The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-06-08 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1194.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 8, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, APRIL 7.
Debate on the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force.
(CONCLUDED.)
Mr. STANFORD said, he felt it a duty which he owed to himself to make some reply to some of those gentlemen who had honored him with their notice. He had no reason to believe any of them had done him intentional injustice. He was well persuaded otherwise—but they had certainly misconceived his meaning. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Clopton) who had just sat down, considered himself as rather improperly attacked on the score of inconsistency. He would assure the gentleman as a friend, for so he had always esteemed him, that he had not intended to make any personal charge upon him, nor to say any thing which could be construed as disrespectful or personal in the slightest degree. All he had meant to say was of a general nature, and the only use he had intended to make of that gentleman's instructions from the militia of Henrico in '98. was to show that we then felt the influence of the principles they contained. He considered that remonstrance as happily illustrating the doctrine of the then minority, and if his view of past times was correct, stood in direct opposition to the measure before us. But he hoped the general contrast he had attempted to draw between that crisis in our affairs and the present one, would not be construed by his friend from Virginia, or any other gentleman of the House, as meant to convey an individual charge of inconsistency. Most assuredly it was not so intended. If gentlemen viewed the existing state of things, such as to warrant the raising of additional standing force, their votes would be as they should be, in favor of the bill. As for himself he could not take the same view nor give the same vote. As to the allusion, said Mr. S. that gentleman has made to my inconsistency, he may be assured the remark is not felt. Although I had not the pleasure of voting upon one occasion, important too, as it respected principle, with the then representation of Henrico, I had the pleasure of voting with his celebrated colleague, who at that time so well represented the counties of Stafford and Culpeper—and with also the representative of Green county, Pennsylvania, than whom no other stood higher in those times, for what might be called standard political correctness ; supported by opinions like these, and by those of a large majority of my other friends, I may be well satisfied with the vote I then gave, since it was given with the sole view of avoiding a much larger army.
It seems to have been considered, sir, that on my part great research had been made in the journals to hunt up the votes of gentlemen to show their inconsistency. Mr. S. said, he hoped the House would believe him when he declared that he had not done so in one single instance. He had spoken from memory and not from research of that kind, and the journal which had appeared before him, was laid before him by a friend, and although alluded to by him, was not opened. He had, indeed, opened two journals to read a paragraph or two from different messages of the President, to show the good old militia doctrine—but not to show votes.
One of the gentlemen from Connecticut, (Mr. Mosely) although he seemed generally disposed to do my observations justice, could not withhold his supplications for my forgiveness for the bad vote which I had so frankly confessed once to have given. If the intercessory ejaculations of that gentleman have the virtue to avail a friend, I must hope, said Mr. S. he will direct them to the affair of the caucus, and not to the vote. He had expressed his regret at the circumstance under which the vote was given, and not the vote itself; that he presumed could be still defended; he had to choose between evils, and had taken the lesser.
Another gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Tallmadge) has not been less liberal towards me, to be sure; but expresses the hope he may never see the chair of this House converted into the chair of St. Peter, for pur-
poses of confession. Such indeed we may all hope without much fear of realizing it. On subjects like the present, that gentleman possesses an experience and judgment, it must be acknowledged, which justly entitle him to more than common respect in this House. We know there are few on this floor, or perhaps in the nation at this time, whose opportunity and experience on the subject of armies, have been equal to his. He seen the want, he tells us, of a regular and well disciplined force in this country, and believes the present additional force now proposed to be raised proper, under the present prospect of our affairs, as a precautionary measure. Now all the difference between the gentleman and myself is, that we think differently of the times. War once admitted as certain, and his arguments must be admitted as sound, but that we should apprehend a war of invasion, and give into the gentleman's doctrine of expediency in the present instance, is what, Mr. S. said, he for one was not prepared to do. He viewed, indeed, that gentleman's doctrine about the utility of a well disciplined force in the event of absolute war, as sound as the gospel truths of St. Peter, and whenever he should trespass upon it, hostilities once commenced, he should then perhaps stand in need of a confession chair—but no war existing, he wanted no precautionary army. The militia he thought would do to begin with.
Mr. S. said, a third gentleman, from the same state, (Mr. Dana) had spoken upon this question, and he felt it a duty to say that he had not only done his motives and observations justice, but the subject itself. He could at least say that the view that gentleman had taken of the present situation of our affairs had been more interesting to him than that of any other who had gone before him.
The gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Campbell) had said he could not comprehend the logic of some of those gentlemen opposed to the bill. Supposing the allusion, Mr. S. said intended for him, he could return the compliment, [Mr. C. asked leave to explain, and said he had not meant to say any thing about the gentleman's logic]—Then Mr. S. said the allusion must have been to some other—but he might nevertheless say, that the gentleman had used arguments which he could not comprehend in any way. The argument was that the proposed troops were not an additional standing army, and that all arguments against it as such must therefore cease. Now we know that the gentleman from Connecticut who as well understands subjects of this kind as any other in the House, probably better, admits it to be a standing force and as such means to give it his vote. If not a standing army, what is it? That it is not a militia army all must admit. That gentleman also has told us that our arguments are urged against these troops as inconsistent with republicanism—that such was the scope of my observations, cannot be denied. They were certainly so intended but it was as certain Mr. S. said that he had dealt in none of these terms , or the subdivision of terms . He had done all he could, he would confess, to inculcate the good old doctrine of militia , but he had not even used that term when he was before up.
A gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) had in a manner as handsome as correct, accumulated and exhibited to our view the aggravated insults we have suffered from both the belligerents, and to what conclusion does he bring us? Not to war as a kind of inevitable result—but to this bill—this additional standing force as necessary for our defence. Now if defence is all, I cannot see the least use in this army. We are safer without it, if war is not intended to employ it when raised. That war seems not to be the intention I perceive, said Mr. S. with pleasure, though we have ample cause for war if we choose so to consider it.
I alluded to gen. Sumpter, the venerable defender of the militia, as having voted for the bill under the momentary pressure of the times, the negotiation having just broken off; but that he was not at this particular juncture willing to see the bill pass. Something of a calm having ensued, the prospect from Europe not being unpromising as to a change in their policy with respect to the U. S. I
think it would be time enough to pass it in some one of the last days of the session.
A motion to adjourn was then made and negatived. Ayes 34.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said it was extremely unpleasant to him to have to address the House at this time; but he had been so much misunderstood that he must make a few observations, and he wished he could get the House into a disposition to hear him; though he was much obliged to a gentleman before him who had just observed that he should hear him with pleasure.
I have as a motive for rising now, said he, different from that of others in myself; it is to join against a denunciation of doctrines on this floor which I have considered as the acme of political correctness. I have seen a message of the President of the United States containing the true doctrines of democracy; and it is a matter of surprise to me that gentlemen should bear such doctrines so often slurred at, and remain silent. I rise to enter my vote that I have not as one of the majority, renounced them. So much for the observation of the gentlemen from Connecticut and Massachusetts.
I have been misunderstood in my observations as to the general policy of this measure. My objection to the bill is, that you can maintain neither system, if you maintain both together. Can you maintain armies and embargoes at the same time? It appears evident that the House is disposed for peace; I applaud the disposition in consequence of the change of circumstances. I am for pursuing this course of neutrality; but if gentlemen will have armies let us have armies of some service, not 5000 troops who cannot defend one single vulnerable point if seriously attacked. If this be your policy away with the embargo; you cannot support it. I think a great deal due to unanimity in this case, and perhaps I might go over to gentleman, if they will only let us know what these men are to do? Are they for war or peace? None of your half way measures. Gentlemen are pleased to use witticisms; which is always the forlorn hope when they are hard run for argument. I am opposed to half way measures; I am no "quid." Whatever system I pursue I wish to go up to the hub with it. If it be peace, let us have it; if war, let us go directly to the object.
A gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. W. Alston) was so kind as to go out of his way to show that my sentiments and my vote are at variance. I am thankful to my colleague before me (Mr. Taylor) for his reply to him; on the other hand I will thank the gentleman to take the letter of Chastagny home with him, and consult it at his leisure. The gentleman was kind enough to take care of the state of which I am a Representative, and to tell me that Charleston is in danger in time of peace. She wants none of these creatures, sir; they will be of no service to her. They have been the conductors of foul dishonor to our government. Have you forgot the Driver sloop of war? There was no navy concerned in that business; it arose from your peace establishment. We want no troops at Charleston in times of peace: if you are going to drive us to war, do not tell us of your 6000 men. The same gentleman told me if I had attended to the arguments, of the gentleman from Kentucky I should have perceived the occasion for these troops. I did attend to that gentleman, and his arguments went to prove that the gentleman himself varied from the gentleman from N. Carolina; for one wanted the troops for the western country, and the other for the sea coasts. If both gentlemen are right, it proves my position that we want more than 6000 men; for if we want 6000 for each we want twice 6000 for both. If one of the gentlemen be correct, the other is. If neither is correct, we want no troops at all.
A gentleman (Mr. Macon) from whom I differ with more pain than from any other, a steady, uniform and undeviating patriot, has made some observations which prove the same as those of his colleague, that for rallying points he should certainly vote for more. Look at those scites which we have appropriated a million to fortify, to say nothing of the western
country; when you distribute these 6000 men among them and other points, good Lord deliver us from such a protection as they will afford. The gentleman from North Carolina said I was wrong in not laying my project on the table. He was wrong in part. The course which I wish to pursue is on the table. I would class the militia, arm them, and keep on the embargo. I would do more; I would pass laws on the principles on which the British marine has flourished. With the embargo law and the latter I would treat, and then your ministers would not act the part of beggars; and with the other I would fight. That is my system.
I heard a gentleman in conference with seriousness say, that the times were critical and perilous; that the whole world was in arms against us. Is this made public, and then do you talk of a national defence by 6000 men? Can it be believed that there is any thing serious in this? I do not, cannot believe it. The bill is very properly framed. It is a peace establishment bill; there is no national defence about it—it is a standing army.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) does not like this embargo quite as well as I do. But, as able as he is, he will find it very difficult to tell how it is to operate on France without operating on England; nor will it operate on England alone; for, if your merchants had been as honest as your planters, the West-Indies would have been already starved. Only hold on to the embargo; it must produce something. The British may throw some few supplies into the islands; the French cannot—and they have no means of subsistence but by America.
I did not say that the embargo would answer all purposes. It will answer no purpose if you raise armies. You must lift it when your resources are cut off. When the springs of your cash are dried up you must find resources. I would be glad that the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means would tell us what are our ways and means, when our resources are cut off and cash gone. There is a bit of a sedition law (the bill to punish conspiracy to commit treason) on your table: I thought the thing was rickety and could not live; you will soon have food enough for it. You will have an alien law; nay it is on the table a ready (the bill to amend the naturalization laws) What comes next? A stamp act and direct taxes, I suppose. If peace, let us know it; if war, do not conceal it. I would drain the treasury for the sake of holding on the embargo; or, raise an army and like a vast billow sweep our enemies from our land.
The yeas and nays were then taken on the passage of the bill, as follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Clinton, Clopton, Cobb, Cook, Culpepper, Cutts, Davenport, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Elliot, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Goodwin, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Love, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Milnor, Dan. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, John Morrow, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Quincy, Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Russell, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stedman, Storer, Talmadge, Taylors, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Wharton, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Withersell—95.
NAYS.—Messrs. Champion, Chittenden, M. Cley, Dana, Ely, Garnett, Gray, Hoge, Mosely, Pitken, Randolph, Sloan, Stanford, Taggart, Verplanck, D. R. Williams—16.
The Speaker having put the question on the title, to wit: "A bill to raise an additional military force."
Mr. BLOUNT said that he had voted on the majority on the vote for recommitment, as he had some doubt whether the bill contained a positive limitation as to the duration of the force. He had voted for the bill under the idea that it was a temporary force and that it could be so expressed
ed in the title. He therefore moved to amend the title so as to read "An act to raise troops for the present defence of the U. States."
Mr. RANDOLPH said he should be reluctant to oppose this motion if made by a gentleman opposed to recommitment; still more so when made by a gentleman who was sufficiently accommodating to have consented to enable them to remedy the defect in the bill; but he submitted it to the gentleman, when the bill was not in substance that which he wished it to be, whether it would be proper, by a sort of misnomer to give the bill a new title, purporting to be that which in fact which it was not. This would be sailing under false legislative colors. He hoped and sincerely trusted that his friend from N. C. would not suppose that he meant to impute any thing improper to him; but the title now expressed what the bill was; and the only way to get at the object, after they were satisfied that the fathers of the political church were against them, was to move to recommit it, and then send it back to the Senate; for he hoped to God that this bill would not pass; as he had known bills passed, relying upon the Senate to amend it. He hoped this House would not do wrong that others might put right that which they had done wrong. He could have no interest in diminishing the very small minority on the passage of this bill, and yet the course he had pointed out (recommitment) would cause such a diminution, because, except the gentlemen from North and South Carolina, (Messrs. Stanford and D. R. Williams) and himself, not a single man had objected to the bill on principle. It is very late in the day, (said Mr. R.) and I am tired; yet, if this motion be pressed, I must call for the Yeas and Nays on it—though I do not wish to detain the House; for I am as anxious to get out of it, now and forever I was going to say, as any one. The gentleman from N. C. has seen the defect in the bill and wishes to remedy it by an amendment of the title. You are going to do by this bill what you have done in the case of the embargo; to put a great power in the hands of the President that you may ask him to give it back if he will. If he does not please, you must get the consent of two-thirds of each House to lift the embargo. I believe such powers as these never were trusted to one man by any free people. It is bad enough to lay taxes without limit; but to raise armies without limit is really a much more serious thing than that; and no man can doubt that this is an army without limitation to time. Do not tell us about the term of enlistment: the English army is always enlisted for a term of years; but it is continued in perpetuum by gradual enlistments. If there be a radical defect in the bill I hope it will be cured radically; that it will be recommitted, as it ought to have been before. I must ask for the Yeas and Nays upon the motion, to have it distinctly shown that I was not one of those who christened the babe over again, by a name which does not comport with its parentage or birth.
Mr. DANA suggested the propriety of amending the amendment so as to read "for the future defence" instead of "the present defence of the U. S." He thought it would be more conformable to the character of the bill.
Mr. BLOUNT said his object was to express the view with which he had voted for the bill. The title was not drawn by himself, but handed to him by a gentleman who in all legislative matters was correct. He regretted that the bill had not been recommitted; but there was now no alternative. If he did not move a new title to it, he could not express the views with which he voted for it. It was not sailing under false colors as the gentleman had chosen to term it; for the intention of himself and his friends was to provide a force which would enable us to punish the next insult or act of hostility, whether from England or France. He joined the gentleman in the call for the Yeas and Nays; and though the gentleman had voted in so small a minority, he hoped sufficient number of gentlemen would be found in the House willing to indulge him in that call.
Mr. LYON said he had voted for this motion as a standing regular force, and he was perfectly satisfied with the bill. He had no idea of fighting under false colors.
A motion to adjourn was negatived, Ayes 19.

Mr. STANFORD, moved to insert the word "standing" so as to read "to raise an additional number of standing troops."
Some amusement arising at the singularity of this phraseology with the amendment of Mr. Stanford.
Mr. BLOUNT withdrew the title and moved the following: "to raise troops for defence of the U. S. against impending danger."
Mr. RANDOLPH called for the Yeas and Nays on this also.
Mr. STANFORD moved to adjourn, Negative Yeas 8.
Mr. RANDOLPH moved to amend the adjournment by inserting "for an unlimited time."—Negatived, Yeas 6.
The question was then taken on Mr. Blount's last motion, by Yeas and Nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Bassett, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Burwell, G. W. Campbell, Clopton, Cook, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Fisk, Franklin, Goodwyn, Green, Holland, Holmes, Johnson, Macon, Marion, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, J. Richards, Smilie, S. Smith, Wharton, Wilbour, Wilson & Winn—36.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Bibb, Boyd, Butler, Calhoun, Chittenden, Clinton, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Ely, Findlay, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Heister, Helms, Howard, Isley, Jackson, Jenkins, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lyon, Masters, Milnor, Piken, Quincy, Randolph, Rhea, (Ten.) Russell, Sloan, Smell, J. K. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Tallmadge, Taylor, Troup, Van Allen, Van Cortland, Verplanck, D. R. Williams, M. Williams & Witherell—53.
Mr. BLOUNT said as he had failed in this, he must continue to make motions until he could procure an amendment. He now moved the following title: "An act to raise for a limited time an additional military force."
Mr. STANFORD moved to adjourn—Negatived, Yeas 26.
Mr. RANDOLPH called for the yeas and nays on this title also, lest it should be supposed that he was of the number of those who declared in the title that the time was limited, when he & the whole House knew it was not.
Mr. BIRD moved to adjourn—Negatived 48 to 31.
The question was then taken on the title as last moved, by Yeas and Nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Bassett, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Burwell, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Clopton, Cook, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Eppes, Findlay, Fisk, Franklin, Goodwin, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Isley, Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Macon, Marion, McCreery, Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Taylor, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Wilbour, Wilson, Witherell—58.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, Bibb, Butler, Chittenden, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Ely, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Helms, Hoge, Lyon, Piken, junr. Quincy, J. Randolph, Rowan, Sloan, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Tallmadge, Upham, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, Winn—29.
Mr. BIRD said he had voted for the bill under an idea that the time was limited. Nothing would be farther from his wish than to vote for a bill for raising troops without limitation. He therefore, as one of the majority moved to reconsider the vote on the passage of the bill.
Mr. SMITH asked whether the motion were in order, after the title was agreed to, and the bill in loco out of the reach of this House?
The Speaker decided that the motion was in order.
And the question on re-consideration was taken and negatived, 60 to 25.
And then the House adjourned at about 7 o'clock.
NOTICE.
ALL Persons having claims against the estate of Elizabeth Philpot, late of Charles county deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit them legally authenticated on or before the 8th day of December, otherwise they may by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate, and all those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment to Mr. Laurence Perry, who is fully authorised, to conduct the said administration.
P. B. SMOOT, Exr. Millersburg, Bourbon County } Kentucky, June 8—3t }
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 8.
On Monday the annual election for members of the Council of the City, was held in the several wards; the following is the result:
First Chamber. Charles W. Goldsborough 210, Thomas Young 208, Peter Lenox 177, Charles Jones 170, George Andrews 169, Thomas Thorpe 162, John M'Gowan 157, Thomas Patterson 150, Stephen Pleasonton 147
Second Chamber. Elias B. Caldwell 253, James Hoban 179, John Dempsey 168, Joseph Stretch 155, Richard Forrest 151, Francis Clarke 144, Daniel Rapine 127, Butler Cocke 119, *Princess Bradley 109, *Philip Mauro 109, William Prout 102
Those marked with an (*) are equal, consequently neither of them are elected; it therefore remains with the Chamber to make choice of one of the three last mentioned.
The Editor of this paper, although invariably anxious to avoid the agitation of local questions calculated to produce rather than allay division, considered it his duty to admit the piece in the last paper, under the signature of A CITIZEN, in reply to a performance in the preceding paper. In the former piece he perceives an intimation, which, were he not to repel, he would be wanting in regard to the great interests of the city. This intimation relates to the "Poor schools" established in this place. It is his conscientious belief that they have been productive of more benefit, than the expenditure of the money applied could have produced in any other way. To show this a few facts only shall be stated, as it is his wish, in the present interesting crisis of our national affairs, to fill his columns with articles of a general nature.
When those schools were instituted, it may be confidently alleged that more than half the children in the city were altogether uneducated. Such too were the expenses of tuition, the force of habit, and the indifference of the lower classes, that these children were irretrievably consigned to ignorance. Since this institution has been organized, the benefits of a good elementary education have been conferred on about one hundred and fifty children. Two ample school-houses have likewise been built, from individual contributions, and two respectable schools established in which every Academic branch of knowledge is taught.
By this means the children of the poor are qualified for being good apprentices, and eventually good workmen, or, according to the talents they display, rendered worthy of professional attainments. The effect of this institution will be in a period of twenty years to extend the benefits of a good education to five hundred children, to qualify them for being good mechanics, clerks, merchants, or professional characters; who, but for this, would have been consigned to ignorance, to indigence, to vice. All this too is effected, not by a burthen imposed on the rich, but by taxes, the power of imposing which was asked from and given by Congress for this express purpose: taxes applied, in the state of Maryland, to this object; taxes on luxury, and vice.
The enemies of the administration, who, in their zeal to recover their political power, have shown their readiness even to take part with a foreign enemy, having ineffectually endeavored to inflame the popular resentment against the principle of the embargo, are now insidiously aiming at the accomplishment of the same object by indirect attacks upon the embargo, by attempts to show the oppression and unconstitutionality of the supplementary acts passed to carry it into effect. The style in which these attempts are made proves the intention. Our reason is not addressed, but our passions are stormed. We are pathetically addressed as an oppressed, a ruined people, and are called upon to resist our oppressors. In this appeal to our passions we behold the true features of federalism!
Now, as to the alleged oppression of the supplementary acts, it is admitted that the embargo cannot be justly tried unless carried into full and impartial operation. The attempt to carry it into such effect without multiplying legal sanctions has been tried; and it has proved illusive. Worthless foreigners and unprincipled partisans, men who to carry their
points will use every means, have extorted from Congress the iron provisions of law. Before these provisions were enacted we were told, and truly told that the embargo inexecuted was calculated to produce the worst species of oppression, by its exclusive pressure on the honest part of the community, and its evasion by the dishonest part. We were told that the latter were enriching themselves on the spoils of the former; and facts demonstrated it. To cut up this oppression by the roots, the supplementary acts were passed. These require bonds to be given in almost every instance; interdict the clearance of vessels to districts of the United States adjacent to foreign possessions, and give authority to Executive officers to stop any vessel within or without the United States, suspected to be engaged in any traffic inhibited by the act laying an Embargo.
These provisions have had the effect contemplated. But no sooner is this discovered, and the first oppression exclaimed against, destroyed, then a new cry is raised against the very measures taken to relieve it. No other measures are pointed out, having this effect, which would be inoppressive. It is not contended that the embargo could be carried into effect without resorting to these measures; but an idle cry of oppression is kept up. There is no doubt but that there is a considerable degree of oppression in the original act, as well as in all passed that are incidental to it. But the simple question is, how could this have been prevented. The Embargo was adopted to save our property, nearly our whole property from destruction, and to preserve peace. To avert so great an evil as the former, it was necessary to take a lesser. The man, who is driven to the expence and trouble of locking up his house at night to secure himself and his effects against the murderer and robber, might as well inveigh against the unfortunate necessity that compelled him to take such precautions. Let us not be deceived; let us look to the actual effect of these measures. They have given to the embargo salutary vigor so far as it is applicable to foreign powers; they have given it an equal and impartial operation so far as it relates to ourselves; they have stopped short the career of unprincipled traders, traders in their country's misfortunes. They have, unfortunately, we admit and regret it, diminished the coasting trade of the merchant; but this is a small evil compared with those which they have cured. The farmer and planter, it cannot be too often repeated, constitute the great interest affected by the Embargo; and to give it an impartial operation on them ought to be the great object. Some little inconvenience may be felt, in consequence of these provisions, by the fair traders; but they will be temporary, and will be infinitely counterbalanced by the decisive check given to the iniquities of the fraudulent dealer. As to the oppressive exercise of the powers given to Executive officers that is out of the question. There is no motive to prompt it, and the spirit of the country would not bear it. Does it exist? Is it felt? Are provisions scarce in any one point, or is their price materially elevated in one place or depressed in another, thereby supplying the materials for pernicious speculation? The fact is not alleged; it does not exist. Instead of this, the inevitable effect will be to diminish speculation.
Now, as for the unconstitutionality of these provisions. It is contended that the constitution does not authorise some of the provisions in the last supplementary act; and, further, that if it did, that act does not authorise some of the measures taken by the President.
The powers given by the act are said to be unconstitutional, because the constitution only gives the power to regulate commerce, not to annihilate it, and declares, likewise, "that no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another." The first argument, it will be at once perceived, applies to the principle of the embargo, as well as the supplements. The article of the constitution relied on is this:—Congress shall have power "to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes." This power was given, not so much with a view to the protection of commerce (though doubtless that too may have been contemplated) as in order, in the language of the constitution, "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"—these being all the objects specified in the preamble of that instrument.
It is without hesitation admitted that the power to regulate does not include the power to annihilate commerce. The idea of annihilating it is absurd; human existence, savage or civilised, depends upon it. Regulate it to ten times the extent done by the embargo, and it still continues in a wide extent. They who talk of the embargo annihilating commerce talk without understanding the force of words. Carry the embargo into the fullest effect, and there still remains by far the greater part of the commerce between man and man previously carried on in the interior, there remains that portion of trade which consists in the importation of foreign vessels, and the trade of the American merchant from one foreign port to another, with various other species of traffic, which it is not necessary to enumerate. It is manifest, then, that trade in this point of light is not annihilated by the embargo.
Further, annihilation implies permanent destruction. Can that then be called permanent destruction which is nothing more than temporary suspension? Were the provisions ten times as severe, they could not, under this aspect of the subject, amount to the annihilation of commerce. As they are they have necessarily flowed from the power to provide for the common defence, and to promote the general welfare. And if these great national objects dictated either such a measure as that resorted to, or one still more severe, so long as they were adopted as temporary, they would be in strict correspondence with the constitution. Let us put a case, which we apprehend to be completely decisive. Congress have power to declare war, as well as power to regulate commerce. Would not the exercise of the first power, connected with the duty of defending the country, in case war should be declared against all the nations with whom we have commercial intercourse, warrant their prohibiting the supply of our produce to them or their dependencies in case they opened their ports to our vessels and promised to refrain from taking them on their passage over the ocean? It certainly would—thereby proving that the power to regulate commerce may in certain events, temporarily suspend it altogether.
But, "no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another;"—and, yet, the supplement prohibits the going of any vessel to the ports of districts adjacent to foreign possessions. We are said to give a preference to one place over another, when we confer upon it a privilege denied to the other. The expression as here used, must mean a legal privilege, as all the trade of the U. S. is carried on under certain provisions prescribed by law. Now these provisions, as well as the Constitutional provision quoted, have for their object the securing to the whole U. S. the same benefits, and the supplementary interdiction goes to insure this very end. But for it, the temptations to fraud in the districts adjacent to foreign possessions would be so great, as to give to their ports a decided preference over the other ports of the U. S.; as in the latter the embargo would be strictly, while in the former it would be laxly enforced. If by this provision there be a privilege taken away, it is the unjust and illegal privilege of a fraudulent trader.
So much for the constitutionality of the supplementary act; now, for the measures adopted by the President to carry it into effect. The 11th section authorises the collectors to detain any vessel ostensibly bound with a cargo to some other port of the U. S. whenever in their opinion the intention is to violate any of the embargo provisions, until the decision of the President shall be had thereupon.
Under this provision, the President has recommended to the Collectors that all shipments of flour and other provisions, lumber, naval stores, pot and pearl ashes and flax seed from places where they cannot be wanted for consumption, should be detained. But to guard against inconvenience that might arise from the want of a sufficient supply of provisions, authority is given to the governors of Orleans, Georgia, South Carolina, Massachusetts and New Hampshire, to permit any merchant possessing their confidence to obtain a supply from any port of the U. S. usually exporting flour.
It is contended that the act does not authorise this exercise of power by the President; much less its transfer to the governors of states.
In the exercise of this power, the Executive, instead of waiting for information to be sent to him by the Collector in each specific case, in the Circular to collectors generalizes the cases in which certain acts will amount, in his opinion, to evidence of an intention to violate the act, by which he is made the final judge.
To avoid injurious delays he expounds the principles which are to regulate his judgment. But to guard against an abuse of the power, thus conferred, weekly returns of every detention are directed to be transmitted to the treasury department. Does it not then clearly follow that he reserves to himself, notwithstanding the duty assigned to the collectors, the right of finally determining on every case that occurs? He invades no right; he usurps no power; but merely to save trouble to the revenue officers and vexation to the merchant expounds the principles which will regulate his decision in examining cases brought before him as invasive of the embargo; for which the merchants ought to thank him. If the detentions made by the collectors are all correct, he is silent; if incorrect, he, no doubt, would interpose his authority.
But his right to bestow the power, we have stated, on the governors of states, is disputed. But we ask, how could the great object in view be answered by any other means? Are the people of the several states, in want of flour, to wait for permission to get it until they shall have heard from the President of the U. S.? The idea is too monstrous to be maintained for an instant, and only evinces the absurd length to which the fault-finding spirit of party is prone to go. How could the President judge of the degree of confidence proper to be reposed in merchants, or of the quantity of flour wanted for a particular state, but from the information received from others, and who so entitled to confidence as the man invested by his state with the highest political trust?
We observe, from the Orleans Monitor, that M. Moreau Lislet, lately appointed Judge of the Superior Court of the territory of Orleans, declines accepting the appointment.
The Legislature of Massachusetts have counted the votes for Governor and Deputy Governor, from which it appears that the votes given for Governor were 81,147 Of which James Sullivan has 41,193 Votes given for Lt. Governor 79,730 Of which Levi Lincoln has 40,344 Both these gentlemen are decidedly republican.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
At a numerous and very respectable meeting of the citizens, held on Wednesday Evening, the 1st inst. at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond for the purpose of promoting Domestic Manufactures:
The GOVERNOR, was called to the chair; and THOMAS RITCHIE appointed Secretary.
On motion of Dr. Foushee, sen. the following resolutions were adopted:
Resolved unanimously, as the opinion of this meeting, That at this important crisis, when we have but little to hope from the justice of the great belligerent powers of Europe, who have introduced a new system of warfare, by attacking neutral commerce, it is highly expedient, that the people of these U. States should rely upon those internal resources with which they are so amply provided.
Resolved therefore, That a committee be appointed to digest a plan for the establishment of Manufactures, adapted to our particular situation, and that they make their report to a meeting of the citizens to be held at the Capitol on Wednesday next.
On motion, the Chairman nominated the following gentlemen to compose the committee:
James Monroe, Edward Carrington, Alexander M'Rea, David Ballock, Creed Taylor, Wm. Rowles, sen. Abraham Venable, Robert Gamble, James Brocken, Norborne Nicholas, George Hay, Thomas Ladd, Jr. Brockenbrough, Peyton Randolph and William Wirt.
On motion, the following members were added:
Benjamin Tate, Samuel Adams, Joseph Gallego, John Cunningham, John Clark, William H. Cabell.
On motion of Mr. Hay, Resolved, That the preceding members of the committee, or any seven of them, be authorised to make their report on Wednesday next.
On motion of Mr. Munford, Resolved unanimously, That at the celebration of the Anniversary of American Independence, on the 4th day of July next, we, the persons present at this meeting, will, as far as practicable, appear clothed in articles of the

Manufacture of Virginia, or of some one of the U. States.
On motion of the hon. Creed Taylor, Resolved, unanimously That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the different papers of this City.
Signed, WM. H. CABELL. ATTEST, THOMAS RITCHIE, Secretary ( Richmond Enquirer. )
The following is the answer of the President of the U. S. to an address of the delegates of the Democratic Republicans of the city of Philadelphia, in general ward committee assembled.
The epoch, fellow citizens, into which our lot has fallen, has indeed been fruitful of events which require vigilance, and embarrass deliberation. That during such a period of difficulty, and amidst the perils surrounding us, the public measures which have been pursued should meet your approbation, is a source of great satisfaction.
It was not expected, in this age, that nations, so honorably distinguished by their advances in science and civilization, would suddenly cast away the esteem they had merited from the world, and, reviving from the empire of morality, assume a character in history, which all the tears of their posterity will never wash from its pages. But during this delirium of the warring powers, the ocean having become a field of lawless violence, a suspension of our navigation, for a time, was equally necessary to avoid contest, or enter it with advantage. This measure will indeed produce some temporary inconvenience; but promises lasting good, by promoting among ourselves the establishment of manufactures hitherto sought abroad, at the risk of collisions no longer regulated by the laws of reason or morality.
It is to be lamented that any of our citizens, not thinking with the mass of the nation as to the principles of our government, or of its administration, and seeing all its proceedings with a prejudiced eye, should so misconceive and misrepresent our situation as to encourage aggression from foreign nations. Our expectation is that their distempered views will be understood by others, as they are by ourselves. But should war be the consequence of these delusions, and the errors of our dissatisfied citizens find atonement only in the blood of their sounder brethren, we must meet it as an evil necessarily flowing from that liberty of speaking and writing which guards our other liberties: and I have entire confidence in the assurances that your ardor will be animated, in the conflicts brought on, by considerations of the necessity, honor and justice of our cause.
I sincerely thank you, fellow citizens, for the concern you so kindly express for my future happiness. It is a high and abundant reward for endeavors to be useful; and I supplicate the case of Providence over the well-being of yourselves and our beloved country.
TH: JEFFERSON.
May 25, 1808.
There are 67 vessels belonging to the U. States, and valued at eight millions of dollars, carried into British ports under the late orders of council. Messrs. Bainbridge & Brown of London, are agents for the far greater part of this immense American property—and yet, strange to tell, those gentlemen signed the petition to the British House of Commons in favor of those very orders in council. ( Dem. Press. )
By Mr. Gray's vessel, which has arrived at Salem, from Spain, his Catholic Majesty's Consul, in this town, received files of the Gazette of Madrid, to the 27th of April, inclusive.
The Emperor Napoleon left Paris on the 2d of April, for Bordeaux. On the road, he was met by the Ambassador from the new king of Spain—who presented his credentials to him as he sat in his coach. The Emperor informed him that he would give him an audience in the first city at which he might stop. The Ambassador was necessitated to change his carriage, to endeavor to keep up with him. Napoleon proceeded to Bordeaux, where he visited the different public buildings, the river, &c.
The late king of Spain had published a Proclamation declaring that he had voluntarily abdicated the throne in favor of his son Ferdinand, whom he called on all his subjects to obey—at the same time he recommended to his son to keep in office the old unsuspicious public servants.
King Ferdinand had proceeded to Victoria, (which is 155 miles N. of
Madrid, 32 S. E. of Bilboa,) to meet the Emperor Napoleon, and conduct him to Madrid, where it is expected the marriage of the king with the Emperor's niece, will be solemnised—the coronation take place.
The Prince of Peace had not been punished, nor even tried—and nothing criminal had been found against persons at first suspected as connected with him.
( Boston Pall. )
The following paragraph is extracted from the coffee-house books:
"Letters by the Perseverance, 43 days from Toulon, mention, that all the American property since time since sequestered at Hamburg had been CONFISCATED by special order of the Emperor! (not by the council of prizes) and ordered to Paris; waggons had been employed for the conveyance of the same."
Balt. Am.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
No. VI.
The Embargo may be temporary; war would, in all probability, be of a long duration. On this head there has been the most flagrant, and, in many instances, wilful, misrepresentations. The Embargo has been represented as a permanent measure, intended totally to destroy commerce, and as completely to eradicate it here, as in China. Those who have urged this objection have not for a moment reflected, that had this been the deliberate policy of the administration, it would, instead of recommending a measure protective of the ships and goods of our merchants, have permitted the country, by the natural course of events originating with foreign powers, to be hurried into the vortex of war, in which the greater part of our vessels if not the whole, would have been overhauled or destroyed. In this way, without any act on their part, the administration would have enjoyed the spectacle of wide-spread destruction, and would have seen, with exultation, a class of men, whose political influence entirely arises from their wealth, reduced to insignificance and insignificance. In this way the blow, aimed at commerce, might have indeed been mortal. Our vessels lost, augmenting, indeed, the riches and power of our enemy; and our merchants a standing monument of the perils of trade; would have spoken most audibly to the nation, and would have gone far to produce the conviction, that the dangers of traversing the ocean far exceeded its benefits; and that so long as we occupied the rank of a weaker nation, however we might be suffered to sow, we should never be allowed by our more powerful enemies and rivals to reap the harvest. The loss of a hundred millions of dollars, at one point of time, would have been felt as the greatest national misfortune that ever befel us, and would most certainly have produced a decisive change in our ordinary policy. Such a loss would have been equal to a loss of a hundred and fifty dollars to every family in the United States; would have ruined our banks, our insurance companies, and, probably every monied institution among us. It would have arrested internal improvements in their full extent. It would have lessened the value of land and produce. It would have annihilated the source of national revenue. It would have produced an almost universal bankruptcy among our citizens. Such, then, was indisputably the obvious policy of an administration hostile to commerce. Their not having pursued it, their having pursued a policy directly the reverse, demonstrates the falsehood & the folly of the charge.
Connected with this charge is that which professes to consider the embargo as a permanent measure; permanent, even after the causes which gave rise to it should cease.
This charge is equally unfounded. Whether we regard the character and principles of those who laid it, the motives assigned by them for its imposition, the ostensible causes which produced it, or the measures taken in consequence of it; there is every reason to consider it temporary. I will say nothing of the abstract principles of the President and the members of his cabinet, except that they have been most unjustly considered inimical to trade, as most abundantly appears by Mr. Madison's correspondence, and especially by the spirit with which our government has, thro' the whole of the negotiation, avowed its determination to maintain the interests of the carrying, as well as every other description of our commerce. I rely on the acknowledged principles of the representatives from the commercial states, and on the fact that a large majority of them voted for the embargo, who could only
have voted for it as a temporary measure, at least to be limited by the ostensible causes that produced it. I rely, particularly, on the fact, that every representative, present, of the great commercial towns, except one, voted for it. Of the representatives of the great commercial states of Massachusetts, New-York, Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina, who, the last year exported to the amount of eighty-eight millions of dollars out of one hundred and eight millions, being more than four fifths of the whole exports, in the Senate six voted for and two against it (two being absent); and in the House of Representatives thirty eight voted for, and twenty one against it. Without considering these men as totally ignorant of, or lost to a regard to the interests of their constituents, we must admit that this is among the most conclusive proofs that the embargo was resorted to as a temporary measure, to be removed either with the discontinuance of its causes, or before their continuance, should they be of unexpected duration.
The motives assigned for its imposition illustrate the same intention. The President, in the message on which the embargo was predicated, not only assigns the outrages committed on our trade, as the reasons for his recommendation, but likewise encloses the orders and decrees of England, France and Spain, authorizing them; and in all the deliberations of Congress this was exclusively the ground on which that measure was defended. No member, on the floor of either House, supported it on the ground of abstract principle, or contended, that in imitation of the Chinese, we ought permanently to abandon the protection of trade. The fact is, that, whatever real diversity of sentiment there may be on this point, there has not, since the adoption of the Constitution, been a solitary voice raised in favor of such a policy. The question has either been considered as settled by that instrument, or a spirit of conciliation has prevented its agitation.
It is obvious that the ostensible causes of the measure, viz. the British and French decrees necessarily limit the duration of the embargo to their continuance; and that, consequently, so far as they operate, its removal will be cotemporaneous with their abrogation.
The measures, taken in consequence of the embargo are still more evincive, if possible, of its having been adopted as a temporary measure. For had they who imposed it intended it to be permanent, they would not, if I may use the expression, have rested upon their oars; but would have entered upon a new system of measures indispensably required by such a radical change of policy. Depending entirely on commerce for revenue, resort would have been had to some new source of taxation; and the large disbursements authorised for fortifications, for building gun boats, for the navy, and an augmentation of our regular forces, the greater number, if not the whole of which can alone be wanted to repel aggressions brought upon us by commercial collisions, would have been cautiously avoided, as so many improvident drains of that accumulated revenue, which under such a radical change, it would become essential to husband with the utmost care. On this point, there is one consideration, which the opponents of the administration, and those who strive to disseminate the impression that the embargo was intended for permanency, must feel the full force of. They have experienced, if we are to place confidence in their own words, the danger of a recurrence to direct taxes and excises to those who impose them. It is to these causes that they ascribe their loss of power. Is it possible, then, that they can consider the present administration as anxious to founder on the very rock on which they themselves split? Do they not know how much of their popularity has most deservedly sprung from the repeal of those odious taxes, and from the rapid extinguishment of the public debt, not to be insensible of the danger to which that popularity would be exposed by the necessity that drove them to the re-imposition of those taxes to a much greater amount, and to permitting the public debt to re-accumulate, instead of causing its entire extinction? Can they, without subjecting themselves to the just imputation of insanity, seriously charge the administration with the deliberate purpose of turning felo de se , or without evincing the most contemptuous disrespect for the understanding of the people, persuade themselves that they will be the credulous victims of such a pitiful misrepresentation?
It is absurd then to talk of the embargo as laid with any other view than that of its being a temporary measure. To say that its imposition is
evidence of a disposition totally to give up commerce, is as irrational, as it would be to affirm that the individual who housed himself and his cattle from an impending or rising storm meant to abandon altogether the cultivation of his fields.
To what period it will be limited it belongs not to human sagacity to determine. Whether the causes that produced it will soon be removed, or whether, should they be unexpectedly protracted, it may not be politic to remove it notwithstanding, are points difficult of satisfactory solution. There is strong reason for the belief that it will open the eyes of our enemies to a perception of their own interests, and thus induce them to respect our rights as indissolubly connected with their prosperity. This hope is invigorated by the undoubted fact of the value of our supplies to both France and England, as well as to their colonies, and from the equally indisputable fact, that in England the opposition to her orders of council is strenuous and severe, but, supported by the most distinguished talents of the kingdom, and by that mighty host of her subjects, who have already become importunate for peace with France; and if this be impracticable, certainly with America. These events may be considered as absolutely dependent on the change of the ministry, itself rendered more probable from the advanced age and infirmity of the king.
The embargo may then most justly be considered as a temporary measure. War, we have said, would, in all probability, be of long duration.
A resort to war, on our part, would be to defend, and eventually to obtain a recognition of the great neutral rights, which have so long embroiled our peace and interrupted the pursuits of our citizens. There is every reason to believe that having once appealed to arms for this object, we should never abandon it until we had completely gained our point. There is equal reason to infer that Britain would not yield until she had exhausted every chance of success. Great as her power is, it is manifest, from the unrivalled rapidity with which ours progresses, that we must finally gain upon her, and that she must, with whatever ill grace, at last submit. In the mean time, however, the war would rage with the utmost fury, and, as an indemnity for her outrages on the ocean we should certainly possess ourselves of her adjacent provinces. Once possessed of them, it is almost certain that they would become an integral part of the union, not thereafter to be severed from it. How long would it be before the pride of Britain would permit her to sign a treaty that would surrender their sovereignty to us? In forcing such a treaty of peace, we should have nothing to give her in exchange, as an emollient for her wounded pride. She would consequently be compelled to sign an unconditional act of submission, an unequivocal acknowledgment of wrong. Years, many years, would undoubtedly elapse before she would submit to such an humiliation. In the mean time, it is by no means certain that we should be exempt from serious collisions with other powers. The employment of our resources against Britain would not fail to increase the vulnerability of our western frontier, and the disputed boundaries in that quarter would be but too apt to expose us to predatory incursions, or to the more serious evils of regular warfare, from a nation that, blind to her true policy, might seize a period favorable to the demonstration of her strength. And these points once submitted to the arbitration of arms, abundant causes of protracted hostilities would not be wanting; for there too, as well as to the east, there are provinces, to which we have already, to say no more, a colorable title, and which we might honestly occupy as an indemnity for aggressions committed by their nominal owners on our property on the ocean.
During this long period, absolutely illimitable by anticipation, we should be exposed, as we have seen, to greater evils than are even now felt under the embargo.
Such, indeed, was the ardent solicitude of our government to preserve the blessings of peace, that they appear to have resorted to the embargo as the last great chance within their power of averting a resort to arms. They considered it as the only important expedient remaining at all calculated to insure this desirable result. It enabled them to address one more solemn appeal to the belligerent powers, and by convincing them that we would not submit to their unjust pretensions awaken them to a sense of their own true interests. This conviction will have been carried into the bosoms of their councils by the numerous steps taken
to insure its rigid enforcement, by the rise of Congress, by their adjournment to a distant day, without raising it, and by the information of its being at last carried into full effect. The consequences felt, and apprehended from its continuance, will make a serious impression, and will either relieve us from the causes that produced it, or enable us, by ascertaining the ground which our enemies mean permanently to occupy, to meet them in such a way, as ultimately the most effectually to guard our rights and secure our interests.
AN AMERICAN WHIG.
District of Columbia, Washington county to wit.
ON the petition of NATHAN ORME, an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Nathan Orme, that on Monday the 13th inst. at the court room in the Capitol, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M., the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Orme, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist twice in each paper before said day.
By order of the honorable William Crouch, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Clk.
June 8—2t
40 DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR apprehending and delivering Negro HARRY to the subscriber in the city of Washington or twenty-five dollars for securing said slave so that I get him again. Harry ran off on the 14th day of March 1808, he is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, thick lips, light black color, has the wool shaved off the back of the head the size of a dollar, and a scar on the same, and a small wen on the breast; had on when he went off a blue cloth coatee, drab color bear skin round jacket (as a sencer.) Harry was purchased of Mr. George Cole of Poplar Hill, Saint Mary's county.
N. B. Having reason to believe that he was persuaded and aided in his escape, I offer 50 dollars reward to any person who will prove to conviction in a court of justice the person guilty of such act.
PETER LENOX.
April 6—tawtf
RUNAWAY.
WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, district of Columbia, as runaway on the 12th inst. a black woman who calls herself Cornelius and says she belongs to John Cross, of Anne Arundel county, Md. she is about 40 years of age, 5 feet 2 1/2 inches high; had on when committed a black hat, blue cloth round jacket and trowsers, black silk vest, check linen shirt, old shoes, and no other clothes with her. His owner is desired to come and prove him and take him away, or he will be sold for his just fees and other expenses as the law directs.
CARTWRIGHT TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail, for Washington Boyd, marshal.
May 25—w8t
AMERICAN HEMP.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp for the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans.
For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted.
Navy Department, May 3—w N
FOR SALE.
THE Two story Brick HOUSE, situated on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Louis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.
WM. BRENT.
Washington city, Dec 18—wtf
JAMES A. PORTER, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
hath just settled in the city of Washington, and opened his Office in the house of Thomas Herrey, Esq. opposite Mr. Rhodes's tavern, Pennsylvania avenue; where, he can be consulted, and employed in the line of his profession at almost any time, and will use every necessary attention and exertion to merit public confidence.
May 11—w2m
Bank of Columbia, March 18, 1808.
THE President and Directors having this day declared a Dividend on the capital stock of the institution for the half-year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of eight per cent. per annum, the same will be paid to the stockholders or their representatives on Monday the 21st inst. or at any time thereafter.
WM. WHANN, Cash.
cp6w.

FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, May 28th, 1808.
It has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the bank of the United States, were enclosed by William Keais, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tudor Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post-Office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said Bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post-Office as aforesaid: neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Keais, and on one part of the back of all or of most of the notes, was written the name of Lewis Leroy; from which circumstance the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped at the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of five hundred dollars will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen.
ALBERT GALLATIN, secretary of the Treasury.
DESCRIPTION OF NOTES.
Table with 4 columns: No., Date, DESCRIPTION OF NOTES, Dollars. It lists various bank notes with their serial numbers, dates, and denominations.
Dollars 1,500
May 30-1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Norwell's celebrated patent parallel suspender far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27-1f
TO RENT,
AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to
Mr. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company.
April 29-1f.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man, named BOB, who calls himself Robert Thomas, about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely combed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloaths, and took with him one dark green broadcloth coat and pantaloon with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantaloon nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown suit coat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel is unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress.
As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Ducket, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington.
ALLEN B. DUCKETT.
May 13-epf
FOR SALE.
FOUR HUNDRED acres of land adjoining land of Samuel Arant, lying in Beaver Township, Northumberland county, state of Pennsylvania—or exchanged for merchandise or good property well situated in this city.
For terms apply to
JOSEPH WHEATON.
Washington City, May 18-wtf
WANTED
AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to Rd. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13-epf
NOW LANDING From on board the schooner VIRGINIA from New York, First quality St. Croix SUGAR in hogsheads, prime green COFFEE in bags, fresh TEAS, Bordeaux CLARET in boxes of one dozen each, SWEET OIL, OLIVES, CAPERS & ANCHOVIES, for sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, May 23-1f
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16-1f
BURNS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23-1f
A BULL. THERE is now on Col. Tayloe's farm, called Petworth, near the City of Washington, a BUFFALO BULL, of the true English breed, very remarkable for size and figure, will be let to cows this season at one dollar each—those wishing to improve their breed of cattle should embrace the opportunity, as he will be removed the ensuing season. Apply to the Manager. N. B. The money to be paid when the cattle are sent. June 3-6t
WANTS A SITUATION AS A TUTOR in a family, or as an assistant or principal in a school or academy, an elderly man, without a family. He professes to teach the English language grammatically, including the principles of composition and elocution; writing, arithmetic, geography, with the use of the globes, maps and charts; the elements of geometry, trigonometry, mensuration, dialling, gunning, surveying, navigation, and algebra. He is a complete master of the latin language, and has a tolerable knowledge of Greek and French. His object for advertising in this paper is to obtain employment in a warmer climate. Further particulars may be known by directing a line, post paid, to A. Z. Carlisle, Pennsylvania, any time before the tenth of July next. Suitable testimonials of his moral and literary character can be produced, if required. June 3-3t
PUBLIC SALE. THE sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott, deceased, heretofore advertised, being postponed by order of the Chancellor, the subscriber as trustee, will sell at public auction, at Van Wyck & Dorsey's Auction Room in the city of Baltimore, on Friday the 17th day of June next at 12 o'clock, the following tracts of unimproved land lying in Allegany county, to wit:
acres. Governor's Neglect, containing 1031 Roby's Delight, 421 Ormes Attraction, 634 Chesnut Grove, 461 Now or Never, 600 Hard Struggle, 1554 Lot No. 2487, 50 Western Connection, 15434 The lands above mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing, and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase. A farther description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase, on application to the subscriber. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands, shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within twelve months from the day of sale. The creditors of Gustavus Scott, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale aforesaid. ROGER PERRY, Trustee. Cumberland, May 23-3w.
NOTICE.
THE Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned, are notified that the Board of Appraisers, composed of the city Commissioners will sit at the Council Chamber on Tuesday the 14th day of June next, and continue to sit for TEN days, Sundays excepted, from 3 until 7 o'clock, P. M. to hear and determine on appeals from the late assessment.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington city. June 1-12d
This is to give notice that the subscriber has obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, letters of administration on the estate of Thomas Upton, deceased. All persons having claims against the deceased, are warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber within six months, they may otherwise be deprived of all benefit of said estate. And all those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment. JOHN R. BUSSARD, Ex'r. June 3-3t
FOR SALE BY AUCTION.
ON Thursday the 9th inst. will be offered for sale a two story FRAME HOUSE, & LOT No. 1, on square 104, fronting on 20th street west, pursuant to a deed of trust made to the subscriber for certain purposes therein mentioned; the House lies near the Glass House and Lears Wharf. Terms of sale—a note with an approved endorser, payable in nine months. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. CHARLES JONES, Trustee. June 3-3t
FOR SALE OR RENT,
The dwelling house of the subscriber—possession may be had immediately, if required. JOSEPH FORREST. June 3-6t
MILITARY GENTLEMEN—ATTENTION!
MARY A. PIC has the honor to inform the Military Gentlemen of the district, that she has just received an elegant assortment of FEATHERS, COCKADES, EPAULETS, Gold and Silver CORDS, CORDS and TASSELS for Hats, &c. June 3-6t
MILLINERY.
MARY A. PIC has also the honor to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen, that she has now on hand an extensive and truly elegant assortment of Millinery, consisting of Diamond Rosina straw hats & bonnets, Silk straw hats and bonnets, Satin straw do. do. French gypsy bonnets, Lace caps, Silk shawls of all sizes and colors, Honey comb bonnets, Long leno shawls, Goslana mantles, Artificial flowers, wreathes & bunches, Embroidery chenille, Do. silk, Ladies and gentlemen's gloves, Tortoise shell combs, Silk thread, cotton and black lace, Umbrellas, Whips, Lemons, Best Spanish segars, Shoes, Perfumery, Jewlry, &c. &c. &c. George Town, May 27-3t
SUBSCRIPTIONS will be received at D. RAPINE'S Bookstore, on Capitol Hill, for an entire
NEW WORK, Entitled, "The Manual of the French and English Student, or a new and complete Dictionary of the French and English Languages, in two parts, 1st. French and English; 2nd. English and French. The whole carefully compiled from the best writers, and particularly from the dictionaries of the French Academy, Boiste, Ferand, Catineau, Wailly, Fiquet, Nugent, Chambeau, Johnson, Walker, &c. By N. G. DUPIRE."
This work will contain the pronunciation of every word, according to the most polite usage in France & England. It will preclude the necessity of any other dictionary. The work will be printed on a superior paper and new type, cast for the purpose, and delivered to subscribers in two volumes, neatly done up in boards at Five Dollars. D. Rapine has lately received from New York & Philadelphia an extensive collection of Books in addition to his former assortment, among which are all the late and new works of merit. In a few days will be received the fifteenth half volume of Dr. Rees's Cyclopaedia. May 30-
The ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mats of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive. 1. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperelboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebunk, Wells, York, & Kittery to Portsmouth (N. H.) three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday, at noon, & arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. 2. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperelboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebunk, Wells, York, & Kittery to Portsmouth (N. H.) three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by 10 P. M. in 12 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Portland the same days by 4 P. M. in 12 hours. The same arrangement for route No. 1 from December 1, to April 15, reversing the days. 3. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, (Mrs.) Newburyport, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, 7 times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 1 A. M. and arrive at Boston by noon, in 11 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 9 P. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15. Leave Portsmouth every day at 11 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by noon, in 13 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth same day by 11 P. M. in 13 hours. 4. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours. 5. From Boston by Dedham, Walpole, Foxboro', Attleboro', Providence, Scituate, Plainfield, Jewis City, Chelsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guilford & Branford to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours. 6. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West-Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, and Harlem, to New York, every day. Leave New Haven every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next days by 2 P. M. in 18 hours. Leave New York every day at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 1 A. M. in 17 hours. 7. From New York by the turnpike road to Philadelphia, 7 times a week. Leave New York every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York, the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. This will contain the main mail, and is not to be opened at any intermediate office. 8. From New York by Jersey city, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Hightstown and Frankfort to Philadelphia, six times a week. Leave New York every day, (save Sunday) at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 P. M. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 P. M. 9. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vanville, Bladensburg, and Washington to Georgetown, seven times a week. Leave Baltimore every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 6 A. M. and arrived at Baltimore by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. 10. From Washington City to Alexandria, seven times a week. Leave Washington City every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 P. M. Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 5 A. M. 11. From Alexandria by Colchester to Dumfries, seven times a week. Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 7 hours. 12. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house, to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 1/2 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M. 13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Church, and Hoover courthouse, to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours. 14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1/2 P. M. WANTED To go to North-Carolina in May, a Papermaker, who is a good workman, and is sober and industrious. To such a person good wages will be given. Apply to the Editor of this paper. April 29.