The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1798-10-08 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 24.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME 1.]
Monday, October 8th, 1798.
Very Interesting News,
Received by the United States brig Sophia , arrived at Boston with Mr. Gerry . She was last from England, and has brought London papers to August 16th.
America and France!
On the 19th of July Mr. Gerry re-demanded of the French government, his Passports to leave France. The following is Talleyrand's letter inclosing the passports:
PARIS (24 MESSIDOR) JULY 12,
Letter from the Minister of Foreign Relations, to Mr Gerry , Envoy of the United States.
AS long, Sir, as I had room to flatter myself that I might fulfil the wishes of the Executive Directory, by endeavouring in concert with you, to re-establish the former good understanding between the French Republic and the United States, I exerted my best efforts both in my conferences & in my correspondence with you, to facilitate the means, to establish the basis to enter on the business, and to convince you of the utility with which your presence at Paris must be attended. It was in your character of Envoy from the American Government, that I received you, and that I wrote to you: it depended upon yourself to be publicly received, and admitted by the Executive Directory. Without coinciding in opinion with you, that any changes have been induced by the departure of Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall in the full powers in which I read that you were authorised to treat separately , it appeared to me, that in the very hypothesis in which you placed yourself, you ought to refer the question to your Government, and in the interval to fix with me, in a calm and friendly discussion, upon all the disputable points on which we differed. This way of proceeding was the more natural, because without attending to the premature information which your government has obtained of the offer to treat with you after the departure of your colleagues, my note of 28 Ventose, (March 18) which must have reached Philadelphia, towards the end of Floreal, left no shadow of a doubt on this subject—it contains three objects perfectly distinct—it begins by rectifying, with the dignity that belongs to the French Government, the statement of grievances made by the United States, and drawn out by their Envoys, in the inverted order of facts the preceding 28 Ventose, (Jan. 17)—it next points out the motives that prevented the negotiation being carried on with the Envoys collectively—it finally declares, in the most solemn manner, the conciliatory dispositions of the Executive Directory, and its formal desire of reuniting, between the two countries, the ties of their ancient amity, and the intention of treating with you. Such an explicit declaration could not have been made but with the view of furnishing the President of the United States with infallible means of coming to an accommodation. It was throwing down a pledge of peace in order that it might be taken up. I presumed to think that you could not be long without receiving analogous instructions, and even other powers, were they necessary; or at least, that if you had announced to the President a design of returning to America, some other Envoy would come and accomplish the happy task which we should have the satisfaction of preparing.—To hopes, thus solidly founded, there were added some observations on the inconveniences that attended your departure. I gave you to understand, that not withholding your assurances to me, no one would believe that it proceeded solely from your own inclination, from a thorough conviction of the invalidity of your powers, or from a desire of seeing the business of the negotiation intrusted to other hands. I observed to you on the conjectures to which it would give rise; on the means it would furnish to the British Cabinet, that spares no pains to its endeavours to drive France and the United States to extremities from which it alone would derive advantage; and even on the very suspicions that it might call up in the mind of the French Government. I endeavoured to make you see into its possible consequences; but a variety of circumstances occurred, which have already retarded the reconciliation of the two Republics; it is but natural for him who feels a sincere solicitude for peace, to be under apprehensions lest new obstacles should arise to retard it. These considerations which I shall ever recollect with pride, induced me to oppose the desire which you had entertained of quitting France. But you peremptorily insisted upon it in your letter of the 22nd inst. The Directory has consequently authorised me to furnish you with the passports which you have requested for yourself and for the vessel that awaits you at Havre. You have them enclosed. May your return to the United States, and the communication of what
has passed between us, since you only have represented your government, remove the injudicious opinion of hostile intentions on the part of France! You have frequently assured me, that if you could not treat here as Envoy, your good offices should not be wanting as a citizen on your return to the United States. It were impossible for you to render a more signal service to the two countries, than by contributing to make their political and commercial relations accord with their inclination and their interest. Assure your government that the Executive Directory perseveres in the intention of loyally and sincerely endeavouring to reconcile the differences that have arisen between the French Republic and the United States, as soon as an opportunity of so doing shall be sincerely held out. If it be really true, that the dispositions of your government, are prepared to co-operate, let them but give a proof of it, and you before-hand answer for its success. You cannot dissemble, Sir, that if nothing has prevented you from following up with me the examination and the redress of the grievances which divide the two countries, we should not stand in need of anything but our respective ratifications. Who can entertain a doubt of the French Government, when it shall be known that for now nearly three months every pacific solicitation came from me, and that in faithful compliance with the engagements I contracted in my note of 28 Ventose, (March 18) was the first seriously to press forward the business of the negotiation after the departure of Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall ? It will, I trust, be said that a refusal to treat with them argued an unwillingness to come to a conciliation, whereas that refusal was accompanied with a promise to treat with you, and your full powers represented you as a person who was authorised to treat separately .—To that document shall I incessantly appeal, because it is the basis of the opinion which your government ought to have formed, and that even in admitting you were tied down by secret restrictions, I could not in my mind oppose what I do not know from the truth due to your ostensible authority. Yes, Sir, when scarcely acquainted with the departure of Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall , I made it a point, in every conference which I held with you from that moment, to evince to you the urgency; the propriety, the possibility of an active negotiation. I collected your ideas; they were different from mine. I laboured to reconcile them, and I was about to transmit proposals to you when a packet from your government arrived at Havre.—You then seemed prepared to depart. Till then I had never imagined that you conceived the design of embarking till we had come to an agreement upon the definitive articles to be ratified by your government. A few days after, I received some dispatches from Philadelphia, which for a moment gave a new tinge to my correspondence with you. Upon the 1st Prairial, (June 10.) I notified to you the dispositions of the Executive Directory are the same, and I requested you to inform me whether you were in a situation to negotiate!—Upon the 30th Prairial, (June 18) I transmitted you a complete plan of negotiation. Upon the 9th Messidor, June 27, I sent you my first note for discussion upon one of the points of our treaties which are not put in execution in the U. States. You declined to make any reply to it. It is necessary, however, to agree upon the details of a subject in order to arrive at any conclusion. Upon the 18th Messidor, July 6, I sent you two other notes. In vain I accompanied these powers with the most cordial invitation rapidly to run over this series of indispensable discussions upon all our grounds of complaint. You never even gave me an opportunity to prove to you with how much liberality the Directory were disposed to act in this matter.—You continued only to write for your permission to depart. Yet it is the French Republic on which the blame is laid in the United States, of being averse to peace! Perfidious instigators will insinuate that it has always been averse to it. I shall go back, therefore, to the period when symptoms of discontent manifested themselves, that is to say, on the arrival of the Minister Genet , at Philadelphia, in Prairial, 1st year. A universal joy appeared at the declarations he was authorised to make. He then expressed the amicable and generous intentions of the French Government, which, powerful in the national energy, abstained from reclaiming the aid of its allies. In a short time some of its proceedings gave umbrage: They were the effect of a zeal ill adapted to circumstances, and unfortunately still worse interpreted. The President made his complaints in France, at the end of the same year. The Committee of Public Safety, gave immediate satisfaction; and other Agents arrived at Philadelphia in the beginning of Ventose, year second. Their instructions will bear the utmost publicity. Not to interfere in any party affairs—to respect the government—to prompt it to maintain its neutrality with vigour—to repress all armaments which might endanger it—to maintain the rights secured to France by treaties. Such is the substance of these instructions; such, further, were the instructions given to the Minister Adet ,
who succeeded these agents in the year 3.—Surely nothing can be more pacific. Nevertheless the rights of France are insensibly affected; the most important clauses of her treaties are rendered insignificant. Her ships experience the most discouraging vexations; England sports with impunity with the neutrality of the United States, which becomes a source of great loss to France, which placed too much confidence in it. A transaction, clandestinely negotiated, concludes with establishing to the disadvantage of a power at amity with the United States, the pretensions, of its most implacable enemy. From that time forward there has been nothing between the American Government which the representations embarrass, and the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the French Republic who were bound to make them, but a correspondence which has gradually risen in point of asperity. The French government has never interferred. It has relied in the hope that the true interest of the United States would lead them to discover that England was drawing them into her vortex. Far from assuming a hostile attitude, it affected indifference, in order to be patient, consistently with dignity. The number of complaints which were presented compelled it at length to act in a different manner. On the 25th Brumaire, November 15, year 5, a declaration was made of the grounds of complaint, and in order to bring about a negotiation, too long deferred, it draws from the treaties of Paris and London the arguments best calculated to accelerate it. It was animated by no hostile view—no disposition towards aggression. In order to obtain justice from the United States it places them in a situation to be the first to call for an arrangement. Let us see whether it has rejected any honorable proposal.
Mr. Pinckney had set out before the declaration of the 25th Brumaire, which suspended the accustomed relations. He came to replace M. Munroe , and like him to explain and palliate the conduct of the United States, without any special powers respecting the negotiation desired of France. He could not be received, not being in a situation to perform the conditions implied under a resumption of political connection. The President of the United States thought it his duty to call an extraordinary meeting of the Legislative Body. I shall not review his opening speech, nor the turns which the debates took in the course of that session.—I shall only say, that the impression they made at Paris was unfavorable previous to the arrival of the Envoys; that this circumstance alone has raised an obstacle which ought to have been foreseen at Philadelphia; that the Envoys themselves unwilling to observe the natural effect of such a species of provocation, contributed to render its effect more durable. It, however, has finally been made to yield to the primitive desire of a sincere reconciliation. A proof of this you see in the expedient suggested of treating with you separately, for a government hostily disposed would not have yielded to that delicate bias which preserves honor, yet gives effect to pacific intentions. You have given me to understand, Sir, that it would have been proper for the Executive Directory to have backed the declarations I have made in their name by a change in the measures which affect the commerce of the United States. I can answer to you that our government had sufficiently ascertained its object, in confirming, from the beginning, to the French Republic, the rights which flow from its treaties. But let us be less exacting, and more equitable, one towards another. Though the measures taken by France are only the consequence of those adopted by the United States, you must have remarked, in my propositions of the 30th Prairial, (June 18) that the intention of the Executive Directory is, that their respective pretensions should be examined and regulated collaterally. It intends to mark, in one act, a durable monument of the future friendship of the two Republics—the justice which they owe to each other; and every idea of false glory is distant from its mind.
In taking leave of you, Sir, I have thought it my duty to give you this testimony of my esteem—it is manifested in the unrestrained confidence with which I have addressed you, and in the regrets which I feel from your departure in the existing circumstances.
(Signed)
CH. M. TALLYRAND PERIGORD.
P. S. 27 Messidor, (July 15.) A circumstance of infinite importance has retarded this letter. I know not how it is, but at every step towards a reconciliation some cause of irritation intervenes, and that it always originates in the United States. Some days ago advices have been received by the Executive Directory. It seems that your government hurried, beyond all bounds, no longer keeps up appearances. A law of the 7th last month authorises it to cause to be attacked every French ship of war which shall have arrested or entertained intentions of arresting American vessels. A Resolution of the House of Representatives suspends, from the 13th of this month all commercial relations
with the French Republic and its dependencies. Several projects of laws have been proposed for banishing the French, and sequestrating French property. The long suffering of the Directory is about to shew itself in a manner not to be called in question. Perfidy can never throw a veil over the pacific dispositions which it has never ceased to manifest. It is even at the moment of this new provocation, when it would seem to have no honorable choice but that of war, that it confirms the assurances I have given you on its behalf. In the present crisis it confines itself to a measure of security and preservation, by putting a temporary embargo on American vessels, with a reserve of indemnity if it takes place. It is still ready, it is as much prepared as ever to terminate by a sincere negotiation the differences which subsist between the two countries. Such is its repugnance to consider the United States as enemies, that, in spite of their hostile demonstrations, it means to wait till it be irresistibly forced by real hostilities.
Since you intend to depart, hasten at least, Sir, to transmit to your government this solemn declaration.
Mr. Gerry's Answer.
Letter from Mr. Gerry to the Minister of Foreign Relations of the French Republic.
Mr. Gerry having seen in the Redacteur of this morning the publication of a letter to him from the Minister of Foreign Affairs to the French Republic, dated the 24th Messidor, requests him to order a just translation of the answer, dated the 20th of July to be also published.
Mr. Gerry being on the eve of his departure from Paris, presumes the minister will readily comply herewith, to prevent partial and undue representations against him in his absence. Paris, July 25, '98.
Mr. Gerry's answer to the Minister of Foreign Affairs' Letter, of the 24th Messidor.
Citizen Minister,
I RECEIVED on the 27th Messidor, your letter of the 24th, (the 12 July) on which permit me to make some observations.
You alledge that in the United States the French Republic is accused of not wishing for peace, and to show that it was always desirous thereof, you recur to the arrival of Mr. Genet in America. Far from accusation of any kind, I wish to cultivate harmony between the two Governments as the solid basis of peace. From that epoch to the departure from the United States of Mr. Adet , the correspondence of the Secretaries of State of the United States with the French Ministers in America, and the American Ministers in France, contains the history to that time of the unhappy differences between the two Republics, and evinces the sincere desire of the Government of the United States amidst the inevitable embarrassments resulting from the convulsive state of Europe, to preserve harmony and friendship with the French Republic, and to perform with scrupulous attention the duties of neutrality. If by any unfortunate events, France had sustained injuries during that term, till the manifest disposition of the Government of the United States to justice and moderation was a sure pledge of redress.
When Mr. Munroe was recalled, a Minister was sent to supply his place, and you say he could not be received because he was not in a situation to fulfil the conditions necessary for the renewal of the political connections! Had he been received, he could have applied for other powers if necessary; nothing is more usual. The application which you have so strenuously urged on my part must have been for the renewal of powers annulled by the act of sending away the other Envoys: surely then your arguments would have applied with much more force to the case of a Minister whose powers were only supposed inadequate to the objects of his mission. The act of rejecting this Minister accompanied with circumstanced of high displeasure on the part of the Government of the French Republic, could not fail to wound deeply the Government of the United States and to produce observations on such an important event. Let the cause and effect be buried in oblivion, the remembrance thereof cannot promote harmony—This you will readily accede to when you consider the amicable and attentive conduct immediately adopted by the American Government in sending three Envoys extraordinary, with adequate powers, to effect a reconciliation and a renewal of the commercial intercourse between the Republics.
From the arrival of the Envoys at Paris to the departure of two of them, the objects of their mission were defeated by injudicious acts arising from demands of loans, which violated the neutrality of the United States, which have involved them in an unequal war, & of pecuniary reparations for the observations hinted at. Towards the end of that period, after imposing on me secrecy, you stated the embarrassments and dissatisfaction of the Executive Directory, on account of the opinions and conversations of my colleagues, its determination not to treat with them, and its desire to negotiate with me;

and you added, that my departure would produce an immediate rupture. Astonished as I was at this communication, I informed you that I had no powers to treat separately, the measure was impossible; and that had my powers been adequate, a treaty made under such circumstances could never be ratified by my government. You differed from me, we reasoned on the subject, and each adhered to his opinion. I urged in vain the unreasonableness of admitting prejudices against my colleagues without informing them of the causes thereof; the good effect in removing these which might result from such information, and the necessity of making known to them, all that had passed between us. You held me to the promise of secrecy, adding, that if I would negotiate, we could soon finish a treaty, for the Executive Directory were not in the habit of spending much time about such matters. You desired another interview, in which, after a discussion of the subject, I confirmed and adhered to my determination.
In this state, affairs remained for sometime, and I flattered myself with the hope that failing in the proposition for negotiating with me, separately, your next step would be to accredit the three Envoys; in such an event, the secrecy mentioned would have been proper. This expectation was strengthened by the two subsequent interviews which they had with you, and you may judge of my surprise on the receipt of your letter of the 28th Ventose, containing a refusal to treat with two of the Envoys, and renewing the proposition, to treat with one. Finding that I was the person alluded to, and that all hopes of our being jointly accredited were at an end I again refused, in the most positive terms, to negotiate separately. Another proposition was then made, that to prevent a rupture I should remain here till information could be sent to my Government of these events. Embarrassed as such a state was I submitted to it rather than to bring on war. You afterwards sent me your note of the 14th Germinal, (31st May) proposing that I should resume our reciprocal communications upon the interests of the French Republic and the United States. To this I replied on the 4th of April, that I could only confer informally and unaccredited on any subject respecting our mission, and communicate to the Government of the United States, the result of such conferences, being, in my individual capacity, unauthorized to give them an official stamp. The day after the departure from Paris of the last of my colleagues, I again addressed you, and quoting the above paragraph, informed you, that this I considered as the line of conduct well understood to be observed on my part; to this you made no objection verbally or by writing, and thus acquiesced in it; had you not, I should have immediately demanded my passport. At one of our first interviews after that letter you stated a difficulty in adopting the plan proposed by my letter of the 20th of April, from your not being informed of the wishes of the Government of the United States in regard to a treaty; these were so reasonable that I thought it best to communicate them to you, and according to your own opinion since expressed, they would require little or no time for discussion; nothing can exceed them for moderation or justice.
Believing that you was seriously disposed to bring forward the plan of a treaty for the consideration of the Government of the U. States, and being also convinced that the subject had been so fully discussed, and was so well understood, as not to require much time to accomplish it, I informed you that I should embark for America in June, and although you objected to it in the first instance, you afterwards appeared to be fully convinced of the necessity of it, and promised to digest the plan proposed without delay, and to send it to me for examination. I conferred with you at different times on the expediency of sending a Minister to Philadelphia to complete the negotiation, and you promised to consider of it.
At length the Sophia arrived, and a few days afterwards, you informed me that I might make myself quite easy; that France did not wish a war with the United States; that she had no thoughts of it; that the American affairs were then before the Executive Directory, and that every thing would be arranged to my wishes; I again stated the necessity of sending a Minister to America to complete the negotiation; you said you would propose one to the Executive Directory. This I could not suppose was for the purpose you have since stated, of resisting there after the ratification of the treaty.
Thus were matters circumstanced until the arrival of the Gazettes, containing the Dispatches of the Envoys to their Government, which gave a more than momentary turn to your correspondence with me. When I informed you that I should embark in the Sophia, as soon as she could be fitted for the sea, there was still time to furnish the plan of the treaty, and to send it by me, if expedient. You desired me to remain here; I told you my return was indispensable—I gave no other reason; I thought that sufficient. You concede it depended on me to be publicly received by the Executive Directory; but our opinions are different on this point. A Government sends three Envoys to treat with another Government; this objects two of them and proposes to treat with the third—I cannot but admit, I think, that the latter cannot accept the proposal, without transferring, in this instance, the Executive authority of his Government, who would only have nominated three Envoys to the foreign Government who would have appointed one of them. You say, that, if my powers were altered by the de-
parture of my colleagues, yet, on my own hypothesis, I ought to have referred the question to my government, and in the interim to have fixed with you, by a calm and amicable discussion, all the contentious points of our differences. If my government, as you repeatedly asserted, was appalled before the 20th of March of the proposition to treat with me separately, it is evident that it was not disposed to send me new powers; for the Sophia sailed on the 28th of that month; and, knowing this, you still urged me to make the application. I have been always ready, and, had you come forward with the project of a treaty, would have entered into a calm and amicable conference with you, on every part of it, but not into a formal stipulatory discussion, which was not proposed till some time after I was ready to embark, was only relative to the Consular Convention which will soon expire, was contrary to my stipulation relative to conferences, in which you acquiesced, and would have required months to be completed. You was the first, you affirm, to press seriously the negotiation: you will agree with me, that the merit will have been greater, had the measure been feasible. You frequently remind me of your exertions, which I am disposed as much as possible to appreciate, regretting at the same time their circuitous direction. On my part, I think you will be convinced that every thing has been done, which circumstances herein truly detailed would admit.
It is with pleasure I learn that the Executive Directory is still ready, and is as much disposed as ever to terminate, by a liberal negotiation, the differences which subsist between the two countries. This disposition has always existed on the part of the government of the United States. A negotiation then, if set on foot, free from all propositions of loans and explanations of speeches, to be held if necessary in a city of some neutral nation, and providing for a decision by three or five commissioners, of all points which may not be determined by direct negotiation, would still be accompanied, in my opinion, with success; but having no authority, I cannot make the proposition.
A preliminary measure appears to be requisite in which the dignity of this Government is as deeply concerned as the interest of the United States. The depredations, outrages, and cruelties committed on our commerce and citizens in the West-Indies, and on our coasts, by French privateers, some of which it is said have no commissions, are perhaps seldom paralleled among civilized nations. It is said that this Government has not been early apprized of these events, which have been a great source of irritation in the United States, and a principal cause of the repressive measures adopted by them. A recall of the commissions of the privateers, and restraining them by severe penalties to the proper objects of capture, cannot fail to have a happy effect.
You claim a promise of my good offices as a private citizen in America. These shall not be wanting to represent truly every measure of this government, and to render successful all such as may be well adapted to effect a reconciliation. This is all that can be expected of me, and the duty which I owe to my country will require it. And now, citizen minister, having given you a testimony of my esteem, such as results from a frank and candid conduct, I bid you adieu, wishing sincerely a speedy renewal of amity and commerce between the two republics.
Accept citizen minister, the assurances of my perfect consideration. E. GERRY.
The passports, said to have been sent with the minister's letter to Mr. Gerry of the 24th Messidor, were not delivered to him until several days afterwards, and the last of them not until the 6th of Thermidor.
Summary of Foreign News, Collected from London Gazettes to the 16th of August.
The negotiations at Rastadt, between the German Empire and the French Republic—from which a definitive treaty was long since expected—proceed with snail-like pace. Receding from the stipulations of the treaty of Udina, which limited the boundaries of the two nations to the Rhine, the French have now demanded, besides other objects of prime importance, that several considerable posts on the right bank, all the islands in that river, and the control of the navigation, shall be ceded to the Republic. These have been resisted by the Deputies of the Empire. On the 19th July, the French Ministers, in what they declare their ultimatum have given up some of the minor points; and at the date of our last accounts the German Deputation had made no reply. During this state of uncertainty both powers appear to look forward to a recommencement of hostilities. The armies on both sides are continually augmenting, and those of France have received orders to hold themselves in readiness to take the field. Sixteen thousand men were marching to reinforce the French army, on the Rhine. On the other hand the Austrians are making new levies, and their troops in the field—concentrated in Upper Austria, Bavaria, Iliria, Dalmatia, the Tyrol, and Venice, amount to 260,000 men. Of the expedition of Buonaparte, all we can learn is, that he got possession of Malta (by bribing the Grand Master, with a pension of 300,000 livres) put the Maltese garrison on board some French transports, garrisoned the forts with 4,000 troops, and sailed from thence, in three divisions, on the 18th, 19th and 20th June; supposed, by some to be bound to Alexandria, in
Egypt, on the African coast; while others affirm, that he was seen entering the Archipelago, and was proceeding for Salonichi. This we know, and we are sorry for it, that Admiral Nelson had not overtaken him. About the 19th of June Nelson was at Messina, in Sicily, where he continued for a few days; and then went in pursuit of his foe. Public expectation was highly raised on the issue of the hoped-for encounter—the naval forces of the opponents were nearly equal. Admiral Nelson had fourteen sail of the line when he passed Naples; and from his nautical skill and intrepidity, we have no doubt he will give, in the event of a meeting a very handsome account of the Gallic buccaneer. One thing we must observe, that if the French General should attempt to pass into the Black Sea, he will be opposed by a strong Russian armament, which the Emperor Paul is marching towards the Crimea.
The contest between England and Spain has more of stage fighting in it than the tug of war. Both parties appear willing to shake hands, and the Spaniards are heartily sick of French embraces. Great Britain still sports her trident unopposed, on the ocean. She literally, throughout every region of the domain of Neptune, governs with a nod. Every port in France is as strongly blockaded by her "floating castles," as ever the harbours of Lapland were by ice. On every sea she has a powerful squadron, and extra detachments to dispatch on emergencies. Admiral Duncan's squadron in the North Seas has been reinforced by six Russian sail of the line; and Sydney Smith, lately released from captivity, is revenging on the Gallic coast the indignities he received at the Temple, in Paris.
The rebellion in Ireland, like Shylock's insurrection, has failed for want of flock. Many hundreds have been executed, and their heads "stuck on poles, to taint the southern air." A general amnesty, with but the exception of murderers, has been granted; and thousands have subscribed to the oath of allegiance and fealty. Some capital offenders have been pardoned, on condition of their leaving the kingdom. [Russell's Gazette.]
* Salonichi is the Turkish name. It is the ancient Thessalonica, capital of Macedonia. It is a large, populous, and rich city, 10 miles in circumference; and a place of great trade, which is carried on by Christians, Jews and Mahometans. Devoted to these three religions, are 70 churches, synagogues, and mosques; all objects of plunder. The city is situated at the head of the Archipelago, near the river Vadar, 270 miles west of Constantinople. It is surrounded by walls, and is defended by a citadel and three forts. As the French coffers are at low ebb, and pillage appears to be the ultimatum of Buonaparte's expedition, we think this city holds out more potent temptations to his rapacity, than the classic ruins of Alexandria, which, tho' formerly the emporium of the eastern trade, has, since the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, been gradually stripped of its commerce, wealth and population.
American Articles.
Charleston (S. C.) Sept. 3.
MESSENGERS, PRINTERS, If you think proper, please to insert in your paper, for the information of the Mineralogical Society the following:
In the State of Virginia, on the north side of James River, at Lynch's Ferry, now called Lynchburg, there is a rock, about 150 yards above the ferry, and drops clear alluvium, and, with good improvement, would probably yield a thousand pounds in a year.
Also, at the edge of the river, when you tend to enter into the hollow, there is very good coperas, which has been tried in dying clothes. The former I have often tasted.
I am, gentlemen, respectfully &c. A SUBSCRIBER.
Charleston, Sept. 5, '93.
BOSTON, OCT. 5.
Military Review.
A splendid Military Review took place on Tuesday, at Lexington, of a Brigade, commanded by Gen. Walker, composed of 3 regiments of foot, 2 companies of artillery, with 6 brass field pieces. The regiments were commanded by Colonels Coolidge, Colburn and Flint; the artillery by Major Brown. His excellency the Governor and General Hull, with other respectable characters were present. A salute welcomed his excellency on the parade—the review was highly gratifying to every friend to the military character of the country. His excellency the Governor gave a handsome entertainment to the General and Field Officers. In the afternoon, the troops were again mustered, and numerous spectators highly entertained, and the soldiers greatly improved by sham fights, in which the several officers displayed a perfect knowledge of Tactics, great judgment, and spirited exertion.
Sept. 17, Colonel Greely's regiment was reviewed at Boscawen in New Hampshire, by his excellency Governor Gilman, and gave great satisfaction. The Governor has been through the Commonwealth, examining into the state of the militia, commending exertion and correctness of discipline, and rectifying inattention and error. Every militia man in New Hampshire may now be reckoned on as able and willing to do infinite service in the field or fort.
Mr. Gerry's Arrival.
We are happy to announce the safe arrival of the Hon. Elbridge Gerry, from his late mission to France. He arrived here, in the United States armed brig Sophia, Capt. Geddes, from Havre, last from England. The Envoy was saluted at the Cable, and was welcomed by the huzzas of the citizens assembled on the wharves. Samuel Cooper, Esq. waited on him on board the Sophia, and accompanied him on and to his seat at Cambridge.
In the outer harbour, Mr. Gerry dispatched Mr. Humphreys with communications to the President of the United States, at Quincy.
By the Sophia we learn, that after Mr. Gerry had arrived at Havre to embark for his native country, Talleyrand was continually pressing him to return; and it is said gave secret orders to the commandant to detain the Sophia; Mr. Gerry, we understand, answered the letters, but demanded his free passports.
General Pinckney, we understand, was to leave Burdeaux, about the time Mr. Gerry left Havre. May the winds be propitious.
The infamous Jacobins insisted that if the Directory preferred Mr. Gerry to Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall, it was honorable for him to proceed with the negotiation. What says Mr. G.? Why, that under such circumstances, the American Government would merely nominate three Envoys—and the French would in fact be the appointers of one.
Mr. Gerry, we learn, has been asked whether he approved of the energetic measures of our Government? And answered with emphasis in the affirmative, adding, that it had appreciated greatly the American character in Europe, and that nothing remained for Americans but to unite and rally round their government. Mr. Gerry has also observed, we understand, that for eight weeks of his residence in Paris, after the departure of his colleagues, he was fearful of never seeing America again—the directory or minister flatly refusing him his passports.
Capt. Patrick Fletcher, of this town, is appointed to and has accepted the command of the ship George Washington at Providence; with orders to fit her for sea with all possible dispatch. He has left town to assume his command. The ship will probably rate as a frigate, as she will carry 34 nines, and 8 fives.
The officers of the schooner, prize to the frigate United States, are permitted on parole, being commissioned by the Directory and those of the sloop, in common with the crews, are secured in the country jail, as their authority for plundering is sanctioned only by a West India agent.
From Philadelphia, Sept. 29. It is confidently asserted, that two French privateers, that lately made their appearance off Charleston harbour, have been captured by two armed vessels fitted out there—and that advices to this effect have passed through Philadelphia, on their way to the government at Trenton. A few days will, we hope, confirm this pleasing intelligence.
The Salem subscription for building a ship of war, already amounts to 64,000 dollars.
Letters from the most respectable house in Rotterdam, dated July 20, state that great apprehensions were entertained, that the French would order an embargo on American vessels in the ports of Holland; and that the obsequiousness of the Batavian government would induce them to comply—but much opposition would undoubtedly be made to the measure, as it would almost annihilate the already greatly reduced Commerce of the Dutch.
Extract of a letter from the captain of a vessel bound to Charleston, dated Havana, 19th ult.
"We were boarded off the Matanzas, by a French privateer, or rather pirate—they ransacked, broke, and plundered a number of things, money and clothes, and beat my mate and I expected nothing else but they would have murdered us all hands. They have a rope to the yard arm, and fixed it round a negro's neck to hang him, but after I pleaded with them some time, they let him go. What they could not well carry off, they threw overboard, but not the cargo; after exercising the cruelty of demons for 22 hours, they left us."
The Literati of Great Britain are engaged in a dispute respecting the solution of the following problem:—When does the 18th Century end; with the year 1799, or with the year 1800?—The contest is maintained with a great warmth and obstinacy on both sides, numbers of the illiterate are hourly sealing themselves under the banners of one or the other, and when the last advices came away it was apprehended that the result would be very serious.
THE FEVER.
Since the last return on the first inst. from all the Physicians, except one, have recovered 26—have died 5—new cases 2—whole number now 42—27 of whom are on the recovery.
By order of the Selectmen.
WILLIAM COOPER, Town Clerk. New York—We have still the melancholy task of announcing the increase of the horrid fever which is destroying this city.
Sep. 26, 60 deaths—52 of the fever.
Sep. 28, 38 deaths—35 of the fever.
Philadelphia—Though almost deprived the number of citizens to the fever increases.
Sep. 25, 82 deaths—95 new cases.
Sep. 27, 97 deaths—96 new cases.
Sep. 28, 94 deaths—52 new cases.

Communication.
WE Americans have been so simple in times past, as to think that a French ambassador would offend his own government and fall into disgrace, if he did not on all occasions play fair and consult the true interest of the American people.
To proceed from the Pittsburg rebellion.—It had not been enough for M. Fauchet to tamper with the leaders of the whiky-boys in Congress and out of it, but about this time, it seems, no person could be found so fit to go ambassador to France as James Munroe;
France had a public game to play as well as a private one—and government was not only obliged to look inward and see what persons were insinuated into its own vitals, but outward to observe what sentiment was infused among the people.
The cruellest insult, and most shameful affront that a people can be made the subject of, is that of leading them away from their interest, with gravity on one side of the face, and a sneer upon the other.
have kept it to pay ourselves what she has taken?—Did we not exhaust our country of every thing that would feed and clothe the human body, and pour it on France, till every grain of wheat and inch of shoe leather cost us three or four times as much as formerly, even for our own families?
But this did not take place till its firmness and abilities had been tried by every possible insult and mortification. France, as if the devil was in her, boasted that she had deluded the American people, and could lead them by the nose in spite of the government.
No, by the God of my fathers! I hope that fire from heaven will touch every heart, and my own among the rest, and if it does not animate it, blast it! [To be continued.]
ELECTIONEERING.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
To the Electors of the Third Eastern District.
ON the first Monday of November next, we are to assemble in our respective towns for the choice of a Representative to Congress.
The question before us is this—"Shall we support our own government, and defend it against the ravages of a lawless nation, by choosing a friend of that government to assist in its administration: or shall we choose one who is opposed to that government and its measures, and thereby put in jeopardy or throw away our freedom and independence?"
His voice has always been heard on the side of our injured country, and thus far thro' the political storm, he has stood firm, and acted the part of an independent American.
October 5, 1798.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. JENKS,
CAN it be possible that the enlightened citizens of the District of Maine, should think of displacing a tried and proved friend to his country, and putting in his stead a demas Clergyman, who, if a judgment can be formed from his past conduct, would sacrifice every thing of others for gain to himself?
'75.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
To the Federalists of the County of York.
YOU are soon to choose a member of Congress for two years to commence next March. I know you honor and esteem the present one, and are disposed that he should be elected—But, "if ye know these things, happy are you if ye do them."
"Nor lose the bidding by delay." Your's, &c. CENTINEL.
To Readers.
This day's GAZETTE is occupied with much interesting matter. The quibbles and pitiful fallacies of Talleyrand, the cat-paw of the French Directory, should be read as the last miserable effort of French cunning and hypocrisy.
A word to Correspondents.
It is requested that Communications, &c. for this paper, may be post-paid. Postage is a monstrous heavy tax on printers.
"A new Song"—and other matters, shall receive proper attention.
DEATH.—At Falmouth, Mr. Thomas Gould, aged 32 years. At Gorham, Mrs. Fanny Tyler, aged 23, the amiable consort of Mr. Tyler, and only daughter of the Hon. William G. D. Esq.
District of Maine.
BY order of the Hon. DAVID SEWALL, Esq. Judge of the District Court of Maine—Notice is hereby given, that a Libel is filed in said Court by JEREMIAH HILL, Esq. Collector of the Customs for the district of Middlesex and Pepperellborough, within the said District of Maine, against the
Schooner HANNAH, of Kennebec, of the burthen of about one hundred and five tons, together with her tackle, apparel and furniture, found on board and belonging to the same, seized at Wells, within said District, on the 23rd day of August last, for breach of the Revenue Laws of the United States.
Clement Fickett's Estate.
THE Subscribers hereby give notice, that they have been duly appointed Administrators on the estate of CLEMENT FICKETT, late of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman deceased, and given bonds as the law directs.
They therefore call upon all persons who have claims against said estate, to exhibit the same—and those who are indebted thereto, to make payment without delay, to
PATIENCE FICKETT, JOHN BUTLER RYAN.
October 5, '98.
Take Notice.
STRAYED or Stolen out of the pasture of the Subscriber in Hebron, on the 15th day of September last one
Dark bay Horse,
twelve years old, with a star in his forehead, and marked with the saddle on each side of his back—and one
Black Colt,
two years old, with a blaze in her face, and both hind feet white.—Whoever will take up said Horses, and Thieves, if stolen, shall be handsomely rewarded by giving information to the Subscriber in Hebron, or to Captain WILLIAM WEBSTER, of Gray
WILLIAM CLARK WHITNEY.
Hebron, October 5th, 1798.
10 Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or STOLEN (supposed to be stolen) on Thursday the 26th ult a HORSE, of a light red colour a little intermixed with white, with a light coloured mane and tail, light on the flank of each side; both fore feet split near the cork of the shoe.
Whoever will take up said Horse, or give information of him, so that he may be recovered, shall receive the above reward. If stolen, an additional reward will be given for the thief. EPHRAIM SANDS.
Buxton, October 3, '98.
A Horse for sale.
A good likely Horse, about four years old, that trots handsomely and has a good carriage, may be purchased on good terms, by applying to this office. October 8th.
For sale,
A good family COW. Enquire of the Printer.
October 8, 1798.
Ten Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the Danish brig Die Freau Fredrica, two sailors, NEIL and CHRISTIAN CARLSON, about 20 years old: one of them rather fleshy, the other spare and of a pale complexion; speak broken English.—Whoever will take up said runaways and return them to said brig at Deacon Titcomb's Wharf, shall receive the above reward and all necessary charges. CHRISTIAN G. JORGONSEN.
Portland, Sept. 4.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, that a further time of three months is allowed, by the Judge of Probate, to the creditors of the
Estate of Joseph Weeks,
late of Portland, mariner, deceased, to bring in and prove their claim.—And that the commissioners will attend for that purpose at the house of Mrs. Lois Weeks, on the fourth Monday of Decr., and the next month, from half after two to half after five o'clock, P. M.
EBENEZER MAYO, ISAAC GAGE, } Comm. Commissioners.
Portland, 6th September, 1798.

POETRY.
When the plague raged in Holland, in 1636, a young girl was seized with it, had three carbuncles, and was removed to a garden, where her lover, who was betrothed to her, attended her as a nurse, and paid the most scrupulous attention to every of her wants. He remained uninfected, and she recovered, and was married to him. The story is related by Vire Fabrice, in the Miscellanea Curiosa, Ann. II. Obs. 188, and thus beautifully verified in Darwin's Botanic Garden.
THYRSIS AND ÆGLE.
THUS when the plague, unborne in Belgian air, Look'd thro' the mist and shook his clotted hair, O'er shrinking nations steed'd malignant clouds, And rain'd destruction on the gaping crowds, The beauteous Ægle felt the venom'd dart, Slow roll'd her eye, and feeble throb'd her heart; Each servid sigh seem'd shorter than the last, And starting friendship shun'd her as she pass'd —With weak unsteady step the fainting maid Sinks on the cold garden's solitary shade, And prints with lifeless limbs her leafy bed —On wings of love her plighted swain pursues, Shades her from winds, and shelters her from dews, Extends on tapering poles the canvas roof, Spreads o'er the straw-wove mat the flaxen woof, Sweet buds and blossoms on her bolster strews, And binds her 'kerchief round her aching brows, Soothes with soft kisses, with tender accent charms, And clasps the bright infection in his arms.— With pale and languid smiles the grateful fair Applauds his virtue and rewards his care; Mourns with wet cheek her fair companion fled On timorous step or number'd with the dead; Calls on her bosom all its scatter'd rays, And pours on Thyrsis the collected blaze; Braves the chill night, caressing and caress'd, And folds her hero-lover to her breast— Less bold, Leander at the dusky hour, Ey'd, as he swam, the far love-lighted tower; Breasted with struggling arms the tossing wave, And sunk benighted in the watry grave.— Less bold, Tobias claim'd the nuptial bed, Where seven fond lovers by a fiend had bled; And drove, instructed by his angel guide, The enamour'd demon from the fatal bride.— Sylvph! while your winnowing pinions fann'd the air, And shed gay visions o'er the sleeping pair; Love round their couch effus'd his rosy breath, And with his keenest arrows conquers death.
FOR THIS GAZETTE.
MR. JENKS,
INDULGE me with the insertion of a few remarks by way of defence in answer to a writer whose wisdom appeared in your 22d number, with this motto, "Just as the twig is bent, the tree will grow."
However desirable his plan of banishing corporal punishment from schools may be, it is something like the modern French systems of Liberty and Equality, beautiful in theory, but by experience found totally impracticable. In a private school, this plan is salutary and may be effected, for this good reason: the instructor acts independently, and may dismiss an incorrigible youth from his school. This would seldom happen, because it is supposed his children are rather a selection than a collection, and he will be particular what characters he introduces. In a public school the case is widely different: here are an almost innumerable company, some of them learn the principles of good government at home, and some of them are depraved enough as all my brother pedagogues can attest. Tom Truant, cannot be won with kindness; he has been forgiven seventy times seven, his father (if he knows him) is regardless of his education, while his mother expresses great solicitude, but has lost her authority. Shall Tom lose his learning for want of efficient measures in school? —What shall be done with John Jacobin? he is an ill-bred blockhead; he enters school ripe for a rebellion, is determined to kick up a dust, and call the wisdom and authority of the Executive in question. It is in school as in any society; we all know sooner or later that Jacobins must be suppressed.—The Master possessing the amiable qualities that my Hudson friend has pointed out, has borne this fellow's impertinence till he has corrupted a number in his school, and became so offensive that he must be subjugated or cast out.
What will be the consequence if he tip him in the street? The enraged father exclaims, y taxes for school, and he shall go. What!
have we got an old woman for a school-mister! If he cannot manage such a boy, let us dismiss him, and get a better one.
Flagilation applied in due season, moderately, will very seldom need repetition.—A sense of shame so powerful in females, and their tender, flexible dispositions preclude the necessity of this. Shall we banish this mode of punishment, because it may be abused?—so may any law be abused. When an instructor is appointed we consider him a man of judgment and impartiality, and that he will be possessed of due information, before he inflicts a punishment. The expression of my ancient predecessor implies that he did chastise when he was not angry.
If men cannot live in society without corporal punishment how can we expect it of children?—I would recommend to this sagacious, benevolent writer in the Hudson Gazette, the renewed exercise of his faculties, to accomplish the abolition of corporal punishment in the United States, and all other governments who have found it necessary. When this is done, we will dispense with the twig of birch, and "draw upon the hearts of our pupils, with the cords of christian benevolence."
PEDAGOGUS.
Portland, October 3, '98.
Extract from the Farmer's Museum.
The celerity of Buonaparte in driving from Toulon to Corsica, from Corsica to Malta, from that island of Knights to Alexandria, a port of the Gypies, and thence, perhaps, "to Thebes, to Athens, or the Lord knows where," reminds us of Swift's lines upon the celebrated Charles Mordaunt, Earl of Peterborough.
"Mordanto fills the trump of fame, The christian world his deeds proclaim, And prints are crowded with his name.
Knows every prince in Europe's face, Flies, like a squib, from place to place, And travels not, but runs a race.
So wonderful his expedition, When you have not the least suspicion, He's with you, like an apparition.
Shines in all climates, like a star, In senate's bold, and fierce in war, A land commander, and a tar."
Buonaparte, in his route to the East Indies, is compelled, by a London Geographer, to travel through the burning deserts of Syria, or through the inhospitable sands of Suez. If he can escape admiral Nelson, he will jog merrily along to 'Aurora and the Ganges.' The French can elevate balloons and expand the parasol. As to heat, men, who have been overwhelmed with the lava from the volcanoes of Paris, can tolerate the comparative mildness of Asian suns.
Extract from Humes History of England.
In many of the monstrous, political doctrines of the present age, ridiculously called an enlightened one, a great affectation of novelty prevails; and when the French coined the phrase liberty and equality, they palmed it upon the world as something strange and rare. But this pernicious doctrine has always had knaves to preach and fools to believe it; and it is as stale, as it is weak and wicked. In the works of an accurate English Historian, recounting events in the reign of Richard II. you will find, that "one John Ball, a seditious preacher, who affected low popularity, went about the country, and inculcated on his audience the principles of the first origin of mankind from one common stock, their equal right to liberty and to all the goods of nature, the tyranny of artificial distinctions, and the abuses, which had arisen from the degradation of the more considerable part of the species, and the aggrandizement of a few insolent rulers. These doctrines, so agreeable to the populace, and so conformable to the ideas of primitive equality, which are engraven on the hearts of all men, were greedily received by the multitude and scattered the sparks of sedition."
From a French Paper.
"The Greeks, who have lately spread themselves over several provinces of the
Ottoman empire, have observed, that there has circulated in Macedonia, for many years, a prophecy which says, that in 1799 a great empire would be overthrown. The Greeks pretend, that this announces their emancipation.—Hence the respect, approaching to adoration, which they pay to Buonaparte, whom they regard as the instrument selected by Providence, to perform this great event. They have already composed several songs in honour of this General; and about two years ago a Greek merchant purchased three hundred engravings of his portrait, to be distributed in Larissa, one of the most enlightened districts of Macedonia. It is known that during the negotiation at Udina, they sent a secret deputation to the conqueror of Italy, which was well received. There is a relation to the same object in the giving the denomination of the department of the Ægean sea to a part of the French conquests, and in a passage of the speech of Monge, in the Executive Directory—a passage which, it is said, gave more than inquietude to the Ottoman ambassador to the Great Republic."
A romance is at present in the press, in which there are thirty-six Ghosts , two dozen Hobgoblins , eighteen Witches , a dozen Devils , six Enchanted Castles , and one probability ! [London pa.]
Where will the creative genius of man stop!—A Chorley mechanic has invented a machine to thrash, winnow, and grind; it will also churn, scrape potatoes, rock the cradle, and darn stockings!—He calls it the good housewife.
For Spain, THE Schooner HUNTER. DAVID SMITH, jun. master—will sail in 20 days, having two thirds of her cargo engaged—For freight apply to DAVID SMITH, No. 1, Union Wharf. Freight on board, Codfish, Salmon, Beef, Oil, Coffee, Sugar, and Butter, Portland, Oct. 1.
FOR SALE, AT Joseph Warren's Book-Store, Fifth-street, Portland, PAPER, of all kinds, Paper Hangings, American Coast Pilot, 2d edition, largely improved, with Revenue laws, &c. Robison's Proofs of a Conspiracy. Sept. 10, 1798.
Just Published, By David West, Boston, Numbers 6 & 7 of Count RUMFORD's ESSAYS; or 1 & 2 of vol. 2d. These numbers, containing 310 pages Letter Press, and 8 copperplate engravings, will be given to subscribers in boards, at 1 dol. 37 1/2 cents, which, when compared, will be found cheaper than the former numbers of this valuable work. Boston, Sept. 20.
Genteel Entertainment. MRS. ANN HEYLIGER, At the sign of Washington & Franklin, near Clay Cove, Has opened a house of genteel entertainment. Those gentlemen who may favor her with their company, shall receive every attention. Being long accustomed to this business, she flatters herself she shall be able to give general satisfaction, Portland, Sept. 10th.
Wanted Immediately, A LAD, about 14 or 15 years old, who is acquainted with writing and arithmetic, to attend in a small store, and assist in a tavern. None need apply who cannot bring good recommendations.—Inquire at this Office, or of the subscriber at New Gloucester. September 12, '98. N. JENKS.
Stone Lime. Jonathan Bryant, has for Sale at his Store and Lime kiln, fresh LIME, which he will warrant to be of the first quality. Portland, July 30.
CLOTHING MILL.
THE subscriber informs the public, that he has taken the CLOTHING MILL erected by Mr. Rust, in Rusfield, in the town of Norway; and shall commence the business of said Mill by the middle of October next, when those who will please to favor him with their commands, may depend on the greatest dispatch and punctuality. SAMUEL MERRILL. Biddeford, Sept. 17.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors of lands, lying in the town of Durham, in the county of Cumberland, that their lands are taxed in the State, Town and County tax, for the years 1797 and 1798, and committed to me the subscriber to collect, viz.
 State, town, & county tax.    No. lots. No. Acres. D. C. D. C.     Proprietors { 129 100 1 30 1 40   unknown { 114 100 1 30 1 40   Samuel Ross 143 100 1 30 1 40   Unknown 136 60 73 83   Ditto No. unknown 50 65 70  
Unless said taxes, with intervening charges, are paid to me the Subscriber, on or before the fifth day of December next, so much of said lands will then be sold at Public Vendue, at the dwelling house of JOSEPH PROCTOR, innholder in said Durham, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, as will pay said taxes and charges.
JAMES DYER, Collector.
September 26, 1798
** The sale of the following land, is postponed till the 6th of February next.
THE nonresident proprietors of the several lots of land lying in the town of Poland, in the county of Cumberland, are hereby notified, that the same are taxed for the State, County and Town taxes, in the bills committed to me the Subscriber to collect, for the year 1797, in the respective sums following, viz.
   FIRST DIVISION.   No. Lots. No. Acres. State & County tax. Town tax. Delinquent Road tax.   Cts. M. Cts. M.    43 100 7 2 13 2 30  66 100 9 6 17 6 40  62 100 9 6 17 6 40  40 100 7 2 13 2 30  79 100 4 8 8 8 20  53 100 4 8 8 8 20  57 50 2 4 4 4 10  20 100 2 4 4 4 10  25 100 9 6 17 6 40  54 100 7 2> 2 13 2 30  96 100 7 2 13 2 30  68 100 7 2 13 2 30   SECOND DIVISION.  65 100 9 6 17 6 40  21 100 9 6 17 6 40  3 100 2 4 4 4 10  7 100 4 8 8 8 20  142 100 4 8 8 8 20  148 100 7 2 13 2 30  106 100 4 8 8 8 20  145 100 9 6 17 6 40  96 100 2 4 4 4 10  30 100 7 2 13 2 30  56 100 7 2 13 2 30  141 100 7 2 13 2 30  23 70 6 2 12 2 29  85 100 9 6 17 6 40  89 100 9 6 17 6 40  128 100 2 4 4 4 10  153 100 9 6 17 6 40  107 100 4 8 8 8 20  35 100 9 6 17 6 40  127 100 2 4 4 4 10  93 100 2 4 4 4 10  110 100 2 4 4 4 10  129 100 2 4 4 4 10  111 100 2 4 4 4 10  15 100 7 2 13 2 30  31 100 4 8 8 8 20  62 100 9 6 17 6 40  105 100 2 4 4 4 10  17 100 7 2 13 2 30  44 100 4 8 8 8 20  58 100 4 8 8 8 20  76 100 2 4 4 4 10  6 100 2 4 4 4 10  144 50 4 8 8 8 20  
If no person shall appear to discharge said taxes and all necessary intervening charges, on or before Wednesday the sixth day of February, 1799, at 9 o'clock, A. M. so much of the said lots of land as will be sufficient to discharge the same, will then be sold at Public Auction, to the highest bidder, according to law, at the house of DANIEL JACKSON, innholder in said Poland.
JOHN T. MERRILL, Collector.
Poland, September 18, 1798.
THIS GAZETTE,
Is regularly published every MONDAY, at E. A. JENKS's Printing-Office, in Middlestreet, near the head of Fifth-street, Portland; where subscriptions, advertisements, and communications, are received with attention.
** The terms are, ONE DOLLAR & FIFTY CENTS per annum, exclusive of postage. Punctual payments are requested.
** The extensive and rapidly increasing circulation of the GAZETTE, renders it highly advantageous for ADVERTISEMENTS.
PRINTING,
In its various branches, executed with attention and dispatch. Orders for Books, Pamphlets, Blanks, Handbills, &c. duly attended to.