The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-10-04 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, OCTOBER 4th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Address from the Republican Committee of Pennsylvania.
TO THE
REPUBLICANS
OF
PENNSYLVANIA.
Friends and Fellow-Citizens!
By the appointment of a respectable meeting of the republicans of the City and county of Philadelphia, it has become our duty, to call your attention to the important objects of the approaching general election. Besides making the annual choice for members of the general assembly, your suffrages must be given on that occasion, to fill the high office of Governor, and to return representatives to the legislature of the union. The rights and interests of the state, the prosperity of the confederation, and, perhaps, the existence of a free government, depend on the forceful issue of your exertions. The political vigilance and firmness of Pennsylvania, have, indeed, raised her to an eminence, on which she cannot remain without honor - from which she cannot descend without disgrace. And thither the eye of every American patriot is, at this period, directed, in anxious hope, that where the dawn of returning Republicanism first appeared, the splendor of its meridian will not be extinguished, or eclipsed.
If, fellow-citizens, the accomplishment of every object, for which you have hitherto contended, can furnish a motive for perseverance; mark, we entreat you, the auspicious change, which a short lapse of three years has produced, in the course of public transactions, and in the condition of private life. It was obvious to every reflecting mind, during the memorable struggle for the election of the present venerable chief magistrate of Pennsylvania, that the affairs of America had attained a crisis, which involved the direct alternative, either that the power of the federal party must be arrested, or that our republican systems would be overthrown. By a progress at once insidious and daring, the principles and monuments of the revolution had been exposed to derision; the character and conduct of the revolutionary leaders had been reviled; the theory of a republican government was denounced as a visionary and equivocal speculation; every plausible expedient had been tried to fetter and controul the legislative authority, emanating immediately from the people; and all the instruments of monarchy, the influence of patronage, and the glitter of parade, were employed to strengthen and adorn the sceptre of the executive. But every enterprise against the liberties of a nation must have the aid of a military force; and a military force can only be procured, or maintained by the aid of money. The lawless depredations committed on our commerce by the pirates and privateers of France, not only, therefore, gave rise to the equipment of a fleet, but, with a contemptuous disregard of the services of the militia, were, also, made a pretext to embody a numerous army, for which it was impossible to conceive any rational use, connected with the state of foreign hostilities: while the general indignation, justly excited by the insult offered to our ambassadors at Paris, and inflamed by every artifice that ingenuity could devise, insured a ready acquiescence, in a rapid and burthensome imposition of taxes, to defray the expence of warlike preparation. Nor was another, the most cruel and effectual stratagem, to disorganize and subvert a free government, omitted in this career of federal ambition. The party animosities of the people were fomented. The creed of federalism, with all its monarchical tendencies, was proclaimed to be the only means of political salvation; and every citizen, who did not implicitly adopt it, was exposed to persecution and proscription. His character, his person, and his house, were alike doomed to insult and violence - and the perpetration of the injury has been found a recommendation to ministerial patronage and favor. The inflexible republican, arbitrarily excluded from a participation in the honors and emoluments of public office, was sometimes menaced with the ignominy of being "delivered to an invading enemy;" and, at other times, unfeelingly told, that "he might expect to be ground to dust and ashes by his indignant countrymen." Tales of the grossest fabrication were circulated to render him the object of popular suspicion and hatred; and private hatred; and even to snatch from his enjoyment, every foil of social and domestic life. Thus pursued by the zealots of party, and un-
protected by the hand of power, the halls of justice seemed likewise to deny him a sanctuary; for, every minister of justice was a federalist. The officer who prosecuted, the judges who presided, the marshal who summoned the jury, and the jury who tried the cause, were all - all federalists! Nay, the law itself, assumed the form of a weapon made for the federalists alone to wield; by whose magic, riots might be converted into rebellion; and by whose aid, the test of political truth; and freedom of opinion was condemned as sedition. In short, at that affliction period, which has been emphatically styled " The reign of terror ," the patriotism and fortitude of the republican party, (comprising at least one half of the citizens of the United States) were conspicuously displayed. No art could seduce, no danger could impel them, to a dereliction of their political principles; yet, looking steadily to the constitutional power of the people for relief, they neither vauntingly threatened the havoc of a civil war, nor treacherously projected a dissolution of the union.
From this painful review, hasten, fellow citizens, for consolation and triumph, to a contemplation of the scene that now lies before you. The example given by Pennsylvania, in the general election of 1799, soon spread throughout the union. The latent spirit of Republicanism kindled into action; and, with a sudden, but salutary explosion, swept from the political atmosphere, the clouds and vapours, by which it was infested and obscured. The voice of the people, in a regular but decisive tone, transferred the powers of government from federal to republican hands: And already have the public functionaries, faithful to their trust, revived the principles of the revolution, cast off the trappings of royalty, restored a constitutional equality of rights to the citizens, and established the impartial administration of justice. With an honorable zeal to maintain the national independence, to discharge the public debt, and to protect the freedom of commerce, you have seen them combine dispositions the most conducive to peace, to order, and to economy. With a sacred regard for public opinion, and an honest sensibility to fame, they have manifested a disdain to accumulate official patronage, as the means to purchase popularity; or to employ a sedition act, as the instrument to suppress investigation. With a steady adherence to the republican cause, and an equitable desire to communicate to all its friends, a fair proportion of public favor, you may trace the association of a liberal and conciliatory policy, in the long list of federalists, who still occupy stations of confidence and profit. Thus, under the auspices of a republican administration, and within the space of a few months, the reputation of the American government has been elevated in the view of foreign nations; the spectres of war have been driven from our shores; the danger of a standing army has been averted; the right of opinion, and the liberty of the press, have been unuttered; useless offices have been abolished; and unnecessary taxes are discontinued. The streets of our cities are no longer scenes of tumult; our habitations have become places of safety; and our persons are again under the protection of the law. In such a situation, the republican can have no wish to gratify, except for the preservation of the happiness, which he has acquired; and the federalist will have no evil to endure, except from the recollection of the power he has lost.
Nor, while we thus derive, from the extent and value of our past achievements, a laudable incentive to future exertion, can you be indifferent, fellow citizens, to the daily occurrences, which admonish you of a subsisting danger. The menaces that reverberate in the halls of Congress, the calumnies that issue from the press, the sullen discontent of individuals, and the undignified hostility of numerous associations, give assurance of a wounded, but aspiring spirit. No moderation in the exercise of official power, no overture to the restoration of social harmony, no appeal to the equal dispensations of the constitution, has been effectual to abate the rage of federal animosity, or to silence the arrogant pretension to a monopoly of public honors and emolument. Still intolerant, active, and intelligent, your political opponents move in every direction, and transform themselves into every shape; so that constant vigilance can alone enable you to discover and avoid their toils. In the effort to escape from the obloquy of their own misconduct, you have heard them, unblushingly, ascribe to the existing administration, an expensive compromise,
under the six articles of the British treaty, for the liquidation of private, antiquated debts; the relinquishment of an indemnity for the spoliations committed on our commerce by the French; the irritation of the barbarians, on the coasts of the Mediterranean; the imposition of duties on salt, brown sugar, coffee, and other commodities, in general consumption among the poor; and an augmentation of the salaries of the principal officers of state. So, in the attempt to conceal from public observation, the brilliant contrast between the present and the past transactions of the government, the motive of every measure, legislative or executive, has been stigmatized, its nature has been perverted, and its operations impeded. The repeal of the Judiciary Act of the 13th of February, 1801, has opened, above all, a copious source for declamation and delusion. The design of the system, which that act had introduced, was to erect a judicial fortress, within which the routed federalists might lately repose, and from which the triumphant republicans might be successfully annoyed. The organization of the system, too, was marked with all that malevolence could dictate to provoke resentment, or folly could exhibit to excite disgust.
The Constitution was either violated, or eluded; and the dignity of the chief magistrate, together with the ordinary maxims of personal decorum, lay prostrate; while commissions were issued to transfer judges from one court to another, without their previous consent, or priority; while senators were appointed to fill supposititious vacancies in judicial offices; and while the tranquillity of the midnight hour was invaded, to rivet the last fetter upon a rival administration. It was never expected, that such conduct should pass without animadversion, or that an encroachment like this, would meet a prompt and passive acquiescence. Even, however, if the dissolution of the judiciary system had not been a natural concomitant of the circumstances, that gave it birth; and even, if those considerations of local advantage, in the administration of justice, which inspired some republicans with a wish for its preservation, had been more generally diffused; yet, the fate which the system has experienced, must have been rendered inevitable, by the very arts that were employed to avert it. The power of the legislature to repeal the act was peremptorily denied. A doctrine was maintained, which made, in this respect, the personal interests of the judges every thing, and the national interests of the people nothing. In a country, whose population is but in the germ; whose resources of agriculture, commerce, arts, and manufactures, are incalculable; and whose intercourse with the distant regions of the world expands at every gale; it has been contended, in effect, that a legislative arrangement of the courts of justice, once made, is immutable; and can neither be modified to conform to encreasing exigencies; nor be amended to correct the errors, which experience shall detect. In other words, the appointment of a judge, upon the tenure of good behaviour, has been represented, in a wild, and boundless, latitude of interpretation, as a constitutional stipulation, that, under every possible circumstance of public inconvenience, the office shall be perpetuated, that the judges may be paid. Combining, therefore, the result of those positions, with the authority exercised by the courts of law, to determine the validity of all acts of congress, and the federal claim of a common law jurisdiction in criminal cases, it is obvious that something more interesting than the mere repeal of an obnoxious statute was at stake; for, a repeal had, at last, become the indispensable medium, to vindicate and preserve the theory and essence of our government. Permit, the whole doctrine of the federalists, in relation to the judicial authority, to prevail, and every trace of a republican compact vanishes from the Constitutional code; the sovereignty of the nation passes from the people, and the immediate representatives of the people; while the judges (though appointed by the president, and still, as we have repeatedly witnessed, within the scope of executive favor and bounty,) will, indeed, be the rulers of the land.
Other topics of federal misrepresentation and clamor, present themselves in rapid succession. The discontinuance of the internal taxes has been reproached, not because the revenue is wanted at this time, but because it is possible, that a future emergency may require a pecuniary supply; - not because the discontinuance affords no relief to the community, but because the fiscal economy of the administration cannot safely embrace a repeal of more taxes, nor conveniently
apply the repeal to other taxes instead of these. The provision for the extinguishment of the public debt, has been called artful and insincere; yet all the art consists in selecting the best means for the attainment of the object; and the only shade of insincerity (the power to re-loan) is, simply, a precaution to guard the public faith from the effects of accidental disappointment. Every display of the attribute of mercy has been censured, without information on the facts, without decency in the manner and without humanity in the design. The flow, but, we trust, certain progress of the executive, to restore the republicans to that share in the public patronage, of which they have been so long, and so unjustly deprived, furnishes an everlasting theme for invective and defamation, to the presumptuous, the idle, and the desperate. The base and paltry practices of private scandal, have likewise been indulged, at the expence of truth, modesty, and feeling, when the hope of establishing official delinquency, or public error, has been abandoned. In short, it has been evinced, in the course of the opposition to the present administration, that the sole object of the federal party is, the re-acquisition of power; and, we fear, that this object, in their opinion, every measure which can be devised to accomplish it: For, regardless of the consequences to the honor of the nation, or to the peace of the community, it is not the direct aim of every federal press, and of every federal orator, to degrade the government, to depreciate the talents and virtues of the rulers, and to scatter jealousy and discord among the people! The system is, indeed, at once a system of seduction and alarm; but it will impose only on the weak, and can overawe none but the timid.
These remembrances of past sufferings, of present enjoyments, and of surrounding dangers, have been presented to you, fellow citizens, not with a view to awaken in your breasts a spirit of retaliation, but to confirm your zeal and constancy in maintaining the empire of republican principles. Even at this moment of your triumph and power, we know that the republican principle, affords an undiminished security for the rights of your political opponents; and, as you have never contended for more than a constitutional equality of protection and privilege, we are confident, that the federalists will find you, at all times, ready to embrace them as brethren, though you disdain at any time to accept them as masters. But in the glorious cause which you have espoused, let every man now exhibit an example of patriotism and firmness; that the republican party may shine forth, with intrinsic lustre, the genuine friends of order and good government; the patrons of industry; and the guardians of independence. Extinguish, we beseech you, the feuds that are occasioned by local prejudice, or a collision of personal interests. Resist every sinister attempt to sow dissention among you; to generate injudicious suspicions of each other; to substitute, in your political discussions, denunciation for argument, or intolérance for persuasion; and to undermine the confidence of the people in the public agents, whom they have chosen. And, above all, let it be deeply impressed upon your minds, that a supineness, produced by a confidence in your own strength, may be as fatal, at the periods of election, as an actual indifference to the object of pursuit.
We have addressed you, fellow citizens, upon the present occasion, rather as citizens of the union, than as inhabitants of Pennsylvania; but, it will be recollected, that the politics of the confederation, and the policies of its individual members, have an influence, which is mutually attractive and assimilating. A co-operation of the republican members (and we venture here to express a solicitude for its continuance) communicated that light to the union, which the union now reflects back upon the several states. It is chiefly, however, by the care of the individual states, that the sacred flame of republicanism can be permanently preserved from diminution or decay; and the public morals, policy, and manners, should be assiduously moulded to a performance of the duty; since to enjoy, or retain, the glorious inheritance of the revolution, posterity must emulate the valour and the virtue, which enabled their fathers to achieve it. Among a free people, taught to know, and to estimate, their own rights, the elective franchise will be forever dear, and the representative character for ever honored. No age can pass away, without its heroes, and its statesmen; and a long line of patriots shall succeed to Jefferson and Mr. Keen , as they have done to Washington and Franklin.
It only remains, fellow citizens, to close the task which has been entrusted to us, by earnestly recommending to you a general attendance, and a cordial unanimity, on the day of election. A steady choice of tried and approved republicans, to fill the departments of government, must effectually frustrate the schemes of your enemies, and invigorate the confidence of your friends; but permit us, also, to hope, that your vote, on the re-election of the present governor, the honored and beloved Mr. Keen , will serve as a conspicuous testimonial of public gratitude, for the virtue, wisdom, and independence, which he has uniformly displayed in the service of his country. And if, for these important purposes, any further advice or assistance should be requisite, you may, at all times, rely upon the promptitude and fidelity of
Your sincere friends, P. MUHLENBERG, RICHARD BACHE, SAMUEL MILES, A. J. DALLAS, WILLIAM JONES, MATTHEW LAWLER, MICHAEL LEIB, THOMAS LEIFER. Philadelphia, Sept. 21, 1802.
GENERAL WASHINGTON'S LETTERS, TO ARTHUR YOUNG, ESQ.
(Continued.)
"Your mode of calculating the taxes in this country, being unusual with us, I may not accurately understand; and as the Virginia method was, if I recollect rightly, detailed in my former accounts, I know not how to give you a more distinct idea of them, than by exhibiting the items of the specific charges on every species of taxable property, viz. on land, negroes, flocks &c. This, as it respects an estate in Virginia, with which I am very well acquainted, I am enabled to do, and will do. We have a road-tax besides, but it is light, and, in most of the states, paid by a contribution of labour, which rarely exceeds two days in the year, for each male labourer. Durable articles is a distinct tax, the quantum of which depends upon the consumption, upon the disposition of the consumer with the aid, therefore, of the laws (which I sent you) every man can calculate, better than I am able to do for him, the amount of his own expenditures in this way. An additional duty, or excise, was imposed last session, and this being now sent, will, if I am not mistaken (with what was mentioned in my former communications) bring every tax, direct and indirect, to your view, to which property, in this country, is subjected, either by the general government, or the laws of the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, to which the observations have been confined.
"Beef, and other meats, grain of all sorts, and flour, butter, cheese, and other things, in quantities to make them an object, are always, I conceive, in demand; and are sought after by the purchasers. The sale of lesser articles, at a distance from market towns, may sometimes stick on hand, but rarely, I believe, forego a sale, if they are worth the transportation.
"Sheep thrive very well in the middle states, though they are not exempt from diseases, and are often injured by dogs; and more so as you approach the mountains, by wolves. Were we to use horses less, and oxen more, on our farms (as they do in the New-England states), we should, unquestionably, find our account in it; yet, strange as it may seem, few are in the practice of the latter; and none push the raising of sheep to the extent they might, and ought to do. The fact is, we have, in a manner, every thing to learn that respect neat and profitable husbandry.
"BARKWELL's breed of sheep are much celebrated, and deservedly, I presume; but it entrusted to a common bailiff (or what with us is called an overseer) they would, I should apprehend, soon degenerate, for want of that care and attention which is necessary to preserve the breed in its purity. But the great impediment is the British statutes; these discourage men of delicacy, in this country, from attempting what might involve the master of a vessel in serious consequences, if detected in the breach of them. Others, however, less scrupulous, have attempted to import English rams with success, and by this means, our flocks, in many places, are much improved - mine, for instance, though I never was concerned, directly nor indirectly, in

the importation of one, further than by buying lambs which have descended from them.
"Our modes—f, from we have none—are so different from yours, generally speaking, and our business being carried on so much within ourselves, so little by hiring, and still less by calculation, that I frankly confess to you, I am unable to give your query respecting sheep-walks, or how many sheep an acre of woodland pasture would support. I shall have pleasure, at all times, as far as I possess the means, or can command them, to give you every information that can contribute to your own satisfaction, or that of a friend; but I am so thoroughly persuaded of my inability to throw new light upon any branch of husbandry, in a country where it is so well understood as in England, and that any thing I could write to you on that subject, would only serve to expose the defective practice of my countrymen, and be considered as the beacon of our ignorance, that I am rather disinclined to see any production of mine in a work where so much useful information is conveyed to the public, as is to be found in your Annals of Agriculture."
With very great esteem, I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, "G. WASHINGTON."
[Subjoined to this letter, are several communications received by General Washington from respectable farmers in different parts of the United States, replete with information, but which appears to have been, for the most part, intended to give information abroad. We shall confine our notice to the following remarks of Mr. Jefferson:]
"Mr. Young calculates the employment of 5040l. worth of land, and 1200l. farmer's capital, making an aggregate capital of 6240l. in England, which he makes yield five per cent. extra, or ten per cent. upon the whole. I will calculate, in the Virginia way, the employment of the same capital, on a supposition of good management, in the manner of the country."
"1. Suppose negro labourers to be hired. "2. Suppose them to be bought. "1. Suppose labourers to be hired; one half men, at 18l.; the other half women, at 14l. for labour, subsistence, clothing (I always mean sterling money.)
"Interest of 4100l. for 3310 acres of land, at 25s. per £. s. d. 208 0 0 of 2000 for farmer's capital of flock, tools, &c. 104 0 0 Taxes, at 7d. the acre (I do not know what they are), 96 10 0 Hire of 33 labourers, at 16l. 528 0 0 £.936 10 0
"Produce to be sold annually. Wheat, 6600 bushels at 3s. £.990 Meat, and other articles, at 5l. for each labourer, 165—£.1155 0 0 Net profit over and above the five per cent. above charged, 219 10 0 Ada annual rise in the value of lands, 165 10 0 £.1532 5 10
Real profit, over and above the five per cent. above charged, which is 6 1-2 per cent. extra, or 11 1-3 per cent. on the whole capital.
"2. Suppose labourers to be bought, one half men, and one half women, at 60l. sterling, on an average. "Interest of 3125l. for 2500 acres of land, at 25s.
156 5 0 of 1562l. 10s. farmer's capital of flock, utensils, &c. 78 2 6 of 1500 for purchase of 25 labourers, £.75 Subsistence, clothes, &c. 150—225 0 0
"[I allow nothing for losses by death, but, on the contrary, shall presently take credit four per cent. per annum, for their increase over and above keeping up their own numbers.]
Taxes, at 7d. the acre, 72 18 4 £.582 5 10
"Produce to be sold annually. Wheat, 5000 bushels, at 3s. £.750 Meat, and other articles, at 5l. for each labourer, 125—875 0 0 Net profit, over and above the five per cent. above charged (13l. 15s. a head on negroes), 342 15 10* * 5 1-2 per cent. on capital. Add five per cent. annual rise in the value of lands, 156 5 0 £.1532 5 10
* The average weight of the fleeces being 5lbs.
Four per cent. increase of negroes, more than keeping up original number, 60 0 0
Real profit, over and above the five per cent. above charged, which is nine per cent. extra, or 14 per cent. on the whole capital.
"In the preceding estimate, I have supposed that 200 bushels of wheat may be sold for every labourer employed, which may be thought too high. I know it is too high for common lands, and common management; but I know also, that on good lands, and with good management, it has been done, through a considerable neighbourhood, and for many years. On the other hand, I have over-rated the cost of labouring negroes, and I presume the taxes also are over-rated. I have observed, that our families of negroes double in about twenty-five years, which is an increase of the capital invested in them, of four per cent. over and above keeping up the original flock."
[Accompanying the letters are notes and remarks by Mr. Young, from which we select the following encouraging comparison between the production and neat profit of American and English land:]
"We may thus compare England and America, supposing 300 acres bought and farmed by the purchaser:
"ENGLAND. £. s. d. "Produce of 300 acres, 5 rents, at 12s. or 3l. 900 0 0 Deduct: Land-tax/3s. in the £. s. d. pound, at a 4s. 27 0 0 ceis on 180l. 40 10 0 Rates 4s. 6d. 40 10 0 Tythe 4s. 6d.* 40 10 0
* On an average this would be too low; and if gathered, it would be 90l.
Roads, 3 10 0 Assessed taxes, 3 0 0 114 10 0 £.785 10 0 Deduct further: Labour, 150 0 0 Interest of 5040l. at 5 per cent. 252 0 0 Int. 1200l. farmer's capital 60 0 0 462 0 0 Nett, £.323 10 0 5l. 3s. per cent. on 6240l.
"AMERICA. "Produce of 300 acres, supposed the same as in England, but the price as 7 1-2 to 11 £. s. d. 613 0 0 Deduct: Taxes 7d. per acre, 8 15 0 Labour at cent. per cent. higher than England, 300 0 0 Interest of 1051l. at 5 per cent. the purchase of 300 acres at 3l. 16s. 9d. 52 11 0 Interest of 900l. farmer's capital, at 3l. per acre, or 20s. less than England 45 0 0 406 6 0 Nett, £.206 14 0 10l. 11s. per cent. on 1951l."
In Pursuance of Orders
From the Orphans Court of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, and of Prince George's County, in the State of Maryland, we shall proceed to sell by public Sale, at the farms of the late Notley Young, Esq. in Washington County, on Monday the 25th of October next, if fair, if not fair on the best fair day,
A valuable Stock of Cattle,
Draft Horses, Hogs, Sheep, Farming Utensils, and various other articles of the personal Estate of the said Notley Young, deceased—and on Tuesday the 2d day of November, we shall sell all the personal property belonging to the Estate of the said deceased, at his plantation in Prince George's County, in the Forest of Queen Ann, except his slaves, consisting of a very large and valuable stock of every kind, farming utensils, &c. &c.
Nine months credit will be given for all sums above twenty dollars, on bonds with approved security.
BENJ. YOUNG, NICH. YOUNG, ROBT. BRENT. Executors. N.B. The Sales will commence at the Farm adjoining the City, which belonged to Mr. Young. Sept. 27th, 1802. ept250.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber intends to petition the Washington County Court, at their next meeting, for Licence to keep the ferry from George Town to Virginia, known by the name of Beaty's Ferry. JOHN KENNEDY. Sept. 23, 1802. 3salawt.
National Intelligencer.
We have received a communication in reprobation of Duelling. It commences with some severe strictures on a late duel which has much engaged the public attention. These we are obliged to omit, as they implicate private character. Though in themselves entirely exempt from intemperance, our respectable correspondent will perceive that the door being once open to personal animadversion might lead to mischievous consequences.—The general remarks are cheerfully admitted. What we have stated will account for the abrupt commencement of the piece.
And now let us ask, what is this reputation for courage, without which many men would deem life to be worthless. If a man wants promotion in the army, it may be advantageous. It will make men cautious of offending him. This is an advantage indeed! But will it make men love him? No! every wise man detests in his heart the practice of duelling, and cautiously avoids all intercourse with professed duelists, or men of nice sensitive honor. It may indeed be imprudent for any man to disavow the principle of duelling, because scoundrels and bullies might thereby be encouraged, on occasion, to insult him. But there never yet has been a man of strong sense, benevolence, and patriotism, who did not regret that such a barbarous absurd custom should exist amongst civilized men (I will not say Christians.) Did Washington, Green, Williams, or Wayne, &c. ever fight a duel? It may be asked in return, did any one of them ever refuse a challenge? I do not know that he did. But his not having fought, is sufficient to convince me, that he could not have been a duelist on principle. The truth is, that a young man, who grows up with the idea, that before his reputation is established he must fight, and that a duel will give him eclat, is never easy, until he has called a man into the field. And may every such young man always have occasion to remember the day on which he fought.
It is to me disgusting in the extreme, to hear men of the old hackneyed idea, that the practice of duelling has reformed our manners, &c. They do not consider, that the modern refinement of manners is owing to various other causes besides the custom of duelling. They do not consider, that a worthless scoundrel, who is known to possess courage, and nice feeling in the trigger, gains a consequence in society, which he would not otherwise possess.
"But how shall a small weak man maintain his dignity, without the existence of this salutary custom." Let his case stand against the case of the scoundrel bully. But why may he not appeal to the laws. If that is not sufficient, why not go with a pistol in hand, &c. &c. This is a sufficient answer. But the fact is, that pistols do not put men on equality. How odious it is to see young men constantly practicing, until they shall acquire the skill of hitting a dollar or a flitting a bullet at 10 yards distance on the edge of a knife. Against such heroes, what chance would there be for an antagonist, who has seldom or never fired a pistol? If duels must be fought, let the seconds enquire carefully concerning all the habits, and the skill of the contending parties. If no arrangement with respect to pistol and sword shall put them on a par, let them take muskets, rifles, or fowling pieces, stand at a suitable distance, and advance, if they please, until they shall be within 20 yards, &c.
Let us now enquire respecting the motives for, and the intent of calling a man into the field. Is the motive revenge, and the intent murder? I suspect, that this seldom is the case; that rarely indeed does the challenger and challenged each go, with a determination of killing his adversary. If they do, how abominable it is, that their innocent seconds (and seconds they must have) should be involved in the danger. But I believe that in 9 cases out of 10, a duel is fought, merely to convince the world, that in support of their honour, they can defy all laws, and all consequences. A man is insulted, takes out his enemy, is dangerously wounded, recovers, and his honour is preserved. On the principle of revenge, he has received no satisfaction, unquestionably he ought to fight again. He ought to pursue his enemy even unto death. This is what common sense would alledge; provided it could tolerate the principle of revenge. O! that on this interesting subject, I could utter such striking unanswerable arguments, as should not be called common place, or that the common place might not fail of effect, merely because it has been a million of times repeated, and never yet refuted.
I have often heard the question slightly debated, Whether or not it was possible for laws to prevent duelling; but the determination has always been in the negative. Is not, say they, "the killing of a man in a premeditated duel murder, by the laws of the land? Is not hanging the punishment of murder? Does not every duelist know this? And if the
fear of death will not deter, what farther can government do to restrain him?" It can do a great deal more; and convinced I am, that it may do it, with considerable, if not entire effect.
It is well known, that although the law declares the killing in a duel to be murder, there is hardly an instance, in which the penalty is inflicted. Either the evidence is defective; or the humane honor-loving jury decides against evidence; or a pardon is granted to the man, who has killed another fairly. If death be not the consequence of a well fought duel, pompously narrated in public prints, the combatants, instead of incurring punishment, are as much admired, and envied, as if they were crowned with laurels.
Every man, I presume, who fights a duel, hopes to escape with life; and even unhurt; probably most men, who fight, have the same hope, or even a certainty, with respect to their adversaries. The fact is, that, under all circumstances, to young men of ardent mind, there is an encouragement to fight one duel at least. But suppose laws to the following effect—
1. Every man, who in a deliberate duel, shall kill his adversary, shall be punished by death. 2. Every man, who wounds another in a duel, without killing, shall be punished by one month's close imprisonment, and be for ever disabled from holding any office of trust, or profit. 3. Every man, who fights a duel, without wounding his adversary, shall be for ever disabled from holding any office of trust or profit. 4. Every man, who sends, or carries, or accepts a challenge, or the place of a second, although no duel shall ensue, shall be disabled for the term of three years from holding any office of trust or profit. 5. There shall be no power of pardoning any man, who, by law incur any penalty under these laws.
I am persuaded, that if such laws should be passed, some thorough-bred duelists would endeavour to evade them, by concocting, that their combat should appear like sudden rencontres. But the law should be careful to prevent such evasions. If on a trial, for instance, the jury should be of opinion, that the fighting, or the rencontre was the consequence of a preceding quarrel, the penalty should be the same, as if a duel had been fought, in consequence of a regular challenge.
It is not uncommon for men, residing in Maryland to go over to Virginia, or to Pennsylvania, or Delaware, to fight. I would make the penalty precisely the same, to all parties, as if the combat were in Maryland. I cannot comprehend, why a citizen should not answer to the state for killing one of its citizens in a neighbouring state.
Is not the subject sufficient to attract the attention of congress? Ought not a law to be recommended to every state by congress? Or, if that would be improper, ought not the states to recommend laws to each other? Penalties should attend a duelist in whatever state he fights; and never should the man, who disregards the laws of man and God, be permitted to have a share in passing or administering any laws whatever.
If no attempt should be made by government to abolish a most horrid, barbarous, unchristian practice, I am decidedly of opinion, that the next best thing to be done, would be for the law to sanction, and even to regulate duelling.
I am much mistaken in human nature, indeed, if this would not have a powerful tendency towards the abolishing of the practice. But it should not have that tendency, a great advantage, nevertheless, would result from the law.
After all that has been said, it cannot be denied, that men of noble minds are most likely to fight duels. May we not consider the matter in this light? If government, fully apprized, as it is, of the existence of the practice, and of the almost unbounded influence of custom, or general opinion, will use no effort to suppress duelling, is not government culpable for every duel which is fought, and for every life which is lost thereby? Whilst the state of things shall remain as it is at present, I ask why should the death of one combatant deprive the state of at least one or more of its brave valuable citizens? The killer, and his second, notwithstanding the known lenity of juries and executives, thinks it necessary to fly. He perhaps abandons an helpless family, and spends his life in a wretched exile.
For the sake of reason, justice, and humanity, let us strive no longer to have a preposterous opposition between custom, or opinion, and the law of the land. If possible, the former should be made to bend to the latter. If that cannot be done, if, in the opinion of men, who prize reputation and honour, beyond life and every other good, a challenge must be accepted, and an insult must render a challenge indispensable; let them be as free to fight fairly, on agreement, as to breathe the vital air. Let them, if they please, fight in public. So shall their combat be most likely to be fair, and faithfully narrated.
But suppose laws to be passed agreeably to my recommendation; and suppose a duel between two of our most valued citizens, who shall each receive a flight
wound; no doubt, it would appear shocking to humanity, and even patriotism, that these men should be degraded, and that the public should for ever lose their services. But, in the contemplation of sound policy, how salutary would be the sacrifice. Such a signal example above all other things, would tend to prevent the baneful shocking practice of men's killing each other in cold blood, without resentment, and merely in compliance with a custom, which, in their hearts they abhor.
For my part, I would not hesitate to abolish the practice of duelling at the loss of half a dozen of our best men, who find it violate the law. Suppose a furious combat between two grave men of the senate, most willingly, to procure a greater good to society, would I forego their services, and behold them degraded. But if, in my opinion, I am wrong, let only judges, counsellors and senators be allowed to fight with legal impunity. Let them stand back to back, &c. &c. &c. I confess, that such a provision might appear inconsistent with that equality which is the essence of free government. But I do not believe, that it would injure the rest of the community.
ANFI. Annapolis, August 16, 1802.
Foreign Intelligence.
PARIS, August 1. COUNCIL OF STATE.
Extract from the Register of Deliberations.—Sitting of the 27th July.
Opinions upon the different questions relative to the execution of the Senatus Consultum granting an Amnesty for the crime of Emigration.
On the Report of the Section of Legislation, to which Regnier had been added, the following questions were taken into consideration.
1. Those individuals provisionally or definitively erased since the 20th of October, 1800, to be called upon to submit to the conditions of the Amnesty. 2. Are those accused of emigration, and not definitively erased, who have died previous to its publication, to be considered as Amnestied? 3. Are those who, living at the time amnesty was published, die before the 23d September, 1802, without having fulfilled the conditions imposed by the Senatus Consultum, to be considered as Amnestied. 4. Are foreigners accused of Emigration, to be called upon to submit to the conditions of Amnesty?
The Council of State is of opinion, with respect to the first question, that it is answered by the first Article of the Senatus Consultum—"An Amnesty is granted for the crime of Emigration to every individual accused of it, and not definitively erased." As the provisional erasure from the List was also a definitive erasure, it is evident it must mean the same thing as an erasure properly so called. They must submit to the conditions prescribed by the article applying to them: those of the Amnesty do not apply to them.
With respect to the second question, the Council of State is of opinion, that the Amnesty having been principally granted in favour of the families of Emigrants, it is entirely conformable to the spirit of the Senatus Consultum to extend its grace to the heirs of the accused, when death has put it out of the power of the accused himself to profit by it.
If he had lived, he would have been entitled to partake of the benefits granted by the 17th Article of the Senatus Consultum. How then can we refuse the same grace to his children, who have lived in the Republic, and who were born before the Emigration?
It is well understood, that this cannot apply to the heirs of those individuals who are comprised in the exceptions contained in the 10th Article of the Senatus Consultum.—Those individuals could never have personally profited by the Amnesty, if they had been living at the moment of its publication, their heirs cannot, therefore, partake of the same powerful considerations which operate in favour of the heirs of others.
With respect to the third question, the benefits of the Amnesty are only lost in case the emigrant neglects to fulfil its conditions before the 23d of September, 1802. If, therefore, he dies before the expiration of the period granted for that purpose, his right, which is not extinct, passes to his heirs, who is not excluded the benefit of the Amnesty until the moment when the deceased himself would have been excluded.
It must be supposed here, as in the preceding question, that the deceased was not comprised in any of exceptions contained in the 10th Article of the Senatus Consultum.
It is to be observed, that most of the conditions imposed by the Senatus Consultum upon Emigrants, are inapplicable to their heirs. It is therefore sufficient, if the latter, before the 23d Sept. shall present themselves before the Prefect of their Department, and having proved the death of the Emigrant, they shall receive a Certificate of Amnesty.

With regard to the fourth question, as Foreigners cannot be guilty of the offence, the Amnesty cannot apply to them.
Signed, J. G. LOCRE, Secretary to the Council of State: (Approved) BONAPARTE.
MILAN, June 30.
The Legislative Body to Citizen Bonaparte, First Consul of the French Republic, and President of the Italian Republic.
Citizen President,
The Legislative Body assembled on the 24th of June. This solemn event is one benefit more added to all those which you have heaped upon the Italian people, and a fresh title which you have acquired to their gratitude. Doubtless it is glorious to found a Republic by the force of arms; but it is not less so to preserve it by useful laws and institutions. Such is your design—such is the wish of the people—and it is also a sacred duty incumbent upon us.
Organ of the sentiments of the people, we express to you, Citizen President, the public gratitude for the happiness you have procured us, and that which you still further promise us. This happiness, which is your production, will form one of the grandest monuments of your glory in the eyes of posterity.
VAGUET, President, RANSONE, Secretary.
The First Consul of the French Republic, President of the Italian Republic, to the Legislative Body of the Italian Republic.
I have seen, with a lively satisfaction, the union of the Legislative Body. You must, in the first session, form the basis of the administration. The first Budget which has been prepared in Italy will be presented to you. The receipts, the expenses, and the public debt, equally require a stable and uniform system.
An object which you will prove to be not less important, is the law which will be presented to you respecting the Military Conscription; a National Army can alone assure to the Republic internal tranquility and external respect. A neighbouring state, which possesses neither the population nor the wealth of the Republic, has already formed an army which has often acquired glory, and placed it during a long period in the rank of considerable powers.
The Legislative Body will not forget that the Republic ought to be the first power of Italy.
The Legislative Body cannot better testify the truth of the sentiment which it expresses, than in devoting all its efforts to the consolidation of the state, and the principles which must assure its glory and its grandeur.
LONDON, Aug. 3.
According to letters from Vienna of the 15th July, it has been decreed at Pressburg by his Imperial majesty and the Diet, that the kingdom of Hungary shall for the future keep up an army of 63,264 men to be increased in time of war as the exigencies of the state may require. In compliance with the advice of the Archduke Charles, it has likewise been resolved, that the Austrian army is to consist in time of peace of 350,000 men.
LONDON, August 19.
We have received Paris Journals to the 16th inst. On the preceding day, Sunday last, called the day of the Assumption of the Virgin, a solemn Te Deum was chanted in the church of Notre Dame of Paris, and in all those of the diocese, to return thanks for the Senatus Consultum of the 12th and 13th of this month. The same day a solemn service for returning thanks was performed in the temple of the Protestants at Paris rue Saint Thomas du Louvre, in consequence of the proclamation of the Senatus Consultum, for organizing the Constitution. These Journals present little else respecting France itself; but some of the articles from other countries are interesting. It appears by the accounts from Switzerland, that in the petty Cantons, instead of acquiescence and submission to the new order of things, a formal insurrection is organizing there against the central Government, and it is very uncertain whether it will be possible to make them receive the new constitution. The instigator of these commotions is the late Landamman Reding. It appears that he has been long labouring on the execution of his vast plan of a counter-revolution, and for this purpose has taken advantage of the absence of the French troops. He began by calling an assembly of his confidential friends at Gerfau. In this meeting, which took place on the 24th of last month, it was resolved to convoke, on the 17th of August, the General Assemblies of the people of the three petty Cantons; to oblige all the Public Functionaries to resign their places; to induce the old Magistrates of 1798, to resume their functions; to form a confederation between the three Cantons; and to collect all the men capable of bearing arms. At Schwitz,
Reding assured the inhabitants that Bonaparte, whom he chose to denote by the following words, the Man who makes Europe tremble, had given him his word that the canton might constitute itself as it pleased. The re-establishment of the ancient order of things was proposed. Reding was then appointed Landamman, and all the ancient authorities were restored. In many places the pastoral letter of the Bishop of Constance, which declared that there was nothing in the new constitution contrary to religion, was torn from the church doors on which it was pasted.
The full powers for the Extraordinary deputation of the Empire have been printed and published at Ratisbon. The following is a copy of them:
General full powers of the Empire, for the deputation charged with the discussion of the points which remain to be regulated for completing the peace.
The Electors, Princes, and States of the Holy Roman Empire, having judged it proper to exercise, by an extraordinary deputation, the right which belongs to them of concuring in the discussion of the objects which still remain to be settled for completing the peace; and having for this purpose elected and nominated in the College of electors—Mentz, Bohemia, Saxony, and Brandenburg; and in that of Princes—Bavaria, the grand master of the Teutonic order, Wurtemberg, and Hesse Cassel; the said deputed states are fully authorised by these presents in the name of the Germanic Body, and with the consent of his imperial majesty, in his quality of supreme chief of the Empire, to send, as soon as possible, their sub-delegates to the imperial city of Ratisbon, which has been considered as the most convenient place to examine, discuss, and regulate, with the Imperial minister plenipotentiary, in concert with the French government, and paying attention to the convention of October 23d of last year, ratified by his Imperial majesty, the points referred by the 5th and 7th articles of the treaty of Luneville, by a particular convention; in consequence what shall be discussed, concluded, and signed by the said deputies, either by all, or in case of absence, sickness or non-appearance of any of them, by the rest, with the imperial minister, must, within a determinate time, be ratified, agreed to, and inviolably observed by the whole Empire.
HEAD-QUARTERS, CAPE-FRANCOIS, (Sept. 2.) Fructidor 15, year 10. The General in Chief decrees, as follows:
Art. the 1st. From the 1st of Vendemaire, year 11, no goods or commodities can be imported in foreign bottoms into the colony, but those that are enumerated in the list hereto annexed; and none can be exported by the said vessels but molasses, syrups, taffas, and rum, log and ebony woods, guaiacum excepted, and all the goods and commodities exported in French vessels.
2d. From the same date; the duties on goods and commodities denominated in the list annexed to the present, shall be collected at the rate of 10 per cent of their price in the colony, on a part of which the colonial prefect will establish every three months, according to the average price of the present quarter, in the open ports of the colony.
The duties on colonial commodities, which according to the leave granted by the first article, will be exported in foreign vessels, shall be one half more than those paid by French vessels, conformably to their tariff annexed to this article of the 2d of last Messidor. These commodities shall pay, besides, the war duty established by the article of the 25th Messidor, year 10.
Goods and commodities, arising from the French trade, exported from the colony in foreign vessels, will pay no duties.
3d. All goods and commodities not enumerated in the list hereto annexed, from whatever place they come, imported in foreign vessels, shall be prohibited from the 1st of Vendemaire, year 11.
Captains of foreign vessels coming into the open ports of the colony, before that time, will be allowed to land those goods, the declaration of which they will have made at the custom-house.
Captains coming to the colony after the 1st Vendemaire till the 15th Brumaire, inclusive, will be permitted to land the prohibited goods they have on board; as to those that are prohibited, they shall make a declaration of them, and shall be bound to show them again at their departure, under the penalty of having their vessels confiscated.
After the 15th of Brumaire, vessels, the cargo of which will not be entirely composed of goods and unprohibited commodities, shall not enter the ports of the colony. Such as have not the leave to enter them, and will have admitted, through false declarations, or which, after being obliged to leave the said ports, would be seen landing, or trying to land their goods by fraud, shall be confiscated as well as the cargo.
4th. By the present nothing is changed in the article of the 5th Messidor, which frees from all duties to the 30th of Frimaire, year 11, the oxen and mules imported into the ports of Cape-Francois, Port-Republican and Jacmel,
and the timber imported into the ports of Cape-Francois, Port-Republican, les Cayes and Jacmel.
All dispositions of articles relating to trade and custom-houses, which are not contrary to those of the present, remain whole.
5. The colonial prefect is charged with the execution of the present article.
A list of goods and commodities, the importation of which in foreign vessels is permitted into the open ports of the colony of St. Domingo:—
Beer and ale, porter, strong beer, bricks, tiles, gutter tiles, square bricks, pit coal, black cables and riggings, white do. do. whale oil, sperm whale oil, pitch and tar, rosin and dry pitch and tar mixed, spirits of turpentine, oats, barley, Indian corn, Indian meal, rice, biscuits, flour, salt beef, salt pork, (gammons, hams, &c.) high seasoned tongues, and all articles of high seasoned pork are not included in that denomination.
Salt butter, lard, codfish, bacalao, and other species of codfish, salt mackerels, salt herrings, red ditto fish, codfish tongues, mules in brine, flock fish, oxen and cows alive, horses, mules, jacks, asses, hogs, sheep, ducks and hens, turkeys, geese, timber, scantlings, boards, oars, hog dressed slaves, ship-timbers, masts.
The General in Chief, General Captain.
By the General Captain, the General Secretary, LENOIR.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, October 4, 1802.
DIED—On the 30th September 1802, MR. DANIEL CLARKE, Senior, of Prince George's County, in the sixty ninth year of his age. Mr. Clarke was a tender husband, an affectionate parent, a kind master and an honest man; beloved by all who knew him. He left but one child to mourn his death.
DIED—On Friday morning last in this city, in the 21st year of his age, MR. WILLIAM JOHNSON, one of the clerks in the office of Auditor of the Treasury, and on the day following, his remains were interred at Rock Creek church, attended by a respectable procession of the inhabitants.
So long as exemplary virtue, filial piety, brotherly affection, and an assiduous attention to the duties of office shall continue to deserve the approbation of mankind, will the untimely death of this young gentleman be lamented by his acquaintances; for in each of those estimable qualities he was the admiration of all who knew him.
The eloquent Address of the Republican Committee of Philadelphia will deservedly attract the attention of our readers. It embraces a manly avowal and correct recognition of republican principles, a spirited contrast of the measures of the late and present administration, and recommends a maintenance of that honest zeal which a sense of danger should ever inspire.
An article has been lately re-published from a Massachusetts newspaper, suggesting that the government of the United States had abandoned the claim upon the sugar refiners, for the duty upon all such sugars, as were refined before July and not sent out of the refineries in or before June. This article was first published, avowedly to prove the general unfoundness of the law opinions of Levi Lincoln, Esquire, the attorney general of the U. States.
Though I am a perfect stranger to that gentleman, I wish to do an act of simple justice to him and to the government, by stating it as certain (without fear of contradiction) that the claim of the United States on the sugar refiners has not been abandoned. On the contrary, instructions have been long since given by the treasury to receive the money, or take the usual bonds in October, for the duties on sugars refined before July, and sent out of the refineries in the current quarter; and so of other quarters till the whole shall be settled. Instead of a doubt on the part of the government with respect to the soundness of Mr. Lincoln's opinion, either in law or reason, it is known to stand confirmed by the convictions it has produced in the minds of others. There is not the least intention to discuss here, the merits of the government's claim, nor to affect the arguments of gentlemen concerned in the refineries, nor those of their numerous and able counsel. Nor shall the repelled attempt to injure Mr. Lincoln, lead us into any unkindness or disrespect to those, who have interests or opinions different from those of the government, though such vain attacks upon a good man in our highest law office (accompanied by a spirit of hostility to the government) have drawn forth these vindicatory truths.
Those editors of Newspapers, who have published the article referred to, will do honor to their candor in printing this short reply. They will also have the satisfaction of doing justice to the government of our country, by informing our fellow citizens, that it is the personal will of every public agent, that the Supreme Court of the United States (which is of a clearly federal character) should decide the question at their first sitting.
VERUS.
FRENCH COMMERCE.
The following is a statement, taken from the different Commercial Reports of the French Colonies, of the trade carried on between them and the mother country, in the period of tranquility that preceded the war.
In 1781, France received from her Colonies in the Antilles, and from Cayenne, Sugar to the value of more than 89,000,000; of Brandy, in Coffee, above 87,000,000; in Cocoa, about one million; in Cotton, twenty one millions and a half; in Indigo, above ten millions; and in other articles to the value of eight millions.
The importation of these productions, amounting altogether to about 218,000,000, employed 686 ships, whose burthen was on the whole 199,122 tons. The profit of the freight was 17,000,000.
At this period the French Slave traders laid out from 13 to 17 millions of francs in the purchase of 30,000 Negroes in Africa, who, when sold in the West-Indies, produced 43,300,000 francs. This trade employed 55,227 tons of Shipping, and the profit of the freight was 4,500,000 francs.
The exportations of French merchandise, and production to the Colonies, in 1788, amounted to about 76,000,000 francs. This merchandise was exported by 677 ships, whose tonnage was 190,753. The profit on the freight exceeded 19,000,000.
Importations 218,000,000 Exportations, Purchase and Sale of Slaves. 35,000,000
Total 253,000,000
Calculating the advantage arising from the employment of the sum, at 10 per cent, the product would be, 35,000,000
To this add the profit on the Freight, the Exports and Imports, 21,000,000
And the Total 55,000,000
francs, or about £2,325,000 sterling, was the profit which France derived annually from her Colonies.
The Palace of St. Cloud is now nearly completed; and the First Consul would have gone there on the 15th this month (Messidor) had not the business of the New Constitution occupied his time. It is to be presumed that he will go there immediately, as he has ordered a post for letters to be established in the Palace for his own particular use, similar to the one already placed in the Tuileries.
The administration, or Directors of the Post Office Department, who are not much satisfied at these innovations, solicited that an office might be given them, where the persons employed might be lodged, and that the expenses might be paid by the Consul; he sent for answer a negative: and added, that such surplus charges must fall upon the Post Office Establishment.
Upon a late visit of the First-Consul made to St. Cloud, the workmen surrounded him, and by observing, that in such weather people were dry, pleaded for some money. He appeared much offended at this sort of familiarity, and sent them off with haughtiness, but without a present.
Federal Love of order Exemplified!
HARTFORD, September 27.
On Friday the 17th inst., the Circuit Court of the United States for the district of Connecticut, composed of Judges Washington and Law, was opened in this town. Judge Washington gave an excellent charge to the Grand Jury. After calling the docket, the Court adjourned to the next day. At the opening of the Court on Saturday the Defendants in two actions which were continued from the April term, pleaded in substance, that the cases were instituted before the Circuit Court of the second Circuit of the United States, holden at New-Haven in April last, for the district of Connecticut composed of the hon. Egbert Benson, Oliver Wolcott, and Samuel Hitchcock, who in pursuance of an act of Congress passed in February 1801, had been appointed Judges of that Court, and whole commissions, having never been vacated, were now in force, and that the actions were now depending before the Court composed of the said Benson, Wolcott, and Hitchcock; and therefore the defendants prayed the said Judges Washington and Law to take no further cognizance of the actions. In consequence of this objection to the legal authority, and existence of the Court, all the business of the Court was continued. The pleas to the jurisdiction were not argued, but by agreement of the parties were continued to the next term. It is understood that similar questions will be raised.
fed, and probably decided, in the other districts, during the present circuit. Nothing so interesting to the people of the United States has occurred since the existence of our government. If brought before the Court, the question must be determined, whether one distinct, independent branch of our constitution, has not been madly sacrificed at the shrine of Democracy. The effect of this decision either way, involves considerations of the highest moment to the future concerns of the country.
New York, September 20.
We are informed by Capt. Chappell, that a few days before the Lydia failed, the negroes in the mountains had revolted against the French troops; several skirmishes had ensued and the latter were driven within four miles of the city. General Charles Bellair, a negro general, in the service of the French, had joined the revolters. The black general who commanded at Port-de-Paix had followed his example. The citizens had evacuated most of the small ports, and fled to the Cape for safety. In the northern part of the mountains, massacres and burnings were frequent; and Christophe and Dessalines were marching against the rebels with a considerable force.
NORWALK, (Conn.) Sept. 21.
We again rejoice at the opportunity of greeting our fellow-citizens with the happy news of REPUBLICANISM TRIUMPHANT. In spite of steady habits and monarchical faction, the Republicans of this town, in their semi-annual meeting, held yesterday, made choice Mr. William M. Betts and Dr. Phineas Miller, two inflexible Republicans, as Representatives to the General Assembly the ensuing session, each by a large majority.
District of Columbia, Oct. 2, 1802. Washington County, ss.
Before me, John Addison, as DISTRICT CLERK, appeared a BROWN HORSE, fourteen and an half hands high, hind feet white, a little white on his upper lip, no artificial mark, strong and clean made, two white spots under the saddle on the off side, marks of his having been a draft horse by a few white hairs in his mane, and a scar on his breast or shoulder.
BENJAMIN MOORE, Just. Peace. October 4 1802.
By virtue of an order from Montgomery County Court, to us directed we will proceed to sell on Monday the 24th day of October next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, on the Premises to the highest bidder, on a credit of one, two, three and four years with interest to be paid annually from the date. All the rights, title and estate of JOSEPH SIMMES, deceased, to a certain tract of land, called the second Addition to Culvers Chance, containing 300 acres, lying on a stream of water called the North West, and in Montgomery County, now in possession of his widow Catherine Simmes.
DANIEL REINITZEL, ADAM KING, JOHN THRELKELD, Sept. 27, 1802. ept250.
WAS STOLEN,
On Friday the 23th instant, out of the House of David Tweedy,
A SMALL TRUNK,
CONTAINING 100 dollars cash, one note of 50 dollars on the Bank of Baltimore, and shirts, stockings, waistcoats, and three pocket knives, with several papers therein. Whoever will come forward and give information to the owner, so that he may get the articles again, shall receive a reward of 60 dollars, and no questions asked.
WILLIAM HERRON, Living at Mr. Reinhart's, near the War Office. Sept. 29th, 1802.
FOR RENT,
SEVERAL Houses in New Jersey Avenue, well calculated for Boarding Houses and private families.
WM. BRENT, Atty. for Thomas Law, Esq. Sept. 29, 1802. ept240.
FOR SALE,
A FEW Puncheons excellent Antigua Rum, of 3d and 4th proof. Apply to the Subscriber.
WM. BRENT. Sept. 29, 1802.
TO LET.
A TWO STORY FRAME HOUSE near the Bank, the tenant will have the advantage of a well cultivated Garden. Enquire of Mr. Joseph Saul, at the office of District and Denig, Washington. Sept. 27, 1802.
TO RENT,
One of the best situations in the City of Washington for business,
TWO BRICK HOUSES,
NEAR the War office, on Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's House, now occupied by Sharpless & Smith as a dry good store—Apply to RENNER & FUSARD, high street, or to the Subscriber at the Columbian Academy.
JOHN R. BUSSARD. George Town, Sept. 29, 1802.

TO THE PUBLIC.
The Proprietors of the Charter for opening the Navigation of the Catawba and Wateree Rivers, having at length been, with much satisfaction, the completion of the Santee Canal, propose to recommence their operations for opening the Catawba and Wateree Rivers during the present year, as soon as the state of the said Rivers will permit.
In the mean while they have determined to double the number of their shares for the purpose of admitting such persons as may choose to become subscribers. The expenses which have been already incurred by the Company amount to one hundred dollars on each share of the present number, which, when doubled according to the present determination, will reduce it to fifty dollars a share.
The Charter of South-Carolina is in perpetuity, and these shares are forever exempted from any rate, tax, duty, assessment or imposition whatever. The Act of North Carolina, authorises the Company to fix and establish a toll on all goods and merchandise, for 99 years, and exempt their shares from any rate, tax, duty, assessment or imposition whatever, for the same period of time.
The present proprietors think it a duty incumbent on them, to inform the public, that a very considerable sum is expected to be raised from the sale of vacant lands, (which extend two miles on each side of the Catawba river, the whole length thereof from the North Carolina line down to Camden Ferry, a distance of not less than 120 miles, and in which is supposed are reserved to the company, not less than 58,000 or 60,000 acres) and left they should be deferred from engaging in the present navigation, by a reference to the enormous expense of the Santee Canal, the stockholders think it but just that they should declare their opinion of the improbability of the subscribers being called upon for more than 16 dollars on each share per annum, as it would be impossible for the works to be carried on longer than for about four months in the year, since the labourers will be chiefly employed in the water.
It is further to be remarked, that the Catawba river is looked upon as the most proper site for the establishment of a magazine, foundary and arsenal, for the three southern states, viz. North and South Carolina and Georgia; that surveys have been made, and a statement thereof forwarded on this subject some years ago, to the Secretary at war; that the state of South Carolina passed an act, authorising a purchase by the United States, of a certain quantity of land within its state; and the Catawba company have offered to release to the United States any of their lands on said river, for such purpose, on a fair valuation. The hour now seems to approach for such an establishment; not only because it is a time of almost profound peace throughout the world, but that the idea is revived by the President of the United States, in his message of the 2d of February, 1802, to Congress, wherein he says, "besides the permanent magazines established at Springfield, West Point, and Harper's Ferry, it is thought one should be established at some point convenient for the states of North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, such a point will be found near the borders of the Carolinas; and some small provision by the Legislature, preparatory to the establishment, will be necessary for the present year." And nature indeed has pointed out this river as the most proper place for such a magazine, from the vast quantities of ore which have been discovered on the Catawba and its two branches, and there can be no doubt but that such an abundance of metal must attract the attention of the engineer, who may be authorised to examine and determine on a proper site for this establishment, particularly as there are already several furnaces and forges on the abovementioned rivers, at some of which six pound guns have been cast and bored, equal to any ever imported or made to the northward.
The company intend for the present season, to confine their operations to the removal of the obstructions from Rocky Mount to Camden Ferry, to the opening of a road for a carrying place, and the transportation of goods, from above the Falls at Rocky Mount, down to the Old Ferry landing; to the erection of a bridge across the Rocky Creek, and to the building a boat, and establishing the Ferry, which is allowed them by law.
At a meeting of the Catawba Company, the 4th of March, 1802, two-thirds of them being present,
On motion, resolved, That the six hundred shares in the Company of the Catawba and Wateree Rivers, be subdivided into twelve hundred.
That the present proprietors be entitled to hold double the number of their present shares; and that they have besides a preference to extend the number of their shares to one for every ten to which they shall be entitled after such subdivision.
To every new subscriber who shall pay 50 dollars, shall be entitled not only to the advantages to be derived from the opening of said river; but also to a proportionate interest in the lands vested in the Company by the legislature of this state.
Resolved, That 100 shares be reserved to be offered to the state of South Carolina, and that an equal number of shares be reserved to be tendered to the state of North Carolina.
At an anniversary meeting of the Catawba Company, on Tuesday the 10th instant, the following resolves were entered into:—
"That an advertisement be published, inviting persons to contract for the opening of Graves's Ford and Love's Ford to deep and wide as to admit boats drawing 2 feet 9 inches water, and 12 feet wide; also, for opening a road and carrying place, from above Rocky Mount, to the Ferry landing below, and for constructing a bridge across Rocky Creek; also, for building a Ferry Boat to ply across the river, at or near the present landing at Rocky Mount, also for surveying the vacant lands, which have been already granted them by the legislature. Such undertakers to give approved security for the faithful fulfilment of their respective contracts, and to direct their applications to the President, Judge Grimke, during the sitting of the constitution Court at Columbia, from the 19th to the 24th of April next, or to Charles Taw, the secretary, in Charleston, on or before the 15th day of May next ensuing."
"That the President do establish a correspondence with some mercantile house in Cambridge, and endeavour to obtain permission to lodge with them the monies of the Company, and that they would disburse the same, according to the directions of the Company."
"That one hundred shares be offered to the citizens of North Carolina, and that they have to the first day of January next ensuing, to subscribe for such shares; and that General Davie be authorised to appoint some person or persons in that state to receive such subscriptions on the part of the Company, payable as in the following resolution."
"That col. Senl. col. Hill, and John Simpson, esq. clerk of Lancaster court, be authorised to receive subscriptions from such persons as are inclined to become proprietors, and who reside within the limits of this state, and that they take notes, payable to the President and Directors of the Company for opening the navigation of the Catawba and Wateree Rivers on the first day of March 1803, and they be authorised to deliver receipts for the same in the nature of scrip, in such form as the President and Directors shall appoint."
"That these resolutions, with the late publication in the papers of this city, as far as the President and Directors shall deem necessary and proper, be inserted in Cox and Shepard's Gazette of this city, and in the one which is printed in Raleigh, North Carolina, by Joseph Gales, once a month until the 1st of October next."
"That the solicitor of the company be instructed to adopt the most immediate measures for the recovery of such balances as appear to be due by such subscribers as have paid none of the requisitions for the last 13 months past, and that the secretary do furnish him with a list of the names of such defaulters."
"That the following mode be adopted as the uniform rule of transferring the shares of the company: "I A. B. do transfer my right to share No. forty, (the number must be in letters and not numerals) in the company for opening the navigation of the Catawba and Wateree rivers, unto C. D. for value received. Signed A. B. Witnessed by E. F. G. H. Proved on oath, before me, L. M.—J. P."
"That the sum of one shilling and two pence be paid on each share, on the requisition which shall become due, on the third Tuesday of September next ensuing, and the same sum on the third Tuesday of March thereafter."
"South Carolina, 1802. Received of _____ a note payable to the President and Directors of the Company, for opening the navigation of the Catawba and Wateree rivers, for fifty dollars, which, when paid, will entitle him to be a stockholder in the said company."
TO BE RENTED,
Two or three large three story brick Houses.
SITUATED on the Capitol Hill, convenient to the Capitol—to prevent trouble it is wished that no one would apply who will not pay half the rent in advance, or who can give good security for the payment of the rent—possession to be had the first of November, application to be made to DANL. CARROLL of Duden. Sept. 8, 1802. ept N.
Charlotte Hall School.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT the Trustees on the 4th Monday of October next, if fair, or the first fair day thereafter, will contract with any person of reputable character, who will undertake the stewardship of said School for the year 1803.
Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg. Cool Springs, St. Mary's Co. September 17, 1802. 3w.
INFORMATION.
I do hereby certify, that on the 13th July, 1802, I directed the proper officers of the customs to give a fair trial, experimentally, to Mr. Dearborn's patent balance, to ascertain its correctness with the standard weights of the treasury of this state; and particularly its utility, in the facility of weighing dutiable cargoes. The surveyor and weigh master of the port, have, after various experiments, and after due examination, reported to me this day, as follows:
That they tried Dearborn's patent balance with the 50, 25, 14, 7, and 4 pounds brass legal standard weights, procured from the treasury of this state, and found the patent balance critically correct.
After several comparative trials, they report:—
That they weighed in the custom-house scales, 10 hogheads of sugar in one hour, with six hands. The same 10 hogheads of sugar were weighed in the patent balance in twenty-two minutes, with only two hands.
In the scales 34 barrels of coffee and sugar were weighed in thirty-seven minutes, with two hands. In the patent balance the same 34 barrels of coffee and sugar were weighed in twenty-two minutes, with two hands.
In the scales 15 boxes of Havana sugar were weighed in fifteen minutes, with four hands. In the patent balance, 18 boxes of the same Havana sugar were weighed in fifteen minutes, with two hands.
In weighing a hoghead of sugar in the scales, it required 3lbs. weight to preponderate the scale. In weighing the same hoghead of sugar in the patent balance, half a pound weight would preponderate the scale.
Two drays are necessary to carry from wharf to wharf, the custom-house triangles, scales and weights, sufficient to weigh a hoghead of sugar. One dray is necessary to carry the custom-house triangle, scales and weights, to weigh smaller articles. The patent balance, with its frame and weights (consisting of only two brass 32lb. weights, and one brass 16lb. weights) can be moved from wharf to wharf on a hand cart, with two labourers only.
Any person who understands simple addition, can in five minutes be taught the use of the patent balance.
The patent balance occupies a less space of ground on the wharf, than the triangle and scales.
The beam, scales and weights of the custom house, were proved by this valuable patent balance, to be incorrect; and by which, as a true and just standard, the necessary adjustments are making.
The cost of the patent balance is half less than scales and weights. In all cases one third, and in heavy articles two thirds of labour is saved: and in its use in the customs, dray hire is altogether saved. Hence as respects correctness, facility in weighing, saving in the first cost, saving of labour, and from weights being always liable to injury and reduction of weight, by the removal of the lead necessary to secure the handle to the weight, (and to adjust the weight) the patent balance is rendered, in my judgement, preferable in every point of view, to the common beam scales and weights. It combines the use of the common freely yard (without its imperfection) with the common scales, but is superior to either, from the reasons given. In a word, it is my opinion, that the patent balance requires only to be known & understood, when it will be universally used, in preference to the common beam scales and weights.
At all times it would afford me pleasure to certify the meritorious discoveries of any person—but I feel a more than ordinary pleasure on the present occasion, to give publicity to the merit of a country-man, an American.
As Dearborn's patent balances are made to weigh from one pound weight and upward, as may be required, it is in the power of every person to suit himself with a balance to weigh as much as he may choose.
Not only as justice due to merit, but as an encouragement to others, I with pleasure give this certificate, and sincerely hope that Mr. Dearborn will be as generously rewarded for his important discovery, as I feel a conviction that his discovery of the patent balance will be universally useful & beneficial to his country. Given under my hand, at the Custom-House of Charleston, this seventh day of August, 1802.
JAMES SIMONS. Collector of the Customs.
Prices of the Patent Balance, at the Manufactory.
  A beam with its poizes to weigh from one pound to one hundred pounds, D. C. 4 50   Do. do. from 2 to 200 do. 10 25   Do. do. from 5 to 500 14 75   Do. do. from 5 to 800 23 75   Do. do. from 5 to 1000 27 75   Do. do. from 10 to 1500 41 50   Do. do. from 10 to 2000 54 00   Do. do. from 20 to 3000 70 50 
The above prices are for the beams and poizes only, every article of the apparatus is at a fixed price, in addition to the above, that purchasers may be suitably accommodated without paying for any article they may not want.
The following are the prices of the apparatus at the manufactory:—
A frame 7 dollars—a screw 4 dollars—a guard 1 dollar and 25 cents.
A balance weight from 2 dollars to 2 dollars and 75 cents.
A scale and field from 8 to 12 dollars—according to the size required.
By the above general estimate, the prices of beams of any intermediate or larger size may be nearly ascertained, exclusive of the charges of transportation.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
HAS just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cassimeres; India, Manchester, and silk striped nankeens; cotton cassimeres, boglepoor, Bengal elegant white chintz for pantaloons, white and coloured marcelles, janes and satin croiss overs, silk gingham, black and other coloured striped satins, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner—Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's square. May 24, 1802. eptf
CHARLES VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR from Philadelphia, Capitol Hill, New-Jersey Avenue.
HAS received an assortment of summer goods consisting of the best superfine Cloths.
 Cassimeres,  Silk Dorsetches,  English Striped Nankeens,  White India Dimities,  White and printed Marcellas, 
With a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season.
N. B. Ladys Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms, made in the first style of fashion. July 2, 1802. tf
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation.
Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c in their apartments.
The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the state of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c.
A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in.
Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT.
N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. eptf
AGREABLY to a Deed of Trust from Anthony Addison to the Subscriber, will be offered
For Sale,
TO the highest bidder, by Public Auction, at Stoll's Hotel, in the City of Washington, on Monday the 9th day of August next, all that tract of land lying and being on the Eastern Branch of the Potomac, opposite to said City, called "Chichester, with addition re-surveyed," containing three hundred acres.
On the above-mentioned tract of land, is the Ferry Landing, so well known by the name of "Dyer's Ferry," now in the occupation of Capt. Naylor.
The Sale to commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon—Terms of sale cash.
Wm. BRENT. 19thA
June 30, 1802. The above sale is postponed till Saturday the 9th day of October next. Aug. 16, 1802. ta
TO RENT,
And possession given immediately,
A TWO STORY brick house on F street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM DYER.
April 7, 1802. eptf Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W. D.
Valuable property for Sale.
Will be Sold at Mr. Dougherty's Tavern, in the town of Bladensburg, on Saturday the ninth day of October, to the highest bidder, the following property, viz.
1st. THAT well improved lot of ground lately occupied by Mr. Horatio Ross—the improvements are a large convenient and well finished brick house, two stories high, having on the first floor, four handsome rooms, with fire places in each, and on the second a large and complete nursery, two bed rooms with a fire place in each, and two well finished store rooms. This lot with the garden contains about three acres of ground, and has on it also all the necessary out houses—a new and complete chestnut paling includes the front, (and a new oak and chestnut post and rail fence the garden.) annexed to this lot will be sold it required about two acres of timothy meadow, from whence a stream of water from a never failing spring may be conducted every way part of the garden or lot, so as to supply an extensive fish pond or dairy, either of which may be conducted at a small expense; the ground being elegantly situated.
2d. That well improved lot late the property of Maj. David Ross—the improvements are a large and well finished stone house, rough called, three handsome rooms, and a complete store room, with a fire place in each, and an entry on the first floor, three bed rooms with a fire place in each—two other small bed rooms and a complete store room and entry on the second floor—the out houses are an excellent stable and carriage house, and corn house—an excellent stone meat house, an extensive wash house with lodging rooms for the servants, and a complete store house and dairy, with a never failing spring of water, an excellent garden abounding with a variety of fruit and berries—a neat yard in front and about three acres of meadow ground behind are annexed to this lot, as to about half an acre of high ground, from whence the meadow may be watered the whole year round. In short both of these lots are well improved, and for their many local advantages might at a small expense be rendered as elegant as any property in the state. There will also be sold several unimproved lots in the most central parts of the town, so divided as to accommodate purchasers.
When it is considered this property is within five miles of the capital of the United States, that the spring waters at Bladensburg which have been for some time highly esteemed, will shortly render it perhaps the most considerable watering place on the continent, every person must at once be impressed with the probable appreciation of property situated as this is. Terms of sale one and two years credit, for bonds upon interests from date or for approved security. Sept. 8, 1802. WM. STEUART. eptg O.
VENDUE.
THE SUBSCRIBER intending to remove from the City of Washington, offers for public sale at his present residence on Capitol Hill, on Thursday the 7th day of October next at 11 o'clock, for cash only, a variety of genteel and useful Household and Kitchen
FURNITURE;
Consisting of beds, bedsteads and furniture, tables, chairs, desks and book cases, looking glasses, carpets, and a number of articles too numerous for insertion, together with a private library of well selected books.
ALSO, three good mch cows, a valuable young saddle horse, and a single riding chair. Likewise a negro woman accustomed to house work. The sale to continue from day to day until all are sold. Wm. KING. eptg O.
LEWIS DEBLOTS,
Has just received by the Brig Leopard, the following articles, which he offers for sale, on moderate terms—at his store on Stewart or Lowndes's Wharf.
 Russia Sheerings,  Ravens Duck,  India Cottons,  Oznabrige,  Sweeds Iron,  Cordage,  Sugar in Barrels,  New-England Rum, 
A few Casks of cut Nails, of different sizes. George Town, Sept. 22, 1802. 5
MARSHAL'S SALE.
By virtue of a writ of fieri facias, issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for Washington County, to me directed, I have seized and taken, and shall proceed to sell at M C LAUGHLIN'S Tavern George town, on Saturday the 23d of October next, at 10 o'clock P. M. for cash.
THAT valuable house and lot in George Town, situate lying and being at the intersection of Falls and Water Streets, being part of the lot or parcel of ground, known and distinguished as No. 50, in the plan of said Town, as present occupied by Jeremiah Conner, Esq.
ALSO, one half square of ground in said Town, with all the houses and out houses thereon, as present occupied by Mr. Tally—the said half square is divided into four lots and delineated in the plan of the town by the following numbers, viz. 46, 47, 48 and 60.
ALSO, two tracts or parcels of land adjoining each other, situate, lying and being in the County of Washington, between Bladensburg and the City of Washington, known and called by the names of Scotland and Barnadoss, containing about 206 acres, at present in the occupancy of Mr. Henry Smith. The above property will be sold to satisfy debts and costs, due the President, Director, and Company of the Bank of Columbia, by George M C Gruder. DANL. C. BRENT, Marshal DISTRICT Columbia's Sept. 24, 1802.