The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-08-08 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1220.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, AUGUST 8, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
April 9.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
CONTINUED.
MR. GILES—Mr. President, I am called upon as a member of this Senate to pronounce an opinion upon the following resolution:
Resolved , That John Smith, a Senator from the state of Ohio, by his participation in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr against the Peace, Union and Liberties of the people of the United States, has been guilty of conduct incompatible with his duty and station as a Senator of the United States, and that he be therefor and hereby be expelled from the Senate of the S. U.
A declaration upon this subject ought not to be made, but upon the most attentive examination of the evidence produced in the case, and the most mature deliberation thereupon. The sentence to be pronounced is important to the justice of the United States; but more particularly so to the reputation of the person accused; it will have also an inseparable influence upon that of his family. To him and to them its effects are all important. The resolution solemnly and unequivocally asserts, that John Smith, sec. participated in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr . Before I can make this assertion, I must have some evidence of the fact. I must acknowledge, that upon the most attentive examination of all the papers, and the most respectful attention to all the arguments in the case, I have not been able to discover any satisfactory evidence of that fact. Yesterday I paid great attention to the eloquent, dignified and candid observations of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams), both as to the jurisdiction of the Senate to inquire into this case, and the evidence exhibited in support of the charges against the accused. The gentleman from Massachusetts, I am perfectly convinced, has been influenced in the whole course of this enquiry by the purest and most laudable motives; and I think he is justly entitled to the thanks of the Senate for the judicious conduct he has recommended to be pursued. I perfectly concur with that gentleman in opinion, on the point of jurisdiction; and upon a retrospect of the whole proceedings of the Senate, I am happy to say, that it appears to me the best course for the purposes of justice, has been pursued, that could have been devised, in the novel and difficult case presented for consideration. A liberal indulgence has been given to the accused to procure testimony in his defence; and the witnesses implicated have been protected from injury, by requiring that they should have notice of the time and place of taking all depositions affecting their credibility. The only ground of difference in opinion between the gentleman from Massachusetts and myself, is, in the interpretation of the evidence in the case. I shall state the points of difference between us upon this subject, without any other argument than what may be necessary to explain the reasons of this difference.
The first point of difference relates to the declarations of Aaron Burr. From these declarations, although general in their nature, and in no instance made in relation to the accused, inferences of guilt are attached to him. In almost every case, to apply the declarations of one man to the condemnation of another, would not be a just rule of evidence; in this case, it would be peculiarly unjust. Because it is well known that Burr was in the constant habit of making misrepresentations in relation to other persons, and that he was influenced by a particular motive in doing so. He appeared to consider that as one of the most effectual means to enhance the importance and promote the success of his enterprise. If his declarations are to be admitted as evidence against other persons, they would apply to some of the most respectable citizens of the U. States as well as to the accused, which it is not pretended, would be just or correct in relation to them; and I can see nothing in his observations bearing on the case of Mr. Smith, that would not apply with a greater force against others, who are neither implicated nor suspected.
I therefore put Burr's declarations entirely out of the case, and disregard all inferences drawn from them.
The next point of difference between the gentleman and myself, arises from a suggested inconsistency between the letters, the affidavits, and the answer of Mr. Smith. I have paid particular attention to these papers, connected with the remark made by the gentleman, and am unable to discover the inconsistency suggested. They appear to me to be substantially the same. The remark was, that in one of these papers Mr. Smith states, that Burr did not disclose to him any of his objects; in another he admitted that he did disclose to him his object of settling his Washita lands. The remark which occurs to me in reply is, that Mr. Smith merely states an immaterial fact in one paper, which he omits in another, as unnecessary. In this, I see neither contradiction nor inconsistency. But the real explanation of this incidental circumstance will be found in the papers themselves. The one omitting the fact in question, in speaking of the objects of Burr, evidently alludes to the unlawful objects of which he has since been accused, and which did not comprehend the settlement of the Washita lands. This circumstance, therefore, must in any point of view be deemed trivial unless connected with some other of more importance; and according to my explanation of it, of no consequence at all. I would here remark, that the fact asserted in the resolution, is susceptible of the clearest and most certain proof and is of such a nature, that if Mr. Smith had committed it, it would be scarcely possible for him to escape detection by positive proof. I am therefore not satisfied to form my opinion on trivial circumstances, particularly when so easily and naturally susceptible of explanation, consistently with innocence. Mr. Smith's own conduct is the sole criterion by which he ought to be judged. If this standard should once be departed from, and questionable incidents resorted to, instead of obtaining truth, we shall probably fall into error.
The gentleman from Massachusetts and myself in our consideration of this case, concur in the entire exclusion of the testimony of Elias Glover and all the papers connected with it. We, in one respect however, differ on this part of the subject. He read and relied upon the deposition of Major Riddle forwarded by Glover, which I exclude from all consideration—not because I know any thing injurious to the character of that gentleman; nor because I conceive the contents of the deposition, incapable of explanations consistently with the innocence of Mr. Smith; but on account of the manner of taking, and presenting it to the Senate. This deposition with others appears to have been taken and forwarded by Elias Glover, for the purpose of implicating Mr. Smith. They were taken without notice, and in the absence of Mr. Smith, although I believe he was at the time of taking them in the same town where they were taken. Some of these witnesses had been summoned to testify in his favor and in his presence—part of them refused to attend, part of them attended and refused to answer all questions put to them by Mr. Smith. I consider this conduct as such a departure from every thing that is just, fair and honorable; and an evidence of such an incorrect state of mind in relation to Mr. Smith, that I do not think they are entitled to the respect of evidence in the examination of his case; I therefore excluded them from altogether.
I consider this conduct as disrespectful to the Senate, and on the part of Glover altogether inexcusable. Because when the Senate were informed, that Mr. Smith intended to attempt to discredit the evidence of Glover, they imposed a positive condition on him, that Glover should have reasonable notice of the time and place of taking all depositions for that purpose; thus manifesting a laudable tenderness for his reputation, which he has strangely repaid in this disrespectful attempt upon the fairness, justice, and candor of their proceedings. I cannot forbear making one more observation on the conduct of Elias Glover—he appears throughout the whole of the depositions taken by him and in his presence, to en-
deavor to cover his own misconduct by enlisting in his favor the party feelings, which he presumes to attribute to the Senate; thus he has invariably asked, whether he was not a zealous republican, and firm supporter of the present administration? I consider this conduct as an unjustifiable and in delicate attack upon the justice and candor of the Senate, whilst it furnishes a poor apology for his own aberrations from the truth; it has a tendency, and must have been intended, upon a question of guilt or innocence, to draw the Senate from the immutable principle of justice and truth, as the standard of trial; and to substitute in their stead the dangerous touchstone of party sensibility. I have had too long experience of the correct motives which actuate the Senate in all their deliberations, to feel any apprehensions in the present case from these unfortunate attempts; but it is time the world should know, that they are improperly applied, when addressed to the Senate of the United States.
Having candidly stated the impressions upon my mind made by the portion of the papers just alluded to, and the observations of the gentleman from Massachusetts thereupon; I will now proceed to examine the other papers more relied on by him, and entitled to more respect as evidence. The course the gentleman pursued, was fair and candid, and well calculated to give a correct view of the conduct and object of the accused; I shall therefore pursue the same course, which was to take the facts in their chronological order. The first fact in relation to Mr. Smith's conduct, to which our attention has been called, was on the 4th September, 1806. On this day Burr, having previously addressed a note of invitation to Mr. Smith, presented himself at Mr. Smith's house, where he was hospitably received and entertained till the 10th of the same month. Burr had before this time been at Blennerhassett's island, where it is probable in concert with Blennerhassett, certain pieces under the signature of the Querist were written, and about the time of Burr's leaving the island, were published. The object of these pieces evidently was to make an experiment upon the disposition of the Western people, as to the separation of the union, then certainly in the contemplation of Burr. It was an object near his heart, and no doubt deemed all important to the success of his ambitious views. Mr. Smith states that this subject was never mentioned by Burr to him during his stay at Mr. Smith's house from the 4th to the 10th of September. The observation made upon this part of the evidence, is, that it is strange that Burr should not have mentioned this subject under the peculiar circumstances of the case. I concur perfectly in the observation. I think it strange, that Burr should not have mentioned the subject; but am I to infer that he did mention it, merely because it is strange that he should not have mentioned it? Is its being strange, that it did not happen, evidence of the fact—that it did happen? Particularly when there is no other evidence of the fact, but all the evidence upon that point is against the fact? I will here make an observation of a general nature, which has had great weight with me in forming my opinion upon the whole merits of this case. It is, that it does not appear from any part of the evidence, that Burr deemed it prudent at any time, to disclose his illicit objects to Mr. Smith, or that he ever considered Mr. Smith as a safe depositary of his secrets. This want of confidence in Mr. Smith for his illicit objects, is discernable in many parts of the evidence, and this consideration alone lessens the presumption of Burr's making the separation of the union a subject of conversation whilst at Mr. Smith's house. Burr also would naturally be cautious and reserved upon that subject, until the experiment, then about to be made on the people, should disclose itself, and some more certain estimate be formed of its effects. Again, sir, whilst Mr. Smith has solemnly sworn, that such conversation did not take place, and there is no evidence whatever to shew that it did; there are other circumstances strongly supporting his assertion. It is known that Burr generally disclos-
ed his plans to persons unfriendly to the administration, and feeling strong excitements, and irritations against it. He considered such persons only fit for his purposes. In this however, much to the honor of American citizens, he was mistaken. But he had no reason to believe Mr. Smith was a person of this description. Very far otherwise. For, independent of Mr. Smith's general attachment to the administration, he held the dignified station of Senator, and a profitable contract under the government; Burr had no reasonable expectation that Mr. Smith was ready to abandon these certain advantages for the uncertain prospects arising from Burr's wicked and visionary projects; and of course would be cautious of making such an unpromising attempt; one, which if it failed, would subject him to certain and instantaneous detection. Another strong circumstance in favor of this conclusion, is derived from Burr's letter to Mr. Smith of the 26th Oct. 1806. One of the expressions alluded to, is the following: "I have never written or published a line on this subject (the separation of the union) nor ever expressed any other sentiments than those which you have heard from me in public companies at Washington and elsewhere, and in which I think you concurred." Here is a direct reference to this subject, but it is not intimated that any conversation took place at Mr. Smith's house, in relation to it, but "in public companies at Washington and elsewhere," as far therefore as mentioning the conversation as happening at other places, and omitting it as having happened at Mr. Smith's house upon a recent visit there, can go; it serves to shew, that such conversation in all probability did not take place there, and leaves a very strong inference in favor of Mr. Smith's statement. Am I then to infer a fact of guilt, against all these circumstances in favor of innocence? My mind is incapable of making such an inference. It would be to convert the rules of the evidence of facts into improbable grounds of inducing suspicions—error, not truth must be the consequence of such substitution. The next evidence in point of time from which some circumstances of suspicion are inferred against Mr. Smith, is the testimony of Col. James Taylor. To this evidence I concur with the gentleman from Massachusetts, in paying great respect; because it was given with intelligence, candor, and circumspection highly honorable to col. Taylor. The substance of his testimony is, that some short time after the 10th Sept. and after the pieces under the signature of the Querist had been published, and become the subject of general conversation; being in company with Mr. Smith and others in Cincinnati, the sentiments avowed in those pieces became the subject of a particular conversation, in which, according to the impressions made on his mind, Mr. Smith advocated a separation of the union; and he thought, not only delivered this opinion, as an opinion recommended by the Querist, but as his own. I differ in several important respects with the gentleman from Massachusetts, as to the true explanation of this testimony, taken in connection with other evidence, bearing irresistably upon the same point. In the first place, it is to be ascertained, whether Mr. Smith really did express this opinion in the sense imputed to him by Col. Taylor, or whether Col. Taylor is not mistaken in that respect? And in the next place, whether if he did so express himself, it was done with any mischievous intent? Both these circumstances being necessary to constitute a criminal act. I am strongly inclined to think, indeed I am almost perfectly satisfied, that col. Taylor is mistaken in this particular point of his evidence. There is part of Col. Taylor's own evidence, which furnishes strong considerations for caution in interpreting the rest. The candor and circumspection observed by the deponent, in this particular point of evidence, is so honorable to him, that I beg leave to present it to the Senate in his own words. After answering many questions put to him by Mr. Smith, Col. Taylor concludes his evidence with the following voluntary observation: "I beg leave further to state, that Mr. Smith has generally been viewed as a friendly, benevolent, worthy
man, and his family, (consisting of an amiable wife, and daughters, and several very promising sons) have been considered entitled to, and held a place in the first circles of society in our quarter."
What could have induced Col. Taylor to make this observation upon closing his evidence? There is no doubt, sir, it was intended as a refutation to the Senate in the interpretation of other circumstances, although related by himself. It evidently arose from a consciousness that these circumstances were vague and uncertain, and that his impressions of them might be mistaken. It was the spontaneous conviction of an amiable mind, laboring under an impression, that innocence might become the victim of its own honest misconceptions. I will now state my reasons for the conviction that Col. Taylor was mistaken in supposing that Mr. Smith spoke of the separation of the union as an opinion of his own, and not as the opinion inculcated by the Querist.
The opinions expressed in the Querist, had not only become the subject of general conversation, but were the subject of that particular conversation Mr. Smith probably recited these opinions in an unguarded manner; and from that circumstance, it was not unnatural that Col. Taylor's impressions might have been formed. This appears from the deposition of Doctor Selman, who was present at the same conversation; and swears expressly that he was induced to put this question to Mr. Smith, most probably from the unguarded manner of expressing himself—Are these your own opinions or those expressed in the Querist? To which Mr. Smith replied, they were the opinions of the Querist, and not his own opinions; and added, that he deprecated a separation of the union, and hoped to God never to live to see the day when that event should take place. Here is the positive evidence of Doctor Selman to the particular fact in question; whereas Col. Taylor speaks of the impression made on his mind by the whole tenor of the conversation. Col. Taylor must therefore be mistaken, or Doctor Selman willfully forsworn. Would it be proper to make this presumption against Doctor Selman? Who is Doctor Selman? A gentleman of irreproachable character; the friend and brother-in-law of Col. Taylor; I believe the friend of the government and of the administration. Doctor Selman does not step here; he swears that he is in habits of intimacy with Mr. Smith, and that he never did, before or since that period, hear Mr. Smith express any opinion in favor of a separation of the union, but has often heard him express opinions directly and positively against it. Does Col. Taylor contradict this statement? No sir; but confirms it. He also swears that he never heard Mr. Smith express that opinion at any other time before or since. Now, sir, as Col. Taylor himself states that the pieces signed the Querist, were the subject of the conversation in question, and that he never before or since that time, heard Mr. Smith express analogous opinions with those of the Querist; and when Doctor Selman swears positively that during that particular conversation, he put the identical question to Mr. Smith, are you speaking your own opinions or those of the Querist? and that he unequivocally answered, not his own, but those of the Querist; and also swears positively that he never did, before or since that time, hear Mr. Smith express analogous opinions to those of the Querist; but often the reverse—Would it not be a strange perversion of the rules of evidence to say, that on that particular occasion alone, he expressed opinions in direct hostility with those expressed during the whole course of his life, both before and afterwards? But this is not all. This case furnishes evidence still more conclusive, if possible, in favor of my interpretation.
If Mr. Smith had been in the habit of expressing this opinion, would not the zeal, the activity and the intelligence of Elias Glover and his associates have discovered and communicated it? Men, who not content with the most inveterate accusations and persecutions against Mr. Smith in their individual capacities, have formed clubs, and at length associated themselves in a corporate character under the imposing name of the re-

Republican society for that and other purposes. After their profusion of other charges, which they could not substantiate, is it to be presumed that they would have omitted this charge, if it had been true, and thus could have substantiated it? Their not having made it, is almost conclusive proof with me, that it did not exist. But further, what does General Carberry say upon this subject? That he is in habits of intimacy with Mr. Smith, and that he never heard him express a sentiment in favor of the separation of the union, but often the reverse. That he did, however, on one occasion hear Colonel James Taylor express an opinion in company with several persons, that a separation of the union would take place at some distant time, say ten or twelve years. And upon his asking col. Taylor, after retiring from the company if he did not think it prudent to express that opinion, even speculatively; col. Taylor admitted, that he thought it was; and made some patriotic observations on the occasion.
This leads me to examine the second question in relation to this point. Even admitting that Mr. Smith did express the opinion attributed to him by col. Taylor as his own, was it done with any criminal interest? I am satisfied it was not.
(Mr. Giles's speech to be continued.)
PHILADELPHIA PREMIUM SOCIETY.
The Directors of this society have resolved to offer premiums for the following articles, manufactured in, and of materials, the growth of the United States. The goods which shall be offered in competition, must be lodged at the store of the Domestic Society, No. 6, South Third street, Philadelphia, on or before the second Monday in November next, and proper judges, to be appointed by the board of managers, will determine to whom the premiums shall be given, on the following day.
Premium 1—Fifty Dollars.
For the best piece of superfine broad cloth, 20 yards or more long, and 6 quarters wide. It must be made from the fleece, or wool shorn from the living sheep—and that which in dying, dressing, finishing, &c. shall come the nearest to imported superfine broad cloth shall be preferred.
Premium 2—Thirty Dollars.
For the second best piece of broad cloth, of the same description, and under the same restrictions as the preceding.
Premium 3—Thirty Dollars.
For the best piece of forest cloth, 25 yards long, and 1 yard wide—and made of the same description of articles as are prescribed for premium one and two.
Premium 4—Twenty Dollars.
For the best piece of forest cloth, made of the same materials as the foregoing, 25 yards long and three quarters wide.
Premium 5—Twenty Dollars.
For the best piece of fancy cloth, for vests, made of cotton and wool, at least 25 yards long and three quarters wide.
Premium 6—Twenty Dollars.
For the best piece of dressed flannel, in imitation of Welsh flannel, 25 yards long and 1 yard wide.
Premium 7—Fifteen Dollars.
For the best piece of flannel, made of a cotton chain and filled with wool, not less than 25 yards long, and 1 yard wide.
Premium 8—Fifteen Dollars.
For the best piece of cotton goods, twilled and raised on one side to imitate flannel, not less than 25 yards long and three quarters of a yard wide.
Premium 9—Fifteen Dollars.
To the individual, or company, who first sets up a throwing or thread mill, and lodges, as a specimen, at the Philadelphia Domestic Society's store, at least 50 pounds weight of the grey and colored kinds—the Scotch Dundee thread such as is used by tailors, upholsterers, bookbinders, &c. is the thread recommended for imitation.
Premium 10—Twenty Dollars.
For the best piece of cotton shirting of a fine, smooth, hard texture, not apt, like muslin, to adhere to the skin by perspiration, and in all respects best calculated to supercede the use of Irish linen; to be not less than 25 yards long and 1 yard wide.
Premium 11—Thirty Dollars.
For the best piece of cotton cloth, at least 25 yards long, well adapted for the outer clothing of working persons. Neatness, comfort, and durability will be considered in estimating the merit of this article.
Premium 12—Twenty Dollars.
For the best piece of sheeting, 33 yards long and 9 eighths wide—made of linen chain and cotton filling, bleached and finished fit for sale.
Premium 13—Twenty Dollars.
For the best piece of sheeting, 33
yards long and 9 eighths wide, in imitation of Russia sheeting.
Premium 14—Fifteen Dollars.
For the best piece raven duck, in imitation of the Russian manufacture, not less than 30 yards long and 28 inches wide.
REGULATIONS.
Every competitor must mark in a distinct manner, upon the outside of his bale or parcel, the name of the article it contains, and the number corresponding with the number of the premium offered by this advertisement, and to each piece of cloth, &c. a ticket expressing the length and number of the piece, and in the inside of each bale or parcel, must be inclosed a note, sealed with wax, containing in the inside the name and designation of such competitor, and upon the back of this sealed note, must be written the name and number of the article to which the note refers, which note shall not be opened till after the judges have determined the preference, and not at all if the goods should not gain a premium.
The society with every article accompanied with an open invoice, without the proprietor's name, but impressed with the same seal that is on the sealed note, specifying the lowest wholesale ready money price, at which he is willing to sell.
This society reserves to itself, a power of giving such part only of any premium, as the performance shall appear to deserve, and in case of its not possessing any merit, to withhold it entirely.
Every competitor found entitled to a premium, must, before receiving payment, make oath or affirmation, before a magistrate as follows, and produce the magistrate's certificate thereof.
"I _____, do hereby solemnly swear (or affirm) that the _____ lately produced to the Philadelphia Premium Society for competition, in my name, was fairly and truly manufactured in the United States, either by myself or persons employed by me, and for my behoof, out of materials the growth and produce of the United States"—and the gainer upon the articles 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th, must insert in their affirmation or oath—"that the article is entirely made from American fleece wool shorn from the living sheep, and no part of wool pulled or shorn from the skins of slaughtered sheep." It is expected no person will present any goods for competition, who cannot conform to this affidavit and the foregoing regulations, as a deviation from them, can on no account be permitted.
Competitors will observe, that whether they are successful or not, their goods will be sold by the agents of the Domestic Society, agreeably to their established practice, unless the proprietor shall give orders to the contrary, in which case, the goods will be returned to their order.
No person or company will be allowed to gain more than two of these premiums, and those for different articles.
JOHN DORSEY,
President.
Attest—GEO. BARTRAM, Secretary.
The address of the Philadelphia Premium Society, to the people of the United States.
The natural pursuit of mankind is happiness; it is to procure and preserve it, that domestic and national associations are formed. Civil institutions, and all the arts and cares of government are properly intended for this supreme purpose. Even wars, when undertaken for justice sake, and not for ambition, have in view only the ultimate security of society, and the happiness of those who compose it. American independence was asserted for this end; the blood that was shed to secure it, was a sacrifice, an evil that was endured, was deemed of inferior magnitude to the unhappiness that is inseparable from subjection.
For twenty-five years our country has realised the wisdom of the founders, and the solidity of the principles upon which our national association was established. No other nation in the circle of vulgar history, has enjoyed so much prosperity, nor so little of civil evil, for an equal length of time.
But the old world is undergoing a total change, and when or where the current will settle into tranquillity, it is not not in human sagacity to foresee. But although separated from the theatre of convulsion by a vast ocean, our happiness and peace have been endangered by the jealousy, the policy, or the necessities of contending nations, from whose influence it is at once our moral duty and our social interest to preserve our country disentangled.
The new situation in which we are placed, in relation to the rest of the world, naturally requires enquiry and deliberation on the means by which the purposes of society can be best ensured to us. Deriving so much of
our habits, both of acting and thinking, from the various nations whence our people have sprung; those habits kept alive by the intercourse which subsists between those nations and our own; the very necessities which our infant state as a nation subjected us to on the close of the revolution; and the prejudices which arose out of the ease and independence which our vast country afforded, and the facility with which landed property can be acquired, have all contributed in some measure to render us not so well prepared for the critical situation of the world, as perhaps we may require.
Every reflecting mind must perceive at a single glance, the imperious call upon America at this moment to provide for the maintenance of independence, and of a strict avoidance if possible, of every the most remote concern in the troubles of the European world. A bare consideration of our own principles of national association, will place the subject in a proper point of view—and by contrasting our condition with that of Europe at this moment we see in a stronger light the policy which we have to pursue. The ancient world now struggles between two powers—one of whom claims the dominion of the ocean, and the other actually dominates over all the continent of Europe. Their contention has virtually excluded us from intercourse with them on either element; and a serious reflection arises from this solemn fact—had we made a proper use of our internal resources, we should not now be affected by the wars of nations 3000 miles distant.
But this was not so much the fault of our minds as the effect of our habits—our very abundant comforts and superfluities have contributed to our present privations and critical situation; but there is enough of wisdom and of means to remedy all our evils real and apprehended, if we are only guided by that reason which has hitherto distinguished us as a nation above all our contemporaries:—our first concern is to overcome the most formidable of all our enemies, that is prejudice —and much has been already accomplished in that way. We have heard of a legislator who entertained a sentiment, that no dwelling-house should be so near to another, as that the barking of a neighbor's dog should be heard; others have entertained the opinion that there was no national existence but in vast and populous cities.
In like manner it has been held as an universal principle, that manufactures were not necessary to public prosperity; nay, they were the bane of society; that agriculture alone was all that was requisite for a nation. These are the extremes of prejudice . The truth, as is usual in all human affairs, occupies a middle place.
The circumstances of nations are so dissimilar, that few principles of political economy will be perfectly applicable to any two. The most fertile agricultural country of Europe, the Netherlands, was at one period the most manufacturing—it was also the theatre of the most frequent and desolating wars. The narrow territory, and accidental origin of Holland, made it mercantile and maritime; the little territory of Geneva, was for ages a prodigy of virtue and wisdom, wholly supported by manufacture. It would be ridiculous to talk of agriculture at Malta, or the vintage in Great Britain, of planting cotton and the sugar cane in Canada, or establishing the woollen manufacture in Jamaica, or the Philippine islands.
The natural and rational wants, and the means of supplying them, must always be the only criteria of national principles of economy. It would be deemed very absurd to propose to the people of America to import wheat from Sicily, or maze from Bengal, although both those products may be had cheaper in those countries than we can raise them ourselves. It would be equally ridiculous to import ploughs and harrows from England, or raw cotton from Surat, while we can make the one and produce enough of the other to supply all the world.
Let us then persevere more and more, for many triumphs have been already obtained over prejudice —was any public improvement ever more opposed than that of public roads, the all important advantages of which are now universally acknowledged?
In the colonial period, when the hats manufactured in Pennsylvania were prohibited from sale in N. York or Virginia, Massachusetts or Carolina, the evil was perceptible only by those who manufactured; yet it operated as a tax on every man who wore a hat; twenty years ago, our saddles and bridles, to the amount of a million of dollars annually, were imported from Europe, to which we sent the raw hides which were returned in that shape, and at a difference of 20 dollars for one in value: we now make sufficient of those articles for home consumption, and can afford to export to double the amount that we imported twenty years ago.
The manufacture of shoes was exactly so circumstanced.
From the single port of Philadelphia two or more vessels were constantly employed in importing hollow iron wares from Bristol in England; that import has ceased—because we make them ourselves.
How has this change of circumstances taken place? What has been the effect?
These are the considerations to which we have endeavored to lead—the change has been effected by the sagacity of individuals, whose industry has triumphed over general error and prejudice.
But the effect is the most important consideration—that effect has been in two fold form productive of national advantage. The establishment of every manufacture, has retained the amount expended in the purchase of the articles in domestic circulation, and thereby preserved the real circulating capital, which is the medium that represents production, in our own country. The million of dollars sent abroad for saddles, shoes, or iron wares, would remain abroad, and reward the industry of a people, who never consumed a barrel of flour or our corn; the same million expended at home rewards as many hands, and sustains as much of the true strength of the nation, in the people who are the manufacturers for our comforts and the consumers of our own productions.
The second and great political effect which operates at the present time, is, that while foreign nations oppress us, and by superior naval power, interdict us from commerce abroad, we are, so far as we are not competent to supply ourselves with necessaries, but through a foreign medium—dependent on those who supply us for so much of our comforts; and so far our national independence is imperfect.
Undoubtedly there are nations who must from natural causes, ever labor under this dependence—Great Britain is perhaps the most dependent nation in Europe; because depending on manufactures and commerce, having few of the materials for manufacture within herself, she is at once bound by political necessity, to maintain foreign colonies, and foreign trade, and a navy to protect both, in order to procure the means upon which her existence as a power depends.
But surely it would be the extreme of infatuation for a nation possessed of all the resources of the first necessity for use, for comfort, and even for luxury, within itself, to send her raw productions abroad, exposed to risks and delays, and the uncertainty of foreign markets, and to receive the same goods in a manufactured state at a price enhanced from 7 to 20 times the first cost—yet such has been the policy that the U. States have blindly pursued, overlooking permanent security and independent peace and prosperity, in the momentary avidity of adventure and speculation.
Events have brought about a season in which every man who really values the blessings of American government and social happiness, must perceive the true interests of the union. Every man must perceive that the exchange of superfluities is the only natural commerce; and that a profit on the exchange of goods, one sort the growth of the soil from the industry of the farmer, and the other the product of the fields or the forests, improved by the ingenuity and labor of the manufacturer, must give both a greater variety for choice and a certainty in the gratification of our rational comforts and wants, when to be had at our own doors, and without paying tribute to foreign nations, who are insensible to the good which they derive from our consumption.
Every man must perceive, that it would be impracticable in the order of civil society, for a nation like this to be confined exclusively to agriculture: for it would be to infer the absurdity, that man in society is subject to no other want than food; or that there was a willingness in the nation to be dependent on other nations for all those articles which go to the support and comfort of man, as well under the vicissitudes of seasons as in a variety of climates;—it would be saying to the human mind, "stifle thy insatiate passion for knowledge, forego all the gifts of genius and mind which Providence has so bountifully but needlessly bestowed upon thy species, and emulate the rude aborigines of your woods;"—for such would necessarily be the retrogression, and their fate would assuredly be ours; because the very dependence for the necessaries of life on a foreign nation would immediately subject a nation without arts to nakedness, and the privations of all those articles which contribute to the enjoyments of a civilized and liberal people, at the caprice of that nation.
The great principle of social policy is to possess such a proportion of all
the various professions, farmers, mechanics, manufacturers, and merchants, as the natural productions and civil wants, the means of purchase, and the superfluous for exchange afford; in a society so constituted, the means for export is ever abundant; and the nation so circumstanced is always independent; because independence does not consist so much in the accumulation of pecuniary wealth, as in the possession of all that is necessary to ease and convenience, and our rational enjoyments. A nation, possessed of these, would need neither armies, nor navies, nor taxes. Our fortunate country is exactly calculated for such a nation, if we have but the wisdom to make the right use of our resources and improve our condition. The progress already made only within fifteen or sixteen years, surpasses all that has been done in the annals of mankind; and ought to be a proud and auspicious omen of what we can and will do, whenever the American people look into themselves, and shake off the prejudices and fatal attachments which have so long bound them in the slavish trammels of European monopoly.
The Premium Society of Philadelphia has been instituted with a view to invite the nation at large to the consideration of those first interests which are here feebly but fairly represented. It is the purpose of this Society to offer premiums for the encouragement of articles of useful industry. The premiums are the product of voluntary contribution, and the Society neither derives emolument nor any other reward from the objects which they propose, than the gratification which they must feel in common with every faithful citizen, in promoting the prosperity of our happy country.
In looking over the vast field of human industry, which contributes to the strength and substantial wealth of a nation;—articles of the first necessity, such as food, appear to be more abundant and plentiful, and labor better rewarded than in any other country.
In the catalogue of wants, there appear to be four classes.
First—Articles of the first necessity, such as clothing of different descriptions.
Second—Articles of necessary utility, which go into the convenience of both sexes, such as needles, pins; articles for house furniture; use and ornament; blanket and carpet weaving.
Third—Articles necessary to the execution of arts and manufactures, such as wire drawing, file cutting, hinge casing, door locks, and table cutlery, wood-screw making.
Fourth—Luxuries, or those articles, which as the production of foreign nations, are pernicious and wasteful, by carrying abroad vast sums of money, for little other than the momentary show of evanescent and capricious fashion; such as millinery, straw and chip hat manufactures; kid and other like leather articles, such as gloves, and Morocco leather.
The Philadelphia Premium Society in the first instance deem it expedient to limit their premiums; first by the amount of each premium, and next regard the primary importance and utility of the articles; which are all comprised in the first class, or articles of the first necessity, such as clothing of various kinds, materials, and qualities; leaving to a more enlarged experience, and the result of the present experiment, to determine the further extension of their plan; and at the same time hoping to excite in each of the states a congenial spirit, and the establishment of some similar institution.
With these views, the Philadelphia Premium Society, have offered to the citizens of the United States, without preference of any state, the foregoing premiums, upon the terms and conditions specified.
The subscription to this institution is one dollar annually, which will be received by the following persons:
John Dorsey, President. John Goodman, Vice-President. Hugh Henry, Treasurer. George Bartram, Secretary. Managers.
W. Y. Birch, Abm. Small, James Ronaldson, John Lang, Thomas Wood, John Connell, Joseph Garlick, Saml. Smith, Sam. Carswell.
Philadelphia, July 25 1808.
SPANISH AFFAIRS.
New-York, August 3.
By the arrival of the Havana packet, capt. McDonald, from Havana, we have received intelligence of the utmost importance. It is peculiarly interesting to the U. States. In the nature of things it was impossible that Spanish South America should continue long in their degraded situation, and the late revolution in Spain has accelerated an event which has been long expected. In a commer-

cal point of view we are much interested. The trade with that country has been principally in the hands of our citizens, but the influence of England will in future, deduct a large proportion of our mercantile speculation. The views of their leaders may be easily divined from the proclamation which we have this day published, a copy of which we received from our correspondent in Havana. He also informs us that the popular sentiment is so very violent against the French nation, that in that city it is dangerous for a Frenchman to appear in the streets, and that, on account of some altercation relative to political affairs some of them had been actually killed in the streets. This revolution is an important transaction in every point of view. The benefits which will accrue to England are incalculable, and, no doubt, every advantage will be taken of the occasion. We have received several letters from Havannah, the contents of which we shall to-morrow present to our readers.
PROCLAMATION.
Inhabitants of the Island of Cuba, worthy descendants of the generous Spanish nation—Know, &c. [The proclamation at some length details the events of the Spanish revolution, of which we were already sufficiently apprized, and concludes as follows:]
Money to defray the expence of it (the Spanish resistance of French encroachments), is no less necessary than arms, and it is in your power to participate by means of an offering more salutary to men, and more agreeable to the sight of God, than was ever offered in his holy temple. Imitate the Spanish heroines: circumscribe your expenses: renounce your superfluities: establish a Spartan economy: let there not remain in your houses a single ounce of gold or silver, except what is absolutely necessary for religious rites. Will you have less virtue and less generosity than the Romans had, when they believed Hannibal was approaching the gates of Rome? Will you have more attachment to your property, and less disinterestedness than those Pagans who knew not the true God—Will you have less respect than they to your holy religion, less loyalty and less love to your country, to your customs, to your laws and to your government, less affection for your wives and your tender infants, and less horror of the tyranny and slavery with which the hosts of the common enemy threaten you as soon as they shall have subjugated your brethren? Will you prefer to reserve your riches entire to the end that the booty may be greater and more captivating to the eyes of their cupidity, rather than to sacrifice a part for the sake of objects so precious which you may save at so little cost, preserve unbut Spain your glorious native soil, and redeem from captivity your king who has ascended the throne by the rugged road of virtue and heroism, braving the dangers of the scaffold and the enormous infamy of being reputed a regicide and parricide, when his object was to make you happy by the downfall of a perfidious traitor and despotic favorite! Pardon me if I offend your delicacy, your generosity, your well known loyalty and your holy ambition of true and solid glory. My imagination, disturbed by so melancholy an event, can scarcely allow me to articulate words, how much less to consider them! I am sure that you will do much more than I ask of you. I well know your virtues, and you are not ignorant how much I appreciate them, and what are the sentiments of my heart towards you and each one of you. Yes: This is the epoch in which America and her renowned sons through whose veins runs the illustrious and most noble Spanish blood, will display their greatness of soul, and will acquire as much glory as was recently acquired by the heroic inhabitants of Buenos Ayres, a glory as much more true and solid as the moral virtues and trophies exceed the martial and blood stained triumphs of Mars. The good which you do on this occasion will be common to the Spaniards, to all the nations of Europe and to yourselves, but the sweet pleasure of listening to the blessings on you which will resound from generation to generation, will be a most flattering reward derived from your beneficence, the most valuable which men can grant and much more estimable than the equivocal distinctions and decorations which are bestowed by sovereigns, not always upon virtue, and even some times upon corruption and vice.
I hasten to give you this information, that you may instantly know the great object which ought to occupy the attention and the heart of every Spaniard, and of every man living who loves mankind. But at the same time, I earnestly recommend to you resignation to Divine Providence, which knows how to extract an antidote from poison, the virtue of fortitude and magnanimity, never so necessary as at present; patience, prudence, moderation and docility, to repress your inevitable uneasiness, to shun all tumult and disorder, and to abstain from giving the slightest disturbance to the peaceable, laborious and most useful Frenchmen, our fellow inhabitants and friends, who, driven by a revolution the most sanguinary and infamous of any recorded by history, have sought and found in your bosom the sacred asylum of a fraternal hospitality; understanding that if there be among them any one whose residence can be injurious to us, he shall be caused to leave the island, without oppression, protecting the others with Spanish humanity, and with the strong shield of justice, who will know how to use proper severity towards all who shall attempt to offend them by word or action.
If you hearken with docility to the paternal advice which I give you, and observe it carefully, I trust in the mercy of God, in your loyalty and in your virtues, that you will very soon see the dawn of tranquility, of rejoicing, of prosperity, and of more brilliant glory for yourselves and your future generations.
THE MARQUIS DE SOMERUELOS. Havannah, July 17, 1808.
LATE EUROPEAN NEWS.
By the arrival of the ship Union, Jacobs, from London (which port she left on the 11th June) the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser, has received a file of London papers to the 9th June, and Lloyd's List's to the 7th inclusive.
Dr. Heerman, a passenger, is the bearer of dispatches from our minister at London, and from St. Petersburg, to the government of the U. States. He informs us that the British orders in council, it was expected in London, would shortly be so modified as not materially to affect neutrals.
The riots in Manchester, and the other manufacturing towns in England, though in a great measure kept under, were not altogether extinguished.
Bonaparte it appears, continued at Bayonne and on the 18th ult. having dismissed the Royal Family of Spain to their respective destinations, was amusing himself with military spectacles and evolutions. Intelligence to the 15th ult. had been received at Paris from Madrid, at which time, Murat was exercising the functions of government without opposition.
The French Senate assembled on the 21st to sanction a proposal for incorporating Parma, Piacenza, and Tuscany, with France. We had reason at one time to suppose that these, together with the States of the Church, would have been erected into a sovereignty for Lucien Bonaparte; but it would seem that he has forfeited or renounced all claim to such honors.
LONDON, JUNE 8.
An American messenger arrived yesterday, with dispatches for Mr. Pinkney, the contents of which have not yet publicly transpired. The reports upon the subject are very contradictory; but those of a pacific tendency are by far the most entitled to credit. The vessel which brought these dispatches is called the St. Michael. She sailed from America the latter end of April, with two messengers, one of whom she landed at L'Orient, charged with dispatches for gen. Armstrong, at Paris.
The projected expedition to South America, we have reason to believe is already in a state of forwardness; and we are rejoiced to find that it is intended to be conducted upon such principles as promise to insure its most complete success—an event which, in the present state of European affairs, must prove of the highest importance to G. Britain.
Parliament re-assembled this day, pursuant to adjournment.
Preparations are making for fitting out an expedition at Dover.
JUNE 9.
It is said that the Viscount Matorosa and Don Diego-de-la-Vega, who are arrived from Spain, have been deputed to solicit the assistance of this country towards enabling the Spaniards to expel the French. We learn that in the provinces of Asturias and Gallacia, a provisional government, has been established, which has deputed commissioners to go into the different provinces in Spain to spirit up the people to resistance. It was by this government, we suppose, that the above mentioned noblemen were sent to this country—four more are said to be on board the Stag. The Marquis De Santa Cruz is at the head of the government, with the title of Commander in Chief. On the 25th last month he issued a proclamation at Oviedo, inviting the inhabitants of Asturias to rise up in defence of their Constitution and their country. "It is your country that calls you to rescue her from the hand of her oppressors. Will any Spaniard be deaf to her
call?—Arise. We have arms—shall we want hands to wield them? We have a good cause—shall we want hearts to defend it?"—This patriotic call has been patriotically answered—Forty thousand men have already enrolled themselves, and the province of Asturias is by no means one of the largest in Spain. Galicia can furnish a much larger force—so can Biscay. The Biscayans too are a hardy race, accustomed to military discipline and deeply attached to the constitution of their particular province. Leon, Arragon and Catalonia are expected to follow the example of Asturias; & the Castilles never backward in cause of their country, will scarcely be the last to prove their patriotism. But they are more immediately in the power of France than any of the other provinces; it is there that the great body of the French are concentrated. Bonaparte in the mean time, aware of the indignation his most infamous treachery has excited, is pouring more troops into Spain from Italy, from the Netherlands and from France.
The ports of Gijon, Bilbao and St. Andera have, it is reported, been opened to the English.
A Gottemburgh mail arrived last night, but the intelligence brought by it is not of importance. Of the surrender of the Russians in Gotland, our readers were informed before. The mail has brought the official report, and the articles of capitulation. The Russians are not to serve against Sweden for twelve months. The Swedish force in Norway remains in statu quo. In Finland some further advantages have been obtained over the Russians, but they are not of much importance.
Of the Prussian army, which not two years ago was esteemed to be amongst the most flourishing and best disciplined in Europe, not more than 5000 remain embodied!
The British troops remained in Gottemburgh harbour on the 30th ult.
By a vessel which effected her escape from Charante, on the 25th ult. by cutting her cables, we find that an order had been issued at all the ports of France for laying a strict embargo on all vessels without respect to any flag whatever. No other intelligence of any importance has been received by this conveyance.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, AUGUST 8.
REMOVAL BY THE PRESIDENT.
Edward Pope, Collector and Inspector of the port of New Bedford in Massachusetts, for not using due diligence in the execution of the embargo laws.
Isaiah Weston is appointed in his place.
In addition to the news detailed in this day's paper, and which will be continued in our next, it appears that The British ministry have determined to support the resistance of the Spanish to the occupation of their country by the French.
The Russian government has prohibited the entry into its ports of any vessel which shall have touched in England; or the departure of any vessel which shall be destined to go to England.
It is stated that in Manchester and its neighborhood there are at least 60,000 looms unemployed, and the assemblages of the people still continue. To Rochdale troops have been sent to disperse the people; and these not being sufficient, artillery were sent to their aid.
The intelligence which we present to our readers in this day's paper is not less important than that which we have lately detailed.
For some time past it has been observed that political events have flowed on in a sluggish current; but now, our senses are almost overwhelmed by the rapidity of their succession. Revolutions, counter-revolutions, intrigues and war, are the incidents which adorn the scene of European politics. Weary of its turbulence, the mind with pleasure turns towards that happy clime, where AMERICA alone enjoys tranquility—and she owes her immunity from the general lot, not to the friendly disposition of other nations in regard to her, but to that invariably neutral course which she has pursued towards them.
Those who differ from us in their political tenets may deprecate the temporary suspension of our commerce, connected with this course. Let them do so. It would not, in our opinion, be hazardous much to assert that the advantages which we shall reap from the conversion of a portion of the capital usually employed in external commerce to objects which will prove to the U. States of permanent utility, will alone be greater than could at this day be derived from the
prosecution of the commerce temporarily suspended.
The following statement made by Alexander Price, Esq. Cashier of the Lexington branch bank, to which is added a certificate as to the fair character of Mr. Price by the honorable John Pope, one of the Senators from Kentucky, has been transmitted to us by a friend of Col. Taylor. As this statement goes directly to prove the correctness of Col. Taylor's testimony before the Senate in the case of John Smith, it is suggested that it is but justice to him to publish it; because in the debate on the motion to expel Mr. Smith from the Senate, some of the Senators, although they expressed a confidence in the honor and integrity of Col. Taylor, avowed a belief that he had mistaken the declarations of Mr. Smith.
At the request of Col. James Taylor of New-Port, Kentucky, I Andrew P. Price of Lexington, in the state aforesaid, do make the following statement.
That about the latter part of September or the first of October, 1806, business of importance called me to Cincinnati in the state of Ohio. I alighted from my horse at Yeatman's tavern I think a little after sun-set. In the street near said tavern I discovered Gen. Findley, Col. Jas. Taylor and one or two other gentlemen with whom I was not acquainted, but on enquiring found one was Mr. J. Smith. I walked towards them and found those three gentlemen engaged in a warm political discussion, which continued till it was quite dusk. I approached near enough to hear, and found Mr. Smith was advocating a separation of the states and made use of several of the reasons detailed by col. Taylor in his affidavit before the committee of the Senate of the United States, which I have seen. I particularly recollect that he gave it as his opinion that a separation would take place in a short time, and although the doctrine was unpleasant or unpopular at this time with perhaps a majority, but for his part he did not care how soon it might be the case, or words to that amount. Both col. Taylor and gen. Findley contended warmly against his doctrines. The day following I called on Mr. Smith at his store as I had business with him, and found he was the person so pointed out to me the evening before—the manner in which Mr. Smith expressed himself made an impression on my mind that he was a friend to col. Burr and his party which was at that time the subject of conversation generally in this quarter, and I mentioned my impressions to gen. Sandford and to gen. Findley.
Question by col. Taylor: Were you present when the conversation ended between Mr. Smith, gen. Findley & myself and when I parted from them?
Answer. I was, and you and myself conversed a very short time, and you invited me to your house.
Question by the same. Did doctor Sellman join the company before they dispersed?
Answer. He did.
Question by the same. I am informed doctor Sellman has given an affidavit to the following purport: That at the close of this political discussion, that he Sellman came up to the company and enquired of Mr. Smith whether he had been detailing his own sentiments or those of the "Querist" and whether he was advocating a separation of the states; that Mr. Smith replied that he was detailing the sentiments of the "Querist" and as to a separation, God forbid doctor Sellman that such an event should take place in your or my day. Did any such conversation take place before I left the company?
Answer. No such conversation took place before you and myself left the company, and I think they all dispersed nearly at the same time, as I perfectly recollect talking with you; and on our parting I conversed a little time with gen. Findley and expressed to him my surprise at Mr. Smith's sentiments in favor of a separation. I did not mix with the disputants, but was near enough to hear every thing that passed, and as the doctrine was new to me, I paid the greatest attention to it.
The conversation referred to by doctor Sellman must have taken place at some other time, as I am confident, had Mr. Smith made use of any such expressions, they could not have escaped me, as they would have been completely at war with his arguments made use of in the discussion with gen. Findley and yourself, before alluded to.
The foregoing is a copy of a certificate given by me this day to col. Jas. Taylor.
ANDREW F. PRICE. Lexington, (Ky.) May 28, 1808.
Andrew Price whose name is subscribed to the above certificate is cashier of the Lexington branch bank, and a man of fair character.
JOHN POPE.
May 28, 1808.
At the request of col. James Taylor, I hereby certify that he did some time in the fall of 1806, before I left home for Congress relate to me a conversation which he observed had passed a few days, before between Mr. Senator Smith, General Findley, and himself relative to a severance of the Western from the Atlantic states, which I find substantially detailed in said Taylor's testimony before a committee of the Senate of the U. States in a printed pamphlet in my possession.
THOMAS SANDFORD.
June 3, 1808.
It is with pain that we announce the actual death of Gen. JOHN SIRE, Collector of the port of Philadelphia, which was accidentally erroneously published in our paper a few weeks ago. It is now but too true.
Our readers, who have remarked the patriotic part taken by General Blount during the last session of Congress, will be gratified on hearing that a public dinner has been given to him by the citizens of Tarborough, and the following spirited address presented him on the occasion.
TO GEN. THOMAS BLOUNT,
"Sir,
"Permit us, with sentiments of joy, which we feel at your return to your native state, to mingle our unfeigned approbation of the firm, able, and distinguished part which you took in the measures of the last Congress, and which were so admirably fitted to repel the aggressions of tyrants, and maintain inviolate the liberty and independence of our country.
"Much as we feel the privations and inconveniences to which we are exposed, we cannot but regard as wise and provident, the measures from whence they flow; and whilst we rely with confidence on the interference of the proper authority, for the removal of our burthens, whenever the auspicious moment shall arrive; we must express a desire that the same policy will be continued until it shall, as it must, extort from other nations respectful attention to our rights and importance.
"The powers of the human mind are in general so circumscribed, that few men are capable of pursuing with success, more than a single object; the plans of the politician are rarely investigated by the soldier, while the life of the latter seldom presents other than an unwelcome and forbidding aspect to the former. But to you, sir, whose life has been a continued struggle, first to acquire and then to preserve our independence; to you, who have so ably defended in the cabinet, what you have so nobly achieved in the field; to you, who dared to oppose a youthful but manlike arm to the invaders of your country's rights, the toils of the warrior, and the schemes of the statesman, are alike familiar.
"We cannot conclude, sir, without expressing a hope (in which we doubt not, your constituents generally and most cordially participate) that you will not retire from public service, until the cloud which at present darkens our political horizon, shall be dissipated; and that we may be permitted to announce to the citizens of the district, your willingness to appear yet longer, an advocate for the liberty and independence of America."
To this address the General made an affectionate and respectful reply, animated throughout by proofs of the most ardent attachment to his country; in which he states, that although it had some time since been his purpose to decline a re-election, yet that in the present critical state of affairs, he is ready, as he ever has been, to sacrifice his personal feelings to the good of his country.
The governor of Nova Scotia has published, that only hemp, pitch, tar, turpentine, rosin and tallow, are admissible as naval stores. The privileges of neutral trade to Nova Scotia have been extended to New Brunswick. In the New Brunswick list of admissible articles are hemp, beef, tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, cotton wool, pot and pearl ashes, flaxseed, and provisions of all kinds.
PUBLIC SALE.
By order of the Orphans Court of Washington county, in the district of Columbia, will be sold at auction, on Saturday the 13th of August instant, at Rhodes's hotel, in the city of Washington, at 4 o'clock P. M. the personal estate of Henry Kramer, deceased; consisting of wearing apparel; books, a horse and chaise; two gold watches; bedsteads; some elegant prints, and a great variety of other articles. Terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale.
For William Rhodes, administrator of H. K.
SAMUEL SPEAKE, Clerk.
August 8—35

STRAYED. FROM the commons of this city about the 4th of July last, a Dark Brown HORSE, with a blazed face and a small white spot on the near side of his back occasioned by the saddle; about 14 or 15 hands high; he has the appearance and was often taken for a stud. I will give a reward of FIVE DOLLARS to any person who will return the said horse to me, or will give information where he may be had.
ALEX. MCCORMICK, Capitol Hill, August 5—3t
IN CHANCERY, JULY 23, 1808. ORDERED that the sale made by George Page Trustee for the sale of the real estate of John Turner deceased shall be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown before the 24th day of September next, provided a copy of this order be inserted once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer before the 24th day of August next.
The report that a tract of land in Prince George's county called the Third Resurvey on Brashes's Potomac, containing 180 acres, was sold for 500 dollars.
True copy, Test NICHOLS, BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. August 5—w3
FOR SALE OR RENT, THE Hotel at present occupied by P. D. STELLE. The advantage of this situation are so well known, that it is useless to say more of it—it is convenient to the Capitol, is calculated for a large establishment, with stabling for 40 or 50 horses. The Bridge, rapidly progressing over the Potomac, with the turnpike road to Alexandria, also in great forwardness, will add to the many advantages this situation possesses. To a man qualified to carry on such an establishment, no situation can insure a more certain and rapid fortune. Occupation can be had any day before the first of October next. Apply to the subscriber,
DANL. CARROLL of Dudn. Washington, August 5—eptO
BALTIMORE FINANCY CHURCH LOTTERY, Positively commences drawing on the first day of November next. The Managers give notice that they have contracted with a Company of Gentlemen for nearly all the unsold TICKETS and have given them bonds that the drawing shall positively take place as above stated, and to draw 2000 tickets per week till the whole is completed.
SCHEDULE. Subject to no Deduction. Dollars. Dollars. 1 prize of 5000 is 5000 1 3000 2 2000 2 1500 3 1000 6 500 20 200 35 100 70 50 175 20 500 10 5250 6 31,500
6065 Prizes, 72,000 11935 Blanks. 18 00 tickets less than two blanks to a prize : sum raised 15000 Expenses including commission to the corporation, 3000 90,000 Part of the Capitals will be determined as follows : 1 prize of 500 dollars to the first drawn blank. 1 do. 200 do. after 2000 tickets. 1 do. 200 do. 4000 1 do. 200 do. 6000 1 do. 200 do. 8000 1 do. 1000 do. 10000 1 do. 500 do. 12000 1 do. 500 do. 14000 1 do. 500 do. 16000 1 do. 1500 do. 17000 1 do. 2000 last drawn blank. July 20—optim.
Prince George's county court, April term, 1808.
HENRY T. COMPTON of Prince George's county having applied to this court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the session of 1805, and the supplement thereto in 1806; and a schedule of his property and list of his creditors as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition; and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Henry T. Compton resided the two last years preceding this application within the state of Maryland. And the said Henry T. Compton being in the custody of the sheriff of Prince George's county; and having entered into bond in such penalty as directed by this court, and with approved security, conditioned for his personal appearance before this court, on the second day of the next term, to answer the allegations of his creditor or creditors. It is by this court directed that the said Henry T. Compton be discharged from imprisonment, and the said second day of the next term, which will be the sixth day of September next, is by the court appointed for the said Henry T. Compton to appear before this court, to answer interrogatories, which his creditors may propose to him. And it is ordered, that the said Henry T. Compton, give notice to his creditors, of his application, by causing a copy of the aforesaid order, to be published three months in the National Intelligencer, previous to the next term. True copy from the proceedings, Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, jr. Ck. June 1—w3m
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of Chancery for the county of Washington in the suit of
Gideon Snow—complainant, against Abigail Perkins, widow and administratrix, and Hannah Perkins, sister and heir of Joseph Perkins deceased, and Nathan Bond—Defendants.
WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder on Monday the twenty-ninth day of August next at Rhodes's hotel in the city of Washington, at the hour of 10 A. M. all the Estate, right, title, claim and demand both in law and equity of the said Joseph and of the said defendant Hannah, as heir at law of the said Joseph, of, in, and to Lots Nos. 3 and 6 in square No. 533, and Lot No. 2 in square No. 403, with their improvements, all lying and being in the city of Washington, and which said lots are laid out and designated in the general plan of said city as above described.
The terms of sale are, a credit of six months, the purchaser or purchasers giving bonds with approved security for the amount of the purchase money, bearing interest from the day of sale. This sale is not to affect any claim of dower which the said Abigail Perkins may have in said lots.
JOHN G. M'DONALD, Trustee. July 18—3wtp
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
ESCAPED from the subscriber on the road leading from George Town towards Leesburg, about 15 miles from the former place, a negro man named LUKE, about 35 years of age, 6 feet high, dark skin, two of his upper front teeth are out; he has a down cast look, and generally speaks in a low voice; his clothes and name he will probably change, I purchased him of Mr. Theophilus Hughs to take to my residence in Kentucky, he has had several masters about Bladensburg, and he will certainly be lurking about that place as he has a wife, the property of Mr. Isaac Barrett near Bladensburg. I have appointed Mr. Everard Gary of George Town my agent, and the above reward will be paid by him to any person who will deliver the said fellow to Mr. C. Tippet in the city jail.
SAML. M'LEAN. July 25—6w
BURNS AND BEALL,
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
FOR SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land late the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek from the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KELLY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
WANTED
AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—ept5
WASHINGTON & ALEXANDRIA TURNPIKE COMPANY.
THE Stockholders of the "Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company" are hereby notified that the second installment of TEN dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, treasurer in Alexandria, on or before the 26th day of August next, agreeable to the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. July 25—1A26
TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Talgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk mouselins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Beaverskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mouselin figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 3-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Dama-k scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & net sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloon do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rug, Russia sheeting, tickling rugs, Osanburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
NOTICE.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground-rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground-rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—ept5
A RUNAWAY FOR SALE
WILL be sold on the 27th day of August next, for his jail fees, at the jail in Washington County, District of Columbia, a black man who calls himself JOHN, said he belonged to John Clark's of Alexandria. But since confessed that he belongs to John P. Woodbeck of Neshannoy near Altony, state of New York, he is about forty years of age, 5 feet 5-1/2 inches high, plied with the small pox & has lost his left eye. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock. CARTWRIGH TIPPETT, Keeper of the Jail for Washington Boyd, Marshall. July 25—w3t
CHARLES H. VARDEA
MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Mouselins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
THE SCHOONER SAMPSON, Captain Smith, Will sail for NEW ORLEANS in 3 days. For Passage or a few Tons on freight, apply to the captain on board at Stuart's Wharf, George Town. August 5—3t
AMERICAN HEMP.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—wtN
LANDING THIS DAY,
From on board the Schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York— A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
PROPOSALS for carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office, until the 6th day of September next.
1. From Athens in Georgia, by Apalachy, Flint River, and Coweta to Tuckabatchy on the Mississippi territory estimated at 220 miles, once a week. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. 2. From Tuckabatchy by Mays Creek on Alabama, or Tensaw to Fort Stoddert, estimated at one hundred and seventy three miles, once a week. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 o'clock a. m. and arrived at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 p. m. 3. From Fort Stoddert to Farre's on Pearl River, estimated at 160 miles, once a week. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Farre's the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Farre's at Pearl River every Wednesday at 4 o'clock a. m. & arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. 4. From Farre's on Pearl River to New Orleans, once a week. Leave New Orleans every Monday noon, and arrive at Farre's on Tuesday by 8 p. m. Leave Farre's every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at New Orleans on Thursday by noon.
NOTE 1. If the depending mail shall not have arrived at the time fixed for departure, the contractor shall be bound to wait for it, provided it arrives within six hours after such fixed time. NOTE 2. For every failure, and for every delay which shall continue so that the depending mail loses a trip, the contractor shall forfeit double the pay he would have received for such a trip, unless the failure shall have been occasioned by unavoidable accident; and in that case, the amount of the pay for such trip shall be forfeited, so that no pay shall be made unless the service is performed.
NOTE 3. For every hours delay, the Contractor shall forfeit one dollar; but no forfeiture for the delay of any one trip can exceed double the value of such trip. The contracts are to commence on the 1st day of October next, and continue in force until the 31st March 1810. General Post Office, July 20th, 1808.
W. & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York, 6 Chests } Fine Imperial Teas 20 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } Hyson Teas 15 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 20 Chests } Young Hyson Teas 18 Half do. } 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Hhds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bags Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Tenerife wine. Georgetown, June 20—2wtf.
THIS is to give Notice, that the subscriber, of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county, in Maryland, letters of administration De bonis non, on the personal estate of Betty Ann Eden and likewise letters testamentary on the personal estate of Elizabeth Senter Eden , deceased, all of St. Mary's county Maryland. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to Jeremiah Alvey, who is authorised to receive and adjust the same, on or before the 15th day of December next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estates. Given under our hands this 15th day, of June 1808. ANN T. EDEN, CATHARINE M. EDEN. June 24—6tUG
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON,
Have just received by the sloop CHANCELLOR, from New York, now discharging at Barry's Wharf—
London Part. Madeira, } WINE, in Marsalla, and } pipes & quar- Catalonia, } ter casks. St. Brion, and } Claret in cases, Bordeaux, } Bo deaux, } Brandy in pipes. Muscavado Sugar, in hhds. and bbls. Molasses, Coffee; the best green in bags, Limes, Imperial } TEA Hyson, } of the latest Young Hyson } importation. Loaf Sugar, Corks, in bags, Candles, and A few crates of Stone Jugs, Pit- chers, &c. &c. These goods were bought with Cash, & will be sold for a small profit, for approved notes at 60 and 90 days. Particular dealers may expect from the Company a constant supply. The highest price will be given in cash for Country Produce of every kind delivered at their Warehouse. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. August 5—tf
THE COMMISSIONERS
APPOINTED to open Books in the city of Washington for subscriptions for shares in the "Columbia Manufacturing Company" give notice that the books were this day opened at the Office of the Clerk of the Circuit Court, and will remain open until the requisite number of shares shall be subscribed for. W. CRANCH, WM BRENT, GEORGE BLAGDEN. August 1, 1808.
A RUNAWAY.
COMMITTED to my custody as a runaway, a negro woman named FANNY, who says she belongs to Richard Owing of Anne Arundel county; she appears to be about 65 years of age, stout made, right black; her clothing are of country made cloth; her owner is desired to take her away, or she will be sold for her expenses. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff Montgomery county, Md. August 5—3t
WILL BE PUBLISHED
IN A PAMPHLET AT THIS OFFICE IN SHORT TIME, AN ADDRESS To the People of the United States, on the importance of encourag- ing AGRICULTURE AND DO- MESTIC MANUFACT- URES:
Tending to shew that by a due encouragement of these essential interests, the nation will be rendered more respectable abroad and more prosperous at home.
Together with an account of THE IMPROVEMENTS IN SHEEP AT
ARLINGTON. The native sheep of Smith's Island, & the plans proposed of extending this valuable race of animals, for the benefit of the country at large:
By GEORGE W. P. CUSTIS, Esq. Of Arlington House, in the District of Columbia.
At a time when the energies of the nation seem awakened to the state of our foreign and domestic concerns, we conceive that the important interests of agriculture and manufactures should meet with a considerable share of the public discussion. Certain it is, that at no period of our political history could these national subjects excite more interest or be more properly urged to the notice of the public mind. The unsettled and impending appearance of our foreign affairs, and the present disturbed state of the European world, renders it doubly necessary for the citizens of America to cherish and promote their domestic policy, whereby they may derive those resources which are now obtained from abroad and create wealth and industry within themselves. Too long have these important and patriotic interests been neglected. The nation now feels their want, and we trust will duly provide for their support. Government, hitherto engaged in other concerns, will now cherish those domestic institutions, which will preserve the nation's dignity and promote the people's welfare.
Of the merits of the little work we are about to issue to the public, it is not our province to decide, but of the advantages to be derived from its sale we would beg leave to say every thing which a disinterested exertion in the cause of domestic manufacture justly demands. And as the profits of this work, after the expenses of publication are paid will be solely devoted to the purposes of the Arlington Institution, we may hope and confidently expect a liberal patronage from a discerning and patriotic community. EDITOR. Alexandria.