The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-07-14 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. DCCCXCVII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JULY 14, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MARCH 29.
Mr. Dand's Speech, concluded.
Permit me, sir, to call your attention to the causes of these outrages, with the view of providing some effectual remedy. One general cause is to be found in the habitual rapacity of those who cruise under the belligerent flags. But we must expect the rapacity to exist, whenever we may say about justice or generosity. The men who roam the seas in quest of prey, will not be deterred from rapine and violence by general declarations about the principles of virtue or the rights of neutrality, while they can seize their object with ease and impunity. Adopt means of prevention, which cut off their hopes of success! These will be found more effectual than any vague professions of patriotism.
There is another cause—The defective nature of the existing law of the U. S. This we may reform, unless restrained by some of the duties of neutrality. In June, 1794, was passed "An act in addition to the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States." You will find it in the third volume of the Laws. Originally the act was temporary; but, after being once continued in force for a further term, it was ultimately made permanent, by an act passed in the year 1800. By the sixth section it is provided, That the district courts shall take cognizance of complaints, by whomsoever instituted, in cases of captures made within the waters of the U. S. or within a marine league of the coasts or shores thereof. The comprehensive form of expression assigns to the district courts the cognizance of libels for damages, in cases of capture, as well as of libels for restitution. Before this act was passed, a question had existed, whether the district courts, as courts of admiralty, were authorised to take cognizance of such complaints, even where the captured property was within a port of the U. S. and nothing more than restitution was the object of the complaint! The fact may be ascertained by recurring to the state papers of the time. I presume, sir, it is well recollected by yourself. The act of June, 1794, terminated the question about the judicial cognizance of such cases, but by its very terms did not permit the district courts to extend the claim of jurisdiction from the shore to a greater distance than a marine league.
In the case decided in S. Carolina, and noticed in the memorial from Charleston, it would seem, that considerable dissatisfaction had been felt in consequence of the opinion, judicially given by the district judge; and, if my recollection is not fallacious, some censure-worthy remarks were published in a paper or papers of the day. That serious discontent should exist when the very entrance of such a harbor as that of Charleston was officially pronounced to be without the verge of territorial protection, ought not to excite surprise in any reflecting mind. There was serious cause for inquietude. But, if I understand that case, I can have no hesitation in declaring my opinion, that in his construction of the law, which marked the extent of his authority, the decision of the district judge was correct. And, instead of censure, we ought to appreciate and hold in honor that spirit of judicial independence which pronounces sentence according to the existing law, however unacceptable may be the result even to persons worthy of high estimation. If no relief is provided for cases of this nature, the fault is not in the district judge, but in the existing law. The evil is one for which we have the power to authorise a remedy. It belongs not to any judge or court of the United States under the law as now existing; and, while no other provision is made by congress with respect to the extent of the territorial protection of the U. S., it is not to be expected, that the President will assume the responsibility of attempting to enforce any extension of the principle in any case whatever beyond a marine league from the shore.
Does our duty, as a neutral power, require us to submit to this limitation in all cases? According to my apprehension of the subject, the act of June, 1794, ought to be considered as defining the limits within which this country would assume the national duty of protecting the interests of all in friendship with us. It assumes a public obligation in favor of foreigners as well as citizens; but the extent of that obligation is not the whole extent of privilege which we may claim for our own national interest and security, for the safeguard of our commerce and the supply of our treasury.
Among the documents laid before congress, I find a letter, of the 5th of January 1802, to Mr. Monroe from the Secretary of state; in this, there is a reference to the British extension of territorial jurisdiction to four leagues from the shore. The Secretary observes, "This extension of the British
law to four leagues from the shore is inferred from an act of parliament passed in the year 1736." The fact of this British extension of jurisdiction, I believe to be unquestionable. According to the view which I have entertained of the subject, a jurisdiction to this extent is legally established for purposes of revenue, and not on account of any supposed claim to the honors of the flag within the "narrow seas." One thing at least is certain. A like extension of jurisdiction is established on the part of a country whose government makes no high claim to honors of the flag within any seas contiguous to the territory. Allow me, sir, to turn your attention to the act to regulate the collection of duties on imports & tonnage. By the 99th section, the officers of the revenue cutters are required to go on board of all ships or vessels, which shall arrive within four leagues of the coast, to search and examine the same; and to affix and put proper fastenings on the hatches, and to remain on board until they arrive at the place of destination. The 102d section requires the revenue cutters and boats to be distinguished by a characteristic ensign and pendant; and in case any ship or vessel liable to examination shall not bring to, on being required or chased by any cutter or boat having displayed the pendant and ensign prescribed for vessels in the revenue service, it shall be lawful for the person having command or such cutter or boat to fire at or into such vessel which shall not bring to, after such pendant and ensign shall have been hoisted, and a gun shall have been fired by such cutter or boat as a signal. Here we see a jurisdiction asserted by the U. S. to the distance of four leagues from the coast. It is exercised for the protection of the national revenue. Officers in the immediate service of the government, with a body of men constantly paid and supported out of the products of the customs, are employed to enforce the law, and are armed with a power to wound or kill those who refuse to conform. Merchant vessels bound to the U. S. within four leagues of the coast, are to be placed under the charge of public officers, who are to remain on board, until the arrival in port. While the vessels thus under the charge of the officer within the actual jurisdiction of the United States, will you permit a foreign cruiser, within this space of sea, to bid defiance to your law, to seize the vessel with your officer on board, and proceed with vessel and cargo and officer to a foreign port for adjudication?
Soon after the commencement of the French revolutionary warfare, the captures made by belligerent cruisers gave rise to enquiries with respect to the extent of the protective jurisdiction of the U. S. Amidst all the political agitations of the time, it became the duty of the administration to fix on some rule for preventing the disturbance of our public peace by foreign hostilities. Under the existing circumstances, it was determined to restrict the exercise of the authority of the United States, for that time, to the least distance claimed on the coasts of any nation in any case. That this was the fact, may be seen by examining the papers laid before congress by the President of the U. S. States near the close of the year 1793.
With respect to the right of territorial protection along the coasts of a neutral power, the general principle is clear. Questions have been made about its extent. The right to a reasonable distance is admitted. But this does not distinctly solve the difficulty. What is a reasonable distance?
If regard is to be had to the nature of our coasts and to our distance from all the nations of the civilised world, the general principle would allow to the U. S. an ample extension of the territorial immunity from hostilities. A right of protective jurisdiction over some portion of adjacent sea is founded in the general right of a neutral power to provide for the common safety, prosperity, and tranquility. It is essential to the neutral character of a country. It results from the principle of the great law of self preservation. It is a necessary attribute of territorial sovereignty. With respect to the practical exercise of this right, different distances from the shore are mentioned by writers on public law. Where the coast is prominent as well as free from shoals, the least distance towards the main ocean is the full range of a bomb or cannon shot, estimated at three geographical miles or a marine league. Authorities might be mentioned in support of other distances, two leagues—three leagues—the distance at which ships may be discovered, and from which ships may discern the land—the extent of soundings, unless the coast be so steep that soundings cannot be found near the land, in which case the measure is the reach of a cannon shot supposed to be fired from the shore: This opinion was entertained by Valin, the celebrated commentator on the marine ordinance of France. With respect to the U. S. the idea has occurred of extending the protection as far as the Gulf Stream. From the President's communication at the opening of the present session, it would seem
as if he had some view to this in equipping a force to cruise for pirates within the limits of the Gulf Stream and to bring them in for trial.
Amidst all the variety of authorities and opinions on this subject, the general principle is not in dispute. And it is certain, that the benefit of the principle cannot be equally enjoyed if any specific measure be assumed for the extent of territorial protection in all cases. In a case where the coast is prominent, where the passage into the harbors is free from obstructions or hazard, & where the harbor is so situated that a vessel may be in port instantly on quitting the open space of the main ocean, the distance of a marine league from the shore may afford ample immunity to the navigation of such neutral port. But the case is materially different, where the entrance of a harbor is rendered difficult or hazardous in consequence of bars or shoals or other causes, where the principle of safety requires vessels employed in the trade of the port to remain for any time in a road or place of anchorage at a greater distance than a league from the shore, and to wait for the wind or tide, or pilot, or day light, or clear weather—in any such case, if the marine league is to be the uniform measure of territorial protection, the principle would be sacrificed to the particular rule; whereas every rule of this kind ought to be subservient to the principle. Another distinction is to be made with respect to ports and harbors situated in curvatures or recesses of the coasts more than a league from the open space of the main ocean; any specific distance from shore, if made the uniform measure of protection, will not allow to them the degree of maritime security which they might fairly claim in comparison with others. In principle, sir, the rule of a marine league or any other precise measure is applicable to coasts not curved or to the prominent portions of coast. Places of anchorage, such as I have mentioned, however called roads or roadsteads or however denominated, are to be regarded as appendages of particular ports, and as such are within the protective jurisdiction of the country to which they belong.
In considering, therefore, the protective jurisdiction of a neutral power as a privilege which may rightfully be claimed for securing the interests of its commerce and revenue, the principle admits an extension to various distances from shore, according to the nature of the coasts as diversified by shoals, bars, curvatures, recesses, head lands, or small islands.
This, in effect, agrees with the opinions of writers on public law, in relation to the neutral immunities of havens, roads, gulfs, or bays.
In support of the sentiments now suggested on this subject, I do not rely merely on the abstract principle of right or the opinions of writers on public law. In national usage, it is already established, "that in places where the land, by its curve, forms a bay or gulf, we must suppose a line to be drawn from one point of the enclosing land to the other, or along the small islands which extend beyond the head lands of the bay, and that the whole of this bay or gulf is to be considered as territorial sea." The principle has been clearly recognised in the practice of the predominant maritime power in Europe. It has been repeatedly acted upon in England. Two centuries have passed since it was unquestionably holden as a rule of conduct in that country. The tracts of sea within the recesses of the coasts are distinguished by an appropriate denomination; they are called the chambers. A particular statement of them was returned to the high court of admiralty in the year 1604.
In modern times, it has not been usual for England to remain neutral during maritime wars in Europe. But in the seventeenth century there was a period of such neutrality; when various reports were made to the king in council, with respect to alleged violations of the immunities of having roads, or chambers. They are to be found in the works of Sir Lionel Jenkins. I will not detain you at this time by reading those reports; as the law of the English admiralty on this subject is distinctly stated in a charge given at the admiralty sessions, by Sir Lionel Jenkins, who was judge of the high court of admiralty. I will read those parts of the charge to which I refer:—After speaking of the claim to the honors of the flag upon the four seas, he says, "The next thing is the right of sanctuary and safe conduct, which the king hath, time out of mind, exercised, not only in his harbors and ports, but especially in his chambers, that is, in those tracts of sea which are between some of the most eminent promontories or points of land, a straight imaginary line being drawn between them, for instance, between Flamborough Head and the Spurn, between the North Foreland and the South Foreland, between Portland and the Start, between the Land's End and Milford; these chambers being so reputed time out of mind, and so returned in the year 1604, about seventy years ago, by jurors upon their oath, to the court of admiralty."
"You are therefore to enquire if any
men of war, under foreign commissions from any of the parties now in war, do lie hovering near any of his majesty's ports, havens or harbors, or skulking within any of those places, called the king's chambers, in order to surprise merchant ships belonging to the king's friends and allies, and to snap them as they are coming or going out of our ports. You are to present such, if you know any; and the king's majesty is to be informed of it out of the records and presentments of this court; that they may be seized and arrested, if they be driven or do come in, or else may be fetched in by his majesty's ships, and punished, as willful violators of the treaties his majesty hath with his neighbors, and as malicious disturbers of our trade."
This authority is full, decisive. Possibly it may be questioned as being of ancient date. How is the case in modern time? To prove, sir, that the same principle prevails, and is practically recognised as a rule of public law within the present century, I may appeal to the authority of a person distinguished for judicial talent and eloquence, and celebrated by his countrymen as the oracle of maritime law in Europe: It is the authority of Sir William Scott, the present judge of the high court of admiralty in G. Britain. The principle was brought into view in a case before him in the year 1801. The case arose on a capture made by a detachment from a British squadron employed in the blockade of Amsterdam. The vessels were proceeded against for breach of blockade. It was claimed as having been taken within the territorial protection of Prussia, then a neutral power; and the claim was given under authority of the Prussian minister. On the part of the captors it was denied that the vessel was so taken.
Sir William Scott held the claim not to be established. In speaking of the place of capture, he refers to the principle respecting maritime chambers as being perfectly understood and admitted. With respect to the place, he says, "It is quite open and patent to the sea; there are no head-lands that shoot beyond so as to make what are called chambers; no shores projecting extra."
After a principle of public law has been so fully recognised in practice on the part of the belligerent power which now holds the decided superiority on the ocean, I think, sir, we may fairly claim the benefit of it for our country against the cruisers of that and every other maritime power.
On this subject, I wish to be distinctly understood. Immunity from hostilities may be claimed to the distance of a marine league from shore, in any case, however bold or prominent the coast. To this extent the district courts have cognizance of complaints. Beyond this, it is at our option to extend protection along the coasts of the U. S. over the roads or places of anchorage, and over the tracts of sea within the principle head-lands. This is a privilege appertaining to our territorial sovereignty. It may be exercised without infringing the rights of any belligerent power: It is evidently for the benefit of the U. S.
To enjoy this benefit, some legislative provision is requisite; there must be some amendment of the existing law of the U. S. Without altering the set respecting the jurisdiction of district courts perhaps the main object might be attained by vesting a discretionary authority in some of the departments of government. It has been supposed that the repetition of outrages, such as have lately been experienced near our ports and on our coasts, might be essentially checked, if not wholly prevented, by giving effect to some legislative provision, which would require no addition to the national expenditure, no augmentation of the naval force of the U. S. beyond what may be judged proper for a peace establishment. The Executive might have a discretionary authority to be exercised for the safeguard of merchant vessels employed in the trade of the U. S. and for this purpose might be empowered to interdict captures within the roads or spaces and precincts which have been mentioned.
Whether these sentiments are approved in their full extent or not, the House, I trust, will have no hesitation in agreeing, that the subject is of such importance as to deserve the examination of a committee, who may present some provision in a detailed form. For the purpose of having this examination, I propose that the following resolution be adopted by the House.
Resolved, That the committee, to whom was referred "so much of the message of the President of the U. S. as relates to aggressions committed on our coasts by foreign armed vessels, to the defence of our ports and harbors, the building of 74 gun ships, and preventing the exportation of arms and ammunition," be instructed to enquire into the expediency of providing by law for the further safeguard of merchant vessels in the vicinity of the U. S. and to report by bill or otherwise.
Carried without division.
FROM THE AMERICAN CITIZEN.
Defence of New-York. —This is a subject of gratulation to our fellow citizens that a system of defence is now in operation for the city and harbour of New-York. The survey made by Col. Williams has for some time been under consideration at the War office. A plan of repairs for the works at Fort Jay has been agreed upon, and contracts have been made under the direction of Gen. Dearborn by Capt. Whitley, for the stone and other materials necessary for the work. A large quantity has already been delivered on Nutten Island. The undertaker of the masonry and his labourers are expected to begin their labours within a few weeks. It is understood that the whole of the ramparts and parapets are to be faced with brick and stone. New revellines and curtains are to be added to the saline angles of the fort. The original design of the engineer is to be completed or improvement upon, and every additional repair and enlargement made that skill and labour can give. In consequence of these defensive operations, it is affirmed by competent judges that both the east and west sides of the city will be protected by the cannon of the fort so effectually, that an hostile fleet will find it impossible to lie at anchor in either of the rivers. Fort Jay will thus be made a very formidable work; capable of giving security to the city, and of destroying the ships of an enemy.
Orders are now in execution at Washington, Philadelphia and New-York, for mounting many pieces of heavy cannon.—At Mr. Foxall's foundry at George-town, and at other manufactories in the nation, the casting and boring of cannon for the public service has long been going on.—These home-made guns are of the most excellent quality, and when mounted will be at the disposal of the executive for the general defence. The mountings are to be of the best materials, and the cannon and carriages when finished to be transported to New-York, or to any other place where they may be wanted.
Proposals for contracts are likewise in circulation from the navy department, for the construction of a number of gun-boats upon the most modern and improved plan, at the city of New-York. Mr. Smith's agent has for some weeks been engaged in receiving proposals for building these powerful engines of offence to an enemy. As soon as the bargains can be made the business will progress. A marine guard has likewise been sent to the navy yard at the Washington. Measures are taking for the housing, storing, and preserving the timber. And it is expected the public ground will soon be enclosed and put into handsome fence.
With such rapid and auspicious beginnings, we may expect that in the course of a few years, our city, under the auspices of a wise and provident administration, will be placed in such a state of security that no one need be afraid of hostile invasion; but all the inhabitants pursue their occupations in peace, under an assurance that there is nought to make them afraid.
National Intelligencer.
THE BIRTHDAY OF INDEPENDENCE,
By Mr. JOSHUA J. MOORE,
Composed for the 4th July, 1806, and recited on the Banks of the Tyber, in the presence of a party of the Citizens of Washington, met to COMMEMORATE the Day.
To hail the Dawn of her glad Jubilee, Columbia's Genius mounts the highest point
Of wooded Allegany's lengthened Spine.
Beneath her hallow'd feet the lick-en'd Rock,
Laid by the Rills of perennial springs,
Echoes to whispers of the balmy breeze.
Forth from the sinuous crag the laurel peeps,
Of polish'd leaf and coral delicate;
The Helianthus, grac'd with golden Rays,
Baring his conscious be. m to the sun;
And low Agalca of honied tube,
Beswarm'd with humming birds of thousand dyes;
High o'er her head aspires the hairy pine;
The maple sweet-distilling, and the oak,
Festoon'd exuberant by climbing vines;
The Liriodendron gay, of lofty mein,
And rich Magnolia, with essence fraught,
Exhaling odours exquisitely sweet,
(Perfume without compare) about the field.
And, higher still, in steady circle towers
Her noble Eagle, with his eye of fire.
O'er the calm silence of the fresh-morn'd morn,
Soft strains of temper'd music solemn steals,
With gradual rise, from the attendant train,

"Till heighten'd into highest harmony, Swells the full chorus on the ravished ear." INVOCATION TO THE SUN. "Arise fair orb, in bright array" "And gild our glorious holiday!" "Refulgent friend, of ceaseless care The sons of earth to warm and bless, Diurnal witness of their fare, Their weal, their woe, or happy chance; Arise, in all your bright array, To decorate our holiday." "True as revolves the rolling sphere, You smile alike on all you see; O! blend your smile, propitious, here With that of equal liberty: Arise in all your bright array, To gild her happy holiday! Lo from the glowing verge of eastern waves, Through seas of splendor, comes the rising sun! Sudden and harsh exploding cannons peal Reiterated bursts of thunder loud; The woods, the vales, hills, and rocks are stunn'd With one continuous vast and solemn bray; The welkin rings with deafening clangor wild, And the rous'd eagle sends his voice afar! Long roars around the animated land The cordial cry of universal joy: Till the bright genius, with motion soft, Restores to silence all her placid sway, And thus begins: "My children, see that orb ascending high, Blaze on your pure cerulean spotless sky! He comes from lands where misery endures, To consecrate the happiness of yours; From lands where tolling millions live in pain, That luxury may gorge, and pomp be vain! Where, reaping fields of plenty not their own, The wearied husbandmen in anguish groan. He comes from skies where every breeze that blows Re-echoes fainting nature's thousand woes; For slaughter'd husbands, weeping widows sighs; For slaughter'd fathers, helpless orphans cries; Where hell-born passions, merciless, conspire, To scourge the world with fiends that never tire,— Wrath and destruction o'er the earth to pour And drench the thirsty soil with human gore! Oh! to the God, who interpos'd the waves Between Columbia and the storm that raves— Oh! to the God, who fir'd your fathers bold To rise in might, and break oppressions hold,— Oh! to your sires, who nobly did their part, Deep! deep be the gratitude of every heart!" In joyous peace your fruitful fields are sown, With gentle toil, the produce all your own; No lordly courtiers, of prescriptive power, With proud pontificates, your stores devour. Unfounded laws of Machiavelian brood In idle wars to waste your wealth and blood, Kings to yourselves, in freedom's equal school, 'Tis you that make the laws, and you that rule! Your sons, when danger threatens, seize the sword, Press round the standard, eager for the word; Your daughters, from no doting lovers torn, Mourn not, as Erin's daughters weep and mourn. To these your boundless woods inviting smile, To rear in peace the happy domicile; Where varied soils, and varied climes, bestow All that their wants or wishes, crave or know. If Heaven's eternal justice can decree A favor'd race, that favor'd race are ye; And if fair liberty can partial prove, Yours is the land selected by her love. Then to that God who fir'd your fathers bold, To rise in might, and break oppressions hold; Then to your sires, who nobly did their part, Deep! deep be the gratitude of ev'ry heart." 1. The day we celebrate—May each returning anniversary of it confirm in our minds, that national independence is one of the most sacred gifts of Heaven. 2. The people of the United States—May they ever remain united, free and happy. 3. Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States—May we long enjoy the fruits of his wisdom and services. 4. George Clinton, Vice-President of the United States—He is registered among the best benefactors of his country. 5. The Heads of Departments—Selected by the President, approved by the people; may their talents, industry and patriotism be rewarded by the gratitude of their country. 6. The distinguished martyrs to the
liberty of our country—Warren, Montgomery, Worcester and their brave companions and fellow soldiers. 7. George Washington—An example for future patriots and soldiers. 8. Benjamin Franklin and the other bold philanthropists who lent their talents to disseminate the principles which established our freedom. 9. The brave foreigners who joined the standard of American liberty, when our cause was doubtful. 10. The surviving officers and soldiers who fought and bled in the cause of freedom—May their old age be cheered by the smiles of their country. 11. The constitution of the United States—May it never be altered except for its improvement. 12. American Agriculture—The profession of its first Cincinnatus. 13. Commerce—The handmaid of Agriculture. 14. The United Kingdoms of Great Britain & Ireland—May their statesmen recollect that their tyranny lost them the empire of a world; and their injustice may deprive them of their friendship and commerce. 15. The Empire of France—May its chief recollect there is a ne plus ultra to ambition. 16. The American Fair—Their smiles the reward of the brave and good. 17. The District of Columbia—The adopted child of the union.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JULY 14.
Our great national day has been celebrated with high enthusiasm in the different parts of the United States. It was our intention to have offered in our columns of to day a detailed statement of some of the most interesting of these celebrations; but other articles have obliged us to defer a compliance with our purpose.
We extract the following "Communication," from the Philadelphia Gazette.
COMMUNICATION.
The National Intelligencer at Washington, and the Aurora of this city, have lately attempted to refute the imputations against the administration relating to Miranda's expedition. The feebleness and incoherency of these productions, show rather the difficulty of the task on the part of the writer, than the purity and integrity of their employers. We shall content ourselves at present, with opposing to the silky sophistry of the one, and the boisterous scurrility of the other, the following:
FACTS.
1st. It is a fact that Miranda has been, and is an outlaw in Spain for more than 20 years past, and that this circumstance was long ago perfectly known to Mr. Jefferson.
2d. It is a fact that Miranda arrived in this country in November last, and that administration were immediately acquainted with the object of his errand to fit but an expedition from a part or parts of the United States to revolutionize Carraccas.
3d. It is a fact that previous to Miranda's going to Washington, a friend of the President warned him, in an indirect manner to beware of Miranda.
4th. It is a fact that Miranda went down to Washington some days after the opening of Congress in December last, and that although well known as an outlaw of a government at peace with the United States, yet this adventurer was cordially received by both the President and Secretary of state.
5th. It is a fact that this man divested of all character from any foreign power, and only known as a political swindler for many years past, was not only well received at the house and table of the President and Secretary of state, but that he also held frequent, long and secret conferences with them both.
6th. It is a fact that the day previous to Miranda leaving Washington he dined with the Secretary of State, & that immediately after dinner, & when some of the company were yet at table, Mr. Madison and Miranda were closeted together in the next room for a considerable time.
7th. It is a fact, altho' the President and Secretary of State, were acquainted with Miranda's object of fitting out an expedition from the United States against the Spanish Main, his motions were not watched, and that no orders were given to the collectors and other officers of the federal government, to be vigilant over his conduct, so as to defeat any attempt of his to commit the peace, honor, and the interest of the country, as it was their duty to have done.
8th. It is a fact, that Miranda immediately on his return from Washington, to New-York, set himself at work with an activity and frankness, which indicated a confidence of not being interrupted, and the certainty that his considerable expence would not become useless by any superior official interference.
9th. It is a fact, that the official and sociable communication or intercourse had not ceased to exist between the Secretary of State and the Minister of Spain; that their visits, during Mr. Madison's residence in Philadelphia, were frequent; that he dined at the Minister's country house; and that the very day previous to Mr. M's return to Washington, the Minister of Spain was
engaged to dine with him, although he could not accept the invitation, owing to a previous engagement.
10th. It is a fact, that from that period to the Minister's journey to Washington, no circumstance did occur which could alter this reciprocal friendly intercourse.
11th. It is a fact, notwithstanding the friendly footing on which they parted at Philadelphia, and that no incident or a disagreeable nature had taken place in the interval, the Secretary of state sent to the Minister of Spain a few hours after his arrival at Washington, a lettre de cachet, or an order to quit the city.
12th. It is a fact, that the legitimate Minister of a power with whom we appeared disposed to live with in peace and good harmony, was thus publicly insulted, a traitor, an outlaw of that very power, had been friendly and cordially received by the officers of government.
13th. It is a fact, that timely, official representations were made to our government, to send the Hornet, then ready for sea, after Miranda's vessel, with the intimation that this marauder was to touch at a port in St. Domingo, previous to his enterprize against Carraccas; that the application was disregarded, and no effectual measures taken to defeat one of the most odious attempts which disgrace the annals of civilized nations.
15th. It is a fact, that had the Hornet, or any other vessel been sent after Miranda, the expedition would have been destroyed in its bud, our national honor retrieved, and the blood of our fellow-citizens, prisoners at Carraccas, spared by this step, as just as it would have been politic.
The foregoing are incontestable facts, their lists could be increased. We abstain from all observations or comments, they are too obvious, and we leave them altogether to the reader."
C.
We might safely leave this piece of insolent scurrility to its own fate. It may, however, be useful to offer a few remarks evincive of the very different style of thinking entertained by the citizen or a republican, and the subject or a monarch. This piece is indisputably the production of a foreigner; whether that foreigner be the Marquis Yrujo, we shall not enquire. Most of our readers will not hesitate to decide for themselves on this point. We will barely observe that the Aurora, under that impression has taken the Marquis in hand, and inflicted upon him, if he is the author, a chastisement richly merited.
We do not confide in the correctness of the facts assumed. On the contrary we have the strongest reason to believe that several of the statements so called, are palpable falsehoods, and that others are grossly distorted.
For instance, we do know that what is called the 6th fact, is an infamous falsehood. A gentleman, of indisputable veracity, present at the dinner referred to, has informed us that during the whole time the company were assembled, no particular conversation was held between Mr. Madison and Miranda; that the former remained at the table until he joined a party of ladies in the drawing room; and that he did not retire from the company during the whole evening. The allegation of being closeted with Miranda is therefore absolutely false. What regard ought to be paid to the other declarations of a writer thus convicted of propagating an unqualified untruth? Is it not fair to infer that his other assertions are equally base?
But should all the alleged facts be admitted, they amount to no more than this—that a man, distinguished for his talents, was treated with hospitality by those who have invariably received with marked attentions strangers of distinction, without reference to their politics or the countries from which they came; and that a government, of limited authority, did not consider itself justified in transcending the powers with which it was clothed by the laws of its country. We have in some previous remarks, proved that the Executive had no right to act in this affair until the laws were infringed by some overt act, and that, as soon as such an act was committed, they did act with decision.
We do not, however, believe that the Executive were informed of the object of Miranda, to fit out an expedition from the U. S. to revolutionize Carraccas. There was, we admit, a vague suspicion that his object was to revolutionize South America; but when or by what means, was not understood. Was there any particular reason to believe that the means were about being pursued, which actually were pursued, by a man, the greater part of whose life had been spent in forming plans for the furtherance of these views, without ever having taken any definite step? Was it not the most natural inference, that could be drawn from the tenor of his life, that the fruition of his hopes was only in distant contemplation, and that, however sanguine they were, he did not expect for a long time to realise them? This, in fact, was the popular impression. There is no evidence that it was not likewise the impression of the government. Be this, however, as it may, the Executive could not have taken other steps than they actually did take on this occasion. They had no right to arrest Miranda and his associates before they took their measures; and it is a fact that the standing instructions to collectors prescribe the course they are to pursue in all cases of an infraction of the laws of the U. S. Their duty was, therefore, in this instance, fully and clearly laid down without the necessity of resorting to any special instructions.
But the chief object of the "Communication," appears to be to make the public believe, that while Miranda, the
enemy of Spain, was treated with marked respect by the Executive, the Spanish Minister was treated with marked disrespect, and to lead to the inference that the latter was the effect of the confidence between the government and Miranda. Nothing can be more atrociously false. There was no possible connection between these circumstances. The treatment of Miranda and Yrujo was perfectly distinct. And it is possible that audacity can be so regardless of truth as to endeavor to produce the impression that there was no other assignable reason for the refusal of the Executive to hold any personal intercourse with the Minister of Spain, when he had grossly insulted the President of the U. S. by publicly disputing his veracity, had made repeated appeals to the people on his measures, and had acted in such a manner as to have forfeited almost universally personal friendship and esteem? The extreme awkwardness of this attempt can excite no other sentiment than contempt for its impotence.
As might have been expected some, of the English prints, distinguished for their prejudices towards this country, have already begun to chime in with the federal tales that were so diligently circulated during the deliberations of Congress. The Globe of the 21st of May, after reciting the message of the House of Representatives which accompanied the bill appropriating two millions on its transmission to the Senate, adds:
"On the 18th of February, the President sent a message to the House of Representatives, informing them that he had approved and signed the act; and the business being thus concluded, the injunction of secrecy was on the 31st of March removed, and the whole of the proceedings are now before the public. In pursuance of this act, two millions of dollars have been shipped for France, for Bonaparte, as the price of his mediation in the settlement of the differences between Spain and the United States; so that, in fact, the bargain is to be between Bonaparte and America. Spain the vassal of France is to be allowed the privilege of transferring her own property to the United States and Bonaparte is to pocket the purchase money. The transaction is understood in this light in America, where we are happy to find it has excited great indignation, and is considered unworthy of an independent nation. If the money had been paid only as a bribe to procure the mediation of Bonaparte, it is in the highest degree culpable. It is corrupting the judge who is to decide, and who ought to hold the scales of justice even between the parties. But if it be the purchase money paid in advance to Bonaparte for the territory he compels Spain to give up, it is the most immoral disgusting transaction that can be imagined; because it is neither more nor less than hiring a bully, or a bravo, to procure for them an acquisition they covet, but which they have not the courage to attempt. Even if they had a right to the object, the manner is most dishonourable, and never we believe, was heard of before among nations."
These remarks are characterised by the same spirit, and clothed nearly in the same language with those, previously hazarded on this side of the Atlantic. Every thing is assumed that is wanted, from which inferences congenial to the feelings of the writer may be the most readily drawn. But unfortunately for the British writer all the facts assumed are without foundation, and none more so than that the measure has "excited [there] great indignation, and is considered unworthy of an independent nation." Few measures taken by the government have in fact proved more popular. But it ought not to surprise us, much less should it shake our confidence in the propriety of the step taken, that the superficial politicians of Britain denounce it. Accustomed as they have long been to consider whatever promises to benefit another as their injury, it is very natural for them to view this measure with alarm. Hoping that we should be embroiled with Spain, they will naturally be disappointed with anything that promises to lead to an accommodation. Accustomed too, to carry all their points by sheer force, they are unable to appreciate the motives of a government that is willing to give for a desirable acquisition its real worth. The very prevalence of these sentiments in Britain is one of the strongest arguments in favor of the soundness of the measures adopted by Congress.
Our readers will perceive by an extract from a late London print that the measures of Congress, so far as they respect our foreign relations, have been received with a lively interest in Britain. The publications in the prints of that country are, however, too partial, to enable us to form an unequivocal opinion of their effect. Taking usually but hasty and imperfect views of the measures of our councils, we may expect much precipitation and error of judgment. This, aided by the sensation likely to be produced by any decided steps towards a system of commercial resistance on our part, may, in the first instance, give the public opinion a complexion rather unfriendly to a full and prompt accommodation of differences. The fallacious indications too of a serious division in this country at the period of their latest American dates, with a natural apprehension of the course of our negotiations with Spain and that more was meant than met the eye, may induce the British ministry to procrastinate their negotiation with us; a dispo-
sition, likely to be strengthened by the expected arrival of Mr. Pinckney. The author of "War in Disguise," has issued a new work, entitled "Observations on the Speech of the hon. John Randolph," the object of which is, we understand, to animate public opinion against any important concessions to this country. Under these circumstances it becomes the American people patiently to wait the issue of the measures taken by their government. Although nothing has yet occurred to impair our expectation of an accommodation; it becomes us, standing upon the strong ground taken by the legislature, to be prepared for a less favorable issue, should Britain, either from systematic error, or from the misrepresentations of parties among ourselves, refuse to acknowledge our indisputable rights. Let it be recollected that, in such an event, the act passed by Congress is the first leading step in a system of measures, well calculated to awaken her from her delusive dreams; and that it was expressly adopted as a measure equally fitted for producing a change in her conduct, or for standing as a part of our permanent system of commercial regulations.
ERRATUM.
In Mr. MacCreagh's speech inserted in the National Intelligencer of the 27th ult.—In the 4th paragraph, for carried, read earned.
New-York, July 8.
General Miranda once more.—To the politeness of a respectable friend, we are indebted for a Barbadoes paper of the 10th of June, containing the following remarks relating to the expedition of Miranda. A letter from a gentleman on board the Leander, dated Barbadoes, June 12, mentions that admiral Cochrane had delivered to general Miranda 40 Spanish prisoners, equal to the number of Americans the Spaniards have in their power—that admiral Cochrane had supplied general Miranda with four vessels, which are to accompany him to Trinidad—that he was to sail on the 19th for Trinidad, where a number of the general's friends were waiting to join him, and where he expected to receive every necessary assistance for the enterprize. The letter mentions that the son of colonel Smith, whom report has frequently placed among the captured, is still with Miranda.
BARDE-TOWN, (Bar.) June 10: General Miranda.—We have been excited by the interest which is generally felt in general Miranda's expedition to South America, to trace the leading principles and origin of this laudable enterprise; and shall endeavor from time to time to afford our readers such particulars as may elucidate his views, and convey to them every interesting detail of his progress and success. The history of the early part of the French revolutionary war affords ample proof of Miranda's ability as a general; and the confidence which the most experienced generals, and the then governing power in France placed in him, shews his capacity to undertake the most extensive and arduous enterprise. The project of breaking the yoke of oppression which Spain groaned under, was not originally confined to the revolutionising her colonies only, but we find that in October, 1792, while Miranda was engaged with Dumourier in a plan for the invasion of Belgium, the executive power and leading members of the French convention had formed a design of attacking and revolutionising Spain itself. For this purpose they sent by an express, an order to general Miranda, recalling him to Paris; on his arrival there he was informed that an army was collected towards the frontiers of Catalonia, for the purpose of introducing liberty into Spain, and that he was appointed to the chief command. Miranda, however, at this time beginning to suspect that the true principles of a free government were little understood in France, declined the command, from the impolicy and impracticability of the enterprize at that time, and was successful enough to persuade the members of the military council to relinquish the undertaking.
Miranda having immediately after rejoined his army, was pursuing the most uninterrupted successes in favour of France, and having entered Ruremonde, was following the enemy to Wasseinberg and Bercheim, when he received an express from Dumourier, requiring his immediate presence at Liege.
The motive upon which Dumourier had written to general Miranda to join him was, a letter from a member of the committee of general defense, informing him that government had agreed to appoint general Miranda commander in chief of the French islands in the West Indies, where an army of 12,000 regulars, 15,000 people of colour, and a fleet of some sail of the line was collected for the purpose of making the Spanish colonies in America free and independent—that general Miranda was to be entrusted with this command, and to act as he should think proper—that a frigate was waiting for him at Brest, and should immediately sail, &c. Though the object of this plan was not disapproved (as that of the revolution of Spain had previously been), by general Miranda, yet he thought that the position of France at that moment was not safe, and above all, was less sanguine than many others in his expectations of the benefits to be expected from these political principles than began to be propagated in France at that period; he therefore remonstrated strongly against the undertaking at that moment, and begging them to postpone it for a better opportunity, being a matter of two great importance and of too much consequence to mankind to be hazarded in that indigested manner, and at a pe-

and of so much uncertainty, confusion and disagreement. The force of his reasoning was justly admitted, and his counsel followed.
Some people have blamed general Miranda for not having seized that opportunity of extending freedom and independence to his native country. But it has sufficiently appeared, by subsequent events, that if he had followed the line of conduct proposed, he might have been the instrument of establishing anarchy and despotism instead of liberty; and it must be matter of sincere satisfaction to general Miranda, that he was the means of preventing incalculable evils both to Spain and South America.
In our last we drew up a hasty sketch of the progress of his expedition, as far as it had proceeded, and the transient miscarriage of his first attempt; we are now enabled to add some more accurate particulars:—General Miranda left the United States in the American ship Leander, on the 2nd of February; he touched at Jacquetel, expecting to be joined by other American vessels and troops, and not for the purpose of engaging the revolted blacks of that colony in his enterprise, as some of the agents of Spanish oppression (of course enemies to this noble design), by resorting to falsehood, (the miserable subterfuge of a weak head and depraved heart, for supporting a bad cause), have endeavored to persuade the unfortunate people of South America.
In the skirmish of the 28th April, upon the coast, the Spanish brig commenced her fire upon the Bacchus (one of the tenders) then close in shore, where she had been ordered to reconnoitre: no landing was effected. As soon as the Leander could bear down (being then to windward, with a very light breeze) an exchange of broadsides took place between her and the brig; the latter was afterwards joined by the Guarda Costas schooner, which gave two broadsides, without, however, doing any injury to the Leander; by whose spirited and well directed fire they were beat off, the brig having received several shot in her hull. She carried 20 long 12's, and the schooner 16, both full of men, having sailed the preceding day from Porto Cavello. During the action, the two unarmed pilot boats (Bacchus and Bee) fell so far to leeward, as to render it impossible for the ship to protect them. The Guarda Costas, after failing in their attempt to get to windward of the Leander, in order to secure her between them, bore down upon the tenders, both of which were captured, and carried into Porto Cavello; having on board a few officers & forty soldiers, belonging to the expedition. This circumstance, together with the unexpected appearance of a naval force upon the coast sufficiently strong to prevent his landing at the place where his friends and adherents were assembled to meet him, induced the general to direct his course for Trinidad, where he had resources to furnish a naval and military reinforcement adequate to the execution of his original plan; but having fallen in with the Lily sloop of war, was induced to touch at Grenada, and from thence to proceed here, where we are happy to state he has been received with that attention & respect which not only his own high personal character entitles him to, but as fully to evince the most cordial disposition in our civil, military and naval commanders to co-operate with, and assist him in the furtherance of his laudable enterprise, and as must ultimately tend to insure him the amplest success in a measure so well calculated to contribute to the essential interest of the British West Indies at large, while it breaks the enthralment of the people of South America.
Sir Alexander Cochrane, in the Northumberland with the Ethalion and Osprey, sailed last night to the northward; as did the Dolphin for Antigua. We believe the object of the admiral to be the blockade of the enemy's line of battle ship lately arrived at Martinique. His Majesty's ship Cygnet, from a cruise, arrived this morning.
Norfolk, July 7.
JEROME BONAPARTE —On Friday last arrived in 14 days from Martinique, the Schooner Patriot, capt. Hudson, from whom we learn, that on the 10th ult. Jerome Bonaparte arrived in a ship of the line at Port Royal—that on the 16th, two other ships of the line arrived, the latter having been chased by admiral Cochrane in the Northumberland, with a frigate. Before capt. H. left Martinique, admiral Cochrane, with three ships of the line, and several frigates, were blocking the French ships.
It was reported, that three more ships of the line and two frigates were daily expected at Martinique. At present we can only conjecture as to the cause, which has occasioned the separation of the fleet, to which Jerome Bonaparte was attached; we may conclude that the separation has not been voluntary, nor shall we be surprised to learn that a battle has taken place, in which the French have been defeated. This fleet consisted of 7 sail of the line, and three frigates, arriving in this dispersed manner does not look well.
The intelligence respecting Jerome Bonaparte, is confirmed by arrivals to the northward, and by the Schooner Virginia, capt. Blake, from Antigua.
By an arrival at Philadelphia, we have received Paris papers to the 30th of April, which do not contain any information, that has not been anticipated by arrivals from England. We copy
into our paper of this day from the Monitor some speculations upon the rupture between Prussia and Great Britain, which merit consideration, as the Monitor speaks the sentiments of the French government.
The disorder which prevails in the French finances is manifested by the proceedings of the legislature. A report relative to the late defalcation of the national bank, shall be noticed in our next.
Commerce is in the most wretched state, that can be supposed—oppressive duties have caused the total loss of property. In some instances, the new duties laid on goods while in entrepot , have been so enormous, as to induce a voluntary surrender of the property to satisfy them.
LONDON, MAY 13.
Lord Melville's Impeachment.
The court was crowded to a very great degree, in order to hear the remainder of Mr. Whitbread's speech. He continued addressing their Lordships till near three o'clock. Mr. Plumer for the defendant, and the attorney general for the managers, argued a question of law, and the Lords at half past three finished the whole of the trial. Nothing remains but to pronounce their judgement.—This will not take place till Wednesday or Thursday fortnight.
It is generally understood, on the Continent, that the Senator Beauharnais is to govern Switzerland, under the title of Landammann for life ; but that at his death, the country will pass to his son-in-law the Electoral Prince of Baden. Should this project be carried into execution, we shall see, says a German paper, reign at Naples, prince Joseph, the brother of the emperor; in Upper Italy, prince Eugene; viceroy in Switzerland, the uncle of that prince the brother-in-law of the empress; along the Rhine to the Maine, the electoral prince of Baden, son-in-law of madame Beauharnais; from thence to Holland, duke Joachim, brother-in-law of the emperor; and in Holland, another brother of that monarch.
Private letters from Holland, state, that the new constitution intended for that kingdom, was to be promulgated in the course of the present week. His majesty, Louis the first, was to be at the Hague on Thursday last and to be proclaimed before the 20th. His nomination is said to have excited the utmost depression and some cities have even ventured to petition their high mightinesses to oppose the measure with all their powers.
MAY 20.
Sir Richard Strachan sailed from Plymouth yesterday morning, with the following ships under his command—Cesar, Terrible, Montague, Bellona, Audacious, Belleisle, and Triumph; and Decade and Melampus frigates. This squadron is supposed to be gone in pursuit of Jerome Bonaparte's squadron.
MAY 21.
The Gazette contains two orders of council, the first directing that the embargo upon all ships and vessels belonging to Hamburg and Oldenburg be taken off; and that the embargo be also taken off those vessels belonging to Bremen and Pappenburgh, which had cleared out for ports of the united kingdom previous to the Prussian notification, dated March 28, whereby British ships were excluded from the ports of the Prussian dominions, and other ports in the North of Europe; and that the said ships and vessels, with their cargoes, not being Prussian or enemies property, be permitted to sail to any port not blockaded. The second order of council directs, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the king of Prussia and of the town of Pappenburgh, save and except any ships to which his Majesty's licence has been granted, or which have been directed to be released from the embargo, &c. &c. The Gazette also contains an official notice respecting the blockade of the enemy's coast.
We have received a German paper of a later date than those brought by the mails that arrived yesterday, which contains a decree, passed by the Canton of Bale, against the commerce of this country. By it, all persons dealing in prohibited merchandise are made liable to imprisonment, confiscation of the goods, & a fine of not less than 100 louis d'ors!—Resistance to these arbitrary mandates of France is vain, as an army is ready on the Swiss frontiers to enforce obedience; meanwhile, a deeply rooted hatred spreads through the country, which though at present hidden, may in due season burst in a frightful harvest of revenge.
We this day resume our extracts from the papers brought by the Hamburg mails, which arrived yesterday. A letter from Vienna, dated the 3d instant, which we gave yesterday, as a ground for believing, that the difference between Austria and France will be amicably settled, states, that his imperial highness the archduke Ferdinand, the new elector of Wurtzburgh, was shortly to set out to take possession of that territory. An article of the same date from Wurtzburgh, announces his actual arrival
there on the 18th of May. He was received with every demonstration of joy. It appears, that a small French flotilla has been captured or dispersed by an English frigate near Civita Vecchia.—Gaeta still continues to defend itself.
LONDON, MAY 21.
At the court at the Queen's Palace, the 14th of May, 1806, present, the King's most excellent majesty in council.
Whereas during the interval which has elapsed since his majesty found himself compelled, by the hostile measures of his majesty the king of Prussia, to lay an embargo on the ships and goods belonging to his subjects, and to places under his controul, such hostile measures have not been discontinued; and whereas the town of Pappenburgh cannot but be considered as dependent on, and under the absolute controul of Prussia; his majesty therefore is pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the king of Prussia, and of the town of Pappenburgh, (save and except any ships to which his majesty's licence has been granted, or which have been directed to be released from the embargo) so that as well his majesty's fleets and ships, as also other ships and vessels that shall be commissioned by letters of marque or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his majesty's commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of Great-Britain, shall and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels and goods belonging to the king of Prussia, or his subjects, or others inhabiting within the territories of the king of Prussia, or belonging to the town of Pappenburgh, (except as aforesaid), and bring the same to judgment in any of the courts of admiralty within his majesty's dominions; and to that end, his majesty's advocate general, with the advocate of the admiralty, are forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission and present the same to his majesty at this board, authorising the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral or any person by them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of marque and reprisals to any of his majesty's subjects, or others, whom the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for the apprehending, seizing and taking the ships, vessels and goods belonging to Prussia, and the vassals and subjects of the king of Prussia, or any inhabiting within his countries, territories, or dominions, or belonging to the town of Pappenburgh, (except as aforesaid); and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents, and they are likewise to prepare and lay before his majesty at his board, a draft of such instructions as may be proper to be sent to the courts of admiralty in his majesty's foreign governments and plantations for their guidance herein; as also another draft of instructions for such ships as shall be commissioned for the purposes above mentioned.
Spencer, Howick, H. Petty, Grenville, C. J. Fox, W. Windham, Nat. Bond.
PARIS, APRIL 29.
An article from Vienna, of the 17th states, that a convention has been concluded between France and Austria, by which 40,000 men are to be allowed a passage through Frioul into Dalmatia. This convention, which is a consequence of the occupation of Cattaro by the Russians, has been officially communicated to the Russian ambassador.
UTRECHT, MAY 12.
The address of the Batavian people to their high mightinesses, against a monarchical constitution, emanated from Harlem and has obtained a most extensive circulation. Every true Batavian feels the solidity and propriety of the principles for which it contends.
AMSTERDAM, APRIL 25.
We expect, with unexampled impatience, the result of the negotiations with which our commissioners are charged at Paris, as nothing but certainty with respect to our future lot, can revive our drooping commerce, and give activity to the present stagnant state of business. But even this will not suffice. Peace alone can completely terminate our calamities, for the fear,
however, ill founded, that England and Sweden may some day suspend the payment of our funds and interest, which the Dutch possess in those two countries prevents many persons from putting in circulation the specie which they have at home. It may not be improper here to remark, that England annually pays to the Dutch, upon the bill calculation twelve millions; Sweden from two to three millions; and Russia about four millions of florins.
For AMSTERDAM, The fine new ship FAIR LADY,
CAPTAIN PETERSON, 150 hoppers tobacco, and articles of small bulk, will be taken on moderate terms. Good accommodations for passengers. For freight or passage apply to captain Peterson on board, or to
WASHINGTON BOWIE,
George Town, July 14—w3t
10 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber living near Upper Marlinton, negro WAT about 33 years of age, he is 5 feet 8 or 5 inches high, his clothing matted overalls, white linen shirt, a checkered cotton cloth waistcoat, white cotton round jacket, and a belt with a small skin in front, he was formerly the property of Sarah Claggett; I do expect he has made for Montgomery county as he has got some friends living at Mr. Heals that married one of the Miss Claggets, he has got a very down look when spoken sharp to and has a very weak in his knees. I do forewarn, all makers of vessels from carrying him off and likewise all other persons from harboring or employing the said negro, or they may expect to be dealt with according to the law directs. Whoever will take up the said fellow and secure him in any jail so that I get him again shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid by me.
JOSEPH FOWLER,
Prince Georges county, July 14—3t
District of Columbia, Washington county, ss.
IN the case of DAVID EASTON an insolvent Debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said David Easton, that on the 28th day of July inst. at the capital in the court room at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said David Easton, and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be seen and then shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in some public New paper in Boston in New York, in Philadelphia, and in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer, twice in each paper prior to the said 28th instant.
By order of the honorable WM. CRANCH, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Ck.
July 14—3t.
60 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Prince George's county on Sunday the 29th inst. the three following slaves—a mulatto young man who calls himself BILL or RICHARD, he was born at Montgomery court house, was once the property of Moncure Martin, was purchased of him by the late Rich. Center who sold him to me; he is a likely well made fellow about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, his hands and feet are large; the evening before he absconded he had his hair cut close; he had with him a variety of clothing, viz. 1 blue coat and overalls, one light colored beaver hat and overalls, 1 swansdown waistcoat, 3 fine linen shirts and some coarse shirts, three blue neckcloths, a fine hat, price 7 dollars; he took away a prayer book, in the first page of which is written Mary Duckett.
JOE who calls himself Joe Grimes, alias Graham, and HARRY, both young negro men about 24 years of age—the clothing of these cannot be described. Joe has one of his arms broken near the wrist, which makes it longer than the other; when he is spoken to he speaks fast as if his tongue was too large for his mouth. Harry, I am informed, has several large scars on his body and one of his thighs occasioned by burns when he was young.
The above reward will be paid for confining the three in jail, or 50 dollars for confining Bill in jail so that I get him again.
WALTER BOWIE,
July 7—2awtf
To the North Carolina Gold Mine Company.
The following resolutions were passed by the Board of Directors, at their adjourned meeting on the 12th of June, 1806.
Resolved, That the subscribers to the North Carolina Gold Mine Company be required, and they are hereby required to pay the sum of ten dollars on each share to which they are respectively entitled, on or before the 15th day of July next, for the purpose of defraying the expense of prosecuting the business of the Company.
Resolved, That WILLIAM THORNTON, Esq. be authorised to receive all payments that shall be made under the preceding resolution, and account with the Board for the same.
Resolved, That the above resolutions be published in the National Intelligencer for the information of the stockholders.
DANL. CARROLL of Dudn.
President.
June 20—8t&1w15J.
June Court 1806—In Chancery.
Thomas Law, vs. Richard Gistley.
THE Report of Daniel C. Priest the trustee formerly appointed in this cause having been returned and sworn to and filed and the proceeding therein approved—it is therefore decreed and ordered that the said report be ratified and confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the 1st Monday of October next provided a copy of this order be published for the successive weeks before that time in the Washington Generalist and the National Intelligencer.
The report states that the mortgaged property therein mentioned was sold on the 16th of four hundred and thirty-five dollars.
By order,
WM BRENT, Ck.
July 7—w3t
CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is Published By SAMUEL H. SMITH.
TRIAL
OF
SAMUEL CHASE,
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the SENATE of the United States.
Taken in short hand,
By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In Two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—to subscribers five dollars and a half—and to non subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less pressed of work; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be of precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public with the expectation of the Editor, that it will be considered as writing the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and increased in length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial.
Editors of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their paper.
FOR SALE.
THAT extensive and valuable estate formerly owned by Missy Thornton, is now the property of Miss Delany, the deceased, situated in Northern Maryland county Virginia, three miles from the Court House, and lying on the Potomac nearly opposite to Point Look out.
The property consists of about 2500 acres, 1700 of which is fertile low grounds well adapted to the growth of Indian corn, tobacco and all kinds of small grain, and highly important for grazing. These lands naturally rich and fertile are capable of the highest improvement, having inexhaustible sources of sea weed cast upon the shores, easily obtained in large quantities of oyster shells on the shores, and in Indian banks on different parts of the lands; some valuable marl easily reclaimed may be adapted to grass or culture.
There is on the premises a substantial built brick dwelling house two stories high upwards of eighty feet front, well finished, two well built brick houses forming a square with the dwelling house & used as offices. Upwards of 30 by 20 feet in good repair; a brick barn with stalls for 24 horses and a large coach house in the middle; a brick dairy and a brick till house, also an extensive frame barn. There is a large portion of wood lands included in the 1700 acres, heavily covered with white oak, hickory, and chestnut, and a considerable quantity of thriving locust, red cedar and white cedar.
The high land consisting of 800 or more acres is of a good quality, level and affords a good opportunity of improvement.
This property will be sold together or divided into convenient Farms, to suit purchasers, and possession will be insured at any given. Any further description is thought unnecessary as persons inclined to purchase will no doubt view the lands.
Application to be made to John Murphy of Wicwasic county, or James Moore on the premises who are duly authorised to make conditional contracts for the same.
June 2—w3m
FOR SALE.
A Handsome two story BRICK HOUSE, 22 feet front by 34 feet back, with a kitchen stable and carriage house, its situation for a public or private dwelling is superior to any house near the Navy Yard, it commands a perfect view of the Yard and shipping and is now rented for 300 dollars per annum. I will afford a valuable untenanted Lot near the premises in 1808—Young negroes will be taken in part payment. For terms apply to the subscriber living near the Navy Yard, or to Mr. Samuel H. Smith.
NICHOLAS VOSE,
Washington Feb. 14—w3t
Valuable Property For Sale.
THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable heights convenient to the city of Washington about 2 or 3 miles from the President's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the City, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No 1. contains 60 acres; No 2. contains 42 acres; No 3 contains 102 acres; No 4 contains 19 acres; Lot 5 lies on the line between John Moyse, and Dr. Worthington, containing from 80 to 100 acres. These lots will be sold together or apart as may suit purchasers.
Terms may be known by applying to James White or Rev. John Breckenridge near the property.
Jan. 24 w3t

50 DOLLARS REWARD.
Treasury Department of the United States, June 21, 1806.
STOLEN out of the subscriber's pasture in Loudoun county in the right of the 26th June, a bright BAY MARE with a bald face...
WHEREAS the commissioners of the sinking fund, at a meeting held on the 28th day of April, 1806, did resolve, that the sum remaining to complete the expenditure of the annual appropriation of eight millions of dollars...
This is therefore to give notice, that the principal of the said navy six per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will on surrender of the certificates, be paid on the 1st day of October next ensuing the date hereof...
It is further made known, for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the navy six per cent. stock, either from or to the books of the treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans, will be allowed after the 1st day of September ensuing...
ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. June 23-15.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia...
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. Richard Harwell's new invented patent elastic suspenders...
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26-15.
JOHN LAW, HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, clerk of the County Court. May 21-2m.
PUBLIC SCHOOLS. NOTICE is hereby given to the contributors to the Permanent Institution for the Education of Youth in the City of Washington...
BE it enacted by the Board of Trustees, That every subsequent election of Trustees of the Permanent Institution for the Education of Youth in the city of Washington by the Contributors thereto, shall be by ballot...
A certified statement of the votes given and of the persons elected trustees, together with the original ballots shall be laid by the judges of the election before the Board at their first meeting thereafter.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Sec'y. July 9-
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway from Pettworth, the farm of John Tayloe, esq. near Washington city on Thursday the 13th ult. a negro boy by the name of BILL...
THOMAS T. PAGE, agent for John Tayloe, esq. at Neabsco. July 9-4t.
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington.
ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805-15.
TO RENT, THE COMMODIOUS BRICK STORE near the Capitol, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALEY & Co.
Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 23-15.
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol.
PONTIUS D. STELLI. Washington City, March 25-15. M. B. P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
FOR SALE,
I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying and being in Allegany county in the State of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harry's Meadows" patented 31st December 1805...
Any person inclined to purchase, it is preferred will view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit...
NAMUEL J. COOLIDGE. June 23-2m.
The legal representatives of Nancy Abernethy deceased, and to all others whom it may concern. Take notice, that, at the last court of Common Pleas, held at Carlisle for Cumberland county...
By order of the court. Wm. LYON, Prothonotary. Carlisle, June 23-2m.
TO LET.
THREE HOUSES, One three story & one two story brick, completely finished with Coach Houses and Stabling, both situated on Capitol Hill...
Enquire of Henry Ingle, who has on hand a good assortment of Mahogany Furniture. June 23-1m.
FOR SALE,
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased). The premises are calculated for a genteel family...
Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities.
NOTE.—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16-15.
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS just supplied his shop in 7 street with a complete assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linseed oils—also Paints of every description. THOMAS PATTERSON. Washington city, June 23-15.
PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. FROM Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, Newburyport, Rowley, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Salem, Lynn and Chelsea, to Boston, six times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at noon, and arrive at Boston by midnight, in 12 hours.
Leave Boston every day at 11 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 p m in 12 hours. November 1 to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 4 p m.
Leave Boston every day at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 4 p m. 2. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Waltham, East Sudbury Framingham, Southboro', Northboro', Sherborn, Wellesley, Weston, Newtonville, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford and Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at New Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 1 p m in 33 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 10 a m in 31 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 10 a m and arrive at Worcester by 8 p m.
Leave Worcester every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 4 p m.
Leave Suffield every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Haven by 6 p m.
Returning. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 6 p m.
Leave Suffield every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 8 p m.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday at 4 a m and arrive at Boston by 3 p m.
2. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, & to New York, seven times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave New Haven every day at 2 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 20 hours.
Leave New York every day at 9 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 3 a m in 18 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave New Haven every day at 4 a m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 20 hours.
Leave New York every day at 11 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 6 p m in 31 hours, resting one hour at Stamford each way.
The mail is to be carried only four times a week from Oct. 1, 1806, to Oct. 1, 1807, omitting to take it both from New Haven and New York on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the mild season, and on Monday, Wednesday and Friday in the cold season.
4. From New York by Jersey, Newark, Elizabeth town, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, seven times a week.
Leave New York every day at 1 p m and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
From Dec. 1 to April 1 the mail is to be delivered in New York and Philadelphia at 7 a m, in 12 hours.
5. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vanvile, Bladensburg and Washington City to Georgetown, every day.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 8 a m and arrive at Washington City by 4 p m in 8 hours.
Leave Washington City every day at 2 a m and arrive at Baltimore by 10 a m in 8 hours.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 a m and arrive at Washington City by 8 p m in 10 hours.
Leave Washington City every day by 10 p m and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock in 11 hours.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester & Dumfries to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m arrive at Alexandria by 5 a m; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 a m arrive at Dumfries by 11 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 p m in 13 hours.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m arrive at Alexandria by 2 p m; leave Alexandria at 3 p m and arrive at Washington by 1 a m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m arrive at Alexandria by 6 a m; leave Alexandria at 7 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 1 p m; leave Dumfries at 2 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 p m.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m arrive at Alexandria by 4 p m; leave Alexandria at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Washington city by 6 1/2 p m.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green White Chimneys, Hanover ch. Richmond and Osburn's, to Petersburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a m and arrive at Richmond by 3 p m; leave Richmond at 4 p m and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 a m and arrive at Richmond by 8 a m; leave Richmond by 9 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 a m and arrive at Richmond by 6 p m; leave Richmond every day Sunday excepted, at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day, five Sundays, at 2 p m and arrive at Richmond by 8 p m; leave Richmond every day, five Sundays, at 4 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 p m.
8. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent ch. Williamsburg, Yorktown & Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Hampton by 9 a m and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 p m and arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 p m.
9. From Petersburg by Cabbins Point, Smithfield, Surry ch. and Sleepy hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 p m; leave Sleepy hole at 3 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 a m.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a m arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 a m; leave Sleepy hole at 10 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 3 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 p m.
Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 8 a m.
Returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 3 p m & arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 p m.
Leave Sleepy Hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by noon.
10. From Charlottesville by Jacksonboro' Pocotaligo and Goosewatchy to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charlottesville every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, & arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m, and arrive at Savannah by 8 p m.
Returning. Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m & arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p m.
11. From Augusta by Jacksonboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Friday at 8 a m & arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 p m.
Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 a m & arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 p m.
12. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m; leave Louisville at 11 a m and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 a m; leave Louisville at 10 a m and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 a m.
13. From Savannah by Bryan ch. Midway church, Riceboro' M'Intosh ch. Darien, Frederica, Jekyll island & Ossabaw, to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m & arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p m & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p m.
14. From Jekyll island to Brunswick once a week.
Leave Jekyll island every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a m.
Leave Brunswick at 2 p m and arrive at Jekyll island by 6 p m. (TO BE CONTINUED.)
TO RENT.
THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, esq. Possession given the first day of April next—I will also rent the Wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Delois on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Hewitt, esq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard. NICHOLAS VOSS, City of Washington, March 14-22w4t.