The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-06-30 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. DCCCXCII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JUNE 30, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Just received from New York and for sale at Wm. Duane's Book store, Pennsylvania Avenue, 1st & 2d Speeches of Mr. J. Randolph on Gregg's resolution.
Also for sale the first 4 vols. of Plowden's invaluable history of Ireland; the 5th and last vol. is now in the press. June 25—3t.
A POCKET BOOK was found on the post road leading from Baltimore to Spurrrier's Tavern on the 13th inst. the owner can obtain it by applying to the subscriber in Washington city.
PINEAS BRADLEY. June 25th—3t.
PUBLIC SALES.
On Monday 30th inst. at 11 o'clock A.M. will be sold on the spot a fine crop of OATS, about six acres; and also a lot of CLOVER on the enclosed ground at Mr. Fann's barn yard near South Capitol Street. Sixty days credit will be given on approved note negotiable at the Office of Discount and Deposit in this city.
JOHN SMITH, and ROBERT UNDERWOOD, Executors to the estate of Mark Beckwith, &c. JOHN STEPHEN, Auctioneer. Washington city, June 25—3t.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN from the subscriber, on Thursday morning the 19th inst. a quantity of wearing apparel, consisting of two Dimity Petticoats, small cord, a Cotton Cambric Gown and a dark China Gown, a Muslin Shift, a Bandanna Handkerchief marked G. R. and also a Silver Tea Spoon. The person suspected of carrying off the said articles is a Mrs. Williams. Whoever will bring them back shall receive the above reward.
GEORGE RICE, near Navy Yard. Washington city, June 24—3t.
PUBLIC SALE.
By an order from the Orphan's court of Prince George's county, will be sold at public sale on the 24th day of July next, the property of Julian Greenwell deceased, consisting of some Negroes, HENNEY & LUCY, Household & Kitchen Furniture, one Riding Chair, one Hay Wagon about 8 years old, one do. 5 years old, two Cows and some Hogs, & plantation utensils. A credit of six months will be given by the purchasers giving bond with two approved sureties.
Sale to commence at 11 o'clock, and will continue until every thing is sold. ANN GREENWELL, Administratrix. June 25—wt.
PUBLIC SALE.
IN obedience to the direction of Mrs. Cranch, who given in the estate of Henry Schuchey an inventory, I shall sell at auction, on Saturday the 28th inst. at the house owned by Mr. Voss and next adjoining the one occupied by the hon. James Madison in F Street, Washington. The personal property of said Schuchey consisting of store goods, &c. The terms of sale are cash, for all purchases not exceeding 20 dollars, for purchases above that sum on a credit of six months, securities to be approved of by the judge to be given. Hour of sale, 11 A. M.
Those who have claims against the said Schuchey will please to exhibit them to me within six months from this date proven to the same manner as is required by the Orphan's court. Creditors will be allowed to bid to an amount which will not exceed their dividends.
JOHN HEWITT, Trustee. JOHN STEPHEN, Auctioneer. June 16—tot.
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805.
Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only , having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City.
Sept. 9—tf
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 667 acres is laid off in lots from 23 to 145 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanlon at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wootton, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
DR. BRISCOE,
ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. A few doors west of the seven Buildings teachers his services to the citizens of Washington and its vicinity, in the practice of chyle, surgery, &c. He has lately opened a Medical Room at his residence, where a supply of useful and cheap medicines may be had. May 26—w12t
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The ardor of the war of the last fifteen years has been such, as to occasion the belligerent powers too often to forget the indefeasable rights of neutrals. The convention of the 26th of March 1793, between G. Britain and Russia is a memorable instance. These two powers bound themselves on that day "to stop and compel all neutral ships bound to or freighted for France, either to sail back or to enter some neutral harbor." We have seen that various other acts of the same unlawful nature were pursued by England in concert with other maritime powers. The recent blockade of the Elbe, the Weser, the Elbe and the Trave is a renewal of this outrageous conduct against neutral rights. The American agriculture is no longer to send its comfortable streams into the North of Europe. But the evil does not stop there. The following very strong article, which remains uncontradicted, was published in the city of Philadelphia on the 7th inst.
"Late letters from London, state, that in consequence of the severe measures which France has adopted to prevent the importation in neutral, as well as other bottoms, of English goods in the north as well as south of Europe, it was conjectured that the new British administration would be necessitated, from self preservation, to declare every port from Venice in the Adriatic, to Hamburg, &c. in a state of blockade; to cover the seas with cruisers, and to take measures to prevent the supply of a single pound of corn, sugar, cotton, &c. to any of the dominions under the power or influence of France. This measure, it is said, will be very rigidly executed; and will unquestionably be justified by those who justify the French measure. Mr. Monroe had been officially notified of the blockade of the Elbe, Weser, Elbe and Trave. A great number of neutral vessels, bound to and from the ports under the French rule, among which are twenty six Americans, have recently been sent into England. Some, of whom, however, had been released."
[Poulton.]
These notorious and ruinous acts of Great Britain in 1806, are producing the same consequences as in 1793. An order of admiral Bailey of Russia, was published here on the 17th of June, which subjects all the coasts and ports of the Adriatic sea to one of these illegitimate blockades. Every neutral vessel going into the neutral or enemy's coasts of the Adriatic with any kind of supplies is subjected to seizure and condemnation on the mere authority of the proclamation of the Russian admiral. He is probably, from his name, one of the North Britons, of whom there are many in the Russian service. Either G. Britain and Russia are united again by treaty to sacrifice all neutral commerce and agriculture in order to accommodate their enemies, or Russia has too promptly followed the ruinous example of G. Britain. The Russian order is directed against all neutral ships, and against all supplies being carried into the ports and coasts of the Adriatic whether neutral or French and it avows the confiscation of all such ships and cargoes. The governments of G. Britain and Russia are endeavoring to make a new provision in the law of nations interdicting neutrals from selling their crops, or their surplus foreign produce to their enemies or to those countries, which England and Russia allege to be "under French rule." America must never lose sight of the rules and principles of the law of nations, which we should hold next to sacred. By the law of nations, we have a right to trade in ships and cargoes not contraband of war with all places though belonging to the enemies of Russia and G. Britain, unless any of such places be actually besieged, or so beset with armed forces as to be intended to produce its reduction. The present contest between France and Russia is about the provinces of a third power, whose unfortunate subjects, the ancient Greeks, are to have no commerce with powers friendly to them and to their national government. Whither will the irregularities and treaties of G. Britain lead the maritime world? That the citizens of America in every situation, may judge for themselves, the recent act of Russia is subjoined.
ALBANIA, MARCH 30, 1806.
The commander of the Russian squadron at Cattaro in Venetian, now French Dalmatia, has issued the following order respecting the blockade of the ports on the whole Adriatic sea.
"To accomplish the just object of maintaining a good understanding with the neutral powers, and at the same time to persevere in the important plan of cutting off the enemy from all supplies which he might receive through neutrals, the commander of the squadron of his imperial majesty of all the Russias hereby notifies and declares,
1. "That all the coasts and harbors, both on the right hand and on the left of the Adriatic, belonging to the French or to neutrals and possessed by the French, are from this day strictly blockaded by the said squadron."
II. "That no vessel belonging to the said powers shall attempt to convey warlike stores, provisions or other supplies to any of the blockaded places under the penalty of confiscation of ship and cargo."
III. "That whereas this notification sufficiently testifies the respect which my court entertains for the neutral states, I flatter myself that the evils will be averted, which would result to them from acting in opposition to the order now given."
(Signed) "HENRY BAILEY, commander of the squadron of his imperial majesty of all the Russias."
"On board the ship Asia, March 15, 1806, &c. &c."
It is true, that the Adriatic is a remote scene, and that we have not much trade thither. But the old Russian concert with Great Britain in 1793 for stopping our trade with France and the appearance of a new concert in 1806, between Britain and Russia, with the extreme and illegitimate addition of an absolute confiscation of neutral ships and cargoes manifest too strongly in America the dreadful and fatal tendencies of the British intrusions on the law of nations and on neutral commerce and rights since the middle of the year 1792. The state of neutral commerce and of the connected interests of neutral agriculture are worthy of all our consideration.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
APRIL 15.
DEBATE
On the bill for fortifying ports and harbors and building gun boats.
MR. QUINCEY'S Speech Concluded.
Other gentlemen have shown an equal want of a just apprehension of the nature and effects of commerce. Some think any of its great channels can be impeded or cut off without important injury. Others that it is a matter of so much indifference, that we can very well do without it. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) told us some days since, "that for his part he wished that at the time of our revolution there had been no commerce." That hon. gentleman I presume, is enamoured with Arcadian scenes, with happy valleys. Like a hero of pastoral romance, at the head of some murmuring stream, with his crook by his side, his sheep feeding around, far from the temptations, unseated by the luxuries of commerce, he would "sport with Amaryllis in the shade, or toy with the tangles of Neva's hair." I will not deny that these are pleasant scenes. Doubtless they are well suited to the innocence, the purity, and the amiable unobtrusive simplicity of that gentleman's mind and manners. But he must not expect that all men can be measured by his elevated standard, or be made to relish these sublime pleasures. Thousands and ten thousands in that part of the country I would represent have no notion of rural felicity, or of the tranquil joys of the country. They love a life of activity, of enterprize and hazard. They would rather see a boat hook than all the crooks in the world; and as for sheep they never desire to see any thing more of them than just enough upon their deck to give them fresh meat once a week in a voyage. Concerning the land of which the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. J. Randolph) and the one from N. Carolina, (Mr. Macon) thinks so much, they think very little. It is in fact to them only a shelter from the storm; a perch on which they build their airy and hide their mate and their young, while they skim the surface or hunt in the deep. The laws of society and the views of enlightened politicians ought to have reference, not to any ideal, theoretic state of human perfection, but to the equal protection and encouragement of every species of honorable industry. I know it has been said by way of apology for not doing any thing more in defence of commerce, that it already was indebted for its prosperity to our laws and regulations. The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. J. Randolph) told us expressly "that the votes of southern men had given us our drawbacks and discriminating duties," whence he would conclude that our commerce and navigation had nothing more to ask at their hands. The hon. Speaker too, referred the prosperous condition of our commerce to the adoption of the constitution and to the provisions established under it. I am the last man in the world to deny the happy influence of that instrument in ameliorating the condition of this nation. But our commercial prosperity is owing much more to accident and nature; and much less to law than we are apt to imagine or are willing to allow. Every year we
get together on this floor to consult concerning the public good. The state of commerce makes a capital object in all our deliberations. We have our committee of commerce, and manufactures, and a great part of every session is exhausted in discussing their provisions, limitations and restrictions, until at last we slide into the belief that commerce is of our creation; that it has its root in the statute book; that its sap is drawn from our parliament, and that it spreads and flourishes under the direct heat of the legislative ray. But what is the fact? Look into your laws. What are they? Nine tenths—I should speak nearer the truth should say ninety nine hundredths of them, are nothing more than means by which you secure your share of the products of commerce; they constitute the machinery by which you pluck its Hesperian fruit, and have nothing to do with the root that supports it, or with the native vigor which exudes into this rich luxuriance. Sir, the true tap root of commerce is found in the nature and character of the people which carry it on. They and their ancestors for nearly two centuries have been engaged in it. The industry of every class of men in the eastern states, has reference to its condition, and is affected by it. Why then treat it as a small concern; as an affair only of traders and of merchants? Why intimate that agriculture can flourish without it? When, in fact, the interests of these two branches of industry are so intimately connected, that the slightest affection of the one is instantly communicated to the other. I know very well that there is a great difference between the relations of commerce and agriculture in the southern and in the eastern states. And this is one of the chief causes of that diversity of sentiment which prevails among those who dwell in these different parts of the union. In the southern states there are comparatively few, if any, who depend on commerce altogether for subsistence. Whatever affects commercial prosperity produces no general distress or discontent. Perhaps insurance or freight may advance a little in consequence of its embarrassment. Perhaps one or other of their great staples may find not so ready or so high a market. But these inconveniences throw none out of employment or out of bread. Very different is the state of things in the eastern states. Their commerce is not merely as the honorable Speaker called it, "a waggone, a mode of conveyance of product to the consumer." It is more, infinitely more; it establishes within the country an immense fund of internal consumption. All its dependants—merchants, tradesmen, mechanics, seamen and laborers of every class and description look to it, either for that profit which makes a great portion of their happiness, or for that employment on which their subsistence depends. The state of agriculture is adapted and has been for centuries, to the supply of the wants of this internal consumption. The farmer is bound to commerce by a thousand intimate ties, which, while it is in its ordinary state of prosperity, he neither sees nor realizes. But let the current stop, and the course of business stagnate in consequence of any violent affection of commerce, the effect is felt as much, and in some cases more, by those who inhabit the mountains, as by those who dwell on the sea coast. The country is associated with the city in one common distress, not merely through sympathy, but by an actual perception of a union in misfortune. It is this indissoluble community of interest between agriculture and commerce, which pervades the eastern portion of the U. S. that makes our treatment of the commercial interest of one of the most delicate as well as important questions that can be brought before this legislature.—That interest is not of a nature long to be neglected with impunity. Its power, when once brought into action by the necessity of self defence, cannot but be irresistible in this nation. Sir, two fifths of your white population are commercial; or which is the same thing as to its political effect, have their happiness so dependant upon its prosperity, that they cannot fail to act in concert, when the object is to crush those who oppress, or those who are willing to destroy it. Of the five millions which now constitute the white population of these states, two millions are north and east of New Jersey—this great mass is naturally and indissolubly connected with commerce. To this is to be added the like interest, and that of no inconsiderable weight, which exists in the middle and southern states. Are these powerful influences to be forgotten or despised? Are such portions of the union to be told that they are not to be defended, neither on the ocean nor yet on the land? Will they—ought they to submit to a system, which at the same time that it extracts from their industry the whole national revenue, neither protects it abroad nor at home? It needs no spirit of prophecy to say they will not. It is no breach of any duty to say they ought not. No power on earth can prevent a party from growing up, in these states, in support of the rights of commerce to a sea and land protection. The state of things, which
must necessarily follow, is of all others to be deprecated. As I have said before, when party passions run parallel to local interests, of great power and extent, nothing can prevent national convulsions; all the consequences of which can neither be numbered nor measured. Mr. Chairman, I do not introduce this idea to threaten or terrify. I speak, I hope to wise men, to men of experience, and of acquaintance with human nature, both in history and by observation. Is it possible, to content great, intelligent and influential portions of your citizens, by any thing short of a real attention to their interests, in some degree proportionate to their magnitude and nature? When this is not the case, can any political union be either happy or lasting? Now is the time to give a pledge to the commercial interests, that they may be assured of protection let whatever influence predominate in the legislature. A great majority of this house are from states not connected intimately with commerce. Show then, those which are, that you feel for them as brothers; that you are willing to give them a due share of the national revenue for their protection. Show an enlightened and fair reciprocity. Be superior to any exclusive regard to local interest. On such principles this union, so desirable, and so justly dear to us all, will continue and be cherished by every member of the compact. But let a narrow, selfish, local, sectional policy prevail, and struggles will commence, which will terminate through mutual animosities, in either a change of the system of government, or in its dissolution.
Mr. DAWSON said he was sorry the motion was made. He did not believe from the discussion the subject had undergone, the House would undertake to say on what objects the sum appropriated should be applied. The sum proposed to be appropriated by the bill was 150,000 dollars. He was averse to going beyond that sum, and he was well persuaded that any attempt to go beyond it would have a tendency to defeat the bill altogether.
Mr. SMILIE declared himself against the amendment, but willing to grant the sum applied for by the proper officer.
The question was then taken on Mr. Masters' motion and lost—only 31 members rising in its favor.
Mr. LYON moved a section authorizing the President to build two 74 gun ships, which was disagreed to—Ayes 28.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, OF GREAT BRITAIN.
HOUSE OF LORDS. MAY 6. Trade between the West Indies and America.
Lord Sheffield moved to discharge the order for the second reading of the American and West India Trade Bill, this day, with the view of postponing it to the 18th of May, in order to give time for the consideration of the subject, as numerous petitions would be presented against it.
The motion was negatived. Lord Grenville moved that the bill be now read a second time.
The Duke of Montrose called the attention of the House to the alarm which had been excited by the manner in which this subject had been stated by the noble Lord who originally proposed it, and by the supposition that other measures might follow the present, which might have a serious effect upon the shipping interest of this country. The effect which the bill might have upon the shipping interest was, in this instance, no light consideration, as the trade to the West Indies employed from 6 to 7000 seamen, and formed one of those nurseries for our seamen, which ought to be cherished and encouraged, instead of being depressed or checked. In his view of the subject, the bill was neither politic nor necessary. It was impolitic, inasmuch as it went to authorise the suspension of our navigation laws, those laws to which we were originally indebted for our maritime superiority; it was unnecessary, inasmuch as it only professed to do that which had been already done; and might be again in a manner less objectionable, by leaving it to the West India governors to act upon their own responsibility in cases of necessity. On the contrary, the governors were to be prospectively authorised to suspend the navigation laws, it should be recollected that it might frequently be to their interest to direct such suspension where no immediate necessity required it. He did not despair, although he did not mean to assert it, that with our present maritime superiority, the West India island might, even in time of war, be supplied in British bottoms by means of convoys. In a time of peace there could be no doubt about it, and he denied that the calamities which a noble lord (Holland) on a former occasion stated to have resulted to the West Indies from not suspending the navigation laws, to have proceeded from that source, as the

were the natural consequences of earthquakes and hurricanes. He was inimical to the present bill not only on account of the positive evil resulting to the shipping interest of the country, from the suspension of the navigation laws, but on account of those measures still more injurious to that interest to which this bill might afterwards serve as a basis.
The Earl of Lauderdale, thought the noble Duke had rather been arguing against some speculative measures, which he apprehended might, at some future time be brought forward, than against the present bill. He conceived the bill to be founded upon the soundest principles of legislation. What could more forcibly demonstrate its necessity than the indemnity bill which Parliament had passed year after year, for the purpose of indemnifying the governors of our West India islands for suspensions of the navigation act, which were found to be absolutely necessary for the support and well-being of our colonies? And was it not more constitutional, and more becoming the dignity of Parliament, that what was so found to be necessary should be authorised, in certain cases, according to the discretion and under the responsibility of the Executive government, than that violations of the law should continually take place, and the persons who infringed law be constantly indemnified? If, according to the argument of the noble Duke, our West India colonies could be supplied by the mother country in time of war, how would such a mode of supply operate? There must necessarily be a heavy expense for insurance, besides other expenses, which the merchant exporting must pay out of his pocket, and which, by rendering the commodity dearer, would ultimately raise the price of the produce of the colonies, to which such commodities were thus carried. On the contrary, by importing directly from America to the West Indies those articles which were necessary for the food of the inhabitants and the cultivation of the soil, none of these extra expenses ensued; they can be obtained at a cheaper rate, and were paid for in the manufactures of this country, thus equally producing the sale of our manufactures and the comfort of a cultivation of our West India possessions, and increasing the produce of these islands. He did not believe that any nursery for our seamen would be rejected by the bill; but if any seamen were thrown out of employ there was a sure resource for them in the Royal Navy, and at a peace this trade would be again open to them for employment.
Lord Mulgrave deprecated that mode of argument which went to state, that if any portion of our seamen were thrown out of employ by the effect of any measure upon any branch of our trade, they might be employed to man our ships of war. The same argument might be employed to defend any encroachment on our trade to whatever extent; but when any part of our commerce was suspended for a considerable space of time, it was not so easy a task to restore it to its old channel. He conceived that this country was clearly entitled to an exclusive trade with her colonies, and he was therefore inimical to any measure which went to injure or impede that trade. The colonies ought to be made the instruments of supporting and upholding our shipping and our navigation, and not rendered the means of decreasing the one and injuring the other. He did not think that any necessity had been shown for the present bill, or for altering that mode of conduct which had been hitherto adopted with respect to the supply of our colonies.
The Lord Chancellor concurred that he must have totally misunderstood the bill, if any of the arguments used against it were at all applicable. The bill merely went to vest that power and responsibility in the executive government which had hitherto been exercised by the governors of our colonies, and to enable that to be done legally which had hitherto been done of necessity, in violation of the law; and surely it was much more consistent with the dignity of Parliament that discretionary power should be vested in his majesty in council to act according to the necessity of the case, than that the law should be continually infringed by subordinate magistrates, and acts of indemnity passed year after year.
The Duke of Montrose, in explanation, contended that the bill was a totally different measure, inasmuch as it went, for the first time, to authorize legally a suspension of the Navigation Act.
The Earl of Caernarvon contended, that the present bill was precisely the same measure which had received the support of the noble lords who now opposed it when they were in office, and the adoption of which by the governors of our colonies, they sanctioned by repeated bills of indemnity.
[To be continued.]
BE it enacted by the first and second chambers of the city council of Washington, that a sum not exceeding one hundred dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated to defray the expense of furnishing each pump belonging to the corporation, and standing in need thereof, with a cut stone gutter, and at the mayor be, and he is hereby authorised to contract for said gutters with the lowest bidder."
AGREEABLY to the foregoing powers the cutting and furnishing the foregoing stone gutters will be let to the lowest bidder, at Myers's Hotel on Pennsylvania avenue, on Monday the 7th of next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon. description of such as may be required will be furnished by the pump maker, Mr. Yates.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JUNE 30.
WE recently laid before our readers some interesting notices of the plan of instruction pursued by Pestalozzi. We now offer a sketch of his life, drawn up from the work we have already quoted.
PESTALOZZI.
HENRI PESTALOZZI was born at Zurich, in 1746. He was between four and five years of age when he lost his father, and his early education was attended to by his mother, aided by a domestic governess.
He had little communication with any one out of the House, rarely saw children of his own age, and took no part in their diversions.
Thus he grew up with few favorable opportunities of improving himself by an intercourse with men in different stations of life, or even of acquiring knowledge relative to domestic life. This mode of living must have naturally kept him ignorant of the manners of the world. Brought up in this respect without any constraint, he soon contracted the habit of neglecting his person, and what are called the usages of the world; a circumstance which often injured him in the opinion of those who judge only from the exterior.
From his earliest youth he gave himself up with success to the study of letters; in his more advanced life he had the advantage of studying under Bodmer, and other distinguished men, at the time when the liberty of thinking, when patriotism and the fine arts reigned in the most brilliant manner in Zurich; but the knowledge he then acquired was not of a nature to supply the deficiencies of his domestic education, he experienced besides a most decisive inclination for an active life: he therefore abandoned his literary career, in his seventeenth year, and determined to devote himself to the bar.
The death of a friend, who was to have been his guide, and in whom he had unlimited confidence, induced him soon to renounce this project, and he engaged himself in agriculture.
He was indeed sensible that he had not received an education which fitted him for this new mode of life; but he believed it the best calculated for enabling him to realize those plans of benevolence which he had indulged himself in from his most tender youth. It was in order to aid an unhappy and degraded people, the more efficaciously, that he became an advocate; and it was still to aid this unhappy and degraded people, that he now embraced agriculture, from the hope that by this means he would better learn their real situation and true wants.
In consequence he purchased a quantity of uncultivated ground, conjointly with one of the first houses of Zurich. At the moment he was going to commence his operations, this house withdrew itself from him, and abandoned him to his own means. He did not sink under this disappointment, but pushed on his enterprise, and added to it in 1775 an experiment for the education of poor children.
But this new plan did not succeed. Let us hear his own words, which we find in a letter to his friend Gesner.
"I lived," says he, "during some years in the midst of a circle of more than fifty children, whose parents were in the greatest wretchedness. In my poverty I divided my bread with them; and myself lived as a beggar, in order to teach beggars to live like men. The subjects in which I proposed to instruct them, were agriculture, manufactures and commerce. I had the most perfect confidence in the plan I had formed; and I do not yet believe myself to have been deceived; but what is equally true is, that I am ignorant of that detailed knowledge of these three branches, and of a genius which can apply itself to the minutiae inseparable from them. Moreover, I was too poor and too friendless to supply what was wanting in myself. My plan fell through; but amidst the inexpressible efforts I have made, I have learned innumerable truths, and I was never more strongly convinced of the goodness of my project than when I found myself obliged to renounce it."
Such was the fate of this first attempt. The check which the fortune of Pestalozzi thus received; the impossibility of cultivating his land to advantage, which was its natural consequence; these and many other circumstances, concurred to plunge him, for a long course of years, into an extraordinary degree of misery. The indifference, and indeed total neglect of many of his old acquaintances; the obscurity and contempt in which he saw himself plunged, had a great influence on his feelings and his views, and it is to these prolonged disappointments and vexations we must ascribe what he has done, as well as what he has not done; what he has attempted, and what he has neglected.
However, although his external circumstances sunk from day to day, an internal ardor inflamed him at every instant more and more, and led him back to the essential point of his old designs and favorite ideas. He desired, at any risk, to destroy if possible the source
from whence flowed the misery of the people; it was with this intention that he successively published several works; the first of which was his Leonard & Gertrude . He afterwards printed an Helvetic paper, calculated for the country people. In 1783 he composed a treatise upon criminal legislation, particularly upon infanticide. In 1797 we had the first hint of his System of Education, under the title of "My researches into the progress of Nature in the development of Man."
Forced to contract the circle of his efforts, but never losing sight of the great end he had in view, he determined to become simply a schoolmaster. In 1798 he obtained through Le Grand, who had discovered his merit, some notice from the Helvetic government; and he was on the point of being placed at the head of an establishment of education, when the war broke out in the canton of Unterwald.
Le Grand then proposed to Pestalozzi to choose this unhappy country for the place of his abode and the theatre of his labors. "I would have descended into the deepest abyss," says he to Gesner, in the letter already quoted, "to accomplish my end, and I have in truth succeeded; but conceive, if you can, my situation at Stantz. Alone, entirely deprived of all accessory means, I alone, director, cashier, waiter, performing even the functions of a maid-servant, in a house out of repair, and in the midst of diseases of all kinds!"
"This school increased gradually to eighty scholars, all of different ages, & with a few exceptions absolutely ignorant. What a task! I dared however to undertake it, and very soon those who visited me, were astonished at the effect produced; but to say the truth, this effect could be compared only to one of those meteors, which appear for a moment in the air, and then vanish; no one understood its nature, not even myself: it was the result of a simple physiological idea, or rather sentiment within me, for which I could give no reason. I knew not precisely what I would do, I only knew what I wished to do—to die or accomplish my object. As I found it necessary to instruct my children, without having any assistance, I sought for some art by which I could teach a number at the same time. Seeing no other mode, but dictating aloud, and making them all at the same time repeat after me; the confusion thus produced, shewed me the necessity of a peculiar cadence, and I found that this cadence strengthened the impression which my lessons made. My absolute ignorance as to the best mode of instruction, kept me a long while stationary; and this delay taught me by experience to what a high degree, the intellectual powers of children may be raised by detaining them on the elementary points, until they completely understand them. I felt more strongly than ever in every branch of science that a perfect knowledge of the whole greatly depended on that of the elementary principles, and I saw likewise the great errors which negligence in this respect must naturally produce."
"I beheld among my children rapidly developed a sentiment of their own powers, of which they had till then been ignorant. I saw likewise among them the sentiment of order and utility unfold itself. They became conscious of their own capacity, and soon the difficulties and disgusts so common in schools, vanished from mine like a spectre."
The establishment at Stantz began to prosper. Pestalozzi every day more clearly understood his system; he every day made new trials in order to discover the best means of making the instruction of the poor subservient to their real wants and true interests.
He saw in many parts of Switzerland where he had lived, that the population was far too great. He saw that this forced population depended on foreign establishments for the real resources of the country and the cultivation of the land; that its means of subsistence were in the hands of manufacturers, who furnished them with materials for spinning and weaving. The first unfavorable circumstance he foresaw, as arising from this kind of industry, was, that millions of individuals might on an emergency find themselves without employment or any means of getting such as they were capable of.
He wished them to create other resources; he wished to develop among them new germs of activity, and at the same time to point out the objects to which this activity might be most usefully directed. He sought, in a word, to make them sufficient for themselves, and to render them independent of events.
This was his most ardent desire, the object of his labors, the strongest motive for his arduous devotion. When the invasion of the Austrians into the lesser Cantons of Switzerland, once more overthrew his work. Forced to abandon Stantz, overwhelmed with chagrin, exhausted by fatigues, he had the additional vexation of finding himself the object of the most pointed railing. His renunciation of this establishment was attributed to inconstancy and the impossibility of putting into practice the visions of a too exalted imagination—whereas it was the necessary consequence of the most unperious circumstances. In this extremity he found an asylum at the baths of Gurniclé, some leagues from Berne. Some friends were still left him, who did him justice and tried to serve him. One amongst them persuaded him to go to Berthoud, a small town near Berne, where he might succeed in placing himself at the head of a small school designed for poor
children. The government continued to take some interest in his fate and assigned him a pension of 40 louis.
At this period the Chateau of Berthoud had been assigned to Mr. Fischer, who intended to form a seminary for school masters. Mr. F. was a young man of great promise; he, however died about this time, and his project died with him.
Meanwhile Pestalozzi's little school had excited the attention of the government who had not forgotten his success at Stantz. In consequence, it allotted to him the above mentioned Chateau. Soon after Pestalozzi, who till then had had no assistant, was so happy as to attach to him Krusi, Tobler, and Buss—with this assistance he was enabled to commence the realisation of his plan; he opened a boarding school; he made trial of the seminary for school masters; he went still farther and took a certain number of poor children.
The government determined to favor him still farther. It raised his pension to 100 louis, gave him the exclusive right of printing his elementary books, (which was extended to ten years after his death) gave him the hope of introducing them into the primary schools, and allowed a salary of 25 louis to two of his assistants.
Strong, in a protection thus avowed, Pestalozzi no longer regarded his establishment as an individual undertaking, and feared not to hazard every thing in order promptly to give it an extension, which might fulfil the views of government.
The events of the months of September, and October 1802, again arrested him in his new career. The deputies, from the cantons to the Diet, in 1803, had not received any instructions relative to the Institute of Berthoud.
Pestalozzi, in renouncing the advantages which had been promised by the Helvetic government, and the hope of seeing his undertaking become a national one, is forced by circumstances to take new measures, better suited to his resources. Having with him many teachers of the first order worthy of his full confidence, he thought it best to divide an establishment, much too large, and to transport part of it to the canton De Vaud. So that the Institute of Berthoud is divided into two branches, one at Busshee, a village near Berne; the other at Yverden, a beautiful town in the canton De Vaud.
Such are the principal facts I have judged proper to collect. I might have gone more into detail, and spoken of the obstacles Pestalozzi had to surmount, of the persecution he endured. I could have drawn the principal traits of the character of this extraordinary man; I could have shown him living, breathing, only for the happiness of the human race; sacrificing every thing, forgetting his most urgent wants, to ensure the success of his labors. I could have shown him, after the dissolution of the Helvetic government, in his Institute at Berthoud, in the midst of 110 pupils, most of whom were orphans or children abandoned by their parents, whom he had collected, and of the rest, who paid but little, all paying irregularly, struggling against misery, yet foreseeing every thing. But the time will come, when a pen more able than mine will make up for my omissions, and do justice to the genius and heart of Pestalozzi.
Extract from the answer of the House of Representatives of N. Hampshire to the Governor.
"THE House of Representatives is gratified in your acceptance of the high office, to which you are again elected by the free suffrages of the people of New-Hampshire."
We rejoice with you that a collision of parties is no longer felt in the State, that a measure of harmony is restored, and that a fair prospect is before us, which promises concord and happiness.
As the State of New-Hampshire is a member of a great nation, so we, the Representatives of its Citizens, possess an interest in the national concerns: we have viewed with solicitude, and with indignation, the predatory attempts, which have been made on our rights, by the subjects of some European nations—which attempts, in some instances, have been sanctioned by European governments. We at the same time have contemplated the measures of our own national Administration, and have felt, and we still continue to feel, in its virtue and in its wisdom unshaken confidence.
Europe exhibits important events, the scourge of war having troubled her nations; her empires and her states are assuming new forms, and her political relations are changed. In witnessing the evils, with which Europe has been afflicted, the people of the United States cannot be unmindful of that Divine Providence, which has so eminently preserved them from national as well as from individual calamities."
ANSWER
Of the Senate to the speech of the Governor of Massachusetts.
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY, The Senate have received the address, which your excellency has been pleased to make to both branches of the Legislature, with that respect and consideration which is due to the First Magistrate of a free people.
Having organised the government, according to the constitution, we believe it will not be expected by our constitu-
ents that we should continue longer in session, than may be found necessary to compleat such laws as their immediate welfare shall require.
In a state, like our own, where free discussions of public measures are cherished by the constitution, perfect unanimity is not to be expected; but if such discussions have at any time been directed by party zeal, or selfish motives, we have the satisfaction to believe, that even these have tended to prove the correctness of its principles.
While we agree with your excellency, that "whatever differences of opinion may prevail among our fellow citizens, as agents of the commonwealth, have one and the same interest to pursue," we cannot for a moment relinquish the fond hope, that no considerations of party politics will swerve the Legislature of Massachusetts from that path which leads to the perpetuation of our constitution and the confidence of our fellow citizens.
The several subjects mentioned in your excellency's communication, shall receive our particular attention, and we shall cheerfully co-operate in affording that dispatch to the business of the session which the public good requires.
ANSWER
Of the House of Representatives to MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY.
The House of Representatives have received with pleasure, the communications of your excellency, and will give them a prompt and deliberate consideration. The present session has been hitherto chiefly devoted to the organization of the government, and this being accomplished, it seems inexpedient to prolong it, unless the pressure of the public service requires.
In the exercise of the constitutional power of the two branches of the legislature, respecting the returns and election of a chief magistrate, various questions of great importance have arisen and occasioned much deliberation, in order that such decisions might be made to comport with the true principle of our government and the permanent interests of the people.
Differences of political opinion unavoidably flow from the free exercise of the understanding, and are intimately connected with the nature of republican institutions. When confined within the boundary of reason they may be considered as salutary, by awakening a spirit of enquiry, and diffusing a sentiment of toleration. But the interests and tranquility of every government require, on the part of the people, a respectful attention to the constituted authorities, which shall resist the imputation of improper motives of conduct, and on the part of those authorities an elevated ambition for the public good, which shall bury party animosities and private resentments. By a faithful discharge of the duties prescribed by the constitution, by an endeavor to promote harmony in the moment of political dissension, and by a sincere determination to act for the public welfare, we hope to merit the confidence and to promote the felicity of our fellow citizens.
Blest, as we are, with a constitution, formed upon the principles of political wisdom, and with a national administration, whose measures are directed to the honor and prosperity of our country, we cannot fail to enjoy the benefits of liberty, if we are not insensible of our duties, or careless of our privileges. Removed from the contentions and miseries of foreign nations, may we support the dignity of freemen by a generous confidence in our rulers, and by an exalted sense of national character.
Extract of a letter from a Spanish officer to his brother, in N. York, dated Geronona, March 12, 1806.
"At the conclusion of this letter, the post came in and brings us news that the conquest of Portugal is determined on. Marshal Berthier has arrived in Madrid. Five thousand French troops are on their march from that frontier and two divisions of Spanish Hibernians among them. A vessel laden with the ladies and women belonging to the Spanish troops that passed to Etruria, were unfortunately taken by an Algerine rover; the sailors fled in the boat, abandoning them to their fate. The sailors have arrived, but no accounts with regard to the passengers can be had. A brigadier general with his wife, and a young girl of 15, was among the number."
Richmond, June 25.
George W. Sweeney was on Monday called before the examining court of this city, on the charge of poisoning his great uncle, the venerable George Wythe, and a servant boy. He was unanimously remanded to jail for further trial before the district court to be held in September next.
Philadelphia, June 25.
A letter from New Orleans, dated May 17, says, "an election for member of Congress to represent this territory, was held yesterday, when DANIEL CLARK, esq., was declared duly elected."
* This must be a mistake. The territory of Orleans has a right to elect a delegate, not a member to Congress.
Philadelphia, June 25.
Capt. Turner, at the Lazaretto, from Kingston, Jamaica, states, that a number of impressed American seamen have been dismissed from British men of war, on the application of Mr. Lennox, the American agent, to the admiral at Port Royal.
Extract of a letter from an officer at Fort Detroit, dated June 1, to a gentleman in New-York.
"We have received a letter from Capt. Whipple, at Fort Wayne, stating

that a plan was formed by the Indians to take and destroy the posts in my district, viz. Detroit, Fort Wayne, Dearborn at Chicago, and Mackinac.
The Adams arrived yesterday from Mackinac, and brings intelligence that a war is expected in that quarter, and that the garrison was preparing for defence.
The militia at this place are preparing, but it is a feeble mustering and not capable of rendering much service.
I am of opinion that the English nation will take a part, though not openly, with the Indians, as some supplies of provisions and ammunition have lately been issued by the agents of the British government.
New-York, June 25.
The brig Belisarius left Bordeaux on the 12th of May. The papers received by her at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser, are Bordeaux to the 8th, and Paris to the 20th. They contain no political intelligence worth translating. Captain Holmes informs us that American vessels were getting into demand, and that an advance had taken place in the price of freight.
The U. S. brig Hornet, capt. Dey, has arrived at L'Orient in 22 days from New-York.
The Journal Du Soir, a Paris paper of the 30th April, contains the following article in a letter from Rennes:
"Admiral Villeneuve, who commanded the French fleet at the battle of Trafalgar, and who had been lately detained at Merlaix from on board an English flag of truce, killed himself in the night between the 22d and 23d of April. We are entirely ignorant of the cause of this act of desperation. He was found in his chamber, pierced with five wounds made by a knife in his left side. It is supposed, from the position in which his body lay, that after having stabbed himself he threw himself on his bed, leaning upon the handle of his knife that he might thrust it in deeper, and thereby accelerate his death."
VIENNA, APRIL 17.
A courier from Palermo lately arrived here. We are not without inquietude on account of the demonstration of Bonaparte to seize the island of Sicily; but all proper measures have been taken there to oppose a descent. The Straits are covered with Russian, English, and Neapolitan ships, and the utmost efforts will be made to prevent the island from falling into the power of the French. It is at this time, especially that the English feel all the importance of their possession of Malta.
"The king of Sweden, in consequence of hostilities having been commenced against his troops by Prussia, has ordered an embargo to be laid on all Prussian vessels in his ports. The Swedish troops are evacuating Lauenborg, and retiring to Swedish Pomerania, which, it is supposed, the Prussians will immediately invade."
ANSPACH, Jan. 21.
PETITION OF THE CITIZENS OF ANSPACH TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.
"May it please your Majesty:
"The citizens and inhabitants of Anspach draw near the exalted throne of your majesty, with bleeding hearts, in the name of the country so happy under your majesty's administration. We hear on every side the report, that the venerable and holy bond, which during a century has connected the honest inhabitants of Anspach and Bayreuth, with the sovereign of Brandenburg, is to be violently broken; that this ancient royal inheritance, this cradle of the Prussian monarchy, is to be torn from the states of its sovereign, and made subject to a foreign sceptre. The idea of a magistracy conferred by God, and the consequent sentiments of loyalty and love on the part of the subjects, are the surest foundation of every constitution. Happily for mankind, these sentiments cannot be changed like a garment, more especially when they have been inherited during successive ages from father to son, and felt for the same race of sovereigns. Happily for mankind, the upright servant who is not content with eye service, and who is proud of submitting to an honorable government, cannot feel a more painful and degrading thought, than that of being compelled to exchange a master to whose service he was born, and whom he loves and venerates.
"These considerations, bold in their expression, but founded in the nature of things, will not fail powerfully to impress your majesty's feeling bosom; may they, and may your noble sense of truth and justice decide the fate of this our most humble petition, and the felicity of your Franconian territory! Half a million of men, who have inhabited those states, and who have lived joyfully and happily under your majesty's government, implore your majesty, as children addressing their parent, not to abandon them; but to continue as before, with like benignity and justice, to watch over the constitution entrusted to you, and graciously to turn aside the evil of an exchange.
"Prayed from the consciousness of belonging to the throne of your majesty, though removed at a distance from it, and connected with your majesty, as well by the service of ages, as by unshaken fidelity, we are ready (if necessary) to secure our delivery from this evil, by every sacrifice, even of our property and lives. We are farther animated by the consolatory conviction, that we belong to a wise and just king, who not only holds it to be greater and
more honorable to secure to his states the blessings of peace than to acquire splendor by the vain acquisition of conquest; but over whose exalted and just mind the enticements of mere convenience and rapacious policy, and the advantages of an increased population, will avail nothing against the interests of his ancient and faithful subjects and that our sovereign, thus wise and good, is, for our preservation and the felicity of the world, induced by Providence with the power of giving effect to his will, and of maintaining the dignity of his crown, not suffering it to be prescribed to him over what people his sceptre is to govern.
"With the deepest devotion, &c."
New-York, June 28.
Extract of a letter dated Grenada, June 27, from a gentleman on board the Leander, to S. G. Ogden.
"We left Jacquetown on the 27th of March, arrived at the island of Aruba on the 9th April, where after taking in sufficient water, we sailed on the 12th April, and being off the Main on the 27th near Porto Cavello, we fell in with a Spanish brig of 20 guns and a schr. of 16 guns, by both of which we were attacked, and had an action of half an hour, but no apparent damage done on either side; however, during the contest, we were so unfortunate as to lose 2 schrs. we had chartered at Jacquetown, on board of which vessels were about 60 men. This circumstance was occasioned by those schrs. falling to leeward, and our not being able to separate the brig from the schr. in which case we certainly should have saved our little convoy; however to remedy this evil, we immediately determined to go to Trinidad, to obtain such information & assistance as the British might be disposed to afford us.
"On our way we fortunately fell in with the British sloop of war Lilly, capt. Campbell, who received us with much cordiality, and informed us it was his particular instructions to serve us; at the same time advising us to put into Grenada, as the governor of that island had some particular communication to make to gen. Miranda. We have already received the governor's assurance of the most prompt co-operation. We shall probably take up one or two days at most, in making the necessary arrangements here, and shall then proceed immediately to Trinidad (in co. with the Lilly sloop of war) where we understand the governor of that island will also give us every assistance that is necessary.
The Jason frigate is now on the coast with a number of volunteers on board; this ship is commanded by captain Cochrane, son of Admiral Cochrane who, we understand from the best authority has particular instructions to protect and forward our enterprise.
I have now the happiness to observe that this new turn to our operations has given much animation to all friends on board the Leander, and I sincerely hope my next will inform you that our glorious enterprise is fully accomplished.
Captain Robbins of the schooner Elizabeth, left La Guaira the 4th of June, at which time Miranda was at Aruba, and was fortifying it.
FOURTH OF JULY.
YOUNG MEN—ATTENTION!
A MEETING of the Young Men of George Town, from the ages of 16 to 20, is requested at Mr. Joseph Demme's tavern, in that place, on MONDAY evening, the 30th June inst. at 8 o'clock, there to take into consideration and adopt the necessary measures for the celebration of the Anniversary of AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. June 30—It.
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUNAWAY from the Subscriber living near Bryansown, Charles county, Maryland, a likely yellowish complexioned negro lad named RIFE about 20 years of age, and about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high—he has a scar under one of his eyes and a long under lip, also a large cut on the top of one of his feet. Rife is not very stout made. He had on and took with him a black broad cloth coat, country cotton over jacket striped with yellow and blue, striped trowsers under jacket, a pair of blue striped country cotton pantaloons, and yellow striped, country cotton trowsers yellow and blue, two silk handkerchiefs, one Irish linen shirt, country cotton shirt and trowsers and a white country cloth over jacket double wove, and a black wool hat. It is supposed that he will change his name and endeavor to pass for a free man. Whoever secures the said negro in any jail so that I get him again will be entitled to the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, by BENEDICT BOARMAN. June 30—wizt.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor,
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, that he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London, a fresh supply of the best superfine cloths, cambrics, &c. with a choice assortment of plain nankeens, cotton cambrics, India nankeens, blue and yellow, fashionable Trafalgar white and fancy Mercilles, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.
Richard Harvells new invented patent elastic suspenders, which are far superior to any heretofore in use, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. June 23—It.
PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. FROM Portsmouth, N H by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, Newburyport, Rowley, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Salem, Lynn and Chelsea, to Boston, six times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at noon, and arrive at Boston by midnight, in 12 hours.
Leave Boston every day at 11 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 p m in 12 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 4 p m.
Leave Boston every day at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 4 p m.
2. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Waltham, East Sudbury Framingham, Southboro', Northboro', Sudbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Westfield, Palmer, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford and Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at New Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 1 p m in 33 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 10 a m in 31 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 10 a m and arrive at Worcester by 8 p m.
Leave Worcester every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 4 p m.
Leave Suffield every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Haven by 6 p m.
Returning. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 6 p m.
Leave Suffield every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 8 p m.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday at 4 a m and arrive at Boston by 3 p m.
3. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, & to New York, seven times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave New Haven every day at 2 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 20 hours.
Leave New York every day at 9 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 3 a m in 18 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave New Haven every day at 4 a m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 30 hours.
Leave New York every day at 11 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 6 p m in 31 hours, resting one hour at Stamford each way.
The mail is to be carried only four times a week from Oct. 1, 1806, to Oct. 1, 1807, omitting to take it both from New Haven and New York on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the mild season, and on Monday, Wednesday and Friday in the cold season.
4. From New York by Jersey, Newark, Elizabeth town, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmeburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, seven times a week.
Leave New York every day at 1 p m and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
From Dec. 1 to April 1 the mail is to be delivered in New York and Philadelphia at 7 a m, in 18 hours.
5. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vanville, Bladensburg and Washington City to Georgetown, every day.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 8 a m and arrive at Washington City by 4 p m in 8 hours.
Leave Washington City every day at 2 a m and arrive at Baltimore by 10 a m in 8 hours.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 a m and arrive at Washington City by 8 p m in 10 hours.
Leave Washington City every day by 10 p m and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock in 11 hours.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Culpepper & Dumfries to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m, arrive at Alexandria by 5 a m; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 11 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 p m in 13 hours.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 2 p m; leave Alexandria at 4 p m and arrive at Washington City by 8 p m in 10 hours.
Leave Washington City every day by 10 p m and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock in 11 hours.
Alexandria by 2 p m; leave Alexandria at 5 p m and arrive at Washington City by 8 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 6 a m; leave Alexandria at 7 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 1 p m; leave Dumfries at 2 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 p m.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 4 p m; leave Alexandria at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Washington City by 6 1/2 p m.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, Hanover Co. Richmond and Offutt's, to Petersburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a m and arrive at Richmond by 5 p m; leave Richmond at 4 p m and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 a m and arrive at Richmond by 8 a m; leave Richmond by 9 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 a m and arrive at Richmond by 6 p m; leave Richmond every day Sunday excepted, at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day, except Sunday, at 2 p m and arrive at Richmond by 8 p m; leave Richmond every day, except Sunday, at 4 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 p m.
8. From Richmond by Fredericksburg, New Kent Co. Williamsburg, Yorktown & Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Hampton by 9 p m and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 p m and arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 p m.
9. From Petersburg by Cabbins Point, Smithfield, Surry Co. and Sleepy Hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Sleepy Hole by 2 p m; leave Sleepy Hole at 3 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 a m.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Sleepy Hole by 9 a m; leave Sleepy Hole at 10 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 8 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 a m and arrive at Sleepy Hole by 9 p m.
Leave Sleepy Hole every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 8 a m.
Returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Sleepy Hole by 7 p m.
Leave Sleepy Hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by noon.
10. From Charleston by Jacksonboro', Pocotaligo and Coosawhatchie to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Savannah by 8 p m.
Returning. Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Charleston by 5 p m.
11. From Augusta by Jacksonboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 p m.
Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 p m.
12. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m; leave Louisville at 11 a m and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 a m; leave Louisville at 10 a m and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 a m.
13. From Savannah by Bryan Co. Medway church, Riceboro' M'Intosh Co. Darien, Frederica, Jeckyl Island & Dungeness N. to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p m.
14. From Jeckyl Island to Brunswick once a week.
Leave Jeckyl Island every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a m.
Leave Brunswick at 2 p m and arrive at Jeckyl Island by 6 p m.
IN MAINE.
15. From Scituate to plantation No 3, once a week.
Leave No 3 every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Scituate by 11 a m.
Leave Scituate every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at No 3 by 6 p m.
16. From Bucksport by Mattawadde to Livermore, once a week.
Leave Bucksport every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Livermore by 10 a m.
Leave Livermore every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Bucksport by 6 p m.
17. From Vassalboro' by Waterville, Unity & Colledgetown to Hampden, once a week.
Leave Vassalboro' every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Hampden on Saturday by 10 a m.
Leave Hampden every Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at Vassalboro' on Monday by 8 a m.
18. From New Milford by Ballardin, Palermo, and DAVENPORT, to Belfast, once a week.
Leave New Milford every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Belfast by 6 p m.
Leave Belfast every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at New Milford by 10 a m.
19. From Brunswick by Bowdoin, Litchfield and Hallowell, to Augusta, once a week.
Leave Brunswick every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at Augusta by 11 a m.
Leave Augusta every Monday at 1 p m and arrive at Brunswick by 9 p m.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
20. From Fryeburg, in Maine, by Conway, Bartlett, Rockbrook and Jefferson, to Lancaster, once in two weeks.
Leave Fryeburg every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Fryeburg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
21. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Medwaytown, Oyster's, Mountbois or Center harbor, Plymouth and Haverhill, to Newbury, Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill, Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth, once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 3 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m.
Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Newbury by 7 p m.
Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 7 a m and at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth at 7 p m and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m.
22. From Hanover N H by Orford, Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton and Lancaster, to Guildhall, Vt. and from Guildhall by Lunenburg and Concord, Vt. Littleton, Bath, Haverhill and Orford, to Hanover, once a week.
Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Guildhall on Saturday by 6 p m.
Leave Guildhall every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hanover on Thursday by 6 p m.
23. From Salisbury by Andover, New Coester and Bridge-water to Plymouth; and from Plymouth by Holderness, New Hampton and Sandwichtown, to Salisbury, alternately, once a week.
Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 2 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 4 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon.
IN VERMONT.
24. From Littleton N H by Littleton, Vt. St. Johnsbury, Danville, Walden, Greenboro' Craftsbury, Eden and Johnson to St. Albans, once in two weeks.
Leave Littleton every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Albans on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Littleton, N H on Saturday by 6 p m.
25. From Montpelier by Barre, Washington, Corinth, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barnet & Peacham, to Danville, once a week.
Leave Montpelier every Thursday by noon, arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Newbury on Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Danville by 5 p m.
Returning. Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Royalton, Randolph, Williamstown, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Wilton, to Burlington, once a week.
Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p m and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p m.
Returning. Leave Burlington every Tuesday at 3 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p m and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Royalton by Tunbridge, Chelsea and Versailles, to Corinth, once a week.
Leave Royalton every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Corinth by 6 p m.
Leave Corinth every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Royalton by 6 p m.
(To be continued.)