The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-09-15 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
NO. 13.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1334.
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FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1809.
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CONGRESS
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS.
FRIDAY, JUNE 2.
The House in committee of the whole on the bill to revive and amend the non-intercourse law, as first reported.—A motion was made that the committee rise for the purpose of recommending the bill, with a view to consolidate it and the non-intercourse law into one bill.
Mr. J. G. JACKSON said that the whole system comprised in this bill was proper in itself, and that there was no such difficulty as had been described. All the provisions respecting our foreign relations except the non-intercourse act were contained in it, and three of the sections of that act were contemplated to be repealed by this. All construction of the law (said Mr. J.) is confined to the sections of this bill and the sections of the non-intercourse law revived by it, which may as well be re-enacted by this law if the principle be correct, as to have them introduced at length into the bill itself.
It will be seen that this bill contains two great features: 1. Non-intercourse with France, subject to the provisions of the 11th section of the non-intercourse act, which authorises the suspension of the law. 2. The exclusion of the armed ships of both France and England.
The first is the result of our own sense of consistency, dignity and propriety of conduct. Is it proper to continue the course which has been commenced? Will you prohibit intercourse with France till she, like Great Britain, either does us justice, or gives us authoritative assurances that she will do it? I am glad that it is in our power to discuss this question coolly and deliberately; that there is nothing like a positive obligation on the government to do this act. The course we are asked by this bill to take implies an expectation that France will do us justice. If so, trade with her will be renewed. Until then, we shall have no trade whatever with France. The language held out at the last session, until we hear from France as we have heard from England, shall be continued towards the former; and when an answer is received, such ulterior measures will be pursued by the government as shall be consistent with the honor and rights of the nation. I am glad that it was not required by Great Britain, as in the obnoxious note attached to the treaty, or promised on the part of the United States, as proposed through our minister at London, heretofore, to resist France; that we are not on the one hand subject to her, or on the other under the obligation of a promise; but that we will do this because we conceive it to be right. We display to Great Britain by the prohibition of intercourse with France, a determination to manifest impartiality in our conduct, notwithstanding all the clamors raised at the last session and repeated at this, that we are unwilling to do it. It was said yesterday that we had shown a willingness to submit to the Berlin decree; that we had not evinced a disposition to resist it, and that therefore the orders in council were justified. I deny that our non-resistance would have been a justification of them. But how often must this charge be exposed and refuted! We did resist the decree, not in the way required by Great Britain. We did not send a hostage by way of surety, to be immolated at the caprice of a foreign power. We did not give "security to his majesty;" but we did manifest a disposition to maintain our rights and resist the usurpation of Bonaparte. Let the gentleman recur to the subject, and he will find that immediately on issuing the Berlin decree a letter was written by General Armstrong to
one of the ministers to whose care the execution of the decree was confided, (the minister of foreign affairs being then at Berlin with Bonaparte) and it was answered, the operation of the decree would not interfere with the treaty between the United States and France, and the practice conformed to the profession, till the fateful or infamous case of the vessel wrecked at Morlaix. We then had by our conduct manifested a disposition to resist the Berlin decree. But, sir, I rejoice that we are not bound by the engagements of the American government or the requisition of Great Britain to pursue this course, though I conceive that our character, honor and rights, require of us to persevere in the system commenced, and that there is an implied engagement similar to a debt of honor, which although we are not legally we are morally bound to discharge; that we will not renew intercourse with her whilst her decrees are in force, any more than we would with England, whilst her orders in council were in existence. We did not desire at the last session to go to war with England or France as was stated the other day; and, by the bye, I will now notice a suggestion of a gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gardener) that it was the wish of the Ex-President to involve the country in war, and that the proclamation was issued for that purpose; I appeal to his own recollection that there never was and never will be a more unequivocal manifestation of a disposition to preserve peace than was made by that proclamation. On that occasion, when the news of the outrage arrived, one general burst of indignation was heard from Maine to Georgia, and from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, all crying who should express the greatest indignation. Then was the moment for war, if enmity to Britain had existed in the bosom of the Executive. If Congress had been convened, and a recommendation to that effect had been made by the President, unless gentlemen are more inconsistent than it is possible to conceive of, a vote of war would have been immediately obtained. For, even after Congress met in October, and such communications had been received from the President as were calculated to allay the fermentation of our minds, some of the members were for making a descent on Jamaica and marching to Canada; they thought it a fair opportunity for taking possession of the Northern provinces. And this alone should prove to the gentleman his mistake.
To return to the subject before the House—I say that the course now recommended by this bill is consistent with that of the last winter, which was not war, but the reverse. There was a proposition to go to war on demand and refusal of either power to rescind its decrees; but it was not the object of the mover of that amendment to go to war with Great Britain or France immediately, but, after demand made and refusal on the part of his Britannic majesty or the emperor of France to withdraw his decrees to authorise the President of the United States to grant letters of marque and reprisal. And strange it is, that, by some curious manoeuvre of legislation, the very gentlemen who are complaining against us for manifesting this disposition of hostility against Great Britain, voted for the amendment of the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams) for striking out the condition on which letters of marque and reprisal should be issued, thus making it a proposition for immediate war. [Here Mr. J. referred to the journal, page 443.] This bill I conceive to comprise the course proper for us to pursue. I would say to France that intercourse shall be prohibited with her unless she rescinded her decrees violating our neutral rights; and, in the event of her refusal to do so, I would refer the question back to the American people to decide what course they will then take.
The second proposition contained in this bill is to exclude the armed ships of both nations. This is a question on which there is a great diversity of opinion, and which, on account of its delicacy, it is extremely difficult to treat with that frankness which its importance demands. I will endeavor, consistently with the feelings which are predominant in my breast, with the hope that the fortunate commencement of the late accommodation will eventuate happily and that the rights and honor of each nation will be respected, to discuss this question calmly and without prejudice. I subscribe most heartily to the doctrine advanced yesterday, that the exclusion of the armed vessels of one belligerent and the admission of those of
the other is an act of hostility. The principle is perfectly orthodox, and by the way, it does me pleasure to give the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gardener) credit for any orthodox doctrine he may happen to advance. He with great propriety illustrated his position by likening it to the case of two armies on the frontier of the U. S. contending with each other, and one being suffered to encamp within our limits, whilst the other was excluded. So with regard to armed vessels. If the armed vessels of any one nation engage at sea with those of another, and fly to our ports as a place of refuge & we receive them whilst the others are excluded, it is an abandonment of our neutrality. We cannot permit a foreign nation to carry on war within our territorial limits, or take refuge from the attacks of superior force and enjoy any immunities which are not equally extended to both belligerents, without such abandonment.
But it may be said, why did the U. S. assume such an attitude in relation to Great Britain? It is admitted that the proclamation was a hostile act. And why, sir, would you do away that measure caused by a series of hostile acts, which to this day have not been atoned? The proclamation was a hostile act preceded by one more hostile, which I am pleased to see placed in a train of settlement as it has been, because the spirit in which the offer of reparation was received, proves to the world that this country will be satisfied with even half justice. Our government has not insisted on the punishment of the offender, or even that he shall be stripped of the honors with which he is clothed, & thus they have manifested that they are willing to accept of half reparation. It being conceded by gentlemen in opposition that the exclusion of the armed ships of one belligerent, and the admission of those of another would be war against the former, I wish to ask the House is it proper now to take that attitude towards France? Perhaps it may be said that we were last winter in favor of taking that step. I answer this as I did before, that it was only after demand made & refusal by France that we would have consented to make war. I think it is not now proper, and for the same reason that I thought so at the last session of Congress; because we have not since that time received any information from France to enable us to determine what course will be pursued by the government of that country in relation to the United States, and particularly consequent on the arrangement with Great Britain. We have a right to expect an adjustment with France, when we recur to the Milan decree, which declares that in the event of Great Britain's receding from her orders in council and unjust decrees violating the rights of neutral commerce, that Bonaparte will follow the example. And, when we consider the effect which a settlement of our differences with France will have on our trade, and that we have nothing to expect from war but the loss of all our commerce on the continent, I think we ought not to plunge the nation rashly into it without according to our government an opportunity of knowing what determination has been made by the French government in consequence of the antecedent measures of this. We are informed by the message of the President that a vessel has been despatched with communications to France; and, of course, it is naturally to be expected, and such I presume is the expectation of the Executive that, whilst he is sending the harbinger of peace and accommodation, we will not commit an act of hostility by discriminating between the armed vessels of the two nations, and especially when we know there has been a recent manifestation of an amicable disposition on the part of France. I refer to the permission to embargoed vessels to depart from French ports & to the relaxation by the king of Holland of his decrees; for though independent of France in name and form, he is not so in fact. Now, I ask whether it be proper, in a crisis like this, unauthorised by any information from France, at a time too when we look for communications from that country of a favorable complexion, to adopt any measure leading to war? What are the merchants to expect from a war with France? They are anxious for a trade to that country. It is there that they find a profitable market for colonial produce, tobacco, &c. it is upon the continent of Europe alone, all the countries of which are either under the dominion of France or satellites of Bonaparte, or in a state of war with him, that we find a market for these articles, and for flour, fish, &c. It is a notorious fact, that notwithstanding the repeal of the embargo and authorising the departure of vessels for British ports, tobacco is only three or four dollars per hundred, where it, when the continental market is open, is twice that price.
But, sir, for what purpose do gentlemen wish this course to be pursued? G. Britain does not require it; it is not made a condition in the arrangement of Mr. Erskine. No mention is made of it. And is it necessary to do an act of courtesy to that nation which will involve us in war with another? Is it necessary, after the many proofs we have given of a disposition to accommodate with G. Britain, to compromise our peace and the interests of the country by giving a double assurance of it? I say that G. B. does not ask or require it. It has not been required at any time. All that they have asked is to be placed on a footing of equal restrictions. Mr. Erskine says in the correspondence that the overture which he was instructed to make was grounded on the knowledge that the U. S. were about to pass certain laws placing the belligerents in a state of equality, and not on the repeal of the embargo, as was yesterday said by a gentleman from New York. The rejection of the offer made through Mr. Pinkney by our government last summer was attributed by the gentleman (Mr. Gardener) to the enactment of the embargo laws; but the reason assigned for the overture by G. B. was the passage of laws which enforced the embargo, excluded British vessels, and restricted commercial
intercourse with her; for such was the course we had then resolved upon. The gentleman has forgotten that we are three or four thousand miles separated from G. B. that they had not a knowledge of our proceedings whereby we retraced our steps and shrunk from the ground we had taken—proceedings which probably had not taken place at the time their messenger left England. For after determining to enforce the embargo (of which determination they had knowledge) after passing a law for that purpose, which, I acknowledge, strained the constitution to its greatest capacity, we turned about without a pretext for it, and abandoned the embargo. All that was asked by G. B. all the ground on which the overture was made, was, that both belligerents should be placed on an equality.
But it may be said that our re-enacting a part of this law which otherwise expires by its own limitation at the end of the present session of Congress, will have an unfavorable aspect, and that it will display a hostile front towards her. This is an inference directly in the teeth of the fact; for the most conclusive proof of that spirit of accommodation was contained in the proclamation of the President of the U. S. which I admit was beyond the letter of the law, but was conceived in the spirit of it, and was evidence therefore strong as proof of holy writ, that the government of this country was desirous of meeting frankly and with promptitude any overtures tending to an honorable accommodation of our differences. By the bye, the admission in form of French vessels within the waters under the jurisdiction of the U. S. is not much in substance; for, of the few vessels which have within a few years escaped the British fleets and arrived within our waters, one was burned by the British within our jurisdictional limits on the coast of North Carolina. If proofs be wanting of the spirit of the people in relation to the late accommodation, it may be found in their approbation of it, by the proposed meetings on the 10th of June, in the newspapers, and in the effusions of our Congressional and pulpit orators; for it was only last Sunday that the minister officiating in this department offered up thanks for our release from the restrictions on our commerce, &c. I do not believe that gentlemen are correct in supposing that there is any difference of opinion on this subject. There may be a few individuals, American in name but not in sentiment, who were opposed to the accommodation. We are a generous nation, sir, and soon forget injuries inflicted on us. We remember the good, and forget the evil; and, like old friends, who have fallen out in consequence of some bickerings, whether founded in reason or not, we are unwilling to permit the gratification with which we receive a renewal of friendship to be alloyed by any recollection of former differences. Although we feel this sensation, an honorable and rational feeling characteristic of the American people, I hope in God that we shall beware not to abuse it by such extravagant joy. I should then regret it as a triumph over American principles but of feeling over principle prostrated by it.
I ask why should we discriminate? I am sorry that in the investigation of this point I am compelled to turn over a leaf on which for one I should rejoice that a tear could fall and blot out the record for ever. But when gentlemen are desirous of changing the relations of this country so as to bring us in hostility with France, and alliance with Britain, it is necessary that we should look at the sins of each, to remember them if only to enable us to preserve the neutral station which we ought to occupy. It is a delicate and painful task. I have no feeling adverse to friendship for G. B. I am willing to "be to her faults a little blind, and to her virtues very kind." But when gentlemen wish us to discriminate, it is proper to enquire what has France and what has G. B. done. I shall not dwell long on the subject, because if I do I may be considered as contravening an opinion, which I most religiously entertain, that our differences should be forgotten, & that the two nations should be united in the bonds of friendship. But notwithstanding all this, justice must not be strangled by feelings. What has France done? Plundered our property to an enormous amount, burnt our vessels on the high seas, blockaded all the world without any vessels of war to blockade any part of it, passed a decree which condemns all our vessels spoken by British cruisers, "consecrated the liberty of the seas" by adding confiscation to shipwreck, in the case of the vessel stranded at Morlaix, and imprisoned our seamen, after driving them into the interior. We have therefore just cause of war against her. What has G. Britain done? I will nothing extenuate nor set down aught in malice. Sir she has impressed and detained three thousand and more of our seamen, cut off the colonial trade under aggravated circumstances, which induced the mercantile interest, and particularly from that section of the country most opposed to the administration, to resort to force and pledge their lives and sacred honor to resist the tyranny; she has blockaded a coast of a thousand miles in extent, without stationing any vessels which could have annoyed the entrance of the principal waters; she has cut off our trade from port to port belonging to the same or two nations one or both of which were her enemies; she has committed the murder of a citizen (Pearce) within your waters; one of her officers has claimed jurisdiction within reach of his booms in the harbor of New York; she has burnt the Impetueux on the shore of North Carolina, which in fact was an act of war waged in our territory against her enemy, which we could not, consistently with our relations with both nations, pass over with impunity; add to this black catalogue the outrage of Love, and the affair of the Chesapeake, which (thank God) we may now forget; as likewise the late case of the Melampus, firing on one of our vessels, and giving as an excuse that she thought it was a French privateer, which, had it been the case, would have been no excuse, because being within
our jurisdictional limits, she would have been exempt from attack. The affair of the Chesapeake and the orders in council are settled, or at least promised to be settled, & I confide in the promises. I am unwilling to enter with gentlemen into the dispute to what cause the removal of the orders in council is to be attributed. I recite that enquiry has been forced upon us, I receive it now, regardless of the motive. God be praised for so much; but there are a long catalogue of injuries existing antecedent to these, for which I hope we shall receive full and entire satisfaction. Are they not equal to the actual injuries inflicted by France? If the emperor of France were to blockaded the noon by a decree issued from Vienna. Berlin or elsewhere, merely to let posterity know that he was in character of a conqueror at such a place, it is but, (as his decrees were called by a gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) mere brutum fulmen ) I speak of their actual effects upon us. France, without a single ship that can float on the ocean without scuttling from port to port, with all her decrees has not done us more injury than G. B. before she issued her orders. The injuries which the latter has done to us, independent of this species, are great and numerous. They grind the fortunes and happiness of many to atoms; they touch the feelings and lives of thousands; till many the broken-hearted under the lash, are cast into the ocean, swallowed by the waves, food for the sharks, and are heard of no more, except in the wretched hovels of their widows and orphans who depended upon them for bread. It might as well be asked of Britain to surrender up all the seamen on board her vessels, as to ask of us to discriminate between her armed vessels and those of France. It would be answered to such a request on our part—No; the government are about to treat; let them enter in a such friendly stipulations as may be conducive to the honor and interest of both.
G. Britain does not ask of us an exclusive admission into our ports, but only an equal attitude to be preserved. This is the language of Mr. Erskine here, of the British government, of the ministerial orators on the floor of Parliament and of Mr. Canning in his letter on the subject of the affair of the Chesapeake. He says that to exclude the armed vessels of either belligerent is a hostile act, but that to exclude all is not. I am willing to exclude them both; and am pleased with a proposition made in the other branch of the Legislature, for a permanent exclusion of armed vessels from our waters. I will state a case. Suppose, during a war with the savages on our frontier, when they had invaded our territory and murdered our citizens, a party of our hardy backwoodsmen were to pursue them, and they were to retreat within the Spanish lines. Would it be possible to arrest our brave count men in an attempt to kill the enemy whilst they were carrying off some of their relatives prisoners, and the scalps of others whom they had murdered? Would the charged rifle and tomahawk fall harmless at their feet the moment the line was crossed over? No sir—it is not in human nature to be arrested by artificial or nominal boundaries in the heat of action. So in the case of an engagement on our coast. The vessel of one belligerent engages that of another and kills many of her seamen; but, finding at length that she is inferior in force, retreats within our limits. Do you suppose, before the party which has suffered so much pursues her, that they will stop to take an observation and calculate the lat. & lon.? No, she will have blood, and there will be no end of it if you allow your waters to be a place of refuge for armed vessels. Let us then exclude all. If we admit them, and they commit offences against national law or our own statutes within our waters, we will check them! Yes, call out our militia with rifles and tomahawks to attack a 74 gun ship. We might as well attempt to check the howling winds, the war of elements, the inundations of the Ohio, or the waters of the Mississippi. As well say as Joshua did of old, "sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon, and thou moon in the valley of Ajalon," as to attempt to eject a 74 gun ship by the militia; and it seems to be determined that we shall not have an effectual naval force—I confess, sir, though heretofore somewhat of a navy man, I am almost a convert to the doctrines of the gentleman from N. C. (Mr. Macon) that it is the rotten part of our system; and that if some salutary regulations like this were adopted, we should not have much occasion for frigates in time of peace. If we have war and are attacked, I would be armed at all points; I would fight the shark at sea and the tyger on the land. But in peace I know of no better regulation than to exclude all armed vessels, except such as are admitted by express stipulation. And it appears to me to be for the interest of G. B. to exclude them, because she has ports near us and it was the ground on which G. B. sent instructions to her minister to negotiate. Suppose Joseph Bonaparte obtains peaceable possession of Spain and that, in consequence of that event a contest should arise between him and G. B. about the Spanish possessions in S. America—Would it not be a most material object with G. B. to prevent the vessels of Spain belonging then to her enemy from taking refuge in our ports? Certainly it would. And this idea is the more striking, when we reflect on the possibility of a war carried on in that manner between those powers in the adjacent colonies of America. G. B. views the exclusion of vessels of war belonging to her, whilst others are admitted, as an evidence of hostility; the gentleman from N. C. urged the argument; and Mr. Ross considered it so hostile as to preclude all negotiation altogether. I. I. it was considered by G. B. as an act of so hostile a character as to prevent accommodation in a case which she acknowledged to be "decidedly a wrong act;" how may not this language be reverberated by Mr. Champey, if this discrimination be made between G. B. and France? You have by means, as gentlemen say, done away the interdictory proclamation. G. B. in consequence of the equality
This speech was made on the bill as first reported. It was subsequently recommitted, and reported again so as to admit instead of excluding both.

produced has thought proper to make that reparation which she did as she was at all times willing to make. Whilst this language is held by G. B. you ask of France to do us justice under the operation of a measure which G. B. has declared the honor of that nation forbade her to do, when enforced against her.
It may be said that the exclusion of British vessels argues a want of confidence in G. B. This we no such want; I confide in her following up the course she has commenced till all difficulties are accommodated, because it is her interest to do so.
If our ports are open at all times to foreign armed vessels, it must unquestionably be to all those dangerous to us. Is it necessary to refer to examples in support of this? The case of Copenhagen is very recent and conclusive. If vessels of war of foreign nations may enter your ports without limitation as to number and time, the first evidence of a hostile intention after they have entered, may be the conflagration of your towns, the destruction of their wealth, and the ruin of the inhabitants.
A gentleman from New York, (Mr. G. G. G.) yesterday claimed credit for himself and his friends for having softened the public opinion. Let them have it. I am unwilling to dispute their claim; let them have the quiet enjoyment of it. But let us restrain those gentlemen and soften the public how so as not to permit them to wear a hostile front, if we are called upon to assume it by a regard to our own honor. Let us wait the result of the appeal to France, or the return of the vessel dispatched. This is the course I proposed to pursue at the last session, and which I wish to pursue now. And in what I say I am only expressing my opinion. I disclaim any title to being the "oracular organ" of the administration. I am a Representative of a portion of the American people, and an unwilling to have my rights invaded by an institution of that kind. It affords me pleasure at all times to agree with those with whom I have not always the honor to act. I hope however that I shall always possess independence of mind sufficient to act for myself, regardless of any consideration, and I wish it to be understood distinctly that the insinuation is incorrect, and that no repetition of it will prevent me from doing what I believe to be my duty. Denouncing a measure as fostering "the cant of modern philosophy" will not make me abandon, what I conceive interest, impartiality and respect for our own character require of us.
I have done, sir. I have made this representation to do away any imputation of hostility towards G. Britain. I deduce my inferences from documents and facts in the possession of the House and the nation, and whether we are expected or required to pursue this course or not, I believe it to be such as will promote the best interests of the country, and will preserve us in peace as long as it is attainable, or unite and justify us in war, if that must be the resort.
From the Enquirer.
It is curious with what apparent unconcern we learn the fate of multitudes of men, and of distant nations. A tooth-ache—a throbbing of the temple—the loss of a puppy, seems really to affect us more than the deaths of thousands of our distant species, and the fall of remote empires.
In some cases, distance of place seems to have the same tranquillising effect upon our spirits as distance of time. We seem to consider those who are separated from us by oceans and circles of earth, with the same unmoving indifference, as if they belonged "to years beyond the flood"—as if they were buried beneath the oblivious grave of antiquity.
This property of our nature has been noticed, by one of the sweetest as well as the wisest of moral philosophers, Adam Smith, in his "Theory of Moral Sentiments." "Let us suppose, says he, that the great empire of China, with all its myriads of inhabitants, was suddenly swallowed up by an earthquake, and let us consider how a man of humanity in Europe, who had no sort of connection with that part of the world, would be affected upon receiving intelligence of this dreadful calamity. He would, I imagine, first of all express very strongly his sorrow for the misfortune of that unhappy people, he would make many melancholy reflections upon the precariousness of human life, and the vanity of all the labors of man, which could thus be annihilated in a moment. He would, too, perhaps, if he was a man of speculation, enter into many reasonings concerning the effects which this disaster might produce upon the commerce of Europe and the trade and business of the world in general. And when all this fine philosophy was over, when all these humane sentiments had been once fairly expressed, he would pursue his business or his pleasure, take his repose or his diversion with the same ease and tranquility as if no such accident had happened. The most frivolous disaster which could happen to himself would occasion a more real disturbance. If he was to lose his little finger to night; but provided he never saw them, he will snore with the most profound security over the ruins of a hundred millions of his brethren, and the destruction of that immense multitude seems plainly an object less interesting to him than this paltry misfortune of his own." The ingenious writer then goes on to show, how, in spite of this torpor of our passive feelings, the power of conscience, and the moral sense within us, prompts the generous upon all occasions, and the mean upon many, to sacrifice their own interests to the greater interests
of others—and why this property of our nature is in many cases a wise dispensation of things—how, by always feeling the sufferings and losses of others, as if they were our own, we should have become "the universal sensitive of pain, the heir of evils not our own."
We hear of the most tremendous and bloody battles which have been fought on the banks of the Danube—the fall of 60,000 Austrians, between the 4th and 8th of July, and no doubt of an immense havoc among the French—but most of us will sit down to this day's dinner with an undisturbed appetite, and sleep as snugly on our couches, as if the din of arms had not disturbed for centuries the waves of the Danube. We shall perhaps cry out "what a bloody battle is this! how much more sanguinary than any which stands recorded on the blood stained pages of history"—but our sympathy will close with our expressions. We shed no tear, we heave no sigh. Our imagination is dissipated among the heaps of carnage, or by the width of the Atlantic ocean. We seem to forget that each of these 60,000 individuals, who are thus prematurely struck out of the rolls of existence, has left some one behind him who is now mourning his fall—some sweetheart, some father or mother, some distracted orphan or widow, who is thus bereft of their dearest treasure! It is not on the banks of the Danube alone, that agony and despair are seen and are felt—for in how many towns and cottages of Austria and of France, has death exhibited these monuments of his horror!
How much happier are we in this blessed country!—But though war be a great evil, it is not the worst of evils! For what are submission and dishonor!
It would be a curious and a useful office, for some political arithmetician to sum up the number of men who have perished within the last twenty years. The wars, which have desolated the continent of Europe, the thunders which have swept the surface of the seas, have been fatal beyond example. The aggregate of the slain, if it could be faithfully collected, would astonish and astound the stoutest heart.—More have been destroyed than would be sufficient to people a flourishing empire—and though the invention of gun-powder has no doubt contributed to reduce the proportionate destruction of war, by throwing armies farther from each other and facilitating the means of retreat—though our present battles, in proportion to the number of combatants, are evidently less murderous, than they were in ancient times, when armies fought principally with the sword, contiguus , hand to hand—yet it may be safely laid down as an unerring proposition, "that during the last 20 years, more human lives have been lost than during any other period of equal duration."
If those events were traced to their proper causes, they would be found principally owing to the coalitions of the continent and the mad policy of England. These have compelled France to take up arms in her own defence—to dissipate and to subdue the elements of all future and similar combinations. This necessity, conspiring with the increasing ambition of Napoleon, has led to those destructive transactions which have blood-stained the history of modern Europe.—These coalitions, perhaps, are for the present at an end. The power of France will rise triumphant on the continent. The British king has principally made Bonaparte as great as he is. The gold, the intrigue and corruptions of his ministers, will scarcely hereafter find the materials of a new confederacy. The fate of the western part of the continent is sealed.—Germany will soon be subdued, but she will be emancipated from wars and restored to the tranquility of despotism—and in a short time Europe will not for several years behold a repetition of the carnage of the last 20 years, unless Russia should be inspired by jealousy or ambition to dispute the empire of the continent—or unless Napoleon should seek the ashes of his forefathers, and like Alexander the Great, bequeath the new contests and carnage to his survivors.
To the Editor of the Richmond Enquirer. Sir—I shall not fatigue you by a long account of the pains, which I suffered after my impressment. The story of every thing would be disgusting. Hard fare, hard watching, hard treatment, and much punishment are treats in the life of an impressed seaman, which are familiar to every one.
The strict discipline which prevails on board of a British ship of war, is almost too great for description. No one has a just idea of it, except those who have seen it.—It is not the least of its aggravations, that you are obliged to pay respect and obedience to men, whom you may believe to be the weakest and most worthless of the
whole crew. On land, you may to a certain extent escape from this degradation. You may flee from the society of the proud and domineering—you may in some sort shun the impurity of the atmosphere which they breathe—even amidst the bustle of a camp, the chain which confines you to your tent, is of a larger dimension than that which almost eternally subjects you to the arrogant gaze of the officers of your ship. Every petty dignitary of a ship moving in his own little sphere, compels the reverential observance of those who are below him. It is not enough, that you implicitly obey every order which is issued for the management of the vessel—it is not enough that you hand every rope and execute every command with alacrity and precision—but you must be equally studious to pay, in the minutest article, the tribute of servile complaisance to the most distant representative of majesty. In such cases servility is as essential to subordination as obedience itself.
Whole weeks elapsed before I could acquire even a knowledge of these essential forms of etiquette. My apprenticeship was of the severest sort. Nothing but hard knocks and corporal punishment could have at last reconciled me to the necessity of studying the sort and quantity of respect which was due to my superiors. I had passed from a merchant vessel of my country, where every thing had been conducted on a system of comparative equality. My captain and mate had not thought it beneath their dignity occasionally to crack their jokes with the crew. I had traversed the same deck with them, without being oppressively conscious of the weight of their presence. I had whistled—I had sung. My young spirits, yet volatile and elastic, had generally displayed themselves in all the energies of a wild and unconscious hilarity. I had not yet felt the force of that beautiful maxim of the Poet; that " The day which makes man a slave, takes half his worth away. "
How very different was the scene, to which I was now transported! I was shifted from a station, where almost every thing wore the air of a Republic, to a scene where all things bore the aspect of an absolute monarchy.—Our captain was the Sublime Porte of this Empire—his officers were so many Pachas and Agas, not less anxious to maintain their own Province of power and respect, than the dignity and force of the whole empire. Every petty midshipman be-thought himself a little God. He was as proud of his miserable epaulette—of his small bunch of gold thread perched upon his left shoulder—as if he wore the Lama of Thibet, or the sacred calf of the Egyptians. I durst never pass one of these fellows on the deck, without dousing off my hat as a token of my reverence. Let me have been ever so much engaged in the affairs of the ship, the bow was just as indispensable as the duty. Although I had a rope in one hand, I was obliged, as I passed the person of his excellency, to lift the other hand to my hat. Such acts of servile complaisance were as customarily performed, as is a negro's doffing his hat, when in the company of white men. If he should unfortunately fail in this act of adoration, woe be to the bearer of the hat! A blow from the back of a cutlass would soon remind him of his impiety.
Among those rites, which were most rigorously exacted from the crew, was a respect for the privacy of the Cabin.—No one dared to approach or enter that sacred temple, without calling down the vengeance of the offended deity, who dwelt within.—One day, before my mind was familiarised to the forms of etiquette, I had occasion to speak to the captain. I had suffered from some wanton abuse of power on the part of an arrogant midshipman, and I was determined at once to bring my complaint before the Sultan of the cabin.—I was about to enter the cabin—when the centinel, who was on duty at the door, arrested me. Without a trial, without a hearing, without a single apology being demanded or received, I was ordered to the boatswain's cat—my jacket and shirt were torn off—and a cool dozen was mercilessly inflicted upon my bare back—on me, a free citizen of the U. States; who had been torn from the decks of my country; who was confined by compulsion, on board of a foreign ship, of whose customs I was ignorant, and whose authority I was not bound to obey.
I am not prepared to deny but that the strictest subordination is essential on board of a ship of war. Where the number of the crew is so much greater than that of the officers—where it is impossible, as it frequently is on the seas, to call in any other force to repress the turbulent spirit of mutineers—where not only the real force of the ship is therefore in the crew, but the chances of impunity are so strong, it is certainly necessary to
be extremely rigid in exacting the performance of their duties. The line between obedience and respect is too, in many cases, not easy to be drawn. It would be difficult to make most seamen perform the strict duties of a military ship, without inspiring awe for their superior officers. But what had these considerations to do with me? Had I voluntarily enlisted in his majesty's service from the small temptations held out by his bounty or his wages, or from the superior hopes of acquiring booty or reputation, I should have known how to have borne the hardships of my situation without repining. Having placed the cross upon my own shoulders, I should not have profusely murmured against the pressure which it imposed. But how different was my lot! My hardships had not an atom of merit, from their having been of my own seeking. I was impressed—not enlisted. I was a slave dragged reluctantly into the service. There was not a single ingredient of will, understanding, or volition, in the whole composition of my destiny. It was impossible, therefore, but my whole soul must rebel against every petty act or ceremony of authority which weighed me down.
Had I been impressed into the service of my country—if such had been the practice—I could have borne it with more tranquility. I might then have indulged the hope, that all this compulsion, all these hardships, were in some form or other calculated for her benefit—but even this poor consolation was denied to me. I had been dragged from a vessel of my country into the service of another—of one too, that had dissipated the blood and treasure of my own, in a seven years' war. I might forgive these injuries. With the tomahawk, I could have buried all my resentment. But she would not permit me. She was continually opening the cicatrized wounds of my country—and they were continually bleeding afresh. Day after day was marked by some new and insolent encroachment. Every sea was disturbed by her presumption and tyranny. There seemed to be an eternal strife between the extent of her power and the abuse of it. She interdicts the fair trade, which we pursue in the colonial produce of her not our enemies. She closes entire coasts against us, by the mere virtue of paper blockades. She condemns our vessels—she impresses our countrymen—she drags them into bondage—of the hardships of which situation I was able to judge, because I myself had felt the "iron penetrate into my soul." Surely there was nothing in all these things to reconcile me to the severity of my destiny.
Not a day passed over my head without some new indignity upon my feelings. My country was aspersed—its government was covered with ridicule or execration—its glorious revolution was insulted by the name of rebellion. I was sneered at as a rebel! a poor yankee! an epicure in molasses and pork! a miserable dealer in codfish and herrings! It was in vain that I attempted to rebut these contumelious expressions—it was in vain that I wished to retort upon them, the indignant contempt, which I felt for the iniquities of their own government. If I but raised a whisper against his most sacred majesty George the 3d, or his wife, or any of his children, or his jack-asses, or any thing that was his; the boatswain's sceptre of authority was raised upon my back. It was treason—rebellion—mutiny, for which I deserved no other punishment than to be hung up at the yard arm. What could I do?—Submit.
The greatest of all my calamities was to be made a reluctant instrument in the hands of these men, for robbing and insulting my own countrymen.—Two of the most horrible aspects, in which the impressments of Americans presents itself, are, when these very men are called upon, to aid in the infliction of British injustice upon their own citizens, and to take a part in the wars of Great Britain against her enemy—wars, in which we have no interest; and an enemy, who is our friend. It is indeed impossible to conceive a worse situation—when this very American victim, may be made to take a part in a war against his own country—when the arm of the father may be lifted against that of the son. But there has been no war, no calamity of this sort. It may however easily occur. Cases of the former description frequently fell under my own observations.
Yes, sir, I myself have been one of a press-gang for the impressment of American citizens. Certainly no description of mine could do justice to these feelings which should agitate the bosom of an American seaman, on such an occasion.
I myself have been compelled to aid in the capture of my country's vessels, for daring to carry on their accustomed and lawful trade in spite of the prohibitions of artificial blockades.
Vessels that have been engaged in a fair and neutral commerce, laden with sugar and coffee of the growth of the enemy of Great Britain, but belonging to American citizens—have been taken under my eyes and with my co-operation. If I dared to whisper a word in their behalf, I was told; "that it was all right; that the U. States had no right to carry on a trade in time of war, which is closed in a time of peace; and that this was but calculated to relieve their enemy from the pressure of the war upon them." Did these men, however, forget that this very branch of trade had been expressly admitted by the British government itself in the year 1801, from Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. King?—Did they forget that if the war opens to us some new branches of trade, it also shuts some old ones: as, for instance, how in a time of war would we send out produce to the French West-Indies, which we may usually send in French vessels during a peace—unless they were conveyed in our own vessels—because in a time of war, French vessels are forced to disappear from our ports—and why would we send thither the quantity of produce usually sent in a time of peace, unless we were at liberty to export to the continent all that part of the sugar, coffee, &c. which is over and above our own consumption? Do they likewise forget that there is no power in the world which so freely employs the privileges of the neutral bottom to relieve themselves from the pressure of the war as they do—that there is scarce any other way for pushing their manufactures into the continent, than under the protection of our own or some other neutral flag—and that during the American war, a single house of Brussels neutralized more than 700 Dutch vessels?
But I will no longer fatigue, you, sir, with my sentiments and sufferings. I will forbear from a description of an engagement, which we had, with a French vessel—or the dangers and hardships which I experienced. I will not plunge you into the scenes of the capture of the fleet of Copenhagen. The complicated atrocities of that transaction, are known to the world. They are enough to damn the present ministry of Great Britain even if there were no other act to stain their annals. The only reflection which I may venture to suggest, is this; why should American seamen be forced to participate in the guilt of such transactions?
But I have done, sir—I was determined to escape, if possible, from such cruelty and hardships. After several painful and unavailing attempts, I was at length lucky enough to escape in the night by swimming from the ship, as she lay off the island of Cuba. An American vessel has since brought me back to my dear country.
Reader! familiarise your imagination to the scenes, which I have attempted to portray! Remember! there are now more than 3000 of your countrymen in this situation!
BEN BUNTING.
It seems scarce necessary to add—what indeed is apparent on the very face of them—that these letters are the works of imagination—intended by their author, merely to draw the mind to this subject.
FROM THE AURORA.
AMERICAN PRISONERS IN FRANCE.
It appears from a paper published at New-York, and of which we published a copy some weeks ago, that there were detained according to the paper published, "as prisoners of war in France," a number of American seamen. The publication is made upon the authority of Mr. Barnard, American consul at Havre. That the fact is so, is beyond doubt; that the persons named are or were there is unquestionable; and upon the presumption that they were imprisoned without legal or just cause, without any offence committed by them, but taken through mere enmity or wickedness, the offence would cry to Heaven.
We cannot but remark, however that although the catalogue of American seamen, impressed on board British ships of war, would make a small volume, and it occupies some hundred folio sheets in the department of state, we never see a word published about it in a certain description of prints; the Gaz. United States is silent as the grave; the New-York Evening Post is as dumb as if totally ignorant of the fact; even the piety of parson Zachary has no compunctions visitings on this part of the subject; and that galaxy of iniquity, the quartetto of Boston newspapers, Palladium and Gazette , Centinel and Repertory , appear as innocent (if silence be innocence) of all knowledge on the subject.
The number of Americans impressed into the British navy have this disadvantage, that their number is so great, and the casualties of death in bondage or in battle so frequent, that there can be no uniform ascertainment of the exact number of those detained

in France (however they came thither) we have not only the names and other particulars, but we find them not on board of war fighting French battles, but the very places at which they are detailed are mentioned. Thus we find that these are the following places:—
 At Arras, — — — 19 white men  Valenciennes, — — — 12 white men  Sarre Libre, — — — 2  Verdun, — — — 2  Givet, — — — 1  St. Quentin, — — — 1  Arras, — — — 17  Total— 56 
Mr. Barnard describes these persons as being detained as French prisoners . The 17 at Arras are described as being taken on board the memorable fleet, which was carried into Guarente, who reported themselves as coming from Berga in Norway, but who it was found had come from London, and sailed with forged papers .
The person, prisoner at St. Quentin, it appears is a rope maker, and his imprisonment is employment at a rope walk established there by an American.
As to the rest, all we are told is, that the American counsel has very humanely provided on them some pecuniary aid. Here they are then, 56 of them, detained in France. We shall the first convenient day, furnish as perfect a list as is possible, from the documents laid before congress on this subject; and as the British ambassador, Mr. Jackson, is expected hourly, those who are desirous of rescuing American citizens from their chains, can present the article to his view, and recommend to him, by way of satisfying America, if his government has the least disposition to justice—to have the citizens of America released, and the more particularly as these held by England are not charged with carrying forged papers , nor violating the laws of England.
The American prisoners confined in France, of whom we now and then hear some deplorable story, are of two descriptions:—
1st. A part of the crews of ten or twelve American vessels, who to escape the embargo, remained in Europe, and lent themselves to some English merchants, to carry on a trade in brandies from Charente.
This connection being suspected, the crews were arrested and examined, and several of them confessed that they were in British employment, and had come directly from an English port under English licences; their first declaration ( that they came from Bergen ) being thus established by their own confession to have been false, they are now suffering the penalty annexed by the law to their offence, viz. fine and imprisonment. These are the men who compare themselves to Algerine captives, and talk of the ransom imposed upon them by the French government. As well might a fellow caught picking pockets, and sentenced by our courts to fine and imprisonment, complain of the law of nations, and talk of the ransom demanded from him by the government of U. States.
The 2d description of American prisoners confined in France, are seamen found on board of British vessels, when captured by the French; several of these are commanders of British ships, who, by hook or by crook, have got American protections in their pockets, and who, to add to their convenience in using them, have taken different names at different times and places—nearly one hundred persons coming under this general class were released by the emperor the last summer, on general Armstrong's mediation, several of whom have been already retaken on board of British ships.
This and many similar facts have lessened the confidence of the French government, in the protections given to seamen by custom houses. Indeed it is well known that protections and every other species of American papers, are forged in London, and may be bought according to the kind, for from half a guinea or less, to five or ten guineas. After all, there are not above thirty of the last description; and of real Americans, either taken or held as Americans, there is not one in the French empire. They do not impress our seamen, nor do they employ them on board their ships of war. They are not compelled to fight battles, in which they had no interest nor concern.
The question of impressment must now be speedily brought to an issue. It is very probable that out of 1200 sail of American ships now in the European seas, not 600 will ever return, and that if the other moiety escape, it will be with the loss of half their crews.
THE Creditors of Stanton Levan de, late of St. Mary's county, deceased, are requested to attend at the office of James Forrest, Esq. in Leonard Town, on Wednesday the 18th day of October next, where dividends will be made of the money in hand.
JOSEPH LEVANDS, admr. Sept. 15.—3t.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 15.
The SECRETARY OF STATE left the city on Wednesday for Baltimore.
The SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY also left the city the same day for the northward.
The following gentlemen were on Wednesday elected Directors of the Bank of Washington.
 Daniel Carroll of Dud.  George Bladen,  John Davidson,  Joel Barlow,  Robert Brent,  William Cranch,  Washington Boyd,  Robert Sewell,  Frederick May,  George Calvert,  Joseph Parnest,  James N. Stevenson. 
The Patriot states that at the semi-annual election in the state of Rhode-Island the Republicans have a majority of two in the House of Representatives.
It also states that a favorable change is indicated by the late election in Vermont.
We are authorized to say that American vessels permitted by the British government to go to Holland under Erskine's arrangement, will not be permitted by that government to bring return cargoes.
Balt. American.
The Copenhagen Gazette states, that the news of the battles of the 5th and 6th of July, between the French Emperor and the archduke Charles, was known at Paris on the 12th of July.
The Turks are reported to have forbidden the English the passage of the Dardanelles, and it is generally believed, that their friendship with England is at an end.
The British frigate Africaine , anchored in Hampton Roads this morning, returned from Annapolis. (No. f. Led. Sept. 8.)
This morning arrived in Hampton Roads the Swedish ship Robert , Stocking; 26 days from Jamaica having on board Monsieur Fabvre, late commissary of marine at St. Domingo, and thirteen other French officers. ibid.
SOMETHING CURIOUS.
WM. COBBETT, while in America never ceased to vent the caustic malignity of his soul upon every American who expressed sentiments of regard for our republican government—of friendship to France—or of distrust of British faith, or the perfection of the British government. Col. Pickering, as appears by the following curious fragments, (extracted from the 9th vol. of Cobbett's works published in London, 1801, interspersed with C's notes,) once entertained some of those crude heterodox notions of American liberty and rights which were so offensive to his afterfriend Peregrine , whose pungent quills, it is said, contributed in no small degree to the correction of the Onondaga's errors and to his establishment in the faith of G. Britain and his own perfection. If the Col. is right the talker to the six nations was notoriously wrong—if the talker was right, Col. P. is the best qualified of all living talkers and writers to give an experimental lecture on the subject of "Apostates."
If we recollect aright the report of a "hearer," Cobbett has omitted to publish, (probably as too disgusting even to his own rude taste) that part of this talk so characteristic of the talker, in which he dilated upon his own integrity. We would give the whole could we have access to the records of the U. S. like the British hiring when col. P's integrity presided over the secretary's department— Patriot .
Faithful extracts from a talk delivered on Saturday the 2d of Oct. 1794, to the Indians at Kanandaga, by Timothy Pickering, then a commissioner to the six nations, since Secretary of State. The talk was sent by Timothy Pickering to Captain Brent, head of the nation of Mohawks.
It will be curious to compare the sentiments of Pickering, commissioner in 1794, with Pickering, Secretary in 1797.
Col. Pickering in the beginning of his talk exculpates himself from the reproach of vanity directed against him by the Indian chief, Cornplanter, for not having consented to the admission of the English agent in the council, in these words:
"It is not the pride of knowledge, for I have but little; it is not the pride of understanding, for mine is moderate; it is not the pride of eloquence, for I am an indifferent Speaker."
Mr. Pickering appears early to have formed a just appreciation of his talents. "You recollect the violent inflammatory speech of Lord Dorchester, which the British interpreted to you last spring, at Buffalo Creek. This talk was like that of Gov. Simcoe; he said that a war would probably take place between the British and Americans, and then the settlements in all the country here would be considered as an encroachment upon the king. Brothers, the speech of Lord Dorchester was so carefully interpreted to you in order to prepare your minds for war, and to take up the hatchet once more against the U. S."
"Beyond a doubt it was the intention of the king and his counsellors to make war upon the U. S. And for what? We have done them no injury—brothers, since we refused to submit to their tyranny, since we threw the king upon his back and established our independence, they have borne us no good will. They would gladly make another attempt to involve us, and they thought a fair opportunity presented."
"I must tell you some things about the affairs on the other side of the great waters. The French whom you know, were governed by a king, his wariors assisted the Americans in their late war with the British."
"In America the French saw how we managed our affairs, that they were not directed by one man at his pleasure, but by wise counsellors we ourselves chose for the purpose. The French being an intelligent people, soon learnt how we conducted our business, and were pleased with it. When they went home, they wished to have their business managed in like manner by wise counsellors of their own choosing, and would no longer submit to the tyranny of the king. They accordingly threw him down and cut off his head; this, brothers, enraged all the neighboring tyrants called kings, and they combined together and raised great armies or regular soldiers to oblige the French again to be governed by a king."
"At that time the tyrants expected easily to subdue the French and prevent their becoming a free people. And as the French were the only allies of the U. S. the British king and his counsellors thought this would be a good time to attack us, and once more subject us to their tyranny. In pursuit of this object Lord Dorchester made his inflammatory speech to the Indians, to prepare them for a general war; and Simcoe built his forts on the Miami, and tried to break up the settlements at Green-Sodas. With the same view the armed vessels of the king stole our property on the great waters, having taken hundreds of our vessels laden with goods to the value of many hundred thousand dollars. And not content with robbing us of our property, they put our seamen on board their armed vessels and compelled them to fight against our friends the French."
"These injuries were now too great to be borne any longer. So according to the custom of the white nation, our great chief sent one of his wise counsellors to demand satisfaction, and it is probable he will succeed in obtaining satisfaction, and prevent a war between the British and the United States; for the mind of the king and his counsellors appear to be changed, they seemed to have dropped the unjust design of making war upon us. They have seen that all the tyrants combined against France cannot subdue them; they have seen, that the French will remain a free people, and that now it will be in vain to attempt to deprive us Americans of our liberty. The French, brothers, instead of being subdued, are now overturning the countries of the tyrants that attacked them; the French are a very great people, and on this occasion they have adopted the custom of the Indians, all their young men are become warriors, and marched against their enemies, and beat them on all sides."
Note by Cobbett.
"The falsehoods that Mr. Pickering uttered to these savages are well known to every man acquainted with the circumstances. Let this talk be compared with the other talks that Mr. Pickering has since put into writing."
Charleston, (S. C.) June 17.
COCHINEAL ASSOCIATION.
"We have the pleasure of informing our fellow citizens who may feel an interest in the success of that invaluable and necessary article to the infant manufactures and commerce of our country, that one of our members, who has cultivated five rows of about fifty feet each, of our native Nopal or Prickly Pear, informs us, that it thrives well, and that the Cochineal insect increases and spreads on every leaf rapidly; and that from the most attentive observation, and contrary to his expectations, he finds that they are not in the least molested by ants or any other insect, that can be discovered. We fondly hope that the time is not far off when this beautiful and costly dye, which to the Indolent Mexicans is another gold mine, will be numbered among the exports of our happy country, and, that the impolicy of South America in banishing from her shores her most industrious and enterprising inhabitants, will be equally propitious to the introducing among us this article of industry, as the edicts of the European despots was in introducing the manufactures of wool and silk into England."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Ogdensburg, to his friend in New-York, dated August 15, 1809.
"Since I saw you I have travelled from Albany by land through the Genesee country to Niagara, and from thence I have proceeded thus far by water, on my way to Montreal, from which place I shall return home by Lake Champlain."
The rapidity with which the Genesee country is settled is almost incredible. The cultivated farms and populous villages are now found where, but a few years ago, was nothing but a wilderness—the lands are excellent, producing grain in abundance, as well as beef, pork, &c. The inhabitants however have hitherto labored under disadvantages in consequence of the great distance they were compelled to carry their produce to market, being from two to three hundred miles from Albany, to which place the whole surplus produce of this country was carted. You will readily perceive that to cart a bushel of wheat or a barrel of flour such a distance must cost almost as much as it was worth. But the farmers in that country have now discovered that their produce can be brought to this place and carried from hence to Montreal at an expence of less than one fourth of transportation to Albany. An experiment has lately been made which has proved beyond all doubt that the navigation for large vessels from Ogdensburg into Lake Ontario is not only practicable but perfectly easy. Notwithstanding all the exertions that have been made by the British to establish Kingston at the foot of the ship Navigation and the point at which the produce of the upper country was to be put on board of small boats to descend the rapids to Montreal, it is now universally admitted that this must be the place of deposit, in consequence of the result of this summer's experiment at Ogdensburg."
New-York, Sept.
Liverpool M.B.—The Norfolk Ledger contains the extract of a letter received from Boston, stating a very unpleasant occurrence which took place at Liverpool on the 4th July last. From this extract and from one or two letters received in this place, also from Boston, it appears that the Americans in the harbor of Liverpool undertook, to celebrate the last 4th of July there as a day of American triumph, and for this purpose displayed the American flag at the masthead &c. &c. that the lower order of the people immediately took fire, conceiving it to be intended as a national insult, and assembling in a mob proceeded on board the vessels, took down the flags, tore and burnt them & committed some outrages on the hulls and rigging. This is the sum of the information received; what steps were taken by the government to suppress the riot and punish the ringleaders is not known.
Philadelphia, Sept. 12.
Extract of a letter from a mercantile house of the first respectability in Scotland, to their correspondent in this city, dated 4th July.
"We have now only time to transmit you a translated copy of a decree, whereby the importation of American produce is provisionally allowed for three months, under the regulations therein mentioned. And as our government is evidently inclined to relax, we make no doubt, with the approbation of the French government, but ours will prolong the indulgence, and modify the regulation as far as is necessary for a free exercise of your nearest commercial rights. Tobacco and ashes are amongst the articles already permitted, by a decree of the 4th of April last."
Decree of the 30th June, 1809.
American vessels arriving within the time of three months from the date here (those already arrived included) will not be subjected to the measure of the blockade, provided they have neither been in England nor visited by the enemy; to this effect the captain shall be obliged to make a declaration which if found false, the ship and cargo shall be confiscated.
So far as the cargo shall consist of goods, the importation of which, according to existing measures, is permitted, the same shall be left to the disposal of the owners or consignees; the remainder will be put under sequestration & deposited in the king's warehouses.
Decree of the 30th June, 1809.
ART. I.
The list of articles permitted to be imported by our decree of the 31st of March last, is provisionally augmented by the following, viz.
 1. RICE,  2. STAVES,  3. Peruvian BARK, and other Medicinal drugs,  4. Georgia, Louisiana, and Carolina COTTON,  5. Java COFFEE,  6. SUGAR of that country. 
ART. II.
Besides the certificates of origin, required by our above-mentioned decree our director of the customs will name a committee of proper persons, consisting of sworn brokers, for the special purpose of ascertaining whether the goods, specified in the former article are really and originally from our colonies or America, and can be acknowledged as such; for the better execution of which, the goods will be deposited in the king's warehouses.
ART. III.
One month after the date of the decree, our director of the customs shall make us a report whether it be advisable to prolong the here above-mentioned measures.
Boston, July 9.
FROM SWEDEN.
An arrival in Salem has brought accounts to the 23d July; at which time peace between Russia and the Swedish usurper government was expected; and it was said the Crown Prince of Denmark had expressed his disapprobation of the condemnation of American vessels in his kingdom of Norway, and that he would correct the procedure.
Great numbers of American vessels had been carried into the Danish dominions, and though their papers were fair, they were to undergo trials. We have no doubt these measures hostile to neutral commerce have been dictated by the French Emperor.
TWENTY-THIRD BULLETIN.
Vienna, June 28.—On the 25th inst. the emperor Napoleon reviewed a large body of troops on the heights of Schoenbrunn. A beautiful line of 8,000 cavalry was displayed, and another of artillery, with 200 pieces of cannon. Saturday the 24th, our troops entered Rank at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. On the 25th, the garrison, consisting of 2,500 men, marched out prisoners of war. The command of the town was given to gen. Narbonne.
The duke of Auerstadt is before Presburg. The enemy was fortifying himself. The duke sent in a flag to the enemy demanding the surrender of the town, which was refused. The town was then closely invested, and 4,000 bombs thrown in, which set it on fire in different places.
On the 22d, the duke of Ragusa, with the army of Dalmatia, crossed the Drave, and is marching against Gratz. On the 24th, the gen. Vandamme ordered 300 men of the Wurttemberg troops, under the command of col. Kehler, to cross the river at Molck, in order to reconnoitre the dispositions of the enemy. As soon as they had got over, they met with several companies of the enemy, which they put to route, and of which they made 30 prisoners (amongst them 2 officers) belonging to the regiment Mirowsky.
The prince of Ponte Corvo, with the Saxon army, is at St. Pölten. The duke of Dantzic, who remained near Linz, ordered gen. Wrede to reconnoitre the enemy's camp. All the enemy's posts were destroyed; several officers and 20 privates were taken. The design of this reconnoitring was to acquire some information concerning the dispositions of the enemy.
The city of Vienna and the army are provided with provisions of all kinds in abundance. We have found in the convents which are in the neighborhood of Vienna a large quantity of wine, (several millions of bottles) which was distributed among the soldiers.
Stralsund, July 8.—In letters from Vienna 2d of July, it is stated, that on the 1st in the night, the duke of Rivoli crossed the Danube with 8,000 men, and destroyed different works, which the enemy had erected to oppose our passage. In the night 10,000 men followed. In another letter, from a general of the guard, to his family, dated
3d of July, (from the island Lobau, near Vienna) it says, "50,000 men are to-day crossing the Danube, 60,000 more are to follow them immediately after. When you receive this letter, a grand division of men, who have been taught."
From the Danube, July 5.
The division of Gen. Mouton, which forms the right wing of the army, has crossed the Danube, and must at this moment have advanced as far as Vienna.
On the night of the 1st of July, the French passed from the island Lobau to the left side of the Danube, with a large body of artillery and a great body of cavalry and some infantry. The whole Austrian army expecting an attack, got into line under arms; but nothing was then done, nor in the course of the following day. The French appeared not to be willing to attack, and went to work on the construction of a Tete de Pont on the left side of the Danube, and to establish a fourth bridge. The Austrians believed, that, if the French wished to commence a battle, they would be obliged to storm the batteries, from which their army was drawn in battle array. The 3d, the archduke Charles ordered the whole of his army to retire to the interior part of the fortification and take their former position, as he believed that the expected attack of the French was postponed.
From Vienna, July 5.
Since the 1st of this month, a great many of the divisions of the French and Italian army have crossed the Danube upon the three new bridges. The French and Italian army jointly, (the latter commanded by the vice king of Italy) is stated to amount to 170,000 men. They have already taken a strong position on the left side of the Danube. The emperor himself crossed over the Danube last night with the remainder of his army. To-day we distinctly heard the sound of a tremendous cannonade coming from the side of Aspern and Essling. And this moment arrives here a courier, who states, that the French troops have already taken by storm possession of the first redoubts in the fortified camp of the archduke Charles. The coming day very likely will be a dreadful day, and decide the fate of the Austrian monarchy.
From Augsburg, July 9.
The Bavarian General Vincent arrived here this morning. He brings the following details; on the 6th inst. in the morning at an early hour, the emperor Napoleon maneuvered so, as to attract the attention of the Archduke Charles on the side of Aspern and Essling, and in the meantime, ordered two other bridges to be thrown over one of the arms of the Danube, six miles below Ebersdorf. It was soon perceived, and on them 30,000 men crossed the Danube; at twelve o'clock they came up and attacked the enemy in the flank. The emperor of France forced the centre of the Austrian army, soon after obliged the left wing to give way, and completely routed them. At 7 o'clock at night they were flying in every direction.
July 10.—The general Hugel, who left the emperor's head quarters on the 6th inst. in the morning, states, "that the French crossed the Danube on the 5th, attacked the Austrian army in their redoubts, and took five batteries and 300 prisoners from them." The general Mouton who passed through this city as courier, coming from the emperor's head quarters which he left on the 6th in the night, states that the Austrians have been entirely defeated, and their right wing cut off from the main army.
Paris, July 10.—On the 4th instant the instant the Americans residing in this city celebrated the anniversary of their memorable day, which gave birth to their independence. The greatest taste was displayed in the decorations of the room in which they assembled. The walls were covered with emblematic figures of exquisite workmanship. At one end of the room America & France were seen sitting together in the temple of peace, united by laurel wreaths, each holding a horn of plenty, with England in a humble attitude at their feet. Another emblem represented the President of the U. S. and the Senate of the same, before whom stood an old warrior, bearing a standard on which was inscribed—"4th of July, 1776—Freedom of the seas for neutrals, or war with England."
General Armstrong, Ambassador from the U. States, the gentlemen composing his legation and many French gentlemen of the highest distinction partook of the entertainment.
The following are the toasts drank on the occasion.
 1st. The Independence of the U. S.  2d. The President of the same—James Madison, Esq.  3d. His I. and M. Majesty Napoleon, the 1st, Emperor of the French and King of Italy.  4th. The brave Americans who fought to rid their country of the tyrannical yoke of England.  5th. Gen. Armstrong. 
SAMUEL BROOK.
HAS imported thirty-five Bales of coarse and fine Piatus and Kersays which are for Sale at Thomas C. Wright's in Geo. Town. Sept. 15.—9d.
NOTICE.
ON Thursday the 21st inst. will be disposed of at Public Sale a variety of fashionable, elegant & valuable House & Kitchen furniture; also a Library of well chosen books, consisting of Law, History and Belles Lettres's judiciously selected, belonging to the estate of late Allen B. Duckett, Esq.
The Sale will commence at ten o'clock in the forenoon and continue until the whole shall be sold at the house of Mr. Peter, near the lower bridge on Rock Creek, where Mr. Duckett resided. The terms are—of all sums under twenty dollars the cash must be paid; above that sum, six months credit will be given, the purchasers executing notes with approved security bearing interest negotiable at the bank of Columbia, or office of Discount and Deposit in this City.
N. L. & H. M. QUEEN, Aust.
Washington, Sept. 15.—3t.
STRAY HORSES.
Came to the Subscribers' Plantation, in Montgomery County, near the Great Falls of Potomac 2 Strays, one a SORREL GELDING , about nine or ten years old, about fifteen and a half hands high, four white feet, and a blaze on his forehead, trots and canters; the other a BROWN MARE , about fourteen hands high, three or four years old, four white feet, and a blaze on her forehead, rots and canters.
HENRY TOOMBS.
Sept. 15.—3t.

A FARM TO LET. To let on shares, a Farm containing 61 acres, distant between 2 1-2 and 3 miles from the Centre Market House in this city. The situation very healthy. A person having a knowledge of Gardening and Fruit trees would be preferred. Apply to JAMES HOBAN. August 23—
TO BE RENTED OR LEASED. THE Plantation, now live on, containing about 700 acres, with the Negroes, Stock, Plantation Utensils, &c. &c. The situation is healthy and convenient to market, being about 4 miles from the city of Washington, and 3 from Alexandria. Any person disposed to rent may view the premises and know the terms by applying to the Subscriber. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, September 1—6t
VALUABLE FARM FOR SALE. I will sell the tract of land on which I reside, called HUSSARD ISLAND, lying on Patuxent river, in Calvert county, and nearly opposite to Benedict, containing by estimation, seven hundred three and a half acres of as fertile land as can be found in the state of Maryland, one third of which is in wood and very heavily timbered, and as well watered for the convenience of stock as any tract of its size in the state. The arable part of this plantation is level and much of it covered with oyster shells, and is divided into three fields, each of which will produce two hundred barrels of corn with a reserve of pumice tobacco, and sufficient to grow fifty hogsheads of tobacco annually, and with very little labor more meadow may be reclaimed than will be found sufficient. No land can be better adapted to the growth of corn, tobacco, and wheat, and few plantations hold out stronger inducements to stimulate an industrious man. It binds for a considerable distance on the river & lies nearly in a square. Fish, oysters, and wild fowl are to be had at all times. Stock of every description, particularly sheep, thrive and improve wonderfully when removed to this land, a convincing proof of the nutritious quality of the grass, which it produces in great abundance. The improvements are sufficient to accommodate a small family. A more particular description is not necessary, a purchaser will naturally view the premises. My price for the above tract of land is sixteen thousand dollars—one sixth part of the purchase money to be paid on the day of possession, and the balance in five equal annual payments, with interest from the day of sale. I will sell at public sale on the 20th December next, in the town of Upper Marlborough, all the personal estate on the above premises, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, horses, mules, cattle, sheep & hogs, plantation utensils, household and kitchen furniture on a credit of twelve months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security; for all sums under $20 cash will be required. N.B. If the above tract of land is not disposed of, it will be for rent the ensuing year. RICHARD W. HARWOOD. Sept. 1—t 20 Dec.
PRINCIPAL OF AN ACADEMY AND PASTOR WANTED. THE Rev. W. L. TURNER, Principal of the Raleigh Academy, and Pastor of the city, having signified his intention of resigning his situation at the close of the present session, the Trustees of the Academy and the inhabitants of the city are desirous of procuring a suitable character to supply his place. To a Clergyman of finished education and unexceptionable moral character, a liberal salary will be given, or the whole profits of the Academy (after paying the Assistant Teachers) with a handsome subscription from the inhabitants of the city and neighborhood, for his services as a Preacher. This Academy has at present one hundred and fifty students, about sixty of which are females, principally in the care of a female teacher, under the superintendence of the principal of the academy (taught in separate buildings erected for the purpose on a four-acre square of the city, granted to the trustees by the Legislature) and the number of students heretofore has annually increased. Raleigh being the seat of government of North Carolina, a very healthy and pleasant situation, in the hilly country, containing a moral and respectable society, where every necessary of life can be had in plenty on reasonable terms, and where most of the principal inhabitants are guardians of the academy, it is presumed that this seminary will always have a preference to any other academy in the southern states. A Lady, of talents and acquirements equal to the undertaking, is also wanted to take charge of the Female Department of the Academy; and a Young Gentleman, suitably qualified, as an Assistant Teacher of the Latin and Greek Languages, &c. Applications for any of these situations, made to the Trustees of the Raleigh Academy, by letter, post paid, will be duly attended to, and immediately answered, and such further information given as may be required. N. JONES, President. Sept. 6—3w.
NOTICE TO COTTON SPINNERS. THE Manufacturing Company of the city of Washington, have erected a machine for carding Cotton on Pennsylvania Avenue, fourth house west of President's Square, where Spinners can be supplied with good Cotton, soaped, cleaned and carded into rolls 24 inches long, for 40 cents per pound. I want a good Weaver (of Cotton goods,) to whom constant employment will be given, or a Family accustomed to Carding, Spinning by Billes, and Jennies, and Weaving. Also, three Slaves, viz. one to work a carding machine, one to do house work, and a girl to attend children—should prefer those from the country. J. GARDNER, Superintendent. Pennsylvania Avenue, August 22, 1809.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. STRAYED or Stolen, about a month since, from the Commons in the Western part of this city, A BAY HORSE, six years old, about 14 hands 1 inch high, a natural trotter, short made, shock before, white hind feet, and a few saddle marks. Whoever will return said Horse to the Subscriber near F street, shall be entitled to the above Reward, with reasonable charges. O. B. BROWN. August 21—3t
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. ABSCONDED on the 21st of July last, from the subscriber, (manager at the farm of Mr. Isaac Duckett, on South river, near Annapolis) Negro TOM, a small black fellow, lost the sight of one eye. Had on when he absconded, osnaburg shirt and trowsers. Any person taking up said Negro and bringing him to the subscriber, or securing him in jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. This Negro was purchased of Capt. J. S. Brooks about five years since; it is probable he may be in the neighborhood of Upper Marlborough. HENRY BASFORD. August 7—tf
JUST RECEIVED, and FOR SALE AT D. RAPINE'S BOOK STORE, CAPITOL HILL. A treatise on Marital Law, and Courts Martial , as practiced in the United States of America —published by order of the United States Military Philosophical Society ; by Alexander Mitchell, Esq. Proofs of the corruption of Gen. James Wilkinson , and of his connexion with Jeron Burr , with a full refutation of his slanderous allegations in relation to the character of the principal witnesses against him—By Daniel Clark, of the city of New Orleans . D. R. has also received many other new publications, which he will sell on his usual terms. Sept. 11—6t.
CHARLOTTE HALL SCHOOL. THE Parents and Guardians of the pupils are respectfully informed, that the classes open this day. GEORGE RALPH, Principal. September 1, 1809.
THE PRINCIPAL OF CHARLOTTE HALL SCHOOL. HAVING resigned his appointment in the said school, after the first of January next, a meeting of the trustees will be held on Monday the 18th inst. to adopt the necessary arrangements for the election of his successor. Signed, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg. Sept. 11—3t.
TO EXCHANGE. FOR Land in this neighborhood or property in Washington, my House on Prince Street, substantially built of brick, 22 feet front, & three stories high. Its nearness to the wharf, and most commercial part of the river, affords many advantages for a store or warehouse. Apply on the premises, to DR. CHARLES DOUGLAS, Alex'r. Sept. 13—7t.
CITY PROPERTY FOR SALE. THE subscriber offers for sale that valuable Lot No. 19, in square No. 846, running back 92 feet, together with the improvements thereon, consisting of two one and a half story frame houses and kitchens. This property will be sold far below its value for cash if applied for previous to the first day of October next; if not, it then will be sold at public auction. This property now rents for $130 per annum, from its being situated near the navy yard. It is supposed its value will increase. JOSEPH CASSIN, near the Navy Yard Gate, Washington City. Sept. 13—ts.
FOR SALE WITHOUT RESERVE. ON Monday the 13th inst. at Rhodes' Hotel, Pennsylvania Avenue, the two Brick Stores adjoining the Seven Buildings—two Lots in square 119—two do. being the entire east front of square 222, and two do. in square 378, contiguous to Messrs. Ways' buildings. The whole is in fine simple, clear of every encumbrance, and the terms liberal, which will be made known at the time of sale, to commence at 3 o'clock P.M. by SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc. Sept. 13—ts.
IN COUNCIL. Annapolis, June 26, 1809. ORDERED, that the act, entitled, An act to alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the constitution and Form of Government, be published twice in each week, for the space of three months, in the American and Federal Gazette , at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette , and Maryland Republican , at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer , the Easton Star , Mr. Gricey's paper at Hagerstown, and Mr. Bargis's paper at Fredericktown. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council
AN ACT To alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the Constitution and Form of Government. BE it enacted, by the General Assembly of Maryland, That hereafter, upon the death, resignation or removal out of this state, of the governor, it shall not be necessary to call a meeting of the legislature to fill the vacancy occasioned thereby, but the first named of the Council for the time being shall qualify and act as governor until the next meeting of the general assembly, at which meeting a governor shall be chosen in the manner heretofore appointed and directed. And be it enacted, That hereafter no governor shall be capable of holding any other office of profit during the time for which he shall be elected. And be it enacted, That so much of the thirty-second and thirty-seventh articles of the constitution and form of government as is repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby abrogated and abolished. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alteration and amendment of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. July 3—taw3m.
EDUCATION. THE Rev. WALTER D. ADDISON of Georgetown, District of Columbia will board and instruct in the Latin and Greek Languages, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, a few more Young Gentlemen, at sixty-five pounds per annum, payable quarterly in advance. Letters addressed to him at this place will be attended to. Georgetown, August 21—2awtf.
LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE. BY Virtue of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the States of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dun, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio. DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last Will & Testament of Robert Means, dec'd. Richmond, July 19—tf
A VALUABLE FARM FOR SALE. WILL be sold impendant of the last Will and Testament of Samuel Turner, Esq., deceased, at Public Sale on the premises on the 15th day of November next (if not previously disposed of, and in case of sale notice will be given) that very valuable Farm in Montgomery county late the residence of the said deceased, containing about Seven Hundred Acres of Land, Three Hundred Acres at least in wood and fine timber; the residue under good enclosures and every acre arable; lays level and remarkably well for cultivation and may be made very rich in a few years by the use of plaster and clover; in fact, it is as desirable a farm as any in the county of its size and may be very conveniently divided to accommodate purchasers; it lies about 18 miles from Georgetown and the city of Washington, five from Montgomery court house and within three miles of the Potomac River. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed that those inclined to purchase will view the property. The terms of sale, which will be accommodating, may be known by applying to the subscribers living in Georgetown, district of Columbia, or will be made known on the day of sale. THO. TURNER, SAML. TURNER, Executors.
PATENT KNAPSACKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSACK, which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt them. They may be had in any quantity, and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by JOHN P. LILBERTTE, 81, Maiden Lane, New-York. To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. H. Latrobe, at the city of Washington. May 19—ep4m.
By Montgomery county, Orphans Court, August 16, 1809. ORDERED by the court that the executors of Samuel Turner late of Montgomery county, deceased, give the notice required by law for the creditors of the said deceased to exhibit their claims and that the notice be given in the National Intelligencer , city of Washington. Test SOLOMON HOLLAND, Reg.
THIS is to give notice that the Subscribers of Georgetown and District of Columbia, have obtained from the Orphans Court of Montgomery county Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the Personal Estate of Samuel Turner, late of Montgomery county deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscribers, at or before the 21st day of February next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under our hands this 21st day of August 1809. THOS. TURNER, } Executors. SAML. TURNER, } August 21—4w
MONEY LOST. ABOUT the 20th of July last, a Letter containing two bank notes of one hundred dollars each, was put into the Post-office at Winchester, directed to Joseph Janney, Alexandria, which letter has not been received, and is supposed to have been (by mistake) put under a wrong cover, or may have been misdirected, and gone to a post-office different from that to which it was intended to be sent. It is therefore requested of the different postmasters throughout the U. S. if any letter directed to Joseph Janney, should come under their notice, that they send the same either to him, or to the subscriber. If the letter has in any way fallen into private hands, I will give fifty dollars reward for the money and no questions asked. DANIEL LEE. Winchester, Sept. 4—tf.
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best Sallad Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, &c. &c. George Town, May 24—tf.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE. THAT the subscribers hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of NATHANIEL NEWTON, late of the said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said estate, are here warned to present the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers on or before the 10th day of March next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under our hands this 4th day of September, 1809. WM. MARBURY, } Administrators. JOSEPH N. BURCH, } All persons indebted to the said estate, are requested to make payment without delay. Sept. 6—w6w.
10,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery authorized by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA. SCHEME. 2 prizes of $10,000 each 20,000 2 5,000 10,000 2 2,500 5,000 3 1,000 3,000 6 500 3,000 15 200 3,000 30 100 3,000 60 50 3,000 150 20 3,000 300 10 3,000 13,800 5 69,000 35,630 not 2 1-2 blanks to a prize. 50,000 tickets at 2 1-2 dollars, 125,000
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Wilson, Esq., the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery. Part of the above prizes determinable as follows:
The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each. do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500 do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2500 do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000 do. The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do. Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest. Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city, December 12—wtf
THE SUBSCRIBER, HAVING invented an improved STUCCO, or Ferruginous Calcareous Cement, intended as a covering for upright walls, offers the same to public notice. It resembles stone, and in a very few days after it has been applied to a wall, it possesses a firmness as durable as stone itself. Rain, wind or frost will not injure it, but rather accelerate the hardness of its texture. The inventor will at present rely on its real merit to bring it into use; and that it may appear he is not palming an indifferent or useless article on the public, he deems it highly essential to the character of his stucco, to publish the following paragraphs contained in a letter he had the satisfaction to receive from B. H. Latrobe, Esq. Surveyor of the Public Buildings of the U. S. who has taken the trouble to examine its properties and give his opinion upon it. B. H. LATROBE, Esq. to HENRY HIORT, dated, "Washington, Aug. 25, 1809" "Dear Sir, "I have examined carefully the three specimens of calcareous cement, which you have sent me, and considered the ingredients of which they are composed. There is no doubt in my mind, that for the purpose of building and incrusting walls, calcareous cements are the only ones on which dependance can be placed in our climate, and your composition, if carefully prepared, and of good materials, has certainly all the principles from which durability must result." In another part of his letter, Mr. Latrobe observes— "Your other ingredients add undoubtedly to the durability of the Stucco, and among them, I do not know of one which is not advantageously employed." "Your's truly, (Signed) "B. H. LATROBE." If any person of respectability is disposed to join with the inventor in the undertaking, and by an advance of funds promote its utility, such person will be received as a participant in the profits; and, should a patent be taken out, become a sharer in the right according to agreement. In the mean time a proper agent will be selected to superintend the fidelity of its application, if used within the district of Columbia, or at a moderate distance therefrom; and that the more remote parts of the country may partake of the advantages of this Stucco, the principal ingredients will be prepared with written directions as a guide for its use. Its qualities are, that it prevents the decay of old walls, gives them a new and handsome appearance, and will insure durability from new buildings, as well as secure them from leaking through walls, if any defects in the original workmanship or materials. Letters post paid, addressed to the subscriber in the City of Washington, will receive immediate attention. HENRY HIORT. Washington, Sept. 6—7t
Printers in commercial towns are requested to give the above a few insertions in their papers.
EIGHTY DOLLARS REWARD. REWARD from the subscriber on the 5th inst. a mulatto lad—JIM—who is about seventeen years of age, he has straight black hair, lacy cut, and black eyes. He had on when he absconded from me, a short blue kersey jacket, and blue pantaloons patched with white, a large pair of laced shoes, an old hat, osnaburg shirt, with an old handkerchief round his neck—he has a father living in the city of Washington, near the navy yard, by the name of George, or George Beall, who served his time with Mr. John Addison, Jun., and a mother by the name of Sophy who I sold to her husband a few years past, and expect he will make to them or probably to Baltimore as he has some friends and relations there also. I will give forty dollars for securing said lad in jail so that I get him again, or the above reward if taken out of the district of Columbia or state of Maryland. RACHEL PRATT, Prince George's County, June 18th, 1809. June 19—3wtf.
PROSPECTUS OF A NEW REPUBLICAN NEWSPAPER, To be established in Fredericktown, Maryland entitled, "THE FREEMAN OF FREDERICK." FINIS CORONAT OPUS.
The support of the united republican interest of Frederick county and the state at large is solicited in favor of a decided, independent and inflexible Democratic press, conducted upon the broad and liberal basis of republicanism. In this county most particularly, the utility of, and even necessity for, a newspaper which, combining energy with perseverance and intelligence, with application, shall constitute a faithful auxiliary to the Republican phalanx, must appear manifest to every friend of sound principles.
To enable an Editor, therefore, satisfactorily to consummate the views of such an engagement, it is highly important, nay indispensable, that such patronage be yielded, as shall secure him from pecuniary embarrassment, and afford him at the same time, a certain recompense for the toils he must sustain, and the sacrifices of time and comforts, which it will become his duty to make, to his friends, and to the principles he binds himself to cherish and promote. That support, he confidently believes, will be awarded him. He predicates this confidence upon the patriotism and liberality of the republicans of this county, manifested in more than one instance, on similar occasions. But, as he who proposes to be your Editor, is yet a stranger in the county; and as some anxiety will naturally be excited, and enquiry made, as well in regard to his political as to his moral character—and as an unreserved announcement of the leading features of the proposed establishment, independent of the sanction of custom which it bears, may materially subserve the plan in view, he here submits them, undisguised and palpable.
The Editor is a native American, proud and tenacious of his birth-right—who, since reason adjusted the balance of his mind, has ever been devoutly attached to the honest cause of republicanism—to the policy which dictated the measures of the past & present administration of the general government—to a pure system of democracy; and to the sacred and immutable principles which actuated the patriots and sages of our revolution, and stimulated by which they achieved that independence which too many of their unworthy descendants enjoy but to abuse!
Professing sentiments and feelings such as these, it were idle waste of words to declare what shall be the bias of "The Freeman." was not the earnest desire of the Editor to leave no room for doubt on even the most immaterial point. It will, however, be sufficient in this place to state, that, to detect and to correct error—to defeat the machinations of ambitious and restless spirits—to inculcate the great and sublime tenets of republicanism—and to diffuse throughout the sphere in which it is destined to move, a thorough and correct knowledge of men and measures—is the primary and chief design of this establishment. But let it be distinctly understood, that, so long as the Editor shall have power to resist, so long will he repel all undue influence, as an encroachment on the prerogatives of his station—and never, whilst under his charge, shall "The Freeman" be subject to any authority or control in its plan as a public journal, save the authority of the laws, and the individual control of the Editor—aided and assisted by truth, justice, liberality, and decorum—with such aids, in a just cause, much may be expected, and more may be done.
Having rehearsed the chief points of his creed, and having likewise explained in a summary way, the thing contemplated, the Editor deems it useless to enlarge upon the feasibility or merits of the undertaking, or to multiply professions—willing to rest the purity and success of his views upon the judgment and liberality of the independent voters of the county—and remains amply satisfied, that they will come forward freely in support of an institution which promises to be of much immediate consequence in promoting that cause which every friend to the freedom of his country is in duty bound to support. SAMUEL MAGILL.
TERMS OF PUBLICATION. "The Freeman of Frederic," will be issued every Thursday evening to subscribers in town; those at a distance will receive it through the customary channels. Subscription per year, two DOLLARS—one half in advance, the other in six months. During the month of September, in each year, the paper will be published twice a week free of extra expense. The paper will commence early in the month of September. Sept. 4—
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscriber of Worcester county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Worcester county in Maryland, Letters of Administration on the personal estate of John Cutler late of Worcester county, deceased—All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 1st day of April next, or they may by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 22d day of August, Anno Domini, 1809. ROWLAND E. BEVANS, Admr. of John Cutler, deceased. September 6—2aw3w
A RUNAWAY. COMMITTED to my custody as a Runaway, a Negro Lad named DICK, about 15 or 16 years of age, 5 feet 4 or 5 inches high, who says that he is the property of a Mr. Burton of Alexandria (District of Col.) He is marked with scars on his back, breast and chin, as from a recent whipping, is clothed in an osnaburg shirt and trowsers, white cloth jacket & an old wool hat. His owner is desirous to take him away, or he will be sold for his prison fees, &c. according to law. J. MCENEY, Sheriff of Anne Arundel County. Annapolis, Sept. 13—6t.