The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-06-25 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. DCCC XC. FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25, 1806. PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25.
(A COMMUNICATION.)
A cursory review of the Conduct of Great Britain.
No. II.
(CONCLUDED.)
In regard to supplies the U. S. have been accustomed to buy them of G. Britain to a vast annual amount. The enemies of G. Britain refusing to take British manufactures, the materials we lately furnished for the manufactures England sold to the continent will no longer find a market in England. We, of course, can no longer raise money in that way, to pay for British goods. Our purchases to that amount will be discontinued. To cripple us completely, England shuts us, by one fiat of the crown , out of the markets of the continent. The proceeds of the goods we sold on the continent of Europe, and a great value in freight money was formerly remitted to England from all countries. The amount was very considerable. As we are to be shut by the British navy out of Europe, these resources for purchases in England will also fail, and we shall cease to purchase a further large portion of our ordinary imports from her, on account of a deficiency, which she unwisely as well as unlawfully creates in our means. England destroys our ability to purchase her own manufactures! and represents it as necessary to her interest. Cut off from the markets of Europe, and the English manufacturers ceasing to buy because they are cut off from the continent also, we have no places to sell our crops, our articles of fishery and the surplus of foreign goods, which we import. Our agriculture then must be deeply injured and our commerce must stagnate unless we new model our affairs . Rather than have our crops and foreign commodities rot on our hands we must force foreign consumption . If we forbid the importation of British woollens, linens and silks, or duty them twenty-five or thirty per cent for revenue as they do in Europe, we shall find the English compelled to purchase and manufacture our cotton wool. If we exclude British India piece goods of silk and cotton directly or indirectly from thence, the English manufacturers will be obliged to purchase and work up a larger proportion of our cotton. It is ascertained by careful enquiry of the best informed persons in the cotton branch, that the American cotton wool, can be and is manufactured in England into every kind of plain and twilled goods which is made in that country, and that it is capable of making every description of cotton goods, which comes from the Peninsula of India. Those British India cotton and silk goods interfering greatly with goods made of our raw cotton, and indeed with English manufactures, can be profitably excluded. Let British India raise sugar, coffee, cocoa, pimento, ginger, pepper and other spices, instead of sending us cotton cloths interfering with the consumption of our cotton wool in Europe and in America .
British rum may no longer be allowed to interfere with our own distilleries and breweries and with the grain of our farms, which the British blockade will shut out of the wine countries and manufacturing countries of Europe. The coasting trade in American liquors will be very considerable, and may serve to replace the carrying trade in Brandies and wines, for our vessels cannot come from France, Spain, Portugal or Italy, with foreign liquors, because Britain has been pleased to order that they shall not go thither.
As the impediments to landing British goods (made of our materials) in Europe will stagnate much of our crops, and the universal blockade by G. Britain will stagnate much more and will decrease our means of purchasing abroad, it is manifest, that the time has been brought on, and in part by that government itself, when we must manufacture very extensively for our own use and for foreign consumption. We must manufacture at home or our crops and foreign imports will rot upon our hands. Our forty millions of cotton, our flax increased twenty fold (and yielding a net profit equal to the value of the land) our increased hemp, our grain and cattle, which will want markets under the new laws for neutrals of the British executive government, all these, we say, with considerable quantities of iron, wool, lead and skins, prepare us to enter with many advantages, upon the manufacturing system. To help our own manufactures, and to force the use of our cotton and fishery articles, no drawback of the duties upon foreign fishery articles nor upon woollen goods should be allowed. The duties may be so increased that the foreign goods we shall still import and consume will pay as much revenue as the import now yields. We must not permit the British impediments to our trade to injure our public
revenue, our public faith, and our public credit in the smallest degree. We must with perfect honor, with a pure morality and according to the imperious dictates of our religion, discharge the principal and interest of our public debts, and pay with punctuality our current expenses.
It is a peculiar hardship on the U. States to suffer the numerous losses that hang over our carrying trade, over the sales of our crops, and of the surplus of our fisheries, and of our imports, over our supplies, and over our revenues. We have not shut Britain out of the markets of Europe, nor have we made war upon her. We have not impressed her seamen nor spoiled her commerce. We have not disturbed her passenger trade nor her carrying trade. We have not laid duties on our exports to her kingdom or colonies, nor made her pay for a protection to her commerce, which we did not furnish. We have not attempted to make our Chief Executive Magistrate a sole legislator in many important branches of her commerce. Yet they have done to us all these things and more. It is really a solemn obligation of prudence and duty on the British government and nation to consider, that they have rendered themselves extremely obnoxious by these and other uses of their power, on the sea. They have set to the great continental powers, the example of taking one sovereignty of India after another into their own hands, and thus effecting an exclusion of all the maritime nations from the commerce of the Indian states. After seizing the governments, and revenues of India to monopolise the trade, they see other powers follow their example in the seizure of the commerce of Germany: and excluding us from India for their own proper gain, they would stop our commerce with Germany, because Prussia acts there, as they have done in India . It is a notorious and important fact that the government of G. B. to secure the India trade of our own continent would have cut off the U. S. at the Ohio in violation of the treaty, and now for a similar act of Prussia towards Germany, they resort to a suspension of an immense proportion of our legitimate commerce and in goods too for a great part which can neither equip nor feed armies or navies—the luxuries of human life and the materials of manufacture.
Injured so long, so often and so variously injured, we do not persuade to war . 'Tis enough for us to meet it, as at Tripoli, when a better course cannot be pursued. We prefer to hold up the mirror of truth to our English friends, that they may see the evils of their conduct. They will perceive, by a thousand means, that their conduct is attentively observed, here and perfectly understood. They will easily believe that we have no disposition to endure it longer. Nicholson's law will prove the state of the American mind. It behoves England to be well convinced, that we are unable (even were we willing) to bear the injuries to our commerce, and agriculture, which their impressments, their detentions, their immense spoliations, their enormous admiralty expenses, and their illegitimate blockades of unbesieged places, of empires, and of a whole quarter of the world will certainly produce.
It is hoped, that every man of manufacturing, commercial and public business in the two countries, and every fisherman, farmer and planter in the U. S. will soberly turn his mind to the examination of this subject, that right may be done, remedy applied and evil prevented. Our own intelligent and responsible government, in the legislative and executive departments, will certainly assemble, with considerable preparation for the remedy or counterbalance of all injustice and injuries, which G. Britain may unwisely continue to practise towards us. We are willing to hope for the best; but as we may not be met by a disposition to give and take justice, and no more, we ought to consider the present as a year in which we may be compelled by external circumstances to make wholesome and important changes in our political economy, and in our laws of trade.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. APRIL 1, 1806.
The bill for the relief of Hamet Caramalli, Ex-Bashaw of Tripoli, being under consideration, on the question, shall this bill pass? Mr. BRADLEY having finished his remarks in support of the bill, Mr. ADAMS said—
MR. PRESIDENT—When the question was yesterday stated from the chair, on the final passage of this bill, and I found myself called upon to record my assent to or dissent from it, I felt myself bound in duty to call upon the committee by whom it had been reported, for the evidence upon which they had rested the claim of Hamet Bashaw, to the grant of money which is proposed by the bill to be made to him. Together with the bill the committee had reported what they term "a brief statement of facts," upon which they declare the bill itself
to be founded, and wherein they consider his claim, not on the generosity, but, on the justice of the United States, from his services and sufferings in their cause, and from his having been deceived and amused with the prospect of being placed on his throne, as legitimate sovereign of Tripoli, and frequently drawn from eligible situations for the purpose of being made the dupe and instrument of policy, and finally sacrificed to misfortune and wretchedness." The bill accordingly makes the grant expressly in consideration, of his services and sufferings in our cause, and in voting for the bill as it now stands I should consider myself as sanctioning as far as my vote would go, the report of the committee, upon which the bill is founded. This I could not do without further information. I thought, sir, and have thought, from the moment when I first saw the report that the statement it contained, far from being supported by the voluminous documents which have been in the course of the session communicated to the Senate, respecting all our transactions with Tripoli, was in many respects contradictory to the whole tenor of those documents—my recollection of the documents was indeed only of their general tenor, for amidst the pressure of the various other important business which we have had before us, I had not found time for a re-perusal of them, since I had heard them read at your table. But of their general complexion, my mind had received a clear and very decided impression, with which I found it impossible to reconcile any part of the committee's report. I presumed however that the committee were possessed of evidence, not yet communicated to the Senate, which warranted them in those assertions, which all the papers with which I had been made acquainted tended rather to disprove than to confirm. The chairman of the committee has this day informed the Senate of the grounds upon which the report was drawn up, and has communicated what he considers as the additional evidence in its support. He has also favored us with the arguments upon which he thinks the views of the subject, taken in the report are fully substantiated. I regret, sir, that neither his arguments nor his evidence have been satisfactory to my mind; but that after giving them what I deem their full share of weight, I still remain convinced that the report is founded upon a supposed state of facts altogether erroneous, and a view of the whole subject altogether incorrect.
The merits of Hamet Bashaw's claim upon the United States must depend upon the nature of the engagements, contracted between the U. S. and him, and upon the transactions under those engagements. With respect to the nature of the engagements, there is a very striking difference between the statement of the committee, and the statement of the President of the U. S. in his message of 13 January last. The statement of the committee, is as much at variance with the ideas of Hamet Bashaw himself, as with those of the President; and equally in opposition to those of commodore Barron and Mr. Lear, as they appear in the printed papers.
With regard to the facts material to constitute the peculiar character of the Ex-Bashaw's claim, the statement of the committee is no less in flat contradiction to the statements of the President, to the acknowledgments of Hamet Bashaw, and to the tenor of the most substantial documents.
As to the nature of the engagements—The committee represent Hamet Bashaw as having been inveigled, deceived, amused with promises to place him on his throne, and finally betrayed and sacrificed. They appear to think the U. S. were bound, at all events, and by their exclusive exertions to restore him to his dignity, and that the mere act of withdrawing their aid, without accomplishing that object, was a treacherous violation of their faith plighted to him.
The President's message says—(Mr. Bradley objected against the reading of the message, as out of order, it being incompatible with the rules to adduce the opinions of the executive, to influence the opinion of the Senate. On appeal to the chair, Mr. Adams stated that he did not propose to read the opinions of the executive, but a statement of facts by the executive, for the purpose of shewing that it was contradictory to the statement of facts, reported by the committee, and with the further view of shewing by the acknowledgement of Hamet Bashaw, and the other documents before the Senate, that the statement of the executive was the correct one. The President of the Senate decided that he might proceed.)
The President's message says—"During the war with Tripoli, it was suggested that Hamet Caramalli, elder brother of the reigning bashaw, and driven by him from his throne, meditated the recovery of his inheritance, and that a concert in action with us was desirable to him. We considered that concerted operations by those who have a common enemy were entirely justifiable, and might produce effects favorable to both, without binding either to guarantee the objects of the other."
Here, sir, from the President himself we are told, not that Hamet Bashaw had been deceived, amused, and "drawn from eligible situations," but that the concert of operations, was first suggested as desirable to him. Not that the government ever had a thought of pledging the U. S. to restore him to his throne, but merely that a concert in action was intended, leaving each party perfectly at liberty as respected the object of the other. The committee therefore have altogether mistaken the nature of the first negotiations with Hamet; and Mr. Eaton's letters of 5th Sept. and 13th Dec. 1801, prove the correctness of the President's statement.
The report of the committee asserts that the agents of the United States in the Mediterranean in August 1801, entered into a convention, with Hamet, to obtain a permanent peace with Tripoli, to place the ex-bashaw on his throne, and procure indemnification for all expenses in accomplishing the same. That this agreement was renewed in November following—and that in 1802, "when the reigning bashaw had made overtures to the ex-bashaw to settle on him the two provinces of Derne and Benghazi, and when the ex-bashaw was on the point of leaving Tunis, under an escort furnished him by the reigning bashaw, the agents of the U. S. prevailed on him to abandon the offer, with assurance that the United States would effectually co-operate, and place him on the throne of Tripoli."
Now, sir, it is impossible to understand the report any otherwise than intending to convey the idea that these conventions, made by the agents of the U. S., were authorised and sanctioned by the government, and the offer of the reigning bashaw, the escort, the settlement of the two provinces, are represented as one of those eligible situations, which he was prevailed upon to abandon, by the agents of the U. S. with the promise of his throne.
What is the fact? The conventions alluded to were made by Mr. Eaton, & instead of being sanctioned, were expressly disavowed by this government—(Mr. Wright here said that Mr. Adams was mistaken; and was proceeding to object, when the President of the Senate observed to him that he would have an opportunity to reply after Mr. Adams should have finished, and desired the latter to proceed.)—Sir, the Chairman of the committee, the gentleman who drew up the report, will not deny that the conventions of which I am speaking were those made in 1801 by Mr. Eaton. (Mr. Bradley admitted they were.) Well, sir, I shall now shew you that Mr. Eaton's authority was expressly disavowed by this government.
My evidence in proof of this, is a letter from the secretary of the navy, dated 28 Aug. 1802, to com. Morris, then the authorised superintending agent for negotiating with the Barbary powers. I take it from a pamphlet published by Com. Morris himself. It is not among the documents communicated to us this session by the President, but its authenticity has never been denied, and if any gentleman here now questions it, I shall move for a regular call upon the head of the navy department to remove the doubt. It contains the following words—"In adjusting the terms of peace with the Dey of Tripoli, whatever regard may be had to the situation of his brother, it is not to be considered by you, of sufficient magnitude to prevent, or even to retard a final settlement with the Dey. Mr. Eaton, in this affair, cannot be considered an authorised agent of the government."
At the same time, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Cathcart, and Com. Morris, were all informed by dispatches from the secretary of state, of the real nature of the engagements which this government were willing to make. These were a concert of operations, in measures of hostility against the reigning bashaw, without pledging either party to the cause of the other.
Let us now see what was the real nature of those magnificent offers of the reigning Bashaw to his brother, the armed escort, and the two provinces, upon the abandonment of which, under the influence of our agents, the report raises such a fund of merit and sacrifice on the part of Hamet. The committee take this circumstance from a statement made by Mr. Eaton, to the Committee of Claims in Feb. 7, 1804, printed among the documents of that session—Largely as the chairman of the committee has drawn from that statement, in making his report, it is singular that the following passage in it, page 16, has escaped his attention.
"Meantime I had wrought upon the Bey's minister to countenance and my project in consideration of my promise to give him ten thousand dollars on condition of his fidelity, and in case of its success. I thought it good policy to secure the minister; not so much for the service he would render, as to
check the mischief which seemed impending. He confessed it was the intention of the enemy Bashaw, by this illusive overture, to get possession of the rival brother, in order to destroy him; and he permitted my drogoman, under an injunction of secrecy, to communicate the design to Hamet Bashaw. This determined him to go to Malta, under a pretext to his people of evading the Swedish and American cruisers."
And are these the overtures?—Is this the eligible situation, of such previous value to the Ex-Bashaw, that this nation or its government is to be charged with perfidy and treachery, because our agents prevailed upon him to abandon them? Even so—the reigning Bashaw sends an escort of forty men, with offers of two provinces, to his exiled brother, for the sole purpose of getting him into his possession to destroy him—Our agents discover the project; apprise the destined victim of his intended fate—rescue him from inevitable destruction; and now we are to be told that by this act we were not conferring but receiving an obligation, which bound us in honor and duty to restore him to his throne.
The report asserts that the Committee of Claims expressed their decided approbation of Mr. Eaton's official conduct in these transactions, and the gentleman (Mr. Bradley) in his argument this day, has very strenuously insisted on this circumstance as a proof, that this government had then sanctioned them—But the approbation of the Committee of Claims is not thus extensive—It is expressed in a manner which peculiarly confines their approbation to his official conduct in his consular agency—He was consul at Tunis, and the Secretary of the Navy, as I have shewn, had explicitly denied his authority for his conventions with Hamet Bashaw.
Thus much, sir, for the nature of the transactions between the agents of the U. S. and the Ex-Bashaw, prior to the year 1804, when commodore Barron with his squadron were sent into the Mediterranean, and when he was vested with discretionary powers to avail himself of Hamet's co-operation, and referred to Mr. Eaton as an agent sent out by government for that purpose.
This discretionary power of Commodore Barron, the chairman of the committee has this day strongly contended was altogether unlimited, and such is the idea given of it in the report—but this I apprehend to be a mistake of the utmost importance. It is in direct contradiction to the statement of the President's message, and to the testimony of commodore Barron himself.
The President's message says—"We authorised commodore Barron, then proceeding with his squadron, to enter into an understanding with Hamet, if he should deem it useful; and as it was represented that he would need some aids of arms and ammunition, and even of money, he was authorised to furnish them to a moderate extent, according to the prospect of utility to be expected from it.—The instructions of June 6th, to commodore Barron, shew that a co-operation only was intended, and by no means an union of our object with the fortune of the Ex-Bashaw; and the commodore's letter of March 22, and May 19, prove that he had the most correct idea of our intentions."
These letters of commodore Barron, are both to Mr. Eaton—the first in answer to one from him dated the 18th of Feb. mentioning his intended convention with Hamet, which was not then reduced to writing. Here the commodore says, "In the point of view in which I regard the measures already pursued, as well as the subject of co-operation generally, I conceive we ought to tread with utmost caution—It is far from my wish, sir, to damp your ardor, or that of your companions in arms, by laying too great a stress upon the cold maxims of prudence, whereby the tide of success is often lost; something, I am aware, should always be left to fortune, in enterprises of this nature; but I must own there are certain things, expressed in your dispatches, which, when brought to the test of my instructions from home, give birth to fclings of doubt and uneasiness; these I deem it incumbent on me to point out to you with candor and explicitness, in order that we may be fully understood. You must be sensible that in giving their sanction to a co-operation with the exiled Bashaw, government did not contemplate the measure as leading, necessarily and absolutely to a reinstatement of that prince in his rights on the regency of Tripoli. They appear to have viewed the co-operation in question, as a means, which, if there existed energy and enterprise in the exile, and attachment to his person on the part of his former subjects, might be employed to the common furtherance and advantage of his claims and our cause, but without meaning to fetter themselves by any specific and definite attainment as an end, which the tenor of my instructions and the limited sum appropriated for that special purpose, clearly demonstrate. I fear by the convention which you were about to enter into with Hamet, and by the complexion of other measures, that a wider range may have been taken than is consistent with the powers vested in me for

that particular object. These apprehensions may, perhaps, prove groundless, on further representations to you; but under my present impressions, I feel it my duty to state, explicitly, that I must withhold my sanction to any convention or agreement committing the U. S. or tending to impress upon Hamet Bashaw a conviction that we have bound ourselves to place him upon the throne. The consequences involved in such an engagement cannot but strike you forcibly, and a general view of our situation, in relation to the reigning Bashaw and our unfortunate countrymen in Tripoli, will be sufficient to mark its inexpediency.
"I wish you to understand that no guarantee or engagement to the exiled prince, whose cause, I must repeat, we are only favoring as an instrument to our advantage, and not as an end in itself, must be held to stand in the way of our acquiescence to any honorable and advantageous terms of accommodation which the reigning Bashaw may be induced to propose; such terms being once offered & accepted by the representative of government appointed to treat of peace, our support to the Ex-Bashaw must necessarily cease."
This letter was written upwards of a month before the capture of Derne—I have read this much of it, because it indicates most clearly what the intention of the government was, and shews that this intention was perfectly well understood by commodore Barron. Mr. Eaton also was aware that the discretion of the commodore was by no means unlimited as to the sum of money appropriated to this object.—That sum was twenty thousand dollars; but after the capture of Derne he answered the commodore's letter—Informed him that nearly thirty thousand dollars had been already spent in getting thus far, called for a further large supply for the purpose of reaching the gates of Tripoli, and even when arrived there, expects the Bashaw could "effect little, without more military talents and firmness than exists either in himself or the hordes of Arabs who attach themselves to him."
The commodore's letter of May 19, is in reply to this, and says, "The business is now arrived at that point, where, if the Ex-Bashaw, after being put in possession of Derne, his former government, and the district in which his interest is most powerful, has not in himself energy & talent, & is so destitute of means and resources, as not to be able to move on with successful progress, seconded by our naval force acting on the coast, he must be held as unworthy of further support, and the co-operation as a measure too expensive and burdensome, and too little pregnant with hope or advantage, to justify its further prosecution; for whatever, sir, may have been the intentions of government on this subject, and whatever your ideas touching those intentions, I feel that I have already gone to the full extent of my authority. The instructions from the Navy Department, on this particular point, with which you are not unacquainted, fall short of that unlimited discretion and power of application as relates to funds, insisted on in your letter, and re-totally silent in regard to the quantity and description of supplies an store, which you mention to have been in the contemplation of government to furnish to the Bashaw."
Thus, sir, the discretionary power of commodore Barron, to assist himself or Hamet's co-operation was not unlimited—neither by the intention of the Executive, nor in his own understanding.—It was limited both as to the nature of the engagement he was to contract, and as to the sum appropriated for the purpose—co-operation is a term of reciprocal import.—It certainly means that there should be some operation on both sides. The operation in this case by sea, was to be conducted entirely and exclusively by the squadron of the U. S. Hamet Bashaw could contribute, & was expected to contribute nothing to that.—His operation was to be by land, and upon principles of ordinary reciprocity, it might have been required that this also should be exclusively at his expence. The government, however, were willing to furnish him some aid even there. And the sum of twenty thousand dollars had been appropriated for that purpose. This was going as far as prudence would warrant, or as good faith could require. Hamet himself could have entertained no other expectation, since in his letter to Mr. Eaton, of 3d Jan. he says, "Your operations should be carried on by sea; mine by land;" and even after the peace was made, in his letter to Mr. Eaton of 29 June, he acknowledges as clearly as language can express it, that the failure of co-operation was not on our part but on his own.—That his means had not been found to answer our reasonable expectations—and that he was "satisfied with all our nation has done concerning him."
Indeed, sir, I know not upon what principle of common sense, commodore Barron could have given to his instructions that unlimited extension, which the report of the committee has found in them. The subject of availing himself of Hamet's co-operation, was committed entirely to his discretion—and 20,000 dollars were placed at his disposal for that purpose.—Could he possibly understand by this, that after 20,000 dollars had been expended in getting the Ex-Bashaw to Derne, 30,000 more should be called for to carry him before the walls of Tripoli—and then be able to do nothing, unless men were furnished from the squadron, to lead a coup de main? What sort of co-operation is this, in which one party does ever, thing, and the other nothing? Was it possible for the commodore to suppose that the co-operation was to be with ourselves?—and that the meaning
of "your operations are to be by sea, and mine by land," is, your operations are to be both by sea and land—mine by neither.
The next assertion of the report, for proof of which I am still to enquire is, that even after the aid of the Americans was withdrawn from Hamet Bashaw, he "would, without the hazard of a repulse, have marched to the throne of Tripoli, had he been supported by the co-operation of the American squadron, which in honor and good faith he had a right to expect." Compare this, sir, with the statement in the President's message—"In the event it was found, that, after placing the Ex-Bashaw in possession of Derne, one of the most important cities and provinces of the country, where he had resided himself as governor, he was totally unable to command any resources, or to bear any part in co-operation with us. This hope was then at an end; and we certainly had never contemplated, nor were we prepared to land an army of our own, or to raise, pay, or subsist an army of Arabs, to march from Derne to Tripoli, and to carry on a land war, at such a distance from our resources. Our means, and our authority were merely naval; & that such were the expectations of Hamet, his letter of June 29, is an unequivocal acknowledgement."
If Hamet, after the capture of Derne, was totally unable to command any resources, or bear any part in co-operation with us, how can it be said that he would, without the hazard of a repulse, have marched to the throne of Tripoli, had he been supported by the co-operation of our squadron? But further, I ask what were the means, what were the resources, of this sovereign prince, from the hour when Mr. Eaton received his orders to withdraw from him? The event, sir, is worth a thousand arguments. He could not support himself a day.—He was compelled to take instantaneous refuge on board our vessels, and was saved from destruction, only by being brought away. Does this look like marching to the throne of Tripoli?
The next, and most exceptionable of all the errors contained in this report is the imputation it casts upon the characters, and the wounds it must inflict upon the feelings of highly confidential officers of this government—one of them absent from the country—at a distance of four thousand miles—unable to defend himself; and without a friend, to my knowledge, to defend him here. The other an officer universally respected—laboring under a long and painful illness—whose infirmities, should rather have added sanctity to the claim of delicacy with which individual character ought to be treated.
[Mr. WRIGHT here said the report was misrepresented.—That he had treated commodore Barron's character with perfect respect.]
Mr. ADAMS resumed. I am aware, sir, that the report has very explicitly declared that no blame ought to attach to commodore Barron; but it has also declared, that a wasting sickness and consequent mental as well as bodily debility, had rendered him totally unable to command the squadron—that to this cause alone may be attributed the final failure of the plan of co-operation—that Mr. Lear appears to have gained a complete ascendancy over him thus debilitated by sickness; or rather that Lear assumed the command in the name of the commodore, paralyzed every military operation by sea and land—and they go so far as to impute to Mr. Lear, all the letters of commodore Barron, subsequent to that of 21st March, 1805. If the gentleman from Maryland considers all this, sir, as perfectly respectful to the commodore, I can only say that it appears in a different light to me, nor do I imagine it will bear that complexion to the person immediately interested in it. But the chairman of the committee has gone yet further. He has told you in so many words, that the commodore was reduced to a state of perfect childhood—has represented him as equally incapable of thought and of action—in a mere state of doteage. And all this upon what evidence? Why, because in one of his letters, commodore Barron says he is unable to write with his own hand, and because, from the 19th to the 22nd of May, there appear among the documents, five letters, long letters, says the gentleman, and yet the commodore's secretary had an inflammation in his eyes. Sir, is it possible the gentleman could be serious in dwelling upon, and repeatedly recurring as he did to this, as a proof of incapacity in the commodore, and of criminality in Mr. Lear? Whether he was serious or not, I cannot tell; but his reasoning had no serious impression upon my mind—and when a cause rests upon such arguments as these, it is a strong presumption of its destitution of any better.
[Mr. BRADLEY here said Mr. Adams had mistaken him, that his argument had dwelt upon captain Dent's testimony.]
Mr. ADAMS replied. Sir, every member of the Senate who now hears me, heard what that gentleman had said before. I appeal to them whether he did not urge repeatedly, with great apparent zeal and earnestness, the commodore's illness, and the secretary's sore eyes, as a proof, that Mr. Lear must have written all the commodore's letters—if he did, I am now replying to what he said—if he did not, I am content that what I am saying should pass for absurdity. Suppose the commodore was unable to write with his own hand, or even to dictate to another every line and sentence of those letters; if the leading ideas were his, might they not be written by any other?—Suppose his secretary had sore eyes, was there no other
person in the squadron, who could read and write but Mr. Lear? Surely, sir, all the common sense, and common capacities of the whole squadron was neither dissolved by the commodore's illness, nor consumed by the inflammation of his secretary's eyes. As to captain Dent's testimony, it appears to me that the inference drawn from it in the report, is much more broad and comprehensive, than the testimony itself will warrant. With captain Dent, I have not the pleasure of an acquaintance, & I certainly never heard a syllable to the disparagement of his character. But, sir, permit me to observe, that the letter from him on which the chairman of the committee relies, was not co-temporary with the occurrences to which it alludes—it is a sort of postliminary evidence, drawn up since the appointment of the committee, and doubtless obtained for the purpose of corroborating the view of things previously taken—it is unfortunately too notorious, that among the officers employed in the Mediterranean service, there has been a division into parties, and that a very animated party spirit has mingled itself in all the narratives which have been published and circulated in conversations respecting their transactions. In all such cases, persons influenced by such feelings, though of unimpeachable integrity, and of clear understanding, are seldom altogether free from a certain bias—Some allowance must always be made on such occasions, and testimony the most unquestionable on the score of uprightness, must be susceptible of some deduction from the medium through which things are seen. Yet, what is the amount of captain Dent's testimony? In the first place it is little more than mere opinion. It was the opinion of the officers in the squadron, and it was his own opinion, that Mr. Lear had a great ascendancy over the commodore in his measures relative to the squadron. And on what was this opinion founded? Why, on Mr. Lear's intimacy with him in his debilitated state. Well, sir, and with whom should the commodore have entertained this intimacy, if not with Mr. Lear. A mutual consultation upon the conduct of the war, and upon the negotiation of the peace, was enjoined upon both by their instructions. What could be more natural, what more proper than this intimacy; and if Mr. Lear did obtain an ascendancy to the full extent of captain Dent's opinion, why is it to be charged upon him as a crime? Let me go one step further—I intreat every member of the Senate to read over attentively those letters, communicated to us as commodore Barron's, but which the report insists upon considering as Mr. Lear's; and then say whether it is at all material who wrote them. Sir, there is in them a fund of good sense, of sober discretion, of clear discernment, of anxious regard for the public welfare, and of vigilant attention to the public interest, which bespeaks an origin from a sound head, and a well placed heart. I care not who wrote them; I do not hesitate to say that no official documents presented to the Senate since I have had the honor of a seat in this body, have been stamped with more sterling intrinsic value. The arguments in the letters to Mr. Eaton, on the subject of the co-operation with Hamet Bashaw, and on the subject of Mr. Eaton's measures, are to my mind not only substantial but unanswerable—Those in the letter to Mr. Lear on the subject of negotiation with the reigning Bashaw, are cogent and forcible. The report of your committee indeed calls them pretended reasons, and imputes them to Mr. Lear. It says, the committee will not condescend to enter into a consideration of them. Sir, I am very sorry for it. I believe sincerely, that if they had condescended thus far, they would have found the reasons were solid and weighty; that they were well deserving of all the consideration which they thought proper to deny them. They did condescend to speak the language of reproach and bitter censure upon an officer of high trust and confidence, far distant from his country, and thus unable to defend himself. They did condescend thus to accuse him, in the face of the President's Message, which declares that he had perfectly understood and faithfully executed the real intentions of the Executive whose minister he is. They did condescend to condemn him unheard, upon evidence to say the least very questionable; and I cannot think it would have been unbecoming their dignity, to give a moment of consideration to the reasons alleged for his conduct. That condescension which the committee denied him, I hope this Senate will freely grant. It will exalt rather than debase even the Senate of the United States, to consider the reasons alleged in behalf of a fellow-citizen, and fellow servant of the public, accused of having betrayed his trust, and disgraced his country. It is the more surprising, sir, that the committee should have treated with such contempt the reasons for negotiating the peace, when we find by their own statement that the first of those reasons is the danger of the American prisoners in Tripoli. The committee say they think it had no foundation—but if this was their opinion, might not commodore Barron and Mr. Lear without being idiots or traitors have another? It is indeed a little singular that the letter from commodore Rodgers which the chairman of the committee has read you, is itself conclusive evidence that the danger in which the prisoners might be, was the decisive reason for concluding the peace. He says indeed, that he never thought the prisoners in danger, himself, but he explicitly declares that the apprehension of what the Bashaw in his despair might do with them, was the preponderating impulse to the negotiation. The report also contains an extract from a letter of lieutenant Wormeley,
they themselves a prisoner, and who likewise says that he does not think their lives were in danger. Well, sir, and what does this prove? That lieutenant Wormeley is a man of intrepidity; not easily terrified; of this I have no doubt, but it proves no more—for in the same letter he says that he was all the time in close confinement, and had very little means of knowing what the Bashaw's intentions were, or what he was likely to have done. On the other hand you have the testimony of capt. Bainbridge, and of the Danish consul, Nissen. The chairman of the committee tells you, that captain Bainbridge says nothing of that import himself—but Mr. Nissen says it, in a postscript to a letter written by captain Bainbridge, and which he therefore must have known of before it was sent, and besides this there are several other letters of capt. Bainbridge, among the unprinted documents, in which he assumes the style of a strong suppliant for peace. To the same effect is the following extract from Mr. Lear's letter to the secretary of state, giving an account of the negotiation—"At 11 A. M. June 1st, our unfortunate countryman capt. Bainbridge came on board, who had been permitted to come off under the guarantee of the Danish consul and Sidi Mahomet Dghies the minister of foreign affairs. He assured me that the Americans would not be delivered until a treaty of peace should be made with the Bashaw, as peace was more his object than the sum he might get for the captives; and as it was our intention to conclude a treaty, it would be cruel to let our countrymen languish in captivity merely on the punctilio of negotiating the treaty before or after their delivery, as whatever related to them was already understood." The chairman of the committee has told us that Mr. Nissen, who was merely a consul, could not be so well informed as Mr. Wormeley, whether the prisoners were in danger or not. How his testimony can lose any of its weight from his being a consul, I am at a loss to imagine—he was indeed a consul—he was also that friend of our country, that friend of humanity, whose benevolence and kind attentions to our fellow citizens in captivity has been acknowledged by a solemn vote of thanks passed by both Houses of Congress during the present session, and from his situation at the time, I should suppose his means of information must have been greater than those of a prisoner in close confinement. Besides, sir, although we now are acquainted with Mr. Wormeley's opinion, it could not be known to commodore Barron or Mr. Lear, then. He had no access to them, nor they to him. They acted on the information they had, and not on that which they could not have. I will indeed freely acknowledge that my own opinion agrees with that of Mr. Wormeley and not with that of Mr. Nissen—I do not believe that in any event the Bashaw would have sacrificed the lives of our prisoners. I believe he would have followed the course most useful to himself, and that at the last extremity he would rather have turned them to such account, as he could, and given them up for peace, rather than put them to death. This may have been an error in Mr. Lear. But as far as I can find from the papers before us,
The very head and front of his offending,
Had this extent—no more.
Yet, sir, when I consider the extreme solicitude manifested through this whole country, for the fate of those our unfortunate fellow citizens, and how anxious we all were for their redemption, I can excuse that error which consisted in tendering a regard for their situations, though I cannot justify it altogether; I certainly never can brand, as treachery what at worst was virtue carried too far on the borders of weakness.
The President's message, after stating what were really the intentions of this government in respect to a co-operation with Hamet; after stating that commodore Barron had most correctly understood these intentions, refers to Hamet's letter of June 29th as a proof that he himself had also understood them, and our engagements with him in the same manner—out the report of the committee after tacitly rejecting the declaration of the President, after undertaking to disqualify commodore Barron by his illness, concludes with disqualifying Hamet himself, because he was among strangers, in distress, and in fear of starving. They discredit alike both the parties to the contract, and the only person authorized to the negotiation. Commodore Barron was not a moral agent, for he was sick. The Ex-Bashaw was not a moral agent, for he was famished. Why the President was not to be credited, they have indeed left us to conjecture, but it is a new mode of establishing facts, to deny the powers of moral agency to all the persons, who are the best possible witnesses to the transactions.
The last assertion of the report, for which I can find no sufficient support in the documents before us, and which I shall now notice is, that the stipulation of the reigning Bashaw, to deliver up to his brother his wife and children, has not been carried into execution, and that "it is highly probable it was never intended to be." That they have not been delivered up, I suppose to be true. That they have been demanded, does not appear. That they could be demanded before the ratification of the treaty, is at least questionable; but that they will be demanded and obtained, I do trust and believe, for I hope the ratification of the treaty will give us a perfect right to make the demand. I cannot believe, sir, that it was not intended to be executed. Upon what evidence did the committee form this opinion? Was it upon the assertion in Mr. Eaton's letter to the secretary of the navy? That, sir, must, I think, be founded upon some mistake; for it in-
timates that there was a secret article to that effect. Now, sir, we know that this could not be; as an article of the treaty, if secret, we must have known it in this body. It must have been communicated to us. We know that there is no such article, as an agreement between the Bashaw and Mr. Lear, no such agreement could take place. Mr. Lear could not possibly make it. Had he incurred the guilt and folly of assenting to such a bargain, it could not take from us the right of insisting, as I hope we shall effectually do, upon the real and formal stipulation of the treaty. Such an intention must have defeated itself.
There are many other facts stated in this report, sir, against the correctness of which objections might be made, but which as being of minor importance, I leave unnoticed. There may be, and probably are others, which have escaped my observation. According to my view of the documents, the embarrassment would be, not in selecting those, but in finding any to which the conviction of my mind could assent. Had the bill been constructed upon the only foundation, which can in my opinion warrant a grant to Hamet Caramally, I mean the foundation recommended by the President's message; the liberality and magnanimity of the nation, it would have had my willing vote. But, questionable as the statement of the report appears to me, I see no such principles of duty arising from it, as it alleges, and must, therefore, vote against the passage of the bill.
ICE FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the Citizens of Washington that ICE may be had by the BUSHELL or LECK at his house on F street north, two doors from Mr. MADISON'S.
HONORE JULIEN.
June 20—3t
TO LET.
THREE HOUSES. One three story & one two story brick, completely finished with Coach Houses and Stabling, both situated on Capitol Hill, and one near two story Frame in the Tyber, on Pennsylvania avenue.
Enquire of Henry Ingle, who has on hand a good assortment of Mahogany Furniture.
June 23—1m
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS just supplied his shop in F street with a complete assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linseed oils—also Faints of every description.
THOMAS PATTERSON.
Washington city, June 23—tf
The legal representatives of Nancy Abernethy deceased, and to all others whom it may concern.
Take notice, that, at the last court of Common Pleas, held at Carlisle for Cumberland county, James Corbet and Margaret his wife, late Margaret Clark, widow and relict of John Clark late of Allen township in Cumberland county, deceased, in right of the said Margaret presented their petition to the said court praying the appointment of commissioners to take the testimony of witnesses, in support of the last will and testament of the said John Clark deceased, in perpetuam rei memoriam. And the said court have appointed the first Monday of August next, as the day, upon which all persons concerned may come forward and contest the same, or show cause, if any they have, why a commission to perpetuate testimony in support of the said will, shall not issue.
By order of the court. WM. LYON, Prothonotary. Carlisle, June 23—3w
FOR SALE.
I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying and being in Allegany county in the State of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harvey's Meadows" patented 31st December 1805, for 341 acres, near Shellys or Sellys Little Meadows; the other "Moore's Farnams" patented 31st December 1805, for 293 acres; this tract lays on a branch of Savage river about five miles below the Little Meadows. I have never seen the land, consequently know nothing of their value. Mr. Thomas Beall of Cumberland who is well acquainted with the above land informed me they were as valuable as any in that part of Maryland. Daniel Clark and Robert Cowden Stone, esqrs. also informed me that from their acquaintance with the situation of the aforesaid tracts of Land they must be of an excellent quality.
Any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed, may view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit—a good and indisputable title will be given when the land is paid for. For terms apply to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough Prince Georges county.
NAMUEL J. COOLIDGE.
June 23—8w
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
IN the case of JOSEPH BENNILEY an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said J. Benniley that on the 30th day of June inst. at the court room in the Capitol at the hour of 8 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia" will be administered to the said Joseph Benniley & a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federal twice in each paper prior to that day.
By order of the honorable Wm. Granch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Clk.
June 23—2t

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25.
Gentlemen disposed to unite in CELEBRATING the approaching NATIONAL ANNIVERSARY, are requested to meet at Stelle's Hotel on Thursday evening at 7 o'clock.
The subscribers to the THEATRE are requested to meet at Myer's Hotel on Friday at 10 A. M. for the purpose of electing DIRECTORS for the ensuing year.
Extract from Lord Grenville's Speech in the House of Lords, Nov. 13, 1801, on the Convention with Russia.
"The privilege of visiting or searching a neutral ship, can of itself be of very little advantage. It is useful only as it facilitates the exercise of other rights; as it leads to the detection of frauds, and the prevention of unlawful commerce, and as it affords the means of ascertaining those facts, which justify detention, seizure and confiscation.
"But some of those neutral states, whose subjects have profited by speculation, which their treaties admit to be unlawful, are already anxious to narrow the exercise of a right, the principle of which they cannot dispute. In this desire, and a general hostility to the British naval power, originate both the practice of giving convoy to neutral commerce, and the pretension of exemption from visitation and searching all vessels so protected."
"The right of searching vessels under convoy, which was denied by the convention of armed neutrality, is, indeed, recognised by this treaty. But to what purpose is it recognised? While we have in words established the right of visiting ships under neutral convoy, we have in fact so limited and circumscribed the practice, as utterly to renounce every beneficial purpose to which it ever could, by any possibility, be applied."
Salem Register.
By an Act of the Representative Body of the Batavian Republic of the 25th Feb. 1806, the following tax was laid on HORSES:
Table with 3 columns: Horse count, $, D. Rows include: 1 horse ($23, D.10), 2 horses (70, 28), 3 do (95, 38), 4 do (170, 68), 5 do (310, 124), 6 do (310, 124). Footer: For every horse beyond that 50, 20.
New-York, June 19.
London papers state, that letters from Gibraltar, speak in the highest terms of praise of the conduct of Sir Sydney Smith, who in disguise, had landed at Algiers, and after obtaining some useful information, effected the destruction of several Spanish gun-boats, by means of some light vessels which have been fitted out under the judicious direction of that enterprising and meritorious officer.
TRANSLATED FROM THE DANISH.
Experience having convinced me that the Commerce with the Revolted Blacks of St. Domingo, has not ceased, notwithstanding the fine of 1000 dollars imposed by Lieut. Col. Commandant Chollet on those who should be convicted of having arrived with cargoes from the parts of St. Domingo, occupied by the Blacks, I find myself under the necessity of putting a stop to the illicit trade equally dangerous to the Colonies as it regards their political situation, as contrary to law; and do therefore decree that every present that every Danish vessel arriving from any place whatever of St. Domingo or Haiti (so called) in the possession of the Blacks, and proof being legally made thereof, shall, in addition to the fine of 1000 dols. which shall be given to the informer, be subjected to confiscation, both vessel and cargo, for the benefit of his Majesty.
Given under the Royal Seal, and signed by me at the Government House, at St. Croix, October 19, 1805.
(Seal) B. F. MUHLENFELS. Gov. Gen. Danish Am. Islands.
New York, June 20
GENERAL MIRANDA.—A gentleman who arrived here yesterday from La Guaira, furnishes the following information:
"He left the city of Carraccas on the 14th of May, and La Guaira on the 21st May. At the time he sailed (21st May) they had no positive accounts of Miranda, at La Guaira, but supposed him from their last accounts, to be at the island of Bonaire."
"A government armed brig and schooner had been dispatched from La Guaira in search of the Leader, and an embargo laid for ten days. They had returned without falling in with her."
"It was reported at Carraccas and La Guaira, that two schooners had been captured and carried into Porto Cavello; but although the gentleman took every pains to obtain correct information on the subject, he could never come at the truth, nor learn their names, or the names of the captains. It appeared, however, certain, that two schooners were captured and carried into Porto Cavello, but whether they were Miranda's or not, he could not learn with any degree of certainty."
The former reports of a number of people in the province of Carraccas, having been arrested and hung on suspicion of being connected with Miranda, were untrue. The report of the crews of the schooner having been marched to Carraccas, was also untrue—they remained at Porto Cavello. He says there is no doubt but Miranda had taken measures to distribute his Proclamation throughout the country, and that many were in circulation, some of which had been discovered. He says the people are very much dissatisfied, and if Miranda succeeds in making good his landing no doubt great numbers will join him, but at present they dare not speak. The governor general of Carraccas had been much alarmed, but the alarm appeared to be subsiding.
"He was boarded in the Mona passage by the British schooner Gipsy, tender to the Hercules man of war, and on inquiring from them of Miranda, they told him the last account they had from him was from Bonaire. He also fell in, on his passage, with a British government brig, direct from Jamaica, the captain of which told him that there were a number of vessels at Jamaica ready to sail and join Miranda the moment they had any direct accounts from him."
From the above it appears certain that on the 21st of May, Miranda had not yet effected a landing; but from his situation on the coast, we may expect the next arrival will bring some positive accounts on that subject.
LATE FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
A gentleman who arrived this morning in the ship Charles in 39 days from Penzance, has obligingly furnished us with a file of London papers to the 7th of May, inclusive. This gentleman informs us, that, in a conversation he had with Mr. Munroe, just before he left London, our minister mentioned that he had reason to believe that the differences between Great Britain and the United States will soon be advantageously settled.
A new treaty has been ratified between Russia and the Ottoman Porte. The Swedish troops, says the London Courier, are evacuating Lundenburg and retiring to Swedish Pomerania, which, it is said, the Prussians will immediately invade.
There was a report yesterday, May 6, that Count Haugwitz was to be sent to England, to adjust the differences between the two governments. A man, more unlikely to succeed in such a mission could not have been selected. We do not believe the report.
LONDON, May 9.
This morning the Hamburg mail due on Wednesday, arrived, and the intelligence which it brings is of the utmost importance. If the accounts from different parts of the continent may be relied upon, the Russians have actually evacuated Ragusa and Cattaro, in consequence of which the French have discontinued the works which they were constructing at Brannau, and the divisions of marshals Ney and Soult have commenced their march. A slight skirmish has taken place between the Swedes and Prussians near Rantzow, the result of which was, that the former, being greatly inferior in number, were compelled to retire.
The insignificant fortress of Gaeta still holds out, although a French army of 24,000 men, with a formidable train of artillery, are employed in the siege. The garrison consists of 6,000 men, who are supplied with provisions. It is supposed that Massena means to attempt the invasion of Sicily, as he has collected a number of transports; but we think it very improbable that he would attempt such an enterprise while the English and Russians are complete masters of the sea.
MAY 7.
SWEDISH BULLETIN. Head Quarters of the Swedish Army at Grinstead, April 26.
Reports of the 25th, received from adjutant general count Lowenhielm, announced that on the 21st the Prussians had taken possession of several villages in the Mecklenburgh territory, along the frontiers of Lauenburg.
At Marienstadt their videttes approached to within 300 paces of the Swedish outposts. Count Lowenhielm's principal force was then at Grosszschier and Skomroff. The Swedish vanguard returned possession of Marienstadt, Sophienthal, the bridge at Ruchen, and the approaches to Lauenburg and Attenburg.
Yesterday Baron Glass Ralamb arrived as a courier with a report, from count Van Lowenhielm, dated Gadebusch, April 23rd. It is stated in his dispatches, that at half past eight in the morning of the 23rd the Prussians passed the Launburgh frontier at Marienstadt in such force that the Swedish troops found it necessary, after a brave resistance to evacuate their posts in the evening. The loss under count Van Lowenhielm consists of one hussar killed and 8 wounded. The loss of the Prussians cannot be related with certainty; but during the action, it was observed that a number fell on their side. Count Van Lowenhielm, has reserved the communication of further details (which with respect to the Prussians will be very ample) until his next report which is every moment expected.
In consequence of the hostilities thus
commenced by the king of Prussia, his Swedish majesty was pleased to issue orders yesterday for a general embargo on all Prussian vessels in the Swedish harbors.
Boston, June 9.
LATEST FROM EUROPE. From the Newburyport Herld of June 17. "By the arrival, last Friday, of the ship Washington, capt. Webster, 40 days from Copenhagen, we learn verbally, that a few days before he sailed, there was a battle fought between the Swedes and Prussians near Hanover; the former are said to be making great preparations; the Elbe and Weser are blockaded, and the English make daily captures of Prussian vessels."
Capt. W. has likewise furnished us with two numbers of the Altona Mercury, of the 24th and 25th April (we believe the latest from the continent) from which, by the politeness of a German gentleman, passenger in the Washington, the following articles are translated.
Elaineur, May 2.—Two Swedish frigates sailed from the Roads here to-day, to the North Sea, and two cutters some days before.
Italy, April 12.—By private accounts from Rome, which have gained belief, the pope (Pius VII.) will resign, and Cardinal Fesch be placed in his stead and take his residence at Avignon; but the estates of the Pope will be annexed to the kingdom of Italy.
They say likewise that the kingdom of Etruria will be a federative state of France.
Just received from New York and for sale at Wm. Duane's Book store, Pennsylvania Avenue.
1st & 2d Speeches of Mr. J. Randolph on Gregg's resolution.
Also for sale the first 4 vols. of Plowden's invaluable history of Ireland; the 5th and last vol. is now in the press. June 25—3t.
A POCKET BOOK was found on the post road, leading from Baltimore to Spurrrier's Tavern on the 19th inst. the owner can obtain it by applying to the subscriber in Washington city.
PHINEAS BRADLEY. June 25th—3t.
PUBLIC SALES.
ON Monday 30th inst. at 11 o'clock A. M. will be sold on the foot a fine crop of OATS, about six acres; and also, a lot of CLOVER on the enclosed ground at Mr. Flaut's barn yard near South Capitol Street. Sixty days credit will be given on approved notes negotiable at the Office of Discount and Deposit in this city.
JOHN SMITH, and ROBERT UNDERWOOD, Executors to the estate of Mark Stockwell, &c. JOHN STEPHEN, Auctioneer. Washington city, June 25—3t.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN from the subscriber, on Thursday morning the 19th inst. a quantity of wearing apparel, consisting of two Dimity Petticoats, small cord, a Cotton Cambric Gown and a dark Chintz Gown, a Muslin Shift, a Bandanna Handkerchief marked G. R. and also a Silver Tea Spoon. The person suspected of carrying off the said articles is a Mr. VILLIAMS. Whoever will bring them back shall receive the above reward. GEORGE RICE, near Navy Yard. Washington city, June 24—3t.
PUBLIC SALE.
By an order from the Orphan's court of Prince George's county will be sold at public sale on the 8th day of July next, the property of Julian Greenwell deceased, consisting of some Negroes, Henbey & Lucy, Household & Kitchen Furniture, one Riding Chair, one Bay Mare about 8 years old, one do. 5 years old, two Cows and some Hogs, & plantation utensils. A credit of six months will be given by the purchasers giving bond with two approved securities. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock, and will continue until every thing is sold. ANN GREENWELL, Administratrix. June 23—wst.
PUBLIC SALE.
IN obedience to the direction of Wm Cranch, esq. given in the case of Henry Schnively an insolvent I shall sell at auction, on Saturday the 23rd inst. at the House owned by Mr. Vois and next adjoining the one occupied by the hon. James Madison in F Street, Washington. The personal property of said Schnively consisting of store goods, &c. The terms of sale are cash, for all purchases not exceeding 20 dollars, for purchases above that sum on a credit of six months, securities to be approved of by the judge to be given. Hour of sale, 11 A. M.
Those who have claims against the said Schnively will please to exhibit them to me within six months from this date, proven in the same manner as is required by the Orphan's court. Creditors will be allowed to bid to an amount which will not exceed their dividends.
JOHN HEWITT, Trustee. JOHN STEPHEN, Auctioneer. June 16—tdf.
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805.
Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sale only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf.
SPORTING.
A NUMBER of gentlemen of two of the lower counties of N. Carolina, and of two northern counties of Virginia to meet the gentlemen of Maryland at Norfolk, any time between the 20th March & 12th July 1807, to throw 500 dollars as may be agreed on. Letters with proposals addressed to Adam Lindsay, near Norfolk will be forwarded to the challengers and duly answered. June 23—3t.
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and is now leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house.
PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf. N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
SALES BY AUCTION.
WILL be sold on the premises on Tuesday the 18th day of July, at 11 o'clock part of Lot in sq 907 beginning for the said piece of ground 229 feet from the south west corner and fronting on 7th street east 16 feet, running back 75, with a good frame house which rents for 150 dollars per year to Augustue day.
Half of Lot No 16 in sq 696, 23 feet 6 inches front on 12th street S. running east 93; containing with proportion of alley, 2275 1/2 feet, better than none or less; a range of brick houses 50 by 14, one frame 14 by 18, two stories high, the lot enclosed.
One Lot No. 16 in sq 799, one frame house 11 1/2 story, 12 by 12 with a good inclosure.
One Lot No. 20 in sq 846. Lot No 4 in sq south of sq 847, 24 ft front, 65 feet back, with a 1 1/2 story frame house, well enclosed.
One tract of Land called Franck Adventure, lying partly in Prince George's county in the state of Maryland and partly lying in Washington county in the district of Columbia, containing 39 acres, lying on the west side of Eastern Branch, about 3 miles from the city.
Also one cock house and one, one mahogany bureau, one chest, one horse and carriage, with a good set of harness, and a number of articles too tedious to mention.
Terms will be made known on the day of sale. N. L. QUEEN, Auctioneer. June 9—11.
FOR SALE.
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables with a garden and well with much taste and inclosed with a good board fence.
Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall.
The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid.
Note.—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf.
FOR SALE.
A pair of handsome YOUNG MULES, each three years old, Male and Female, the horse has been cut one year, and has been a short time used to the draught, warranted perfectly sound. A short credit will be given.
Enquire of Mr. Wm. Prout, merchant, Navy Yard, Washington city. June 6—tf.
WANTED.
AN APPRENTICE, Where the fine arts combined with mechanical practice will be taught—drudgery not being understood as any part of his employ, it is hoped that talent and respectability will be his recommendation.
Apply for information at Mr. Lewis Clephun's near the Bank F Street. June 6—tf.
ADVERTISEMENT.
FOR Sale a large beautiful Bay HORSE, 15 hands 2 inches high; he trots fast, canters slow; only eight years old this spring, at Mr. SMALLWOOD'S in the city of Washington. June 18—3t.
10 Cents Reward.
RUNAWAY from the Subscriber on the night of the 16th inst. an apprentice BOY named Wm DENT, about 14 years of age—took with him his clothes, which consists of a blue costing coat, 3 waistcoats, and dark striped corduroy pantaloons. Whoever brings him home to me shall have the above reward but no charges paid. EDWARD FENNELL, Washington city, June 18—3t.
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Thompson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf.
CAUTION.
WHEREAS my wife MARY has eloped from my bed and board. Therefore all persons are hereby warned against creating or harbouring her on any account, as I determined not to pay any debts of her contracting after the date hereof.
ABRAHAM GATTON. Washington city, June 20—3t.
ALEXR. COCHRANE, IN STREETS NORTH,
HAS just received by Captain Ellwood, 4 chests of fresh Teas, viz. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Hyson skin. Best chocolate, mustard & pickling vinegar, Men's fine shoes, and women's Morocco slippers. Yellow and blue Indian mankeens, 2/6 from Baltimore. Keighly's, dummies and linen checks, India and British muslins and shawls, Irish plaid silks and fancy waistcoats, Trafalgar chintzes, calicoes, and chambrays, 4/4th and 7/8th Irish linens and lawns, Sundry diapers and diaper table cloths, Silk and cotton hosiery, gloves, Fine lawn bordered handkerchiefs, Silk and cotton, do. China, glass, and Queens ware, Cut and wrought wares, Ironmongery, and is constantly supplied with the best. It is a store and Groceries all of said goods and will sell on the most reasonable reasonable terms. June 11—3w.
Advertisement.
THIS is to give Notice that ICE can be had every day between the hours of 10 and 12 o'clock on very reasonable terms, at the intersection of South Capitol Street and Georgia avenue, near captain Berry's wharf.
J. MOORE, G. BARRY. Washington, June 4—taw3w.
WM. S. NICHOLLS.
HAS removed his store to the house lately occupied by Mr. Melvin, next door to Mr. John Golding, where he has just received from Philadelphia, and are now opening a very handsome assortment of Spring and summer Goods, consisting of
Cambric muslins, crapes, Dimities and cambric Lappet, lace cambric and tambored Dimity, Calicoes and chintzes, Mouselin, Irish linens, Satin pelangs, Long lawns, White and pink saris, Linen cambrics, nects, Pink and buff crock bar Ladies parfoles, ginghams, Umbrellos, Checks and strips cot Handcome Ribbons, tona, Laces and edgings, Silk, cotton, and thread Fans assorted, hosiery, Papers, Silk and cotton Cham Currans and bafts and berry muslins, chin India muslins, Black and colored lute Dowelies and Ticklenburgs, Plaid Martas, Danado and Madras Plain do. handkerchiefs, Silk and kid gloves, Brown Holland, Men's raw silk, Beaver Silet and drey buttons, and thread do. Catgut and Pasteboard, Cotton calimeres, Fingering blue and crab Yellow and blue nan-chochs, keens, London hats, Plain colored dk. Sewing kit of all kinds, Fancy Marquises waist-Thread tape, and bobbin, Do. Janes and Mus-Tertioe shell corbts, lings, Morocco Shoes with White India dirity, many other goods Handsons silk Shawls which will be sold on Handkerchiefs, at the lowest terms, Black and white it-sion FOR CASH ONLY. June 4—4w.
FOR SALE.
THAT extensive and valuable estate formerly owned by Presley Thornton, esq. and late the property of Sharp Denney, esq. deceased, situated in Northumberland county Virginia, three miles from the Court House, and lying on the Potomac nearly opposite to Point Look Out.
The property consists of about 2500 acres, 1700 of which is fertile low grounds, well adapted to the growth of Indian corn, tobacco and all kinds of small grain, and highly important for grazing—These lands naturally rich and fertile are capable of the highest improvement, having inexhaustible sources of sea weed cast upon the shores, easily obtained in large quantities of oyster shells on the shores, and in Indian banks on different parts of the lands; some valuable marls easily reclaimed may be added to grafs or culture.
There is on the premises a substantial built brick dwelling house two stories high, upwards of eighty feet front, well finished, two well built brick houses forming a square with the dwelling house & used as offices. Upwards of 30 by 20 feet in good repair; a brickable with stalls for 24 horses and a large couch house in the middle; a brick dairy and a brick still house, also an extensive frame barn. There is a large proportion of wood lands included in the 1700 acres, heavily covered with white oak, hickory, and chestnut, and a considerable quantity of thriving locust, red cedar and wild cherry.
The high land consisting of 800 or more acres is of a good quality, level and affords a good opportunity of improvement.
This property will be sold together or divided into convenient farms, to suit purchasers, and possession will be immediately given. Any further description is thought unnecessary as persons inclined to purchase will no doubt view the lands.
An application to be made to John Murphy of Westmoreland county, or James Moore on the premises, who are duly authorized to make conditional contracts for the same. June 4—w1m.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—1.

PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. FROM Portsmouth, N H by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, Newburyport, Rowley, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Salem, Lynn and Chelsea, to Boston, six times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at noon, and arrive at Boston by midnight, in 12 hours.
Leave Boston every day at 11 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 p m in 12 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 4 p m.
Leave Boston every day at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 4 p m.
2. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Waltham, East Sudbury Framingham, Southboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicesters, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford and Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at New Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 1 p m in 33 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 10 a m in 31 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 10 a m and arrive at Worcester by 3 p m.
Leave Worcester every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 4 p m.
Leave Suffield every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Haven by 6 p m.
Returning. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 6 p m.
Leave Suffield every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 8 p m.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday at 4 a m and arrive at Boston by 3 p m.
3. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, & to New York, seven times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave New Haven every day at 2 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 20 hours.
Leave New York every day at 9 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 3 a m in 18 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave New Haven every day at 4 a m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 20 hours.
Leave New York every day at 11 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 6 p m in 31 hours, resting one hour at Stamford each way.
The mail is to be carried only four times a week from Oct. 1, 1803, to Oct. 1, 1807, omitting to take it both from New Haven and New York on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the mild season, and on Monday, Wednesday and Friday in the cold season.
4. From New York by Jersey, Newark, Elizabeth town, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, seven times a week.
Leave New York every day at 1 p m and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
From Dec. 1 to April 1 the mail is to be delivered in New York and Philadelphia at 7 a m, in 12 hours.
5. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vancliff, Bladensburg and Washington City to Georgetown, every day.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 8 a m and arrive at Washington City by 4 p m in 8 hours.
Leave Washington City every day at 2 a m and arrive at Baltimore by 10 a m in 8 hours.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 a m and arrive at Washington City by 8 p m in 10 hours.
Leave Washington City every day by 10 p m and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock in 11 hours.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester & Dumfries to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m, arrive at Alexandria by 5 a m; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 11 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 p m, in 13 hours.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 3 p m; leave Alexandria at 3 1/2 p m and arrive at Washington by 10 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m, arrive at Alexandria by 6 a m; leave Alexandria at 7 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 1 p m; leave Dumfries at 2 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 p m.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 4 p m; leave Alexandria at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Washington city by 6 1/2 p m.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, Hanover co. h. Richmond and Osborn's, to Petersburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a m and arrive at Richmond by 3 p m; leave Richmond at 4 p m and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 a m and arrive at Richmond by 8 a m; leave Richmond by 9 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 a m and arrive at Richmond by 6 p m; leave Richmond every day Sunday excepted, at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day, save Sunday, at 2 p m and arrive at Richmond by 8 p m; leave Richmond every day, save Sunday, at 4 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 p m.
8. From Richmond by Petersburg, New Kent co. h. Williamsburg, Yorktown & Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Hampton by 9 p m and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 p m and arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 p m.
9. From Petersburg by Gabbins Point, Smithfield, Surry co. h. and Sleepy hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 p m; leave Sleepy hole at 3 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 a m.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 a m; leave Sleepy hole at 10 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 8 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 p m.
Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 8 a m.
Returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 3 p m & arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 p m.
Leave Sleepy Hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by noon.
10. From Charleston by Jacksonboro' Pocotaligo and C of awhatchey to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, & arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m, and arrive at Savannah by 8 p m.
Returning. Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m & arrive at Charleston by 5 p m.
11. From Augusta by Jacksboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Friday at 8 a m & arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 p m.
Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 a m & arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 p m.
12. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m; leave Louisville at 11 a m and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p m & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p m.
13. From Savannah by Bryan co. h. Midway church, Riceboro' M'Intosh co. h. Darien, Frederica, Jekyll island & Dungeon Nest, to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m & arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p m & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p m.
14. From Jekyll island to Brunswick once a week.
Leave Jekyll island every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a m.
Leave Brunswick at 2 p m and arrive at Jekyll island by 6 p m.
IN MAINE.
15. From Scodias to plantation No 5, once a week.
Leave No 5 every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Scodias by 11 a m.
Leave Scodias every Wednesday at 1 p m & arrive at No. 5 by 6 p m.
16. From Bucksport by Hartford to Livermore, once a week.
Leave Bucksport every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Livermore by 10 a m.
Leave Livermore every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Bucksport by 6 p m.
17. From Vassalboro' by Fairfield, Unity & Colledgetown to Hampden, once a week.
Leave Vassalboro' every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Hampden on Saturday by 10 a m.
Leave Hampden every Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Vassalboro' on Monday by 8 a m.
18. From New Milford by Ballstown, Palermo, and Davis town, to Belfast, once a week.
Leave New Milford every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Belfast by 6 p m.
Leave Belfast every Friday at 6 a m, and arrive at New Milford by 10 a m.
19. From Brunswick by Bowdoin, Litchfield and Hallowell, to Augusta, once a week.
Leave Brunswick every Monday at 2 a m & arrive at Augusta by 11 a m.
Leave Augusta every Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Brunswick by 9 p m.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
20. From Fryeburg, in Maine, by Conway, Bartlett, Rolebrooks and Jefferson, to Lancaster, once in two weeks.
Leave Fryeburg every other Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Fryeburg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
21. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Med. letown, Ollippee, Moultonboro' Center harbor, Plymouth and Haverhill, to Newbury, Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill, Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanton, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth, once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m.
Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Newbury by 7 p m.
Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 7 a m and at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth at 7 p m & arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m.
22. From Hanover N H by Orford, Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton and Lancaster, to Guildhall, Vt. and from Guildhall by Lunenburg and Concord, Vt. Littleton, Bath, Haverhill and Orford, to Hanover, once a week.
Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Guildhall on Saturday by 6 p m.
Leave Guildhall every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Hanover on Thursday by 6 p m.
23. From Salisbury by Andover, New Chester and Bridgewater to Plymouth; and from Plymouth by Holderness, New Hampton and Sanborn town, to Salisbury, alternately, once a week.
Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Plymouth by 2 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon.
IN VERMONT.
24. From Littleton N H by Littleton, Vt. St. Johnsbury, Danville, Walden, Greensboro' Grafton, Eden and Johnston to St. Albans, once in two weeks.
Leave Littleton every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Albans on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Littleton, N H on Saturday by 6 p m.
25. From Montpelier by Barre, Washington, Cotenah, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barnet & Peacham, to Danville, once a week.
Leave Montpelier every Thursday by noon, arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Newbury on Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Danville by 5 p m.
Returning. Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Royalton, Randolph, Williamston, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Williston, to Burlington, once a week.
Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p m and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p m.
Returning. Leave Burlington every Tuesday at 3 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p m and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Royalton by Tunbridge, Chelsea and Verelst, to Corinth, once a week.
Leave Royalton every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Corinth by 6 p m.
Leave Corinth every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Royalton by 6 p m.
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
28. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke and Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 6 p m.
29. From Suffield co. by Westfield, Northampton, Deerfield, Greenfield, Brattleboro', Putney, Westminster, Walpole, Charlestown, Weathersfield, Windsor, Marlans and Hartford, to Hanover, twice a week.
Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Northampton by 1 p m; leave Northampton at 1 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Windsor on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Hanover by 6 p m.
Returning. Leave Hanover every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Windsor by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p m.
30. From Shrewsbury by Holden, Rutland, Oakham, Hardwick, Greenfield, Pelham and Amherst, to Northampton, once a week.
Leave Shrewsbury every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton by 10 a m on Thursday.
Leave Northampton every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Shrewsbury on Friday by 6 p m.
31. From Hartford by Granby, Granville, Blanford, Sandisfield and New Marlboro' to Stockbridge, once a week.
Leave Hartford every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Stockbridge on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Stockbridge every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 10 a m.
32. From East Bridgewater by Middleboro' East meeting-house, to Rochester, once a week.
Leave East Bridgewater every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Rochester by 11 a m.
Leave Rochester every Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at East Bridgewater by 8 p m.
33. From Brookfield by Brimfield and Stafford Springs, to Tolland, once a week.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Tolland by 6 p m.
Leave Tolland on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 6 p m.
IN CONNECTICUT.
34. From Pomfret by Gloucester to Providence, once a week.
Leave Pomfret every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Providence by 5 p m.
Leave Providence every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Pomfret by 8 p m.
35. From Hartford by Glastenbury and Colchester, to New London once a week.
Leave Hartford every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at New London by 6 p m.
Leave New London every Tuesday by 6 a m and arrive at Hartford by 6 p m.
IN NEW YORK.
36. From Cherry valley by Springfield, Rensselaer, Plainfield and Bridgewater, to Sangerfield, once a week.
Leave Cherry valley every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Sangerfield on Tuesday by 11 a m.
Leave Sangerfield every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Cherry valley on Wednesday by 6 p m.
37. From Harrisburg by Williamstown, Ogdensburg, Potsdam and Chateaugay, to Plattsburg, once in two weeks.
Leave Harrisburg every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plattsburg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
Leave Plattsburg every other Tuesday at 2 p m & arrive at Harrisburg on Friday by 6 p m.
38. From Rome by Redfield, Adams, Smith's mills and Sacket Harbor, to Chemung, once in two weeks.
Leave Rome every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Chemung on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Chemung every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Rome on Saturday by 6 p m.
39. From Bath by Canajoharie, Danville and Williamstown, to Hartford, once a week.
Leave Bath every other Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Hartford on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Hartford every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Bath on Tuesday by 6 p m.
40. From Onondaga by Tully, Homer and Virgil, to Oswego, once in two weeks.
Leave Onondaga every other Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Oswego on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Oswego every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Onondaga on Friday by 6 p m.
41. From Westhampton to Riverhead, once a week.
Leave Westhampton every Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Riverhead by 9 a m.
Leave Riverhead every Monday at 10 a m and arrive at Westhampton by 2 p m.
42. From New Lebanon, by Hancock, Richmond, Lenox, Lee, Beekman, Loudon and Sandisfield, to New Hartford in Con. once a week.
Leave New Lebanon every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at New Hartford on Friday by 10 a m.
Leave New Hartford every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at New Lebanon on Saturday by 6 p m.
43. From Albany by Schenectady, Amsterdam, Triphill, Palatine, Little Falls and Herkimer to Utica.
Leave Albany every day, Sunday excepted, at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady by 10 a m.
Leave Schenectady every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 1/2 a m and arrive at Utica on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 4 p m.
Returning. Leave Utica every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 1 p m.
Leave Schenectady every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 p m and arrive at Albany by 7 p m.
Dissolution of Partnership.
THE partnership of the subscribers trading under the firm of Ross & Pleasanton, was dissolved on the 13th of April last, by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm, are requested to make immediate payment to either of the parties, or to Ross and Getty, at their store corner of Washington and Bridge streets, George town.
ANDREW ROSS, STEPHEN PLEASANTON. June 13—6t
Partnership.
THE business will in future be carried on in the same place, by the subscribers, under the firm of Ross and Getty, who have received via Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore, in addition to their former stock, a large and general assortment of GROCERIES, Bar Iron, Steel, Cutlery, cut and wrought Nails, Fancy Goods, &c &c which they will dispose of on the most reasonable terms.
ANDREW ROSS, ROBERT GETTY. George town, June 13—6t
TO RENT,