The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-05-11 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1025.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
From a paper entitled Liberty Hall , printed at Cincinnati.
COMMUNICATION.
WILKINSON AND BURR.
"I beseech you, Wrest once the law to your authority: To do a great right, do a little wrong; And curb this cruel devil of his will."
SHAKESPEARE.
From the present agitated state of our country, relative to the late transactions of general Wilkinson and colonel Burr, it will be difficult to remove erroneous impressions, or to cause the voice of truth to be heard. But, sooner or later, the evidence of facts must prevail; and those whose business it has been to delude the public mind, will be execrated by all honest and impartial citizens. I pretend not to explain all the causes of the late extraordinary movements, nor to disclose all the views of the leaders of them. If I can bring our sober citizens to reflect justly on the subject, induce them to think unfavourably of hasty determinations, and stimulate them to review the steps they have taken, my object in this publication will be fully answered.
It will be recollected by all, that our dispute with Spain is of a very serious nature. Each party is tenacious of its own opinion, and does not appear disposed to yield any points in the discussion. On this dispute depends a territory of greater extent than all the Atlantic states: no wonder we are not disposed to yield it. The conduct of the Spanish court more than two years ago, and the new dispositions assumed by the Spanish troops on the borders of Louisiana, connected with a variety of other circumstances, created fear in our government that war was inevitable. Under these circumstances it became the duty of the President to be prepared for events, and to devise the best means of defence and annoyance. It is understood, that he consulted general Wilkinson and colonel Burr (at that time vice-president) on the most suitable plan of operations, in case we were plunged into a war. It is also understood, that these two gentlemen suggested nearly the same general outlines, and that the President appeared to think well of them.
These circumstances, added to the prospects of war, strengthened the intimacy between Wilkinson and Burr. Their ostensible objects were nearly the same, but they were influenced by different motives. The former was solicitous to discharge his duty, and to share with his country the glory of successful enterprise; the latter was stimulated by ambition, and the hopes of profit. In consequence of his dispute with Hamilton, and the unfortunate termination of it, he was obliged to abandon the Atlantic states and to seek a residence among strangers. Destitute of employment, he turned his whole attention to the means necessary to accomplish whatever views he had formed. For this purpose he visited the Mississippi in 1805; and most probably a mutual intercourse on the subject of a Spanish war, existed at that time between him and Wilkinson. The real fact is, that Burr was determined in his own mind, at the head of a host of choice spirits, to share the glory of whatever enterprise might be undertaken; and no doubt he flattered himself with the acquisition of a splendid fortune, and perhaps with a seat on the throne of Mexico. Naturally sanguine in his temper, rendered still more ardent by his embarrassed situation, he readily conceived, that the golden prospects, which presented themselves, would induce thousands of warriors to flock to his standard. In this, however, he was sadly disappointed; for with all his exertion, only a few hundred were ready to follow his fortune.
The conciliatory agreement made by Wilkinson on the Sabine, disconcerted the projects of Burr, and disappointed him in his expectations. Had he been honest in his views he ought to have rejoined at the continuance of peace, & immediately disbanded his followers. But instead of this he still exerted himself to procure men, and the muniments of war, and gradually unfolded new schemes, successive of the interests & peace of the U. S. These were doubtless formed long before, as will appear from the disclosure of general Eaton. Wilkinson first became acquainted with them while on the Sabine, partly from the written declarations of Burr, and partly from the communications of his spies and adherents. Whatever were the private sentiments of Wilkinson, relative to a Spanish war, no sooner had he concluded the Sabine convention, than his duty compelled him to frustrate the hostile movements of unauthorized individuals, and to arrest them for trial. What then was his astonishment when he found that Burr still persisted in his project, and even attempted to allure him by a bribe! Much greater must have been his astonishment when he found that Burr had either deceived him, or had relinquished his original design; and that instead of aiding the U. S. he contemplated a separation of
the union, and the seizure of New Orleans as preparatory to it. He then repaired to the defence of the capital—& at a convenient time denounced Burr as a conspirator and traitor.
Gen. Wilkinson was early apprised of these hostile projects; but he deemed it prudent to keep the knowledge of them to himself. The people were ignorant of the defection of Burr; and hence the anxiety of Wilkinson to put New Orleans in a state of defence, without any apparent danger, excited much surprise among the friends of government.
His measures on the other hand were secretly approved by the conspirators, who numbered him among the friends of Burr, and readily conceived that all his preparations were intended for the advantage of their chief, and his partisans. But no sooner had he publicly declared the situation of affairs, than the conspirators opened all their batteries on him, and in their turn denounced him as a traitor to Burr. The situation of Wilkinson at this moment was critical, not only as it respected his personal safety, but as it respected the security of his country. True it is, that he was deceived as to the number of men under Burr—but he was not deceived as to the object of the conspirators, and the multitude of them in the heart of New Orleans and its vicinity. These circumstances served to augment the weight of his responsibility. He saw himself surrounded with difficulties;—and he also saw, that any line of conduct he was able to pursue, would draw after it a multitude of complaints, and expose him to censure. He therefore wisely resolved to pursue such measures as he deemed the most likely to frustrate the objects of the conspirators, and of course to save his country, regardless of consequences.
In the political, as in the animal economy, violent diseases require violent remedies. In a crisis of public danger, the ordinary course of justice is interrupted; the courts of law are paralyzed; and when the judges of them favor the enemies of their country, the binding force of the laws and constitution is suspended; the flood-gates of anarchy and civil war are opened—and the temple of freedom is in danger of destruction, unless voluntarily extended by its friends and admirers. I well know the nature and importance of the habeas corpus act. In England, it is called the second Magna Charta; and in the U. S. it is justly denominated the palladium of public liberty. Situated as Wilkinson was, he had only the choice of two things—either to submit to the writ of habeas corpus—to surrender the conspirators as fast as he arrested them under the proclamation of the President, and the next hour to see them at large in the execution of their treasonable projects; or to disobey the mandate of the law, and thereby to prevent a civil war, and perhaps a dismemberment of the union. In this case the choice was not easy; serious difficulties presented themselves on every side; though at that time the probability was, that not only more censure would attach itself to gen. Wilkinson from an obedience to the law than a temporary violation of it—but that some great public calamity would ensue as the consequence of legal submission.
If, by the prudent maxims of a well regulated government, no one be permitted to employ a criminal action as a lawful means to attain an end in itself good, those of nature are paramount & arm man and nations with the right of self preservation. When a nation is menaced by enemies, whether internal or external its situation resembles that of a man, who is attacked by his neighbor, and is in manifest danger of his life. In neither of these cases can the tardy operations of judicial authority afford any relief: The nation may be attacked, or the man may perish, before the sword of criminal justice can be drawn for their protection. Neither of them is obliged to wait for an attack; the danger, if it be manifest, is sufficient to authorize the means of security, even to the destruction of the aggressor. And hence it is, that, among all nations, the right of self-defence, as derived from nature, and never surrendered to society, remains perfect in the individual, and in bodies of men, and is in no degree impaired by political or civil regulations. If, therefore, a man may justly take the life of his neighbor, when his own cannot be saved without it, the same right devolves on nations under the like circumstances. And if to save themselves, they can justly attack & destroy other nations, with how much more propriety can rebels and traitors be attacked, and deprived of the means of injuring their country! I contend that these principles are correct: our hearts approve them: they are to be found in every tree-tise on the laws of nature and nations; and it only remains to apply them to the conduct of general Wilkinson.
An attack was not actually made;—but it was mediated under circumstances calculated to inspire terror and dismay. There was good reason to believe that a large army was on its way to attack New Orleans, to seize on pub-
lic and private property, and to dismember the union. What served to increase the danger, was the belief that some foreign nation had furnished the conspirators with the means of offensive operations; that many of the conspirators had clandestinely placed themselves among the people with a design to corrupt them; that sentiments hostile to our national interests and security, were secretly propagated; and that the judges of the courts, designed to protect the holy sanctuary of the laws, profaned it by shielding rebels and traitors from their merited punishment.
Under these circumstances, an awful responsibility devolved on gen. Wilkinson; and, as I before intimated, he found himself obliged, either to disobey the law, or tamely to suffer the conspirators, like a cloud of locusts, to swarm around him, and to gather strength, when prompt and energetic measures were necessary to weaken and disperse them. He was also too far removed from the seat of government to consult the executive on every emergency;—and therefore governed himself as nearly as possible by the proclamation; resolved to arrest the conspirators, as well as their means, and to reserve them for trial. It therefore seems to follow, that gen. Wilkinson had a right to employ such means as were necessary to the end in view—the safety of the country. A great and imminent danger existed: not sufficient, indeed, to authorize the destruction of life; but it imperiously urged gen. Wilkinson to abridge the conspirators of their liberty, and to secure them for trial. If New Orleans did not afford this security, (& I believe it did not) who will contend that their transportation to the Atlantic states was not a prudent measure, and authorized by the events of the day?—It therefore appears to me, that the conduct of gen. Wilkinson may be defended on the principles of self protection and of self preservation.
I am well aware, that in a court of justice, neither the danger, nor the circumstances, however great and imperious, under which gen. Wilkinson labored, will amount to a legal justification of the measures he has taken; because the judges and jurors are fettered by certain forms and rules, prescribed by the laws, and better calculated for the reign of peace, than for tumultuary times of anarchy and rebellion. Perhaps those whom he arrested, and transported to the Atlantic states, may sustain action of damages against him; perhaps too, he may be indicted and fined for a violation of the laws. These things are of too little moment to affect his character; nor can they impeach the purity of his motives; much less will they serve to stigmatize, as impolitic and unnecessary the measures he has pursued. To a much more elevated tribunal, to that of the public, he appeals for decision on his conduct. The citizens of this great community are his judges; and if he be honorably acquitted by them, the verdicts of inferior jurisdictions will be more tolerable: otherwise he will derive pleasure from conscious rectitude, and pride himself in the public services he has rendered—tho' thousands, who experience the benefits of them, should attempt to load him with obloquy and reproach.
A JURISCONSULT.
From the American Daily Advertiser .
The merchants who trade to Carracas and other parts of the Spanish Main, are requested to endeavor to introduce into this country, a very valuable South American plant; an account of which, was given by Mr. Vargas, in London, and published in the Annals of Botany , No. 2, p. 400. The popular name in South America is Arracacha, and it is one of the most useful plants in that country. Order Umbelliferae; in its habits it resembles an Apium, and therefore, sometimes called Apio. Its stalk generally divides from the upper part of the root into several stems, thickly beset with large orbicular leaves gashed into several sinuses and supported by large tubular petioles, exceeding a goose quill in thickness. The roots immediately divide into 4 or 5 branches; and each of these, if the soil be light and the weather favorable, will grow to the size, and have nearly the size of a large cow's horn. This root yields a food which is prepared in the kitchen in the same manner as potatoes. It is extremely grateful to the palate, more close than meal; it is so tender that it requires little cooking, and so easy of digestion, that it is the common practice of the country to give it to convalescents and persons with weak stomachs, being thought much less flatulent than potatoes. Of its fecula is made starch, and a variety of pastry work; reduced to a pulp this root also enters into the composition of certain fermented liquors, supposed to be very proper to restore the lost tone of the stomach. In the city of Santa Fe, and indeed, in all places of this kingdom where they can obtain the Arracacha, they are of full as universal use as the potatoes are in England. Its cultivation requires a deep, dark, moist, soil, which will easily yield to the descent of
the large vertical roots. It is propagated by cutting the root in pieces, each having an eye or shoot, and by planting these in separate holes. After 3 or 4 months, the roots are of sufficient size and quantity to be used for culinary purposes; but it suffered to remain 6 months in the ground, they will often acquire an immense size, without any detriment to their taste. The color of the root is either white, yellow or purple; but all are of the same quality. The most esteemed are those of Liparon, about 10 leagues north of the capital (S. Fe). Like the potatoe, it does not thrive in the hotter regions of the kingdom, for there the roots do not acquire any size, but throw up a greater number of stems, or at best they will be but small, and of indifferent flavor. It thrives best in the elevated regions of the mountains, where the medium heat is between 58 and 60 degrees of Fahrenheit's scale; here it is that these roots grow most luxuriantly, and acquire the most delicious taste. Mr. Vargas believes it peculiar to the province of Carracas and kingdom of Santa Fe, as he has met with it in no other part of America where he has been, nor is it spoken of by any writer on America, except by Alcedo, who mentions it in a few words at the end of his Diccionario Geographico-Historico de las Indias occidentales o America. It is indeed surprising, that such an useful vegetable should not yet have found a writer to make us acquainted with its history, or a sir Walter Raleigh, to convey it as a valuable present to other regions, as it might easily be conveyed by seeds or roots.
The Genius of Shakespeare and of Milton contrasted.
BY THE LATE SIR THOMAS DERMODY.
The Italian writers compare the poem of Ariosto to a garden of melons—where those that are good are excellent, and those that are bad, are worth nothing. On the other hand, Tasso is assimilated to a bed of cucumbers; where all are ripe and sound, but destitute of that delicious relish which pleases the most refined taste.
Shakespeare (to use this allusion) is a wild garden; where peaches, plums, and apples are found; some crude, some sour, some rotten, but some incomparable. He is a vineyard of plenty, where many of the finest branches are ruined, for want of the pruning-knife. Shakespeare, like the world, is full of good and evil; but his worst fare is so tempting, that we have not power to refrain from trying it. But the chaste, the sublime Milton, is, like his own Eden,
"A happy rural seat of various view."
And his work is that fertile ground, out of which
"he caus'd to grow All trees of noble kind; for sight, smell, taste; And all amid them stood the tree of life, High, eminent, blooming, ambrosial fruit, Of vegetable gold."
Nature is so arranged by him, as to receive an additional lustre from art; and the exuberance of the earth appears more than the labor of the cultivator.
Shakespeare, when he soars, is borne by a Muse of fire beyond human sight; but Milton, in his grandest moments, retains the light of reason. His ecstasies are the ecstasies of a philosopher; Shakespeare's are the flights of an invisible being. Notwithstanding this, their spirits are somewhat congenial; for allowing the variation of the epic from the dramatic, they move us by the same golden springs of pathos. In the art of exciting terror, I am not sure but that Shakespeare is superior; for instance—the dream of Eve is painted rather tamely, though in just and beautiful colours; while Clarence's vision displays the most recesses of horror, apprehension, pity, judgment, and admirable fancy. The characters of Satan and Macbeth are both, indeed, extremely well managed, and in my opinion, extremely alike; they have the same courage, the same undaunted ambition, uncurbed freedom of will, and spirited fortitude in the hour of destruction. They both are conscious of their ingratitude and wickedness, both stubborn and relentless, and, even in the midst of their success, they seem to feel a boding of the consequences. The address of the arch-infidel to the sun, is a noble description of the remorse attendant on conscience: it shews that even Lucifer himself could not but find its sting. Macbeth in almost every situation, confesses his guilt, yet plunges into deeds of tenfold horror. Lady Macbeth might be also introduced here, but female tenderness denies her savage temper. The most apparent touch that distinguishes Macbeth from Satan, is in his cowardice and mean prevarication; he exclaims,
"Thou can'st not say I did it," to Banquo's ghost, because he only com-
manded his assassination: Milton's hero gloried in his undoing; and,
"fierce his grasped arms, Clash'd on his sounding shield the dia of war, Hurling defiance to the vault of hea ven."
Shakespeare is like a cataract: at one time rushing through rocks and caverns, foaming and terrifying; then sinking into a sluggish canal, with nothing but the bubbles of his former sublimity. Milton is a full, not overflowing river; and, like the river to the sea, hastening towards his illustrious design, never pausing, and seldom dangerous to the passengers. The very fables of one are delusive and charming; but the other, if ever he should descend, is flat, and liable to inferiority from the nature of his performance. The wild scenery of Shakespeare is the unconnected magic of Merlin, variously diverting: that of Milton is like Plato's Elysium; enchanting, yet built on the basis of an opinion which bears the air of probability.
In a word, the former was a man of many faults and many virtues; the latter nearly a pattern of perfection—perfection attained by study and dint of learning.—Shakespeare was the child of fancy; Milton the child of judgment. Milton was the poet and critic too; Shakespeare the poet only; but such a one as
"We ne'er shall look upon his like again."
This is to give Notice,
THAT the subscriber of the city of Washington hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of the county of Washington in the district of Columbia letters of administration, on the personal estate of Samuel Hamilton, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to Francis P. Hamilton, of the city of Washington (who is fully authorized to conduct and settle said administration) on or before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate.
Given under my hand this 23d day of April, 1807. CHRISTINA HAMILTON, adm'x, N. B. All persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment. Washington, April 24—3w
CASH
WILL BE PAID FOR A FEW CARGOES OF LUMBER. Of the usual descriptions, and of a good Quality, to be delivered at the mouth of the Tyber, as soon as possi ble.
Apply to LEWIS MORIN, or GEORGE MOORE, Who are establishing a LUMBER YARD on the banks of the Tyber. Washington city, April 15—
This is to give Notice.
THAT the subscribers have obtained from the Orphan's Court of Montgomery county in Maryland letters testamentary on the personal estate of Richard Thomas, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers at or before the last day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under our hands this 15th of April, 1807.
RICHARD THOMAS, WILLIAM THOMAS, Executors.
N. B. All those who are indebted to the said estate are requested to make immediate payment to Wm. Thomas, who has the books and is fully authorized to settle the same. April 20—rawgt
A RUNAWAY,
On the 19th inst. a black man calling himself WATT, was committed to the jail in this city, as a runaway. He at first said he was free; but has since confessed that he belongs to Wm. Penn of Montgomery county Maryland and that his right name is Isaac. He is about 23 or 24 years of age, 5 feet 3 inches high, has very thick lips, and red on when commuted, an old grey great coat, hazy trousers, white negro cloth jacket and an old black wool hat. No other clothing with him.
His owner is requested to release him or he will be sold for fees as the law directs. CART WIGGINS, Keeper of the jail of Washington county district of Columbia.
April 29—w3t
By order of the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county, the subscriber will expose at public sale, at the late residence of Deborah Waldbenholme of said county deceased, on Tuesday the first day of September next, one nine months credit with interest from day of sale, the purchaser to give bond with approved security. All the personal property, except negroes of Deborah Waldbenholme deceased, Georg Campbell, deceased, and Ann Campbell deceased, consisting of Household Furniture, Horses, Cows and Calves, Sheep, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, &c &c. JAMES BLOOD, adm'r. Baltimore May 4 w3t

The following are extracts from Cobbett's Political Register, and are principally from the pen of a man not long since the most ardent and infatuated admirer of the British system. Indeed such is the inconsistency of those who depart from principle and yet eternally talk about it, that we are not certain whether Cobbett does not to this moment extol this system as the noblest monument of human wisdom. Learn, Americans, even from the advocates of the British system, how far it is worthy of your admiration, and whether your safety or your ruin is connected with its imitation. Compare your own condition with that of Britons, and say whether your happiness, intellectual as well as physical, is the offspring of an adherence to or a departure from its principles. Yours is a solid, theirs a nominal freedom. You have abundant food and raiment of your own to supply all your wants; millions of their people owe their miserable provision of these necessaries of life to the precarious bounty of poor laws.
It is not because we take delight in portraying the infelicity of the British nation, that we deem it our duty occasionally to offer these statements to the public; but as the best antidote of those false representations which are steadily offered to induce our citizens to adopt British principles. It is to put them on their guard against these principles, to show them the dreadful consequences to which they have led in that country, and to which they will lead in this country, should we be so stupid as to adopt them.
There is also one further benefit which may be expected to be derived from diffusing correct information on this subject. The advocates of Britain and the friends of monarchy are constantly addressing our fears, whenever the least difference arises between us and Britain. She is the colossus of the world! Her power is our shield! Her enmity our grave! Such sentiments are the last which ought to enter into our minds. They have a natural tendency to lessen the tone of our patriotism, and instead of cherishing an unlimited confidence in our own resources and institutions, to make us feel a degrading dependance on a foreign power. They have a tendency to alienate us in a measure from ourselves. They have a tendency to lead us to estimate the friendship of Britain at too high a rate, and to contemplate her hostility as an event of fearful magnitude. These fears are pusillanimous. Were Britain even powerful, as she is said to be, they would be unworthy of Americans. As she really is, they are pusillanimous and childish. To guard against imbibing these prejudices, nothing can be so effectual as a full exposure of the plain truth; and when we hear such a man as Cobbett boldly intimating the apprehension that the time is rapidly coming when it will be a common sentiment among the people of England that there is nothing worth defending against the arms of an invader, we are well warranted in doubting the solidity of that power which exists on so precarious a tenure; and are fully justified in declaring that we see nothing in it that ought in the least to alarm us. The naked fact is, that while we are every day growing more independent of Britain, she is every day growing more and more dependent on us; not for mere gewgaws, for luxuries, for baubles—but for the very bread of life, and for the raw materials of her manufactures, without which her wealth and power and glory would vanish. This impression is gaining ground more rapidly even in England than among ourselves; and the time must soon come when she will feel it to be her interest to be on good terms with us.
EXTRACTS.
Speaking of the new plan of finance, Cobbett says, "I was morally certain, that new taxes sufficient to pay the interest of this year's loan, could not have been raised. All the sources were completely exhausted. What was laid on in one way had, for three years past, been falling off in another way; and, if the nominal amount was increased, the value of money diminished in nearly the same proportion; there being no positive addition except in vexation and slavery."
"Lord Archibald Hamilton gave notice, some days ago, of a motion upon the subject of Davison ; but, he has been induced not to make the motion by an intimation from the ministers, that measures were to be taken immediately to make that contractor disgorge; and, if a statement in the ministerial papers be true, such measures are actually taking. We shall see what is done; but, unless the money be demanded and obtained immediately , I hope some member of parliament will be found to make a motion upon the subject. Certainly much has been gained within these three years. Who, in the days of the squandering and stifling Pitt, would have imagined, that such inquiries as these would ever become fashionable! Those days, when every man who dared to utter a breath against corruption and public robbery, when every man who dared to let his groans be heard, was called a jacobin, and was marked out for vengeance, through the means of secret imprisonment; those days of tyranny and terror are gone, never, I trust, to return; but, it behoves us, never, for one moment, to relax in our endeavors to crush forever the minions of that remorseless persecutor."
The following shews the opinion of a
London Editor of his fellow laborers, from which our readers will form their opinion of the credit due to the contents of English prints.
"In my next, I intend to put upon record the lies of a week, published in the London daily newspapers, to describe the folly and baseness of the proprietors or editors of which is a task that I will not undertake, because it would be impossible, even if I could borrow the eloquence of Dryden or Otway, that any description should not fall far short of the reality. There is, however, one thing, which I can do, & which I never yet have done; and that is, to expose, in detail, the venality of this press. To show how the proprietors sell their paragraphs of praise, and what sums they receive for hush-money."
"In another place the same topic is dwelt upon, in connection with the profligate peculation of Davidson, the exposure of whose fraud our readers may recollect in the impeachment of Melville."
"When Davison raised his corps, his name, accompanied with an extolling of his liberality, his public spirit and his loyalty, appeared in the newspapers every day. The paragraphs were, I dare say, drawn up by himself, for they were illiterate and gross; and they were paid for at a guinea, or, in some of the papers at half a guinea, perhaps, a piece. Any man, or any woman, no matter who or what, may purchase praise at the same price and at the same hands. Yet, this is the press we boast of, as the reformer of morals, the mirror of truth, the nurse of science and of virtue, and the check upon tyrants and public robbers! Never was there so vile a traffic as that carried on by this press. A thousand thousand times better would it be that there should be no press at all existing. The trade of bawds & pimps have been decried; but, whether as to its intrinsic baseness, or as to its evil effects upon society, it is virgin innocence compared to the trade of the press, when practiced as above described. Nor does the English pencil yield, in this respect, to the press. A large portrait of Davison has been exhibited at the print shops in London, by the side of those of Mr. Fox, and lord Nelson: but, on Monday last, when the third report had begun to be a subject of general conversation, it was taken down! What shocking baseness is this! I do not believe that an equal to it is to be found in the history of any nation upon earth. This man has, I understand, been recently purchasing large estates in Northumberland; ten of our best painters are now employed by him to paint pictures at an enormous price for the furnishing of a gallery which he has a design of erecting, to be called the Davison Gallery! He appears literally to roll in riches, to expend gold by handfuls, to wallow in luxuries of all sorts, while hundreds of thousands of the people of England, from whose property and labor his riches have been extorted, are, some of them, living in constant dread of the tax gatherer, and others wasting away for want of a sufficiency even of bread. And this is the state of things , to preserve which, his friend, Mr. Sheridan, calls upon us, in his hours of jollity too, "to sacrifice the necessaries of life! Good God! How is it possible, that we can be worse served, or more cruelly insulted? Not a word, however, of complaint do we hear, upon this subject, from those base and detestable daily newspapers with which the metropolis swarms."
We are next presented with a view of the astonishing rise in the price of bread. "During 10 years ending 1780, the average price of the quarter loaf was 7d. During the next 10 years it was 7 1-2. In the beginning of 1807, the same loaf sells for 1s. 1 3-8d." It is added—"It is well known, that in this country we have not for several years past produced enough of corn for the food of our own people, and of the beasts employed in the tillage of our land, and to furnish meat; and there is very little doubt, that the deficiency is yearly increasing; for, though the quantity of corn raised may be augmented by new inclosures, and an improved system of agriculture, yet there is abundant reason to convince us, that the demand for corn is still more augmented, by reason of our increasing population."
We have next a glowing picture of the effects of tyranny, addressed to Lord Grenville, drawn in Cobbett's best style. "To the latter part of your Lordship's question I have no answer; for, I am decidedly of opinion, that, whether men are of black or white skin, it is abominably wicked to deprive the many of the means of laboring for their own advantage , and to compel them to labor for the profit of the few . And, my lord, such is my way of thinking upon this subject, that the oppression is, in my estimation, precisely the same in point of guilt, whether the oppressed party go by the name of pauper, or that of slave. I attach, my lord, very little importance to mere words; and to me, it signifies little by what name or title the execrable oppressor be known. Nor, my lord, am I to be at all amused with the talk of freedom, heard from the mouths of some foreign tyrants, as the Devil is said to quote scripture more glibly than a field preacher; I look at the man and his condition; and, if I find, that he labors solely for the profit of others; that the fruit of his labor is drawn away, whether by a visible or invisible hand; that, from the very nature of the state of things, it is impossible, generally speaking, that he should ever possess any thing worthy of the name of
property; that he has nothing upon the face of the earth but his miseries which he can call his own; that his dress is rags; that his food is barely sufficient to preserve his life; that he dares not open his lips, lest his words should give pain to the pride of his oppressors; that for him to speak truth is an offence that exposes him to severe bodily punishment; that, in short, he is suffered to exist, even in this state of misery, for the sole purpose of enabling his oppressors to wallow in luxury, to revel in debauchery, to set at defiance all laws, whether human or divine; if I find this to be his state, my lord, whatever be the place of his abode or the color of his skin, by whatever name, whether of lash, staff, or bayonet, the instrument be called that keeps him in subjection, and by whatever appellation his oppressors may choose to distinguish themselves, still I call him a slave ; and still I wish and still I pray for his deliverance from their greedy and merciless grasp."
"(In 1797, Mr. Burke computed (third letter to a member of parliament, p 93) that a full third of the expenditure of people of property went in taxes direct and indirect. The amount of the taxes imposed since that time, (exclusive of the tax on property) considerably more than half the amount of those which existed before. I will, however, take them at only the half of that amount. And upon this low supposition, the aggregate will be according to Mr. Burke's computation 10s. in the pound, to which must be added 2s. for the property tax; and it will be seen, that of every 20s. added to the income of West Indian proprietors, (who are proverbial for a liberal, not to say profuse expenditure) 12s. is returned by them to the Exchequer in the form of taxes, without noticing the farther augmentation of the revenue, brought about by the increased incomes and expenditure of those other numerous classes, which the expenses of the West Indian proprietors contribute to enrich."
Virginia election for representatives in Congress.
John W. Eppes, John Randolph, Peterson Goodwin, Edwin Gray, Thomas Newton, Jun. William A. Burwell, and Mathew Clay, are re-elected without opposition.
John Dawson is re-elected by a majority of 504 votes over John Mercer.
Daniel Sheffey is elected in the room of Abraham Trigg.
New York Election.
Rockland county has given a majority of 292 votes for Mr. Tompkins over Mr. Lewis; and it is said that Suffolk county will probably give Mr. Tompkins a majority of 1400.
Translation from the Court Gazette of Madrid, under date of March 13, 1807.
Wednesday of this week was a gala-day at court, at the royal residence of Aranjuez, in compliment of the Infante Don Francis de Paula Antonio Maria, third son of the king.
The emperor of the French and king of Italy, desirous of manifesting to the king, our sovereign, his lively desire for preserving and strengthening more and more the bonds of friendship and close alliance, which happily subsist between the two sovereigns and their respective kingdoms, has been pleased to make choice, to reside near the king, our sovereign, in quality of ambassador of his imperial majesty, and envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the king of Italy, of his excellency Francis de Beauharnois, grand dignitary of the order of the Iron Crown, of the Legion of Honor, &c. who already resided in quality of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his imperial and royal majesty, near the reigning queen of Etruria. The distinguished talents of Mr. Beauharnois, caused an anxiety for his presentation, which took place the latter part of December last, with all the ceremony customary in like cases; and he was received by their majesties with demonstrations of the greatest regard, as well on account of his appearance, as for his courteous and affable deportment.
By the greatest of outrages against humanity, and against good policy, Spain was forced by Great Britain to take part in the present war. This power has taken to herself an exclusive dominion of the sea & of the commerce of the world. Her numerous factories disseminated in every country, are like sponges, which suck up their riches, without leaving them any thing more than the semblance of mercantile liberty. From this maritime and commercial despotism are derived to England the immense resources for sustaining a war, the object of which is to destroy the commerce appertaining to each country, and corresponding to its industry and situation. Experience has demonstrated that the English cabinet hesitates at no means that may conduce to effect their designs; and that while this power continues to enjoy the benefits of her immense trade, humanity will continue to groan under the weight of a desolating war. To put an end to this, and to attain a solid peace, the emperor of the French and king of Italy, issued on the 21st of November last, a decree, in which, adopting the principle of reprisals, he determined on the blockade of the British islands; and his ambassador, his excellency Francis de Beauharnois, grand dignitary of the order of the Iron Crown, and of the Legion of Honor, &c. having communicated it to the king, our sovereign, who, desirous to co-operate in measures dictated by the principle of reciprocity, has been pleased to order the serene prince, general and admiral in chief, to
issue circular orders of the following tenor:
"As soon as England had committed the horrible outrage of intercepting the royal frigates, violating by surprise that good faith which in time of peace secures the property of individuals, and disregarding the law of nations, His Majesty considered himself in a state of war with that power, although it was his royal pleasure to suspend the promulgation of the manifesto, until he saw supported by the government of London, the atrocity committed by its seamen. From thenceforward, and without a necessity of warning the inhabitants of these kingdoms, of the circumstances with which they ought to conduct themselves towards those of a country wanting to the sacred laws of propriety and the rights of nations, his majesty declared to his subjects the state of war which existed with that nation. All intercourse, all commerce is prohibited in such a situation; and no ideas ought to be entertained towards such an enemy, but those dictated by an honorable spirit which puts at a distance all connexion with them, considering it as the vile result of an avarice disgraceful to those possessing it. His majesty is well persuaded that such honorable sentiments are deeply rooted in the hearts of his beloved subjects; but nevertheless he will grant no indulgence to such as may contravene the law; nor will he leave any through ignorance to mistake it; authorising me for that purpose, to declare, that all English property, found on board any vessel, though it be a neutral one, if consigned to Spanish individuals, shall be confiscated. In like manner shall be confiscated all merchandise which shall be found, though in neutral vessels, whenever it shall be directed to the ports of England or its islands. And finally, his majesty, conformably to the ideas of his ally, the Emperor of the French, declares in his states, the same law, as his imperial majesty, on principles of reciprocity and propriety has promulgated under date of the 21st November, 1806."
The observance of this determination of his majesty belongs to the chiefs of provinces, of departments and of fleets; and in communicating them, I, in the name of his majesty, hope no occasion will be given for his royal displeasure. God preserve you many years.
Aranjuez, the 19th of Feb. 1807. The PRINCE General in Chief & Admiral in Chief.
Circular to the chiefs of Provinces, Departments and Fleets in Spain and in the Indies.
A detachment of 110 men, U. S. troops, under the command of captain Clemson, commenced their march from Philadelphia on Saturday for Pittsburgh—destination the Missouri river.
Lieutenant Collins, of the British frigate Terpsichore , who in the month of September last, in the town of Madras, killed an American seaman belonging to the barque Harper , captain Lander, of Salem, was tried at Madras in the following month on a charge of murder. The jury found him guilty of manslaughter only, and he was punished by fine and imprisonment of two months. The day after his release admiral Sir Thomas Townbridge put him on board the Blenheim as first lieutenant.
Mer. Adv.
LOUISIANA SUGAR. The U. S. formerly apprehended that they should want the necessary supplies of brown sugar. It is, therefore, with pleasure that we learn, that the quantity of sugar made in Louisiana, amounts to a full quarter part of our consumption. It is easy to see that the production of our sugar will rapidly increase, to be equal to our demand. Already it is beginning to be a favor to foreign states to be allowed to import their sugars into this country. We hope to see white farmers raising crops of sugar. Press.
The following letters appear in the late Mississippi papers as having passed betwixt colonel Burr and governor Williams:
(No date.)
Sir. The vindictive temper and unprincipled conduct of judge Rodney, have induced me to withdraw for the present from public view.
I nevertheless continue in the disposition which has been uniformly manifested, of submitting to civil authority, so long as I can be assured, that it will be exercised towards me within the limits prescribed for other citizens.
It is proper, however, before again surrendering, that I be informed of the cause or charge, if any, for which it is purposed to arrest me: whether bail will be received—the tenor of recognizance, and the sum in which security will be required: I ask further, your assurance, that no attempt to send me out of the territory will be countenanced or permitted, and that my person shall not be subjected to any military arrest.
I have the honor to be, &c. A. BURR. His Excellency Governor Williams.
12th February, 1807.
Sir. I have seen your proclamation. It was unworthy of you to lend your sanction to a falsehood.—The recognizance on which I was bound, was on condition that I should appear in case an indictment should be found against me, and not otherwise. This special form was agreed on by judge Rodney, after nearly half an hour's discussion between him, Mr. Harding and myself, drawn up at his request by Mr. Harding, and signed by the judge in our presence,
and in that of colonel Osburn, and will be found in the hand writing of Mr. Harding, so signed, unless, for fraudulent purposes, the judge shall have destroyed it.—It he shall deny these facts, he must be as lost to shame as to principle. If he shall admit them, or they shall be otherwise established to your satisfaction, it is hoped that you will feel it to be your duty by a public manifesto, to cancel your proclamation, and to acknowledge the error on which it has been founded.
A. BURR. His Excellency Governor Williams.
Washington Feb. 13th, 1807.
Sir, Your two notes, the one without date, the other under date of yesterday, I have this moment received. Without animadverting on the unusual style which you have permitted to yourself, I can only say, that from the judicial proceedings in this territory you cannot be considered in any other light than as a fugitive from the laws of your country; with these, you are too well acquainted not to know, that it belongs to a department different from mine to determine as to the nature of your offence, and to decide as to the manner in which you are to be treated. Hence you must see, it would be as improper as it would be undignified in me to enter into any stipulations as to your surrender: In justice to myself, however, I will observe, that so long as I have the honor to preside in this territory, I shall never use the military except in aid of the civil authority, and that, if you submit yourself to this, you may be assured, that it shall "be exercised towards you within the limits prescribed for other citizens," similarly situated. I have the honor to be, &c. ROBT. WILLIAMS. COL. AARON BURR.
A number of the republican inhabitants of Northampton, tired of the frequent insults they have had to endure, from his excellency Caleb Strong's brother-in-law—Mr. Solomon Williams the federal priest of this town, met on the evening of the 12th April, & adopted the following resolutions unanimously!
1. Resolved, as the sense of this meeting, that according to the writings of the Apostles, and the spirit of all their doctrines, the author of the christian religion never took a part in the political controversies of his country, (divided at that time by violent parties) but preached love to God, peace & good will towards mankind, & prayed for his enemies. 2. Resolved, as their solemn opinion, that ministers preaching and praying against their political opponents, do not imitate the example of Jesus Christ, but cause immense mischief to true religion, to the peace and happiness of society, and counteract as much as possible his holy commandment, "love thy neighbor as thyself," by perverting their uninformed hearers, that the Almighty Father of all has taken fides in the frivolous disputes of some of his children, and is in hostility with all the world except the adherents of the priestly party. Thus they sanctify ghastly crimes, slander and persecution, thus they extinguish fellow-feeling and all the social virtues, and thus they blot out the sense of sacred justice. 3. Resolved, that those ministers prove clearly, that they prefer worldly power and influence to the kingdom of Heaven, and usurp the Popish power to dictate to freemen in the name of Jehovah political principles hostile to civil and religious liberty. If party spirit drives them so far, as to slander and misrepresent the characters and principles of men, who contribute to maintain them and their families, such priests sure y act against every principle of religion & morality. 4. Resolved, that Solomon Williams the federal priest of this town did in the opinion of this meeting preach and pray from the sacred desk, particularly in the forenoon of the ninth of April current, against his republican hearers, misrepresented their characters and principles, and endeavored to make them despicable in the eyes of their wives and children, a scorn and a bye-word amongst their enemies—his friends and partisans. 5. Resolved, therefore, that the republicans of Northampton deem it their sacred duty to withdraw their support from the said Solomon Williams, and to take proper and legal steps, to hinder the federalists of this town from forcing us to contribute in future towards the salary of a priest, who inculcates in the minds of our children false and absurd political principles wrapt up in scripture phrases, who inspires them by his slanders with contempt for their parents, and who has the temerity, whenever an opportunity offers, to pour his phial of party venom over the heads of devoted republicans. Note—Solomon Williams called the republicans in his last days Sermons "Dammed Rascals." If he declared, others underlood him, that the republicans prefer "Dammed Rascals" for their candidates, it certainly amounts to the same thing. Such shocking and scandalous abuse ought to be reprobated & resisted.
Northampton Rep. Spy.

THE TURKISH WAR.
By captain Cook, who arrived at Salem on Wednesday last from Palermo, in Sicily, we have some additional particulars respecting the new war which has been commenced between the Turks and Russians...
Of the war between the French and Russians no intelligence could be obtained in that quarter, to be relied on. The accounts were such as had passed through French channels, and in general represented Bonaparte as having met with little or no obstruction in his victorious career.
Our countrymen at Sicily were highly gratified at receiving, in London prints of the 5th of January, official accounts of the conclusion of a treaty between Great Britain and America...
Business at Naples and Leghorn was extremely dull, and nearly stagnated at the former place, by means of the continual contributions levied on the merchants by the new government.
Salem Gaz.
Baltimore. May 6.
We understand that about half a million of dollars arrived here this morning from Vera Cruz.
Richmond, May 5.
The hail storm on Wednesday afternoon and night were succeeded on the same night by an Earthquake, which was felt by several of the inhabitants of this city. The shock seemed to have commenced here about 3 o'clock after midnight...
Chillicothe, April 30.
We learn by a gentleman from Cincinnati, that the trial of Charles Vattier (who was confined in jail a few weeks ago, on a charge of having robbed James Findley, esq. receiver of public monies at that place) came on in the court of common pleas for Hamilton county...
Since writing the account relative to Vattier's trial, which will be found in this day's paper, we have received the Spy of the 27th inst. which contains the following sentence, pronounced by the court, on him:
"That the said Charles Vattier, pay to the state of Ohio a fine of 200 dollars—that he pay to James Findley, Esq. the owner of the property stolen, the sum of 94,000 dollars.—That he be imprisoned thirty days, and that he be publicly whipped on his naked back, ten stripes, on the 23d of May next, at 10 o'clock, in the morning—to pay costs of prosecution, and stand committed until sentence be performed."
A gentleman passed through town this morning, who reported that he was employed by the U. S. to take depositions relative to the charge exhibited against col. Burr, of having embodied
troops for an illegal enterprize. He was returning from Cincinnati, where he had been to take the deposition of young Smith, but was unable to accomplish that object, as the latter had gone to New-Orleans.
MATANZAS, JANUARY 29. 1807.
The mate and four hands belonging to ship Charlotte, capt. Benjamin Jennings, lying in this port and ready for sea, came on shore in her boat on ship's duty—on which duty they were detained until between nine and ten o'clock in the evening.
The oars belonging to the boat had been put into a yard near the wharf for security, on returning to go on board (it being very dark) the oars belonging to the ship's boat were put on board another boat of nearly the same size, & which lay near the other at the same wharf, the mistake was quickly rectified, and in taking the oars, one of them belonging to the ship Charlotte was left in the strange boat, and one of hers taken in exchange.
We, the undersigned, eye and ear witnesses of the facts above stated, declare them all to be just and true, and will when we arrive in any port in the U. S. testify to the same upon oath.
JAMES MOODY, Mate.
P. ISARDY,
JAMES GIBSON,
ALX. DARBANY,
JAMES CARTER,
We, the undersigned, eye witnesses of the conduct of the officers and crew of the Spanish gun boats, when they came alongside of the ship Charlotte, do declare that the statement is just & true, and will when called upon declare the same on oath.
BENJ. JENNINGS, jun.
Master of ship Charlotte.
CAROLUS PELHAM,
Capt. assistant.
WILLIAM AYMIER,
ISAAC ATKINSON,
Examined and compared the above with every attendant circumstance that has come to our knowledge.
Signed by twelve masters
of vessels.
Matanzas, (Island of Cuba)
Jan. 30. 1807.
JAMES MADISON, Sec'y of State.
Sir,
The undersigned American citizens, now in this port, under the pressure of the most serious concern, conceive it our duty to address you on a subject deeply interesting to our feelings. We are well aware that the constitutional organ, through which these communications ought to be made, is the consul or commercial agent, but as neither of these officers reside here, we are under the necessity of doing it ourselves.
The enclosed statement, to which we have affixed our signatures, we have examined and compared it with many corroborating circumstances, all of which came within our own knowledge and finding they so well agree, we hesitate not to express our opinion of its truth.
The act of exchanging the oar under similar circumstances, might have happened under direction of any one of us, and can be termed nothing more than an accident, by no means bearing even the appearance of guilt. The opposition made by the boat's crew at the point, was no doubt improper; but it ought to be considered that it was the act of the men in the boat, and from our knowledge of the conduct of sailors, after being indulged with only a few hours on shore, we affirm that seldom any thing short of positive force will restrain them.
We therefore venture to express our opinion that the conduct of Francisco Pielbe, commandant of a gun boat, now stationed at Matanzas, in going on board an unarmed, inoffensive vessel, seizing the first officer and ignominiously bestowing upon him more than forty lashes was entirely upon his own responsibility, without the knowledge of his superior officers, and totally contrary to the laws of this country.
This unfortunate man was tried unheard, and this disgraceful punishment inflicted, without it being possible for the devoted victim to know the crime for which he suffered—and what (if possible) added to the injury, the American flag was waving nearly over the head of the unhappy sufferer. This unwarrantable proceeding calls particularly for national enquiry.
With sentiments of esteem,
Yours, respectfully.
Signed by all the masters of American vessels, at Matanzas, at the preceding date.
PUBLIC MEETING.
A meeting of those who are disposed to promote the OPENING of the CANAL through the City is requested at STEELE'S HOTEL, on Wednesday evening next, at Six o'clock P. M.
May 11—2t
MORE PROOF.
Of the good effects of LEE & SON'S Genuine Medicine, shown by the following cases of cures.
LEE'S Worm Destroying Lozenges.
This medicine, which is as innocent and mild as it is certain and efficacious in its operation, cannot injure the youngest infant, should no worms exist in the body; but will, without pain or griping, cleanse the stomach and bowels of whatever is foul or offensive, and thereby prevent the production of worms and many latent disorders.
From the many cases of cures that daily come to our knowledge, we have selected the following:
Messrs. Richard Lee & Son, You are at liberty to publish the astonishing cure performed by your Lozenges on my son, 10 year old, who was afflicted with fever, pain in his side, and a continual head ache, which reduced him to a state of exhaustion...
JOHN KELLY, First Street. Baltimore, Nov. 12. 1806.
Messrs. Richard Lee & Son, My son, five years old, has for some time past been very unhealthy, having fevers, head ache and loss of appetite. Hearing of the many cures performed by your Worm Lozenges, I was induced to give them a trial. The effect was beyond my expectation...
JOHN KENNEDY, Potter Street. Baltimore Jan. 4th 1807.
Lee's Elixir.
A sovereign remedy for Colds, obstinate Coughs, Catarrhs, Asthmas, Sore throats, and approaching Consumption. To parents who may have children afflicted with the Hooping Cough, this discovery is of the first magnitude...
Messrs. Richard Lee & Son, For a long time I have been afflicted with a severe Cold, attended with a distressing cough, sickness at stomach, with a frequent inclination to vomit—having tried a medicine which is said to have performed cures of this kind, but without receiving any benefit...
MEDMOND MINCHEN, at Peter's brewery. Baltimore, Feb. 9, 1807.
Lee's Grand Restorative.
Proved by long and extensive experience, to be absolutely unparalleled in the cure of Nervous disorders, Consumption, Loss of Spirits, loss of Appetite, impurity of Blood, Hysterical affections, inward Weaknesses, violent Cramps in the Stomach and back, Indigestion, Melancholy, Gout in the Stomach, Pains in the limbs, Relaxations, involuntary Emulsions, obstinate Glets, Flower Albus (or whites), impotency, Barrenness, &c. &c.
Infallible Fever & Ague Drops.
For the cure of Ague, remittent and intermitting Fevers.
Lee's Genuine Essence, and Extract of Mustard.
A safe and effectual remedy for acute and chronic Rheumatism, Gout, Palsy, Lumbago, Numbness, White Swellings, Chilblains, Sprains, Bruises, Pains in the knee and neck, &c.
Lee's Sovereign Ointment for the Itch.
Which is warranted an infallible remedy at one application.
Lee's Genuine Eye Water.
A sovereign remedy for all diseases of the eyes, whether the effect of natural weakness or of accident.
Lee's Genuine Persian Lotion.
Lee's Damask Lip Salve.
Tooth Ache Drops, The only remedy yet discovered, which gives immediate and lasting relief in the most severe instances.
The Anodyne Elixir, for the cure of every kind of Head Ache.
Restorative Powder for the Teeth and Gums.
The Indian Vegetable Specific, for the cure of Venereal Complaints.
The above Medicines are sold by DANIEL RAYNE, bookseller, Capitol Hill, Washington city—Dr. N. MAGRUDER, Georgetown, and Nicholas HINGSTON, Alexandria. Each article has on the outside wrapper, the signature of
Richard Lee and Son, without which none are genuine. May 11 w6t
W. H. P. TUCKFIELD,
INFORMS the Ladies and Gentlemen of Washington and its vicinity that he has received by the latest arrivals from Philadelphia & Baltimore, a large and elegant assortment of SHOES, amongst which are Kid Morocco, &c. &c. Gentlemen's Boots and Shoes; all of the newest fashions, and hopes he may receive a share of their patronage. Work of every kind executed at his shop near the Navy Yard with punctuality and dispatch. May 8—2t
Treasury Department, May 1st, 1807 PROPOSALS
WILL be received at the Treasury till the 10th of June next inclusive, for building a light house on an island situated at the mouth of the River Mississippi, according to the designs and description prepared by B. H. Latrobe.
The light house to be a circular tower forming a truncated cone 27 feet diameter at the top of the basement, 12 feet diameter at the top of the platform, which forms the floor of the lantern, and 81 feet 7 inches high from the natural surface of the ground to the said platform. The foundation to be sunk 8 feet 6 inches below the surface of the ground, and 28 feet 6 inches in diameter, to rest on piles driven 20 feet into the earth, and to consist of a reversed Cupola of brick of 25 feet external diameter, 7 feet 6 inches in depth, and bedded in a work of solid masonry, one foot thick above the piling, and which must fill the whole space dug for the foundation and not occupied by the said Cupola.
The entrance into the lantern to be through a sheet iron door sliding on rollers. The lantern 8 feet 6 inches diameter, and 9 feet 6 inches high, is to be fixed in its place by 12 strong iron bars, worked solidly six feet six inches into the wall and secured at the lower end by strong cross bolts one foot in length, with a screw six inches long above the stone work. The twelve corner posts of the lantern to be also iron bars, turned with a flat foot through which the screws of the anchor bars must pass and be strongly fastened to the nuts; their upper ends being morticed into a strong circular iron ring, upon which the iron rafters are rivetted.
The keeper's dwelling house to be erected round the basis of the tower forming a concentric circular building entirely of brick, and of 60 feet external diameter, including that of the tower. The foundation sunk 4 feet, to rest on piles driven 20 feet into the earth, and to be 2 and a half bricks thick, continuing of that thickness 3 feet 6 inches above the ground. The wall to rise 10 feet, higher 2 bricks thick, to be connected with the external wall of the light house by nine partition brick walls and to have internal brick piers from which at the elevation of six feet above the base wall spring arches against the body of the light house: and on the top of these carriage arches segment arches must be turned all round the building. The house to be furnished with two stacks of chimneys, and to have twelve external doors or windows, and also internal doors communicating from one room to another.
and the internal walls and ceilings to be plastered.
A circular piazza ten feet wide, to be erected round the dwelling house, rising on a foundation brick wall of one and a half brick thick, sunk five feet below the ground rising three feet above the same and coped with stone; into which 24 cast iron pillar feet 8 inches high are to be fixed. The piazza to have two porches formed arched brick walls connecting it with the dwelling house.
On the top of the pillars, plates are to be laid framed together and supported a ceiling floor. A framed roof covered with cypress shingles, to cover both the dwelling house and piazza. The interval between the walls of the piazza of the dwelling house and of the light house, to be filled with the rubbish, sand or earth, as high as the top of the base wall; and both the piazza and dwelling house to be paved with brick.
All the bricks to be sound Philadelphia bricks.
A more particular written description and drawings of the building may be seen by applying at the Treasury to Mr. Latrobe at Philadelphia.
Separate proposals will also be received for the freight of not more than 800 tons of stone, either from the Delaware and Potomac, and of not more than 250,000 bricks from Philadelphia to the mouth of the Mississippi. The stones and bricks to be delivered within the bar will be received on board of lighters. April 11—ep1m
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Washington in the district of Columbia, both obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Thomas Duckett, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber on or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Those indebted to the deceased are desired to make immediate payment. ALLEN B. DUCKETT, Adm. City of Washington, March 18—tf
All claims forwarded by mail must be paid.
Lands for sale.
BY virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery, will be sold at public auction, on the premises, at 12 o'clock, on Wednesday the 13th of May next, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter, the Real Estate of Henry Addison, late of Prince George's county, deceased, lying and being in the county aforesaid, and containing 500 acres of Land. This Land will either be sold entire, subject to the Dower of the widow, or two thirds of it will be exposed to sale free from all encumbrances, as may best suit the convenience of the purchaser. The terms of sale are, the purchaser shall give bond, with approved security, to the Trustee, for paying the purchase money—one half within nine months, and the other half in eighteen months, with interest on each, from the day of sale. THOMAS G. ADDISON, Trustee. April 20, 1807—tf
N. B. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the deceased, to exhibit their claims, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers within four months from the time of sale. THOS G. ADDISON, Trustee.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by ship Eliza & ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia, A choice assortment
Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bemburs, Velvets, and Coys, Cashmeres, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Tolletens, rich silk Molekin velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first stile of fashion. Richard Harwells celebrated patent parallel Suspenders, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. November 12—tf
LAND FOR SALE.
The Subscriber offers for sale 780 acres of land on Bullskin run in Jefferson county, Virginia about 10 miles from Harper's Ferry, and 3 miles from the Shenandoah river. 400 acres of this land is cleared, the rest in woods, on it there is a valuable Mill seat with 22 feet fall, the stream affording a sufficiency of water to turn two pair of stones, 25 acres of watered meadow which produces abundant crops of Hay, and as much more may be made at a trifling expense. The cleared land may be laid off into fields of 50 acres and each field have running water in it; there is generally sown on this farm 120 acres in wheat which has not for some years past, produced less than 2500 bushels per annum. The improvements are a Stone Dwelling House and kitchen, a Stone Dairy with a large never failing spring near the dwelling, a barn with stables under it for 30 horses, an apple orchard of 200 trees of choice fruit, and a variety of other fruit trees; on another part of this farm there is a small frame Dwelling House, Kitchen and Dairy, Smoke house, Barn and Stables—this property will be shown and the terms made known on application to the subscriber on the premises. JOHN GANTT, Sen. April 29—ep2m
HENRY HORT,
ATTORNEY AT LAW. Has an Office in Mr. INGLE'S Brick House, on the Capitol Hill, where he gives constant attendance, and may be consulted on any subject within the line of his profession. Washington city, April 12—am

Washington, April 30th, 1807. HAVING been appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury, agent for purchasing the 8 per cent. stock of the United States standing on the books of the Treasury, and the books of the commissioners of Loans for Maryland and Virginia. Notice is hereby given, That I am ready to treat with any persons for the purchase of said stock at private sale, within the price limited by the 2d section of the act of Congress of the 18th of April, 1806, a copy whereof is hereto annexed. JAMES DAVIDSON, Jun. Agent, &c.
Sec. 2d. And be it further enacted, That the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund shall not be authorized to purchase any of the several stocks of the public debt, at a higher price than at the rates following, that is to say—they shall not pay more for three per cent. stock than sixty per cent. of its nominal value; nor for any other species of the public debt more than the nominal value of its undepreciated amount, or eight per cent. stock any excepted, or which they shall be authorized to add to the rate of one per cent. on the said several stocks for each quarterly dividend, which may be payable on such purchased stock from the time of such purchase to the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and nine. May 1 3 w.
State of Maryland, ss. St. Mary's county Orphan's Court. April 5th, 1807. On application by petition of William Hebb, administrator of William Somerville late of St. Mary's county deceased, it is ordered, that he give the notice required by law, for creditors to exhibit their claims against the said deceased, and that the same be published once in each week for the space of six successive weeks in the Federal Gazette, National Intelligencer, and Maryland Gazette. JAMES FORRETT, Reg. Wills for St. Mary's county. This is to give Notice.
THAT the subscriber, of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of William Somerville, late of St. Mary's county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with vouchers thereof to the subscriber or before the 18th day of October next, or they may otherwise be excluded from all benefit of the said estate and all those indebted to the said estate, are requested to make payment without delay. Given under my hand this 15th day of April, 1807. WILLIAM HEBB, Ad'r.
April 24—w6t On Thursday the 11th day of June next will be offered for sale to the highest bidder on twelve months credit with approved security on interest from the day of sale at the residence of William Somerville late of St. Mary's county deceased, a variety of stock, asses and jennets of all ages, equal in size and strength to any in this country, bred by the deceased out of mature jennets by the celebrated Jack Compound bred by the late general Washington—also, several breeding mares and colts (fit for farmers) cattle of every description, two Carriages, a selection of old fashioned furniture and the flock of sheep. WILLIAM HEBB, dm'r. April 24—w6t
State of Maryland, ss. St. Mary's county Orphan's Court, April 14th, 1807. On application by petition of William T. Lee, administrator of Henry Lee, late of St. Mary's county deceased, it is ordered that he give the notice required by law for creditors to exhibit their claims against the said deceased, and that the same be published once in each week for the space of six successive weeks in the Federal Gazette, National Intelligencer, and Maryland Gazette. JAMES FORRETT, Reg. Wills for St. Mary's county. This is to give Notice.
THAT the subscriber of St. Mary's county hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of Henry Lee late of St. Mary's county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 14th day of October next, or they may otherwise be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 14th day of April 1807. WM. T. LEE Adm'r. April 24 w6t
TAKE NOTICE. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, a negro man named WM. MASON, about 5 feet 6 inches high, between 30 and 40 years of age, who was hired by me from Dr. James H. Blake of Fairfax county near Alexandria, Virginia—he never worked for me but one week, will give 5 Dollars reward to any person that brings him to me to the Navy Yard, city of Washington. I forewarn any person from employing said negro at their peril. PAT. FARRELL. May 6—3t
The thorough Bred Horse MON TICELLO, NOW IN HIGH ORDER. WILL BE Let to Mares the ensuing season, to commence the first of April, at my seat, near Georgetown, at FIFTEEN DOLLARS per Mare, for which a note must be sent payable the first of September, and one dollar to the groom; or in lieu thereof, ELEVEN DOLLARS in money. Good and extensive pasture, well enclosed, at 50 cents per week, and the mare fed, if required, at the market price, for which the money must be sent. The greatest care taken to prevent accidents or else pes, but will not be responsible for either. JOHN THRELKELD. March 23—3t
United States court, Fifth Circuit and Virginia District, Nov. Term, 1806. IN CHANCERY. John M'Iver, assignee of Josiah Watson, plain tiff—AGAINST—Bird, Savage and Bird, James Watson, John Watson, jun. James Taylor and Richard M. Scott—defendants. This cause was this day heard on the bill, answers, replications thereto, exhibits, and the proceedings in the suit lately depending in this court, between Robert Bird, against Josiah Watson & John Love, & was argued by counsel. On consideration whereof the court now deciding on the respective claims of the parties to the lands in the proceedings mentioned, doth adjudge, order & decree that the marshal of this district, or one of his lawful deputies, after having advertised the time and place of such sale for five weeks successively in one or more newspapers printed in the town of Alexandria and the city of Washington, do expose to sale, at public auction, the tract of land in the proceedings mentioned, called BUCKLAND either altogether or in parcels as the parties may agree; or in case of their disagreement, in the way he may think will most enhance the price thereof upon the following terms, to wit—on fifth part of the purchase money agreed to be paid therefor, to be cash, and the balance in four equal annual payments, bearing interest from the date if not punctually paid, taking bond, with sufficient securities from the purchaser or purchasers, payable to the marshal, for the use of the parties to this sale, and the said marshal, as may hereafter be adjudged entitled thereto, and retaining the title to the said lands as security for the payment of the said annual installments; and in case default be made in the said payments, or either of them, that shall fall due, that the said tract of land, or the lot or lots for which the payments shall not have been made according to the tenor of the sale, be set up for public sale by the marshal, for ready money, after the time and place of such sale shall have been advertised in manner as aforesaid, and the proceeds of sale to be applied to the discharge of the sums remaining due on the purchase of the said tract of land or the lot or lots so to be sold, and the surplus, if any, to be paid to the original purchaser. And if the parties shall prefer the said tracts of land being sold in two or more lots, or the marshal or his deputy who may act, shall be of opinion in case of their disagreement, that the value of the said tract of land will be enhanced by a division thereof, the court doth direct that he have the same divided into as many lots as the parties shall agree on, or he think best by the surveyor of the county of Fauquier, and set the same so divided, and that he bring the said bonds and pay the money so to be received, in cash at the sale, after having defrayed the expenses thereof and of the division if any shall be made into court, subject to its future order, and the marshal is directed to report his proceedings to the court; and the court doth further order and decree that the defendants, trustees for Mrs. Watson, be permitted to reap and carry off the now growing crop from the said lands, and that the marshal sell the same, subject to that privilege, and this is to be without prejudice to any suit that Robert Bird, Bird, Savage and Bird, may hereafter bring claiming the profits on the said lands against the said defendants, trustees as aforesaid. WM MARSHALL, Clerk. In pursuance of the foregoing decree shall be sold the lands and premises therein mentioned, called BUCKLAND lying in the counties of Fauquier and Prince William—The sale will be made on the premises on the 16th day of May next, and the land will be sold entire, or in lots as may be thought proper on the day of sale. Also, Under a decree of the said court, pronounced at the May term, 1807, between Robert Bird, plaintiff, against Josiah Watson and John Love, defendants, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, a tract of Land lying in the county of Westmoreland, called Chantilly. The sale will be made on the premises, on the 12th day of May next. BENJAMIN MOSBY, D. M. for Jos. Scott, M. V. D't. March 16—raw M 16
SPRING GOODS. London, Manchester, & Scotch Goods Imported in the Fair American, Fame, Abena, and Hercules, for Sale, by APPLETON & Co. No. 16. Calvert Street, Baltimore. CALICOES, furniture dimity, naukinets, velvets and cords, mouselins, cambrics, broad cloths, cinnabars, velvets, hats, umbrellas, hosiery, stuffs, piogamas, chambrays, shawls, handkerchiefs, files, laces, and lace goods of every kind, &c. &c. These goods were purchased in England with cash and 60 days acceptance, and will be sold very low, by the package or piece, for cash or 90 day bills. Daily expected, By the Diana, Globe, and John Adams. An additional Supply many of these goods are in assorted cases, calculated for exportation, and are entitled to a bounties. Baltimore, May 6— 2 w
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington. July 26—tf By virtue of a decree of the hon. the circuit court of the district of Columbia for Washington county, will be sold at PUBLIC SALE on Wednesday the 20th of May next, all that certain and certain piece of Land, situate in the county of Fairfax, Virginia, being the right and title of Jacob Grofs, Bernard French and John Threlkeld in and to Lot No. 100 in Threlkeld's addition to Georgetown, with the improvements thereon. The terms of sale will be on a credit of 9 months the purchaser giving bond with approved security with interest from the date, and the sale at Mr. Anthony Gullers near the premises at 3 o'clock P. M. Conveyance will be made on receipt of the purchase money, and the sale being ratified by the court. DR. BUSSARD, Trustee. The creditors of the said Jacob Grofs are hereby notified to bring into the said court their claims against the said Jacob Grofs with the vouchers thereof within two months from the day of sale aforesaid. D. B. Truice. Georgetown, April 22—3w
PROPOSALS For carrying the MAILS of the United States, on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the 1st day of July. 36. From Rutland by Castleton, Fairhaven, Benso, Orwell, Shoreham, Addison, Vergennes, Williston, Essex, Peru and Plattsburg to Champlain once a week. Leave Rutland every Monday at 5 a m, and arrive at Fairhaven by 10 a m. Leave Fairhaven at 11 a m, & arrive at Champlain on Thursday by 10 a m. Returning—Leave Champlain every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Rutland the next Sunday by 6 p m. 37. From Middlebury, by New Haven, Mendon, Haynesburg, Williston, Jerico, Essex, Westford, Fairfax, Fairfield and Sheldon to Huntshurg and thence by Berkshire, Ennecburg, Bakersfield, Cambridge, Underkill, Jerico, Richmond, Huntington, Stockbridge and Bennington to Middlebury once a week. Leave Middlebury every Tuesday at 6 a m, arrive at Jerico by 4 p m, and at Huntshurg on Friday by 2 p m. Returning—Leave Huntshurg every Friday at 8 p m, and arrive at Middlebury on Monday by 7 p m. 38. From Rutland by Clarendon, Shrewsbury, Saltash and Reading to Windsor once a week. Leave Rutland every Monday at 6 a m, and arrive at Windsor on Tuesday by 10 a m. Returning—Leave Windsor every Tuesday at 2 p m, and arrive at Rutland on Wednesday by 7 p m. 39. From Rutland by Tinnmouth, Wallingford, Danby, Dorset, Manchester, Arlington, Shaftsbury, Bennington and Pittstown to Langsbury twice a week. Leave Rutland every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m, and arrive at Bennington on Tuesday & Friday by 8 p m. Leave Bennington every Wednesday & Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Langsbury by 1 p m. Returning—Leave Langsbury every Monday & Thursday at 11 a m, & arrive at Bennington by 7 p m. Leave Bennington on Tuesday & Friday at 5 a m & arrive at Rutland on Wednesday & Saturday by 6 p m. 40. From Rutland by Cavendish, Chester, Rockingham, Bellows Falls and Westminster to Walpole, once a week. Leave Rutland every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Walpole by 6 p m on Thursday. Leave Walpole every Saturday at 6 a m, & arrive at Rutland on Sunday by 10 a m. 41. From Bennington by Marlboro', Wilmington & Woodford, to Brattleboro', once a week. Leave Bennington every Thursday, at 9 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Friday by 11 a m. Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 2 p m, & arrive at Bennington on Saturday by 4 p m. IN MASSACHUSETTS. 42. From Newburyport to Haverhill twice a week. Leave Newburyport every Monday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Haverhill by 11 a m. Leave Haverhill every Tuesday and Saturday at 1 p m, and arrive at Newburyport by 7 p m. 43. From Salem, by Danvers, Topsfield and Boxford, to Haverhill, once a week. Leave Salem every Monday at 1 p m, and arrive at Haverhill by 6 p m. Leave Haverhill every Monday at 5 a m, and arrive at Salem by 10 a m. 44. From Boston, by Salem and Manchester, to Gloucester, three times a week. Leave Gloucester every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m, and arrive at Boston by 6 p m. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m, and arrive at Gloucester by 6 p m. 45. From Salem to Marblehead, six times a week. Leave Salem every day (Sunday excepted) at noon, and arrive at Marblehead by 1 p m. Leave Marblehead every day at 2 p m, and arrive at Salem by 3 p m. 46. From Boston, by Medford, Woburn, Bellerive, Chelmsford, Tyngsborough, Dunstable, Amherst, Francis town, Nashua and Claremont, to Windsor, Vt. twice a week. Leave Boston every Monday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Billerica by noon, and at Amherst by 7 p m. Leave Amherst on Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m, and arrive at Windsor by 6 p m. Returning—Leave Windsor every Monday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Amherst by 6 p m. Leave Amherst on Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m, and arrive at Boston by 7 p m. 47. From Billerica, by Patucket bridge, Dracut, Pelham and Windham, to Londonderry, once a week. Leave Billerica every Monday at 1 p m, and arrive at Londonderry on Tuesday by 9 a m. Leave Londonderry every Tuesday at 10 a m, and arrive at Billerica by 7 p m. 48. From Boston, by Concord, Newton, Groton, Townsend, Athol, New Ipswich, Jaffrey, Marlboro', Keene & Walpole, to Rockingham Bridge, twice a week. Leave Boston every Monday & Thursday at 4 a m, & arrive at Keene on Tuesday and Friday by noon. Leave Keene at half past 12 p m, and arrive at Rockingham by 6 p m. Returning—Leave Rockingham every Tuesday & Friday at 4 a m & arrive
at Keene by noon. Leave Keene at half past 12 p m, & arrive at Boston on Wednesday & Saturday by 8 p m. 49. From Concord, by Snow, Boston & Lancaster, to Leominster, twice a week. Leave Concord every Monday and Thursday at 1 p m, & arrive at Leominster by 7 p m. Leave Leominster every Wednesday & Saturday at 5 a m, & arrive at Concord by 11 a m. 50. From Leominster, by Westminster, Templeton, Athol, New Salem, Wendell & Montague, to Greenfield, once a week. Leave Leominster every Friday at 5 a m, & arrive at Greenfield by 7 p m. Leave Greenfield every Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Leominster by 7 p m. 51. From Worcester, by Holden, Rutland, Hubbardston, Templeton, Winchendon, Fitz William, to Keene, once a week. Leave Worcester every Wednesday at 5 a m, & arrive at Keene on Thursday noon. Leave Keene every Monday noon, & arrive at Worcester on Tuesday by 6 p m. 52. From Worcester, by Holden, Rutland, Barre, Petersham, Athol, Orange, Warwick, Northfield & Hinddale, to Brattleboro' once a week: to return by Wendell and New Salem, instead of Warwick, Orange, & Athol. Leave Worcester every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 1 p m, & arrive at Worcester on Saturday by 7 p m. 53. From Shrewsbury, by Holden, Rutland, Green, Hardwick, Pelham, Amherst and Hadley to Northampton once a week. Leave Shrewsbury every Tuesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Northampton on Wednesday by 10 a m.—Leave Northampton every Wednesday at 1 p m, and arrive at Shrewsbury on Thursday by 7 p m. 54. From Brookfield, by Belchertown, Hadley, Northampton, Chesterfield, Worthington, Patridgefield, Dalton, Pittsfield, Hancock and New Lebanon to Albany twice a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Brookfield every Monday and Thursday at 9 a m, and arrive at Albany on Tuesday and Friday by 7 p m. Leave Albany every Wednesday and Saturday at 9 a m, and arrive at Brookfield on Thursday & Monday by 7 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Brookfield every Monday and Thursday at 9 a m, and arrive at Northampton by 7 p m. Leave Northampton every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Albany on Wednesday and Saturday by 3 p m. Returning—Leave Albany every Tuesday and Friday at 9 a m, and arrive at Pittsfield by 8 p m. Leave Pittsfield every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a m, and arrive at Northampton by 8 p m. Leave Northampton every Thursday and Monday at 4 a m, & arrive at Brookfield by 7 p m. 55. From Suffield, by Weights, Southampton, Northampton, Hitheld, Whately, Deerfield, Greenfield, Bernardstown, Hinsdale, Brattleboro', Purney, Westminster, Rockingham, Charlemont, Claremont, Cornish, Windham, Hartland and Plainfield, to Hanover, twice a week. Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m, and arrive at Northampton at 1 p m, and at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m. Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m, and arrive at Windsor on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windsor at half past 12 p m, and arrive at Hanover by 8 p m. Returning—Leave Hanover every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m, and arrive at Windsor by noon. Leave Windsor at half past 12 p m, and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 11 a m. Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m, and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p m. 56. From Springfield, by West Springfield, Russel, Blandford, London, Bethlem, Tyringham, Stockbridge and West Stockbridge, to Kinderhook, once a week. Leave Springfield every Thursday at 6 a m, and arrive at Kinderhook on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Kinderhook every Saturday at 6 a m, and arrive at Stockbridge by 6 p m. Leave Stockbridge every Tuesday at 4 p m, and arrive at Springfield on Wednesday by 6 p m. 57. From Boston, by Dedham, Medfield, Medway, Bellingham, Millford, Medford, Uxbridge, Douglas, Thompson, Pomiret, Ashford and Tolland, to Hartford, once a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday at 9 a m, and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 5 p m. Leave Hartford every Friday at 8 a m, and arrive at Boston on Monday by 4 p m. 58. From New Hartford, Ct. by Sanisfield, London, Becket, Lee, Lanesville, Richmond and Hancock, to New Lebanon, New York, once a week. Leave New Hartford every Friday at 2 p m, and arrive at New Lebanon on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave New Lebanon every Thursday at 6 a m, and arrive at New Hartford on Friday by 10 a m. 59. From Boston, by Dedham, Wrentham, Attleboro', Providence, Scituate, Plainfield, Jewett's City, Chetsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guilford and Branford, to New Haven, three times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. IN RHODE ISLAND. 70. From Providence by Barrington, Warren & Bristol, to Newport, six times a week in Summer, and three times in Winter. May 1 to November 1. Leave Providence every day (Sunday excepted) at 7 a m, and arrive at Newport by 4 p m. Leave Newport every day (Sunday excepted) at 8 a m, & arrive at Providence by 4 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Providence every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 7 a m, & arrive at Newport by 4 p m. Leave Newport every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 7 a m, & arrive at Providence by 4 p m.
Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p m, and arrive at Boston by 8 p m. November 1 to May