go to the French West Indies. What comes next, sir; we must carry the goods we take from thence to British ports, there to pay the export duties, there to swell the coffers of Great Britain. [Mr. Randolph asked his friend to give him leave to explain, for he was almost the only one whom he would take the liberty to interrupt. His idea in raising the embargo, and he wished it to be clearly so understood, was not with any idea of submitting to the orders of council or the French decrees. He would sooner see every article of produce at the bottom of the sea. He had no idea of submitting to these new regulations. But he did not think that the embargo was calculated to remove the evil. We both wish to resist, said Mr. R. he by the embargo, and I by another method. He wishes (pardon me the vulgar expression) to cure the corn by cutting off the toes.]
Mr. Williams. I will cut off the toes, feet, and head too, and perish with the whole nation rather than succumb.
[Mr. Randolph. I too would resist to the last man and shilling in the country, these orders of council.]
Mr. W. said he had not the remotest possible allusion to his friend (Mr. Randolph); he had been commenting on the arguments of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) which went further than was correct, even to succumbing to the British, and this was what he was driving at. Is there a gentleman in the House, said Mr. W. willing to tell the nation that they would even accept of the gentleman's 38 millions and the orders of council, and trade with them together? The times are critical; they are perilous; and I would do every thing which shall tend to promote unanimity. I say nothing against the gentleman from Maryland—I mean his arguments and not the man. I believe he has as much patriotism as any man; but I believe his arguments are not only disgraceful to the national councils, but that they are not American. What, sir! Succumb to Great Britain, kiss the hem of her garment, and let her direct your trade where she pleases, in or penalty of being liable to seizure if her vessels come across it? Heaven forbid it; and yet you have documents on your table to prove that it is liable to seizure if contravening her orders. It has been properly observed that the whole European world is merged in two great powers, and each desires to incorporate us with them—and where can we go in safety? The gentleman from Maryland says to the East Indies. They are as nothing, sir; they cannot be taken into the scale. I do not speak as influenced by the motives which would actuate a cotton planter, although I am one. I never would consent to plant another seed, so help me God, under so vile a system. The nation will have no character—it will be degraded if we submit to this. France tells you that the treaty of Piltz warrants the seizing of the duke d'Enghien in one forest, and executing him in the next; and Britain says that the treaty of Tilsit warrants her in setting Copenhagen in flames. The principle they have pursued in the course of their differences with you are thus excused. You have no principle to rely upon but the law of nations, and that it is which restrains the armed vessels of a friend from assailing those of an enemy within your own waters; and these they have wantonly violated. It is time to make a stand.
This embargo we are told is oppressive. Indeed? Is the nation so overloaded with misery that we have not one ray of hope as the gentleman from New York (Mr. Masters) has told you? Not one gleam of hope of success? It is oppressive, sir; it is hard I will admit it. But I will say that our merchants must either submit to the practice of taking out a British licence which to the eternal disgrace of those who practice it has been done, or stay at home without an embargo. Is the oppression so great that the whole nation rises up against it? Have you a petition on the subject (and the people of the U. States are not backward to petition against grievances) but from fishermen? Have you any one to repeal the embargo? These petitions from the fishermen are well understood to be the result of a deliberate electioneering plan. When there are no cries elsewhere, not much misery has yet been felt. I cannot believe that the people of the United States are so destitute of attachment to the liberties of their country as not to acknowledge the justice of the measure. In the election at Marblehead in Massachusetts lately, notwithstanding the poor fish won't keep, there was a republican majority of 14 to 1,
or thereabouts—a monstrous majority—I do not precisely know how great. If the people in Massachusetts do not cry out under this thing, they will do it no where; for no pains have been taken any where so much as in Massachusetts to cause mischief—a curse upon the consciences of those who have done it, and be unto them to answer for it—it has failed, sir. The people of the U. States have too much patriotism to murmur, and wisdom enough to see the interest of the nation in adopting this measure rather than war. I am desirous to maintain our situation; I will not succumb; I will resist if but one man be left to support me; and if reduced to the last extremity, we can dig our own graves and die together.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JUNE 24.
FOURTH OF JULY.
Those Citizens, who are disposed to participate in the celebration of the ensuing Anniversary of National Independence, are requested to meet this afternoon, at Stelle's Hotel, at 6 o'clock.
We understand that the Dey of Algiers has lately given grounds to distrust his peaceable dispositions towards the United States. After having settled with the American consul there the differences which arose, in December last, including the case of the Algerine seamen who perished in the rescue of the American vessel captured by one of the Dey's cruisers, he suddenly set up a demand about the middle of March for two thousand dollars a man, threatening to put Mr. Lear in chains if not paid in 24 hours. This was resisted. He then gave notice, that two frigates and other cruisers just on the point of sailing, had orders to capture American vessels, which would infallibly go into execution unless the money should be immediately paid. To obtain a recall of the orders, Mr. Lear thought it best to comply; signifying to the Dey that he should communicate it to his government as the result of the force put on him. The day before Mr. Lear was threatened, the Danish consul, on the pretext that arrears were due from his government, had been seized by order of the Dey, and actually set to work among the slaves, with an iron chain of 40lbs. fastened to him. Mr. Lear had circulated through the consuls at different ports, this state of things with the Algerine Regency.
Extract of a report made by a person appointed to enquire into the facts relative to the late aggressions and hostile assemblage of Indians on the frontiers of Tennessee.
On Monday the 2d instant, I proceeded on my route from Dover to the mouth of Duck river, and at Richland creek had a conversation with Famous Mortimore, the man who owned and had command of the boat when it was fired on by the Indians: Mr. Mortimore is intelligent, and I think, a man of veracity; he stated that on the third of April, ten miles above the mouth of Duck river the attack was made on the boat by the Indians from the north side of Tennessee; seven men were in the boat, out of which number two were killed and three wounded, the third man, who it was said died of the wounds he received, is now on the recovery and out of danger. The Indians kept up a constant fire until the boat was out of reach. They then manned a perogue and pursued about two miles, but discovering they could not overtake the boat hauled in: Mr. Mortimore further states, that on the twenty third of April, Levi Colbert came down the Tennessee to carry up the boat, and informed him, that 30 or 40 miles above the mouth of Duck river, he saw the party of Creeks, thirteen in numbers, who had made the attack on the boat, and told them he was going for the boat they had fired on; they at first denied it, but a Cherokee, one of the party, acknowledged it. They then confessed, observing they had not been satisfied, that one white man and two Indians had been killed, they had now killed one too many, but were not yet satisfied. Colbert was lately in the Creek nation, the chief said he wished peace, and would not go to war with the white people unless Bonaparte did; that the party who made the attack on the boat had not lived in the nation for ten years, and the attack was unauthorised by the nation. From Richland creek I directed my course to the mouth of Duck river, and proceeded up that river to the settlement, about twelve miles above the mouth, and was enabled to ascertain by information received from Labou Combes, that the statements made by William Meadows,
upon which the orders of the major general of the 20th ult. are predicated, are utterly false.
We are advised by our correspondent at Fort Stoddert, on the Mobile, that a temporary embargo took place at Pensacola and Mobile, about the 26th of April, and continued till the 9th of May, owing, it is said, to the Spaniards fitting out, about that time, two armed schooners, the destination of which was unknown.
At a meeting of the Committees from Dorchester, Somerset, & Worcester counties, (held at Salisbury the 28th May ult.) delegated to represent the Republican interest in the eighth Congressional district of Maryland, for the purpose of agreeing on the characters to be polled for Congress, and the Electorship of President and Vice President of the United States; Dr. CHARLES HUTTON, of Somerset county, was nominated as candidate for Congress, and JOSHUA PRIDEAU, esq. of Worcester county, as candidate for the trust of Elector of President and Vice President.
JOHN CROPPER, Chairman of the Joint Committee. Attest JOSIAH POLK, Jr. Sec.
It is understood that the Republicans in this district are unanimously friendly to the election of James Madison of Virginia as President, and George Clinton of New York, as Vice President.
The following article, from Jackson's Register, with its pompous introduction, shews the degree of credit which ought to be attached to federal statements on all points that bear upon the measures of the administration. It is much of a character with a thousand other statements now running through the federal prints.
"IMPORTANT."
"Latest from the continent of Europe. "We can assure our readers that the following interesting letter, which is of the latest date from the continent of Europe, is from a very respectable and well informed American gentleman to his friend in this city—it was received last evening by the ship Ocean, Captain Girdon."
"PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE FROM THE REGISTER."
"Rotterdam, April 27, 1808. "The Osage arrived at L'Orient in 23 days, and was there DETAINED three days, till the police could determine what course should be pursued towards her, when the forms of the decree were pursued and the ship, having been boarded by an English vessel, was declared GOOD PRIZE! and the messenger, and passengers suffered to land and proceed to Paris."
The legislature of New Hampshire have decided in favor of a General Ticket for choosing Electors of President and Vice-President of the U. States.
At a republican meeting held at Concord, the following persons were selected for nomination to the people as Electors, at the approaching election.
His excellency John Langdon—Messrs. Samuel Bell, Amasa Allen, John Goddard, Robert Alcock, Nathaniel Shannon, William Tarleton.
"Rutland, June 11."
The baggage waggons which accompanied the detached troops which lately marched from this vicinity to Swanton under command of major Williams, have returned, and we are happy to learn that the troops all arrived in good health, save one Stevens, who was permitted to return home.
No further news from that quarter. By the latest information from Canada, and that too which may be relied on, Pot-ash sold at Montreal for between 3 and 400 dollars per ton. In Liverpool it is said to be 700 dollars.
"PARIS, APRIL 1."
All the differences existing between France and Algiers have been settled since the imprisonment of the new Dey. The Genoese, French and Italians have been acknowledged as friends. The Genoese and Italian slaves have been liberated, and have already arrived at Marseilles.
"CONSTANTINOPLE, MARCH 6."
The truce between the Porte and Russia is prolonged for two months. Those two powers have already agreed upon the fundamental articles of a treaty of peace, through the mediation of the French ambassador, Gen. Sebastiani; during these two months, the other articles will be settled. The Porte has just consented, from regard for the Emperor Napoleon, to the passage of French troops through the Ottoman Empire, and it is asserted that it will give still greater proofs of the
esteem and consideration which it has for his Imperial Majesty.
"New-York, June 20."
The Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received by the ship Latina a file of London papers to the evening of the 27th of April. The papers furnish nothing of greater importance than the following articles:—
"LONDON, APRIL 27."
Special orders were received at Plymouth, on Sunday night, for all the ships in the bay to prepare for sea immediately. Their destination is supposed to be Rochefort. They were expected to sail this day.
The American merchants have received an official communication of the result of Mr. Rose's mission.—It corresponds exactly with the accounts given in this paper. The President refused to recall his proclamation interdicting the entrance of British vessels into the waters of the U. States, although Mr. Rose offered all due reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, which was the cause of that hostile measure. All farther negotiation consequently broke off, without coming to any adjustment; and Mr. Rose's mission has totally failed.
The House of Commons yesterday commenced its sittings after the Easter recess. The petition of the East India Company, for a loan of 2,400,000 pound sterling, produced some discussion.
"HOUSE OF COMMONS."
APRIL 26.
Mr. TIERNEY rose and observed, that as the evidence of the witnesses last examined, upon the orders in council, had only been laid before the members this morning, it was impossible for him to go on with the examination of the others, till it had been fully considered; he should therefore propose, "That the order of the day for the further proceedings relative thereto, which stood for to-morrow, should be discharged, and postponed to Monday next."
Upon the question being put, this was accordingly agreed to.
"FRANKFORT, MARCH 12."
The English have already commenced hostilities against the Austrian flag, and carried into Malta 12 ships bearing that flag; some of which were coming from Corfu, and some from Apalia.
"ALEXANDRIA THEATRE."
The PUBLIC are respectfully informed, that the above theatre will open on TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 28, and continue open every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday, until further notice. Particulars of the first performance will be given in a future advertisement. June 24—2t.
WILLIAMSON'S Packet will sail for NORFOLK on SUNDAY NEXT—For passage apply at Miller's wharf, Alexandria. June 24—1t.
By Virtue of an order of the Orphans Court of Calvert county the subscriber will offer at PUBLIC SALE at the late residence of Gilbert Smith, of the aforesaid county, on Wednesday the 29th inst. at 2 o'clock if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, all the Personal Property of the said Gilbert Smith, consisting of two Negro men, 2 boys 1 Woman, and 3 Girls, Horses, Cows, Hogs, Household and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, five hogsheads Tobacco, and the crop on the ground—the greater part of this property will be sold for cash, and the balance on a credit of six months—the particulars will be made known on the day of sale by MORDECAI SMITH, Adm'r. June 24—tdos
St. Mary's county court, March term 1808.
ON application of Benjamin Tabbs of St. Mary's county to the judges of the said county court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, on the terms mentioned in said act, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said Benjamin Tabbs has resided the two preceding years prior to the passage of the said act, within the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered by the said court that the said Benjamin Tabbs give notice to his creditors of his intention to apply to the next county court to be held at Leonard Town in said county on the first Monday of August next, for a discharge from his debts, and to warn his said creditors to appear before the said judges on the day and at the place aforesaid to shew cause if any they have why the said Benjamin Tabbs should not be discharged agreeably to his said petition, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, weekly for three months successively.
By order, JOSEPH HARRIS, Ck. May 2—w3m
[COMMUNICATION.]
To the PRESIDENT.
THE Muse of manly freedom, slow to raise To living men ev'n well earn'd notes of praise, Provok'd by factious falsehood,—wild in wrath Bids candor spurn this viper in her path.
Great Man! Thy energy in act and thought Our noble text of Independence wrought:— Thy pulpit canon, free from pride and peif, Bade pure Religion vindicate herself.
Thy youth and manhood, warm'd by freedom's fire, No danger daunted and no toils can tire. Science and Art to Thee display'd their plan That heightens and refines the mind of man. For Thee the chisel shap'd, the pencil wrought,
Cecilia warbled and the Muses thought. Pomona on thy culture sweetly smil'd, Botanic beauties open'd in the wild; Yet wing'd thy genius for superior aims:— To ascend and trace the principles of laws, To seize and fix the true for freedom's cause; Unfrighten'd from th' attempt by tomes uncouth, Dull'd by no dust and dazzled by no truth.
Fearless 't brush'd the cobwebs of the schools, Unwarpt by bigots grey, or greener fools. Wreaths to the mind sedate that wisely knows 'Twixt will and anarchy to fix repose; To root self-govern'd states on reason's plan— Rules for dominion on the rights of man!
That solid basis—truth's eternal rock— Smiles at the tempest and defies the shock. Hence freedom's brown settled sunshine sweet, While mobs and tyrants fluctuate at her feet: Hence the rude race that savage ire inflames, Thy code ameliorates, and knowledge tames. Hence infant stars, in thy mild influence blest— Spangle serene the mighty regions west.
What though dark clouds, th' Atlantic wave deform— Firm, temperate councils dissipate the storm: Privation honest, strengthens honest might, Collects new arms for violated right.
Proceed, thou fervent friend of mind and man, Talent, and taste, and reason's liberal plan! Statesman of peace and plenty—virtuous sage— Light of the land and blessing of the age— Proceed! And civic garlands green in song Shall thicken o'er thee in thy march along!
Our country's weal and weight—though tyrants frown, Afford a fabric that will bear renown. Though bigot violence and babbling fools, Question philosophy's enlighten'd rules— Her daughter Liberty was born and grows, Cherish'd by radiant light that she bestows. Philosophy who darts her eagle view To seek the good, investigate the true; To adapt the generous means to noble use— To expose dark error and detect abuse; To found the solid—to diffuse the rare— Extend, advance, enlighten and repair.
Thy morn of life emerging lustre mark'd, Though dogs of envy at th' effulgence bark'd: Thy noon and twilight calumny will scorn, And keep the promise of so fine a morn! Thy love of liberty that laws control Shall spread thy just renown from pole to pole! Though foes thy name malignantly would blot, Obscure thy wisdom and thy spirit spot— High patriot genius, negligent of tales, More truly shines the more such malice rails. So when malignant vapours rise to shroud, Th' eternal day star in an envious cloud; The smiling sun shines sweeter through their spite, And the surrounding clouds exalt his heavenly light!
"Bennington, May 30."
A letter from Eastport, dated the 10th inst. says—"There were entered at the custom-house in Passamaquoddy, from the 2d to the 7th May, from different ports of the U. States, 19,000 barrels flour, 2,700 do. pork and beef, 1,700 do. bread, 3,059 do. naval stores, 4,500 bushels corn, besides great quantities of butter, lard, &c."
It is due to the character of the citizens of Vermont to state, that the principal evasions of the embargo law are by people belonging to other states. The farmers who lived contiguous to the line, had carried into Canada the whole of their surplus provisions, previous to the 20th of March, when the law went into effect. There may be some instances, wherein the exorbitant prices have induced some to scrim themselves for gain. But the provisions which are now smuggled, are transported from Albany, Troy, and even from the Eastern states. Let the disgrace of insurrection rest on infamous speculators, and not on the patriotic Green Mountain boys.
Eastern, Southern, and Western Editors are notified, that no rafts on lake Champlain have been known to exceed thirty acres in extent, and that in each of the fortifications erected on them not more than fifteen 12 pounders were mounted at a time; that the man who was killed by the government party is alive and still running lumber, and that the man who was knocked down by the custom-house officer stood his ground through the whole fracas. The truth is, there has been no contest; the smugglers have been applauded by the St. Albans and Burlington prints, and never opposed by force. Governor Smith has just ordered out 150 of the militia of Addison and Rutland counties, and if necessary for support of the laws he proposes to call as many more.

LANDING THIS DAY, Peter and board the Schooner MARIA , from Pittsburgh, from New York— Quantity of Prime St. Croix sugar, Cane Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Pepper, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters for this spring's importation, For sale by  ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
PASSPORTS GRANTED by the Department of State to citizens going into foreign parts, having been in sundry instances obtained from the persons receiving them, by others assuming their names; it has been thought proper to guard against the abuse by requiring the former to write their own names in the body of the passports, and with this alteration they will be issued after the 21st day of June, 1808. Department of State, } June 15, 1808, } The Printers who publish the laws of the United States are requested to insert this notice. June 17—
JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS. WANTED a Foreman to the Boot and Shoemaking business, to whom constant employment and good encourage- ment will be given. Also 20 or 30 Journeymen to make strong shoes, by JOHN MINCHIN. New Jersey Avenue, June 20—3t
PUBLIC SALE. ON Monday the 11th of July next will be sold at Public Auction, a two Story BRICK HOUSE, with adja- cent FRAME Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 925, near the Marine Barracks. The house was late- ly inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Car- berry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel. The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. June 15—tdos
BURAS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN Drapers, men's mer- cers, and tailors, New Jersey A- venue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeav- or to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fash- ionable goods, suitable for the approach- ing season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uni- forms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dis- patch. October 23—tf.
District of Columbia, Washington- county, to wit. ON the petition of WILLIAM B. CHAPPELL an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said insolvent, that on Monday the 27th instant at the court room in Lindsay's Hotel, in the city of Washing- ton, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M., the oath prescribed by the act of Con- gress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said W. B. Chappell, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be pub- lished in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, twice in each paper before that day. By order of the honorable William Cranch, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Clk. June 22—2t
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of an order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be exposed to public sale at the late Dwelling Plantation of Zephaniah Pra- ther , deceased, on Monday the 11th of July next the whole of the deceased's Personal Estate, remaining unsold, con- sisting of Negroes and sundry articles of Household Furniture. A credit of six months will be given on the pur- chasers giving bond with two good se- curities with interest from the date. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock. ZEPHANIAH PRATHER, Adr. Prince Georges county, June 22—tds
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, That the subscriber of Mont- gomery county hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of said county in in Maryland Letters of administration on the personal estate of William Richards late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, or Jesse Leach my agent, at or before the first day of January next, they may other- wise by law be excluded from all ben- efit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 16th day of June, eighteen hundred & eight. TABITHA RICHARDS, Adm'r. Rockville, June 22—3t
15 DOLLARS REWARD. STOLEN from the Subscriber near the Eastern Branch Bridge in the city of Washington on the 5th inst. a SORREL HORSE , about 14 1/2 hands high, stout and well made, a star in his forehead, on his flank near his off thigh a small spot, branded on his near but- tock with the letters G. G.; six years old, and his tail cut short. The above reward will be paid on the delivery of the above described horse and all rea- sonable charges by GERARD GIBSON. June 15—w3t
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. TREASURY DEPARTMENT, May 28th, 1808. IT has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the bank of the United States, were enclosed by William Keais, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tu- dor Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post-office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said Bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post-Office as aforesaid; neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Keais, and on one part of the back of all or most of the notes, was written the name of Lewis Leroy; from which circumstance, the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped at the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen. ALBERT GALLATIN, secretary of the Treasury.
 DESCRIPTION OF NOTES.    No. Date. To whom payable. Dollars     1401 20th July, 1804, Adam Gilchrist or bearer at Charleston, for 100   1428 20th July, 1804, Do. 100   2234 12th March, 1805, Do. 100   4729 27th Feb. 1807, Do. 100   4790 27th Feb. 1807, Do. 100   2641 19th March, 1805, Joseph Habersham, Savannah, 100   2620 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   2666 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   2774 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   35 24 April, 1806, W. Warner at the Bank of the U. States, 100   3061 16th April, 1805, Cornelius Ray, New York, 100   3841 22d Jan. 1802, do. do. 100   1973 20th July, 1804, Adam Gilchrist, Charleston, 50   3609 12th March, 1805, do. do. 50   2183 20th July, 1804, do. do. 50   1265 23d March, 1804, Joseph Habersham, Savannah, 50   1355 23d do. do. do. do. 50   5397 18th Nov. 1806, do. do. 50   Dollars 1,500  
NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of  Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet , capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz. N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.     Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8258 11,000   1795 May 11. 13168 800   July 16. 13450 350 08   1796 June 11. 14337 2,000   14. 14341 247 81   1797 February 7. 3615 1,567 55   1798 February 1. 14942 277 30   1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   1799 December 17. 16918 882   Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. 19,999 99  
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship British Packet , viz.     Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   14345 2,000   14346 2,000   14347 2,000   14348 758 42   3616 2,000   3617 2,000   3618 2,000   3619 2,000   3620 2,000   3621 458 15   1797 February 7. 14944 222 05   March 3. 15005 1,500   June 3. 15204 766 78   16. 15237 1,700   1798 February 1. 15604 1,505 65   1799 December 17. 16917 980   Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. 25,891 05    WILLIAM WHANN. June 20—
TO RENT. AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washing- ton Building Company, at present oc- cupied by Mr. Solomon Myers —it be- ing so well known, it is not deemed ne- cessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house —for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf.
PURSUANT to an act of the Ge- neral Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany coun- ty," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public No- tice is hereby given to all persons hold- ing unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, or be- fore the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long stand- ing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assist- ant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, di- ligent and discreet man—well ac- quainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not con- nected in the neighborhood will be pre- ferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made be- fore the 1st. Sept. next. May 15—eptd
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man , named BOB, who calls himself Robert Tho- mas , about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eye- brows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffer- ed to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the fore- finger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than per- sons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but de- lights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloaths, and took with him one dark green broad- cloth coat and pantalettes with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantalettes nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown surcoat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his appa- rel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress. As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable ex- pences will all also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Wash- ington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland.— He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—eptf
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY. THE Stockholders of the Washing- ton Bridge Company are hereby notified that the second instalment of Ten dollars on each share is called for by the Directors and must be paid on or before the 1st day of August next, agreeably to the act of Congress, enti- tled "An act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors. DANIEL CARROL of Dudn President. June 20—w5t
Prince George's county court, April term, 1808. HENRY T. COMPTON of Prince George's county having applied to this court, by petition in writing, pray- ing the benefit of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the session of 1805; and the supplement thereto in 1806; and a schedule of his property and list of his creditors as far as he can ascer- tain them being annexed to his petition; and the court being satisfied by com- petent testimony that the said Henry T. Compton resided the two last years preceding this application within the state of Maryland. And the said Henry T. Compton being in the custody of the sheriff of Prince George's county; and having entered into bond in such penalty as directed by this court, and with approved security, conditioned for his personal appearance before this court, on the second day of the next term, to answer the allegations of his creditor or creditors. It is by this court directed that the said Henry T. Compton be discharged from imprisonment, and the said second day of the next term, which will be the sixth day of September next, is by the court appointed for the said Henry T. Compton to appear before this court, to answer interrogatories, which his creditors may propose to him. And it is ordered, that the said Henry T. Compton, give notice to his creditors, of his application, by causing a copy of the foregoing, to be published three months in the National Intelligencer, previous to the next term. True copy from the proceedings, Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, jr. Clk. June 1—w3m
A MIDDLE AGED respectable WOMAN IS WANTED. To take charge of a Small family in George Town. She must produce good recommendations and be qualified to attend to children. To such an one liberal wages will be given. Apply at the Office of the Washing- ton Federalist in George Town. June 17—6t
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garri- son and Navy Yard Gate, an assort- ment equal to any in the District;— among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Tra- falgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toilets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bears skin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Galicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambic and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 3-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambic Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angela hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk corsets and buttons, Ribbons, Ross threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth ruggs, Russia sheeting, tick- lingurg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genu- ine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 5—tf
I hereby certify that Walter Mitchell the manager at the farm of Robert Brent, brought before me a stray trespassing on the enclosures at said farm, a dark bay horse, about ten years old, no perceivable brand or mark, about fourteen hands high, rather lean in flesh. He appears to have been accus- tomed to work in gears. Given under my hand, one of the justices for the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia, this 14th day of June, 1808. (Signed) DANIEL RAPINE. True Copy The owner of the above described horse is desired to prove property, pay charges, and take him away. WALTER MITCHELL. June 15—3t
District of Columbia, Washington- County. Orphans Court, 11th June, 1808. WILLIAM RHODES having, this day, applied for letters of administration on the personal estate of HENRY KREE- MER, late of the City of Washington deceased—claiming the same as a cre- ditor. Ordered that he give notice thereof by advertisement inserted once a week for six weeks in the National Intelligencer, one paper published on the Eastern Shore, Maryland, and one in the city of New-York. TEST. JNO. HEWITT, Reg. wills. June 13—w6t.
TO PAPERMAKERS. WANTED To go to North-Carolina in May, a Papermaker, who is a good workman, and is sober and industrious. To such a person good wages will be given. Apply to the Editor of this paper. April 29.
TAKE NOTICE. WAS committed to the jail of Fre- derick county, Maryland, on the 20th day of April last, as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JOH- ROMAN; he appears to be about 29 years of age, about five feet five or six inches high, well made, very black, and has a smiling countenance; his clothing when committed, was as fol- lows—a blue cloth coat and pantalettes, a striped cotton waistcoat, an osnaburg shirt, a pair of black woolen stockings, and one pair of shoes, all of which are pretty much worn; by trade, as he says, a blacksmith and gunsmith; he has a small scar between his eyes, and says he belongs to Bennet Taylor of Jefferson county, Virginia, within six miles of Charlottesville, on the water of Bullskin, near the place it empties in- to the Shenandoah. The owner is re- quested to come and release him oth- erwise he will be sold for his prize fees agreeable to law. GEORGE CREAGER, jun. Sheriff, Frederick county, Md. May 13—w3t.