The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-12-08 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 8th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 8th, 1800.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, December 5, 1800.
Mr. MACON, from the Committee of Claims, made a report against the petition of Oliver Pollock, which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. H. Lee moved that the House do go into a committee of the whole on the bill "directing the erection of a Mausoleum to GEORGE WASHINGTON."
On which motion the house divided, Ayes 35, Noes 31. Mr. MORRIS took the chair.
The Chairman after reading the bill through, proceeded to read it by paragraphs. The first section is as follows;
Sec. 1. "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a Mausoleum of American granite and marble, in a pyramidal form, one hundred feet square at the base, and of a proportionate height, shall be erected in testimony of the love and gratitude of the citizens of the United States, to GEORGE WASHINGTON."
Mr. ALLSTON, after some remarks which we were unable to hear from the remouens of our position, moved an amendment to the first section, which was, in substance, that a MONUMENT of marble be erected in the Capitol, at the City of Washington, commemorative of the great events of the military and political life of GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Mr. H. LEE spoke for several minutes without our being able to hear in connection a single sentence. The amount of his remarks appeared to be, that during the last session the house, after long debate, had declared itself in favor of a Mausoleum, and that as no reasons had been assigned for a change of opinion, he hoped they would persevere in the deliberate result of their judgment.
Mr. OTIS was ready to acknowledge himself unacquainted with many of the circumstances embraced by the subject. He, therefore, wished additional information to that which he had received. His present opinion was that a Mausoleum was preferable to a Monument. He acknowledged that in forming this opinion, he had felt great deference for the judgment of the committee which had recommended it. It was undoubtedly a subject but little understood. The formation of a proper decision depended upon a concurrence of several circumstances, upon a comparison of the expence with the value of the object to be accomplished. Besides this it had many peculiar features not comprehended by every gentleman. He thought these considerations sufficient to induce the house to decline voting for the amendment whereby the plan of the committee, who had maturely considered the subject in all its relations, would be frustrated, unless stronger reasons were assigned than he had yet heard.
Mr. NICHOLAS observed that the Bill directed the erection of a Mausoleum of certain dimensions, to ascertain the expence of which an estimate had been made. But that estimate was not satisfactory. It was made without information. The sum to be expended was not fixed. It might vastly exceed any sum now contemplated. The Mausoleum was to consist of a huge ugly mass of stones heaped upon one another, to raise which a heavy and useless expence would be incurred. And what was the object? It was to perpetuate the memory of George Washington. Was the memory of that great man to be perpetuated by a heap of large inanimate objects?
The best way in which his fame could be preserved, would be by bringing his ashes from the place where they now lay, by depositing them in the Capitol at the will of the nation, in interring them in such a manner as had never heretofore been done, in placing over them a plain tablet, on which every man could write what his heart dictated. This, and this only, was the basis of his fame. It was not to be blazoned by figures or representations of any other sort. It consisted in the undecaying recollection of his virtues. It must live on the national feeling, & this called not for useless expence. Twenty thousand Dollars was as competent to its expression, as two hundred thousand. He hoped, therefore, the amendment would be adopted, and that the terms which related to military and political achievements would be omitted. He hoped a plain monument would be erected.
His preference of a monument to a mausoleum arose not from any indisposition to celebrate the memory of our American hero. He could say as much in his praise as any man. Neither a committee of Congress, nor the four Secretaries, on whom the bill devolved the superintendence, felt more zeal for the character of this great man than he did.
Mr. NOTT did not rise to consume the time of the Committee by going at large into an examination of the subject; but to explain the reasons for the vote he meant to give. He had last session co-operated most cheerfully in all those measures which had been pursued to express the national sensibility at the loss of that great and immortal character. In the feelings of gratitude which his services excited, no man could outdo him. Among other measures he had been friendly to the erection of a mausoleum. But on more reflection he had changed his opinion. He did not believe that a huge mass of stones would add to the reputation of Washington, or be more expressive of national affection than a marble monument. This being the case, he preferred the latter, because it was the least expensive.
Mr. GRISWOLD hoped the amendment would not prevail. It was the object of the bill to raise a monument which should last for ages, and which should be a perpetual memorial of the gratitude of America. Such would not be the case, if the proposition made by the gentleman from North Carolina should be adopted. The monument proposed by him might be broken and destroyed by a lawless mob or by a set of school boys. For his part, he would not consent to raise such a monument to the memory of a man who had deserved so well of his country.
The bill proposed the erection of a monument that would stand unimpaired for ages. It is true, that it will not perpetuate the fame of Washington; his fame required nothing which we could do to give it perpetuity; but it will perpetuate the gratitude of the country. It will be a structure that will command respect; it will be pointed to our children; they will enter it with reverence, as the spot in which the ashes of this great man are deposited.
It was undoubtedly a subject of sentiment; and subjects of such a kind must be guided by feeling. Various opinions, therefore, may naturally be expected. His opinion was that the national sentiment called for the erection of a structure correspondent in size to the character of the man to whom it was raised.
The general outlines of the bill might now be adopted; and if there existed a variance of opinion the subordinate members of it might be modified.
Mr. H. LEE said, if it were the wish of gentlemen to avoid the adoption of measures commemorative of the talents of the great man we have lost, it would be candid in them to tell us so at once. For his part he saw little difference between the adoption of the amendment and the rejection of every plan proposed that was adequate to the occasion. Sir, said General Lee, there is not a rich man in Europe who loses his mistress that does not raise a trophy to her memory; and shall it be said that we, who have sustained the most irreparable loss in the death
of our chief, shall it be said that we refuse to pay him those honors which are lavished so liberally upon such inferior objects? If you do not mean to come forward on the occasion, say so—Then we shall understand the reasons of opposition to the ground taken by this house last session. As yet no reasons had been assigned for abandoning it—We then declared that we would act. We exhibited a spirit worthy of the immortal Washington, worthy of the dignified character of this house.
But should this honorable spirit, kindled by an enthusiasm in the virtues and talents of our departed benefactor, subside, and be chilled by the adoption of the proposed amendment, he would condole with the house; and would rather they would be silent for ever than disgrace themselves and their country by so subordinate an act.
It is true, Sir, that the celebrity and the glory of Washington hang not on our shoulders—History will transmit to posterity the lustre of his fame glittering with untarnished purity. It is not in our power either to increase or diminish it. But, Sir, we may imitate his virtues, and his great example. We are deeply interested in holding them forth as illustrious models to our sons. Is there, then, I ask you, any other mode for perpetuating the memory of such transcendent virtues, so strong, so impressive, as that which we propose. The grandeur of the pile, we wish to raise, will impress a sublime awe on all who behold it. It will survive the present generation. It will receive the homage of our children's children; and they will learn that the truest way to gain honor amidst a free people is to be useful, to be virtuous.
This will not be the act of an individual. It will be the act of a Government expressing the will of a Great Nation—Seize then, I pray you, seize with rapture the occasion that is now presented, thankful to the Supreme disposer of events for giving you an opportunity of rearing some future Washington. This is a great object; frown then upon all the little efforts made to defeat it.
It is certainly true that if you erect a Mausoleum, you must expend some public money. But are you not the guardians of the public treasure? Does not the selection of the best objects to which to appropriate it, devolve on you? And can there be a greater, a more patriotic purpose than this? Is it not your great duty to promote the public good; and can that be more completely promoted in any other way? The sum asked is seventy thousand dollars. Who can shew me in what other manner the same good can be effected by so small a sum?
But, it is said, that the bill vests a discretion in the Secretaries, and they may exceed the estimate. But, Sir, are the Secretaries unworthy of confidence? Do not we know that we may safely rely upon them? Besides, if thought expedient, the expenditure may be limited. Thus surely, without prodigality on the one hand, or parsimony on the other, you may do honor to yourselves and your country.
Mr. MACON did not pretend to know much about that kind of things proposed by the bill; but he believed, from the little he did know, that such a thing had not been attempted for a thousand years. The expence, attending the proposed measure, had been treated lightly. For himself, he was not disposed to consider seventy thousand dollars a trifling sum. He thought it a great sum: and believed every man in the country thought as he did. In forming his idea of any particular sum he was not carried away by the visionary notions of speculation; he looked at the labour it required to produce it: and he well knew how hardly earned was the money from which this enormous sum must proceed.
He further believed that no man could tell how much the Mausoleum would cost. The seventy thousand dollars was probably only a beginning; and when the object was once begun, experience tells us that we must finish it at all events, let it cost what it might. The base was fixed at a hundred feet. Why not decide its other proportions? Did not the silence of the bill on this point shew the ignorance of gentlemen? All was doubt. What strength
ened his opinion of the total want of information, was the exhibition last session of two estimates; one of which was predicated on a base of sixty feet, and required sixty-seven thousand dollars; the other was predicated on a base of one hundred feet, making the structure nearly three times as large, and required only seventy thousand dollars. Could this be correct? Both estimates certainly could not be true. The probability was that neither could be depended upon.
For what purpose was this great mass to be raised? He saw no good purpose likely to be answered by it under the fun. Can stones shew gratitude? If the nation wished to shew its gratitude, let them do it by making a history of the life of Washington a school-book. Our children then will learn and imitate his virtues—This will be rendering the highest tribute to his fame, by making it the instrument of enlightening the mind and improving the heart.
While there are such rational modes of distinguishing the memory of Washington, can Congress so far forget the interest of the nation; can they so far forget their own duty, as to expend Millions in acts of useless and pernicious ostentation? Since the invention of types, monuments are good for nothing. The records of history will remain long after their decay or destruction.
We are told that the best mode of perpetuating the memory of Washington is to erect a Mausoleum. I have heard, said Mr. Macon, of Ariflides, I have heard of Hamden; but I have never heard of monuments raised to their memories. Yet their virtues shine as bright now, as they did while they lived. I have heard of a place called Westminster Abbey, full of the monuments of kings; yet, notwithstanding these grand memorials, I have heard very little of them after they left this world, and I question very much whether any man, let him have heard what he may, if he were to go there could tell one of them from the other.
But, it is said, that the monument, proposed by the amendment, may be thrown down and destroyed by mobs or school-boys. God forbid that this should ever be the case. I do not believe, said Mr. Macon, this to be possible. If it were made of glass, frail as it is, it would be safe; all would revere, all would respect it.
The house is told by one gentleman, who advocates the Mausoleum, that a rich man in Europe cannot lose his mistress without raising a monument to her memory. Was the gentleman serious when he made this remark? Would he place the memory of Washington on a footing with that of a rich man's mistress? Better, Sir, said Mr. Macon, far better would it be, more honorable to the Government, and more conformable to the wish of our deceased friend, to devote the seventy thousand dollars, designed for a Mausoleum, to the education of the poor. Then, indeed, we might flatter ourselves with having extended the Empire of his virtues, by making those understand and imitate them, who, uninstructed, could not comprehend them.
If he thought that by raising a magnificent monument to Washington, he could give duration to his fame, or carry his name into a single country which it had not yet reached, he would give the measure his support. But no such effect would be produced. It might indeed adorn this City; and that was the only plausible argument in favor of it.
Before gentlemen act in this business, let them look to Egypt; there they will behold precedents in profusion; men made gods, and statutes and monuments and mausolea covering the whole face of the country; but where will they find the virtues or the talents of the men they meant to commemorate? Now is the time to make a stand against this monument mania. Washington is admired and beloved by all. No one can be charged with a desire to diminish his fame by opposing a useless expenditure of money—The precedent we now establish will be suspicious to our future measures. If we

decline, raising a Mansfield to Washington, no man who succeeds him, can expect one reared to his memory. On the other hand, if we now raise one to Washington, every pretender to greatness will aim at the same distinction.  Mr. Macon concluded by declaring himself hostile to the bill, and friendly to the amendment, because it proposed a plan that was more rational, more economical, and more conformable to the resolve of the old Congress, than that contained in the bill.  The Committee then rose without coming to any decision, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
TREATY
Between the UNITED STATES & PRUSSIA. (Concluded.)
Art. XVII. If any vessel or effects of the neutral power be taken by an enemy of the other, or by a pirate, and retaken by the power at war, they shall be restored to the first proprietor, upon the conditions hereafter stipulated in the twenty-first article for case of recapture.
Art. XVIII. If the citizens or subjects of either party, in danger from tempests, pirates, enemies, or other accident shall take refuge with their vessels or effects, within the harbors or jurisdiction of the other, they shall be received, protected and treated with humanity and kindness, and shall be permitted to furnish themselves at reasonable prices, with all refreshment, provisions and other things necessary for their sustenance, health and accommodation, and for the repair of their vessels.
Art. XIX. The vessels of war, public and private, of both parties, shall carry freely wheresoever they please, the vessels and effects taken from their enemies, without being obliged to pay any duties, charges, or fees to officers of admiralty, of the customs, or any other; nor shall such prizes be arrested, searched, or put under legal process, when they come to and enter the ports of the other party, but may freely be carried out again at any time by their captors to the places expressed in their commissions which the commanding officer of such vessel shall be obliged to shew. But conformably to the treaties existing between the United States and Great-Britain, no vessel that shall have made a prize upon British subjects, shall have a right to shelter in the ports of the United States, but if forced therein by tempests, or any other danger, or accident of the sea, they shall be obliged to depart as soon as possible.
Art. XX. No citizen or subject of either of the contracting parties shall take from any power with which the other may be at war, any commission or letter of marque, for arming any vessel to act as a privateer against the other, on pain of being punished as a pirate; nor shall either party hereof, lend or give any part of its naval or military force to the enemy of the other, to aid them offensively or defensively against the other.
Art. XXI. If the two contracting parties should be engaged in a war against a common enemy, the following points shall be observed between them:
1st. If a vessel of one of the parties, taken by the enemy, shall, before being carried into a neutral or enemy's port, be taken by a ship of war or privateer of the other, it shall with the cargo, be restored to the first owners, for a compensation of one eighth part of the value of the laid vessel and cargo, if the recapture be made by a public ship of war, and one sixth part, if made by a privateer.
2. The restitution in such cases shall be after due proof of property, and surety given for the part to which the captors are entitled.
3. The vessels of war, public and private, of the two parties, shall reciprocally be admitted with their prizes into the respective ports of each, but the said prizes shall not be discharged, or sold there, until their legality shall have been decided according to the laws and regulations of the state to which the captor belongs, but by the judicatories of the place, into which the prize shall have been conducted.
4. It shall be free to each party to make such regulations as they shall judge necessary, for the conduct of their respective vessels of war, public and private, relative to the vessels which they shall take, and carry into the ports of the parties.
Art. XXII. When the contracting parties shall have a common enemy, or shall both be neutral, the vessels of war of each shall upon all occasions take under their protection the vessels of the other going the same course, and shall defend such vessels as long as they hold the same course, against all force and violence, in the same manner as they ought to protect vessels belonging to themselves.
Art. XXIII. If war break out between the two contracting parties, the vessels of either country, in the ports of the other, shall be allowed to remain nine months to collect their debts and settle their affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects, without molestation or hindrance, and all women and children, scholars of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, artizans, manufacturers, and fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages or places, and in general all others, whose occupations are for the common subsistence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue their respective employments, and shall not be molested in their persons, nor shall their houses or goods be burnt, or otherwise destroyed, nor their fields wasted by the armed force of the enemy, into whose power, by the events of war, they may happen to fall: but if any thing is necessary to be taken from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable price.
Art. XXIV. And to prevent the destruction of prisoners of war, by sending them into distant and inclement countries, or by crowding them into close and noxious places, the two contracting parties solemnly pledge themselves to the world and to each other, that they will not adopt any such practice; that neither will send the prisoners, whom they may take from the other, into the East-Indies or any other parts of Asia or Africa, but they shall be placed in some part of their dominions in Europe or America, in wholesome situations; that they shall not be confined in dungeons, prison-ships, nor prisons, nor be put into irons, nor bound, nor otherwise restrained in the use of their limbs: that the officers shall be enlarged on their paroles within convenient districts, and have comfortable quarters, and the common men be disposed in cantonments open and extensive enough for air and exercise, and lodged in barracks as roomy and good as are provided by the party in whose power they are, for their own troops; that the officers shall also be daily furnished by the party in whose power they are, with as many rations and of the same articles and quality as are allowed by them, either in kind, or by commutation to officers of equal rank in their own army; and all others shall be daily furnished by them, with such rations as they shall allow to a common soldier in their own service; the value whereof shall be paid by the other party on a mutual adjustment of accounts for the subsistence of prisoners at the close of the war; and the said accounts shall not be mingled with or set off, against any others, nor the balances due on them be withheld as a satisfaction or reprisal for any other article, or for any other cause real or pretended, whatever. That each party shall be allowed to keep a commissary of prisoners of their own appointment, with every separate cantonment of prisoners in possession of the other, which commissary shall see prisoners as often as he pleases, shall be allowed to receive and distribute whatever comforts may be sent to them by their friends; and shall be free to make his reports in open letters to those who employ him; but if any officer shall break his parole, or any other prisoner shall escape from the limits of his cantonments after they shall have been designated to him, such individual officer or other prisoner shall forfeit so much of the benefit of this article, as provides for his enlargement on parole or cantonment. And it is declared, that neither the pretence, that ward dissolves all treaties, nor any other whatever shall be considered as annulling or suspending this and the next preceding article; but on the contrary that the state of war is precisely that for which they are provided, and during which they are to be as sacredly observed as the most acknowledged articles in the law of nature and of nations.
Art. XXV. The two contracting parties have granted to each other the liberty of having each in the ports of the other consuls, vice-consuls, agents and commissaries of their own appointment, who shall enjoy the same privilege and powers, as those of the most favored nations. But if any such consuls shall exercise commerce, they shall be submitted to the same laws and usages, to which the private individuals of their nation are submitted in the same place.  Art. XXVI. If either party shall hereafter grant to any other nation, any particular favor in navigation or commerce, it shall immediately become common to the other party, freely, where it is freely granted to such other nation, or on yielding the same compensation when the grant is conditional.
Art. XXVII. His majesty the king of Prussia and the United States of America agree, that this treaty shall be in force during the term of ten years from the exchange of the ratifications; and if the expiration of that term should happen during the course of a war between them, then the articles before provided for the regulation of their conduct during such a war, shall continue in force until the conclusion of the treaty, which shall restore peace.
This treaty shall be ratified on both sides and the ratification exchanged within one year from the day of its signature or sooner if possible.  In testimony whereof the plenipotentiaries before mentioned have hereto subscribed their names and affixed their seals. Done at Berlin the eleventh of July in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine.  (L. S.) Charles Guillaume Comte de Finckenstein, (L. S.) Philippe Charles d'Alveneleben, (L. S.) Chretien Henri Curt Comte ne Haugwitz, (L. S.) John Quincy Adams.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 8.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THIS DAY.
A Report was made unfavorable to the memorial of S. H. Smith and T. Carpenter, desiring admission within the bar to take the debates.
The SPEAKER informed the House that it was the intention of Mr. CONDY, the present clerk, to give in his resignation, which he understood would be done to-morrow, and stated the necessity of thereupon proceeding to an election of a new clerk.
The report of the Committee of claims on the petition of Oliver Pollock, which is unfavorable to the prayer of the petitioner, was agreed to by the House.
The official returns have been received from the Electors of PENNSYLVANIA, whereby it appears that the votes given in that state are as follow.
  For Mr. Jefferson 8   Mr. Burr 8   Mr. Adams 7   Mr. Pinckney 7 
Extract of a letter received from a gentleman of the first respectability, dated Richmond, Dec. 3, 1800.
A letter from high authority in COLUMBIA (S. C.) dated 27th Nov. speaks confidently of JEFFERSON'S Election, and leaves room to conclude that neither Mr. Pinckney nor Mr. Adams will get the votes of that state. The Election of Electors was not to come on till Tuesday the 2nd inst.
The Legislature of VIRGINIA assembled at Richmond on the 1st instant, and made choice of RICHARD KENNAN, as Speaker of the Senate, and LARKIN SMITH as Speaker of the House of Representatives.
The Electors of a President and Vice-President for VIRGINIA assembled at Richmond on the 3d instant, and gave their votes as follow;
  For Thomas Jefferson 21 votes   Aaron Burr 21 
The legislature of the state of SOUTH CAROLINA, met at Columbia, on the 24th ult. Seventy-eight members of the house of representatives attended. On proceeding to the choice of speaker, there appeared 51 votes for the republican candidate, Theodore Gaillard, and 27 votes for the federal candidate, Mr. Smith. From this vote, some judgment may be formed of the probable result of the appointment of Electors.
The legislature of GEORGIA has appointed General John Morrison, Doctor Dennis Smith, Henry Graybill, and John Lumpkin, Electors of President and Vice-President.
The House of Representatives of PENNSYLVANIA have passed a bill, which originated in the Senate, for appointing electors of a President. The act directs the nomination of eight persons by each house, and an election by joint vote of fifteen from the sixteen nominated.—On Friday the two
houses convened, and made choice of the following individuals, viz.
FEDERAL, NOMINATED BY THE SENATE.
  Frederick Kuhn, 93 votes.   James Armstrong 95   George Ege, 95   John Hubley 95   William Hall, 94   Samuel W. Fisher, 94   James Crawford, sen. 95 
REPUBLICANS, NOMINATED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
  Robert Whitehill, 95   Samuel Wetherill, 62   John Kean, 95   Jonas Hartzell, 95   Gabriel Heister, 95   Presly Carr Lane, 94   Nathaniel B. Boileau, 95   Isaac Van Horne, 95 
DIED at New York on the 1st Instant, CHARLES ADAMS, son of the President of the United States.
The comparative merits of a MAUSOLEUM and MONUMENT being now before Congress, all information calculated to elucidate the subject will undoubtedly be received by that body with satisfaction. In this view the following extract from a letter written by Dr. THORNTON to his correspondent in Philadelphia during the last session of congress is published, with our thanks to the gentleman who has furnished it.
City of Washington, Feb. 7, 1800. "You mention the monument to be erected to the memory of our good and great friend. I am at a loss what to say, and rather consider your application to me as a compliment, than made with an expectation of a satisfactory answer. I can scarcely think on the subject without having all my ideas absorbed in the loss of my great patron—I must however attempt to answer you."
The most suitable, in my opinion, would be a fine group of figures on a well composed massy rock, the whole executed in white marble. The figures to consist of Eternity, leading him to the pinnacle, and pointing upward, ready to take flight, while Time is left below in a posture as if inviting him to stay; attended by Independence, by Victory, by Liberty, by Peace, Virtue, Prosperity and Fame.—All but the two first figures would be in a lower region of the rock, and they ought not to be crowded.—A capital artist or two ought to be sent for from Europe, and model, from all the best ideas, such pieces as would please a painter, rendering it at once interesting and picturesque. The rock would admit of the figures being finely grouped, and the arcade, supporting the colonnade round the dome* would give such a contrast as to make the whole a grand and striking composition. The dome being also lighted in the centre would be admirably calculated not only to render the principal figures more bright, but would give more apparent reality to the design of the figure of Eternity. The bodies of the general and his ***** may be deposited in a place prepared in the rock, in the region where time and the rest of the figures are grouped, signifying that though Time has taken possession of his body yet Eternity has taken his spirit out of the reach of Time. I will explain no further, for if it does not explain itself it is useless. You speak of Ceracchi's composition. It was a fine piece. I saw the model, but it was a figure of liberty just descending on a rock, a hundred feet high, and time was the charioteer, in the act of stopping his horses. In the sides of the rock were many caves, with all the heathens jumbled together in them. He imagined too much; but with a little advice in the mythological part he would have produced one of the grandest monuments in the world. Ceracchi was killed in the Roman revolution. His production would not aid us in the present work: the subjects are not connected.—There is a fine statue of Peter (called the Great) at Peterburgh, in bronze, on horseback; the horse rearing on the top of an enormous rock of granite.—While I was an attendant member of the Royal Society of Scots Antiquaries, the late Empress of Russia sent us a grand collection of all her medals and coins; and a medal struck on the erection of that monument was among them. It is truly a grand monument—but gives us no aid. I was solicited to think on this subject before I received your letter, but I have never put pen to paper on this theme, till this evening, for my mind was too much engaged on my loss to think as I ought. In my elevation of the capitol you will remember my temple of Fame. In that I would also have his bust, and those of all the great worthies of our country: it stands over the

temple of Virtue or grand conference room.
Eternity was represented by the Romans by a woman with the sun in one hand, and the moon in the other. Her symbols a Phoenix, Globe and Elephant. She had neither temples nor altars. I would represent her with a girdle round her waist containing the signs of the Zodiac, and round her neck a rattle-snake biting its tail.
In forming a monument every thing ought to be avoided that might be offensive to the most pious, and in approaching to sublime representations, we should avoid rendering divine honours; for we ought not to forget that between the highest mortals and Divinity there is an infinite distance; at the same time we should not lessen our subjects by any common devices. Pedestals with brass relief figures and mottos will do very well in common cases, but in the present case there is nothing common, and we may rise as high in our representation as mortals ought to go.
* This was written with a supposition that the Monument was to be erected in the Dome of the Capitol.
† The snake in this act was not only an emblem of Eternity among the ancients of the old world, but also among the ancient Mexicans; and of the species I prefer the rattle-snake, the Crotalus horridus being peculiar to this country, and the finest emblem of the United States that can be found. It never acts but defensively—it never strikes without giving due warning;—but when it does strike it is fatal!
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
There is not a subject more worthy of the attention of every enlightened citizen than the situation of this country in regard to her diplomatic relations with foreign powers. While they continue on their present establishment, there can be no doubt of the perpetual accumulation of power in the hands of the executive magistrate; not merely of executive power, but power which partakes of every character, and which is at once legislative, executive and judiciary.
The treaty-making power is now invariably exercised, as embracing every feature of legislation, that connects either the nation in its corporate capacity with other nations, or the citizen individually considered of one nation with another.
The stand made by the house of representatives at the period of the British Treaty, though it gave an exposition to the treaty-making power, which made it in several important respects, dependent upon the sanction of the national legislature, appears to have lost the salutary energy which, at that day, appeared to characterise it; and the President now enjoys the unmolested power, in conjunction with the Senate, of legislating, by the formation of treaties, for the nation.
I will not say that this power has been abused, but I will not hesitate to affirm that it may be abused. And if it may be abused, and if its abuse be likely to produce effects the most hostile to our liberties and happiness, does it not become every patriotic citizen to view the subject with the most dispassionate attention, to examine the nature and tendency of the delegated power, to enquire whether the power as at present exercised does not admit of limitation or modification, and if it does, to deduce from a comparison of ideas the most eligible remedy.
The greater the difficulties, the more intricate the embarrassments, that attend the subject, the higher the necessity of taking it up immediately, of making it in its various relations familiar to our minds, and of aiming, from a collision of ideas, and a concentration of facts, to adopt those principles, which while they remedy an existing evil, secure us from embracing one that is still greater.
That the subject is deeply interesting to our internal peace, that it involves the most delicate exercises of power in relation to foreign nations, cannot be doubted by any man. Discordant opinions divide our citizens. Different, nay hostile decisions have been made by the different departments of the government. Which decision is correct? who shall decide?—Shall the President be a judge of the legitimacy of the power which he himself exercises; without an appeal to any other tribunal? In doing this he will act in opposition to the decision of the house of representatives, the immediate and enlightened representatives of the people.—Shall Congress be the judge? If they are, shall the power be exercised by the House of Representatives alone, or in conjunction with the Senate?
If by the house of Representatives alone, will not the Senate protest against the exclusive exercise of legislative power by that body? and if in conjunction with the Senate, will not the extraordinary spectacle be exhibited of a body called upon to pronounce upon its own acts?—If the power be exercised by the House of Representatives and Senate, either jointly or separately, shall the exercise of power be in the form of an affirmative sanction; or shall their interposition only be required when they disapprove the particular provisions of a treaty.
In short let the subject be viewed in whatever light it may, it is embarrassed and involved. To free it from embarrassment, to obviate existing doubts, to harmonize clashing constructions, requires immediate and serious attention.
A FRIEND TO HARMONY.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
NEW YORK December 2.
By the ship rose, in 41 days from Liverpool, which vessel arrived here last evening, we have received London Papers to the 18 of October—ten days the latest. At present we have only time to make a few extracts. The papers upon the whole are barren. Great complaints of the scarcity of grain in England continue and partial tumults prevail. There are great talks of Peace, and continual preparations for war; neither of which events can be calculated on with any degree of certainty.
LONDON, October 12.
The Proclamation for the meeting of parliament is expected to be published in to-morrow night's Gazette.
Congress at Luneville.
The Congress will be opened immediately. Carnot, who has resigned the situation of minister of war to Berthier, and Joseph Buonaparte, who conducted the negotiation with the American ministers, are to be the ministers plenipotentiaries of the French republic. It is supposed that the deputies of the empire will not be admitted to the congress on the part of Prussia. Amidst these pacific appearances Austria has not relaxed in her preparations for war, and the Emperor, upon his return to Vienna, published a proclamation, recommending redoubled zeal and ardour in every thing necessary for the defence of the country.
It is said, and we have no reason for disbelieving it, says a London paper, that peace has been concluded between France and Portugal, through the medium of the court of Madrid.
The French funds have risen—The tiers Corsolide is at 37 livers. 10 cents. Price of flour—Fine Flour per sack 90s to 95s. Seconds, 84s to 86s.
On the 12th about mid-day the American Ministers took leave of the Chief Consul, to whom they were presented by the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Mr. Ellsworth, in the name of his colleagues, said, that, "he hoped the convention signed on the ninth, would prove a basis of a lasting friendship between France and America." Mr. Murray added that "the American Ministers would neglect nothing to promote this desirable object." The Chief Consul replied, "that the differences between the two nations being adjusted there should no longer remain any trace of them; that the liberal principles, with regard to navigation, considered in convention, ought to be the basis of growing intimacy, and that in the present circumstance it was more than ever the interest of the two nations closely to adhere to them."
We are assured that Carnot will be charged with Joseph Buonaparte with the interests of France, at the Congress at Luneville. Perhaps this report, generally spread abroad, is without foundation."
OCTOBER 16.
Paris papers have at length arrived. We received them late last night to the 12th instant.
It was not perhaps to be expected that they would communicate to us any information upon the subject of the correspondence between the English and French governments. The official paper preserves the most profound silence, and the Chief Consul has not thought proper to publish any account of the progress of the termination of the negotiation. The resignation of Baron Thugut, and the appointment of the Count de Lehrbach to succeed him, have been of-
ficially notified to the French government. Mr. Linton, our ambassador to the United States of America, is, it is said, on his return. Mr. Adams, the President, has, it is stated, for upwards of a twelvemonth, made complaints to Mr. Linton, of the conduct of British cruizers capturing American ships and property at the mouth of their own harbors—Mr. Linton, we are informed, transmitted these remonstrances to this government, but he did not find that they were sufficiently attended to, and his situation at Philadelphia became very irksome and unpleasant.
LONDON, October 18.
There are letters in town from Gibraltar, dated on the 25th September.—On that day the troops under Sir Ralph Abercromby and Sir James Pulteney began to embark, and they expected to be ready to sail on the following day. The account of their having failed on the 24th was incorrect. It was probably the 26th or 27th that they failed, and no doubt was entertained in the army, of Egypt being the place of their destination.
Messrs. Rich, Macdonald, and Guillemand, the American Commissioners, were on Thursday introduced to her Majesty at the Drawing Room, by Lord Grenville, and kissed hands on their return.
At the Corn Exchange yesterday, the prices of wheat and flour experienced very little variation from the prices on Monday and Wednesday. Fine wheat was from 132s. to 140s. per quarter, and fine flour from 95s. to 100s. per sack.
We find the following extract from a private letter from Paris, in the Courier de Londres of last night:—"The camp at Amiens is daily receiving fresh reinforcements; it is now supposed to amount to 80 thousand men. The building of new ships, and preparations for a naval armament, carried on with great activity all along the Dutch and Flemish coast.—A squadron, consisting of one ship of the line and six frigates, is already fitted out in the ports of Middleburgh and Flushing. The same activity prevails in the Texel, and also at Rotterdam, Helvoetsluys and Amsterdam. All the armaments on the Flemish and Batavian coasts are under the direction of the Marquis Ducrest, the friend of the Duke of Orleans, who has lately been sent out of England by an order of the Duke of Portland. Every thing is in preparation for two expeditions; one is destined to the coast of England; the other, more considerable, to proceed to Ireland, where the French Government expects a powerful co-operation on the part of the inhabitants."
"The marquis Ducrest has lately been called to Paris by an express of the Chief Consul, with whom he has had several conferences—They no doubt relate to these projected expeditions. Buonaparte is said to have a private confidential agent at Mittau. Four members of the Polish committee that used to hold its sitting at Paris, have set out for Russia; Poland, where formidable insurrections are expected soon to take place."
PARIS, October 6.
Citizen Joseph Buonaparte, President of the committee of Ministers Plenipotentiary, charged to negotiate with the envoys extraordinary, ministers plenipotentiary of the United States of America, gave a very splendid entertainment to these ministers on the 3d inst. at Morfontaine, in celebration of the return of good understanding between the two states. The first Consul went to Morfontaine with his family at 3 o'clock, where he was joined by the two other Consuls, all the ministers, the members of the corps diplomatique, the counsellors of state, the presidents of the Senate of the Legislative body and Tribune, and several persons formerly in the service of the United States, among whom we observed general La Fayette.
At six o'clock the minister for Foreign affairs delivered to the first Consul the convention signed the 1st of October, between the French and American ministers, and this delivery was announced by a discharge of cannon. The dinner consisted of 180 covers, was served up on three tables, in three halls, communicating with each other. The first was the Hall of Union. The second and third, which bore the names of Washington and Franklin, were ornamented with the busts of the great men—The first was by far the most brilliant in decorations, the devices being all emblematic or indicative of the prominent events of the American revolution.
After dinner several toasts were drank; the first given by the first Consul, was
"To the mates of the French and Americans, who did on the field of battle for the Independence of the New World."
The second by the Consul Cambacérès. "To the successor of Washington." The Consul Lebrun—"To the union of America with the Powers of the North, to enforce respect to the liberty of the seas."
After dinner were fire-works, emblematic of the occasion, which were succeeded by a concert, and that was followed by a spectacle, which closed the night.
The Count de Lehrbach has informed Citizen Talleyrand, minister for Foreign Affairs, that he has been appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs in the place of Baron Thugut, who has obtained his resignation from his Majesty the Emperor. Count Cobentzel has been appointed by the Emperor to conduct the negotiation with France. (Official Article)
October 9.
General Berthier has been appointed Minister of War, in the room of Citizen Carnot, who has given in his resignation
The American Envoys arrived at Havre from Paris on the 8th, and were to sail about the 16th of October for the United States.
BOSTON, Nov. 27.
A letter has been received in town from the Havannah, of a later date than the intelligence from that place, published in our last, corroborating the account of the capture of Trinidad by a French and Spanish fleet; the letter adds that this event was announced officially at the Havannah, that the fleet consisted of 14 sail of the line, with a large number of troops on board; and that they were immediately to proceed to Jamaica.
The Managers of the WASHINGTON DANCING ASSEMBLIES inform the Subscribers that the SECOND Assembly will be held at Mr. STILLE'S HOTEL, on Tuesday Evening next the 9th Instant half after 5 o'clock, and that an Assembly will be held at the same time and place every two weeks thereafter.
NOTICE.
The 27th. instant being the anniversary of St. John the Evangelist, the members of Federal Lodge No. 15 are requested to meet the master and wardens of the said lodge at their lodge room in the dwelling house of Mr. Cunningham in the New-Jersey Avenue, from whence they will walk in procession to the Church of the Rev'd Brother Andrew Thomas McCormick, who will deliver a discourse Suitable to the day.
By order of the Lodge ALEXANDER COCHRAN Sec'ry. City of Washington, 8th December, 1800. N. B. all master Masons are invited to attend.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
MAY be had for Three or Four gentlemen during the session of Congress by applying to Mr. Claxton, or at the Three Buildings 4 doors East of the Navy office, to Wm. O'NEAL. City of Washington Dec. 8, 1800. 3.*
TO BE RENTED.
FOR a few months, a Two story brick house with 4 rooms, together with, mahogany chairs, bureau, sofa, bedstead, looking glasses &c. enquire of HENRY INGLE, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol hill. Who has just received a few Coal Grates in addition his assortment of Hardware.
H. INGLE. Dec 8, 1800. 2w
Public Sale of Lots.
IN WASHINGTON CITY. WILL be sold at public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the 10th day of December next, at William Tunnicliff's Hotel, ONE HUNDRED LOTS, situated eastward of the Capitol and near to the Eastern Branch ferry. The terms will be one half cash and the other half at 60 days on notes negotiable at the bank of Columbia satisfactorily endorsed.
An indisputable title will be given by GEORGE WALKER. Washington, November 26. }
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store on New-Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690.
A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chafing dishes, Brass, iron and Japan Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, sad irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruck stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pit and cross cut Saws. 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights. Also steel beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE. November 22th, 1800.

IMPORTANT TRIAL.
AYR CIRCUIT COURT.
ILLUMINATI.
Wednesday, September 17.
This day came on the trial of John Andrew, shoemaker, in Maybole, sometime teacher of a private school there, and Robert Ramsay, cartwright, there.
The libel charges them as being guilty of the crime of sedition, and administering unlawful oaths, importing an obligation not to discover crimes which it is the duty of every good citizen and loyal subject to divulge and bring to light, in so far as they did, under the shew and pretence of a meeting for masonry, sometime in the year 1796, at Maybole, along with other of their associates, most of them from Ireland, form themselves into an illegal club or association, filing itself, "The Grand Assembly of Knights Templars," which club, under the pretence of initiating into the ceremonies of Masonry, did admit various persons as members, and did at said admission perform various ceremonies, partly with a view to vilify and undermine the established religion, and partly to represent the government of the country as the oppressive and tyrannical, and did, with this view, oblige those who were admitted, to take, and did administer to them an oath, binding them among other things, "to conceal the secrets of the Order of Knights Templars, murder and treason not excepted," or an oath of such import and tendency; and more particularly charges them with administering, or causing to be administered, such oath on certain occasions libelled in the year 1796.
Mr. Clerk counsel for the Pannels, made no objection to the relevancy of the indictment, upon which the court pronounced the usual interlocutor, and the Jury were named and sworn in.
Evidence for the the Prosecution.
Quintin M'Adam, Esq. of Waterside, said he was master of a lodge of Free Masons at Maybole, of which the Pannels were members, but separated themselves from it.
He was shown the following papers, one entitled—Regulations of the Grand Assembly of Knights Templars, held at Maybole, and a printed copy of Paine's Age of Reason, having the name John Andrew printed upon it. The above papers being libelled on, were identified by this witness.
William Hamilton, Mason in Maybole, said he was a member of a Lodge at Maybole, Royal Arch, No. 264. When he was admitted a member, a pistol was fired, and some person called out, put him to death . He was blindfolded at first when brought into the room, and the covering being afterwards taken from his eyes, he was shewn a stone jug in the corner of the room, and a bush in the jug, and a candle burning it. He was told by Pannel Andrew, that it was the representation of God Almighty in the midst of the burning bush. Andrew was master of the lodge and was reading the 3d chapter of Exodus. The witness was desired to put off his shoes, as it was holy ground he stood on ; the covering was put down again on the witness's face and he was led under an arch, and after passing under the arch, he was desired to find the book of the law, it was taken up by some other person in the lodge, who was called High Priest , and who said he would explain it. The witness was desired to put money on the book to pay for explaining it to him; the book he was told was the bible. The witness put money on the book as desired, and John Andrew made observations on the chapter as he read it, but the witness does not positively remember any of them. Recollects that part of the chapter where the children of Israel are said to be in bondage. The passport for a Royal arch Mason, was I am that I am . After the above ceremonies the witness being taken out of the room had his coat taken off and tied on his shoulders in a bundle, and was then brought in; a carpet with a rent in it was called the veil of the temple . He was led through it and round the room. A sword was put into his hand, and he was ordered to use it against all who opposed him a knight Templar. John Andrew read the 4th chapter of Exodus; the witness was desired to throw down the sword, and was told it was become a serpent, after which he was desired to take it up again, and told it was a rod. Andrew poured ale and porter on the floor and called it blood. He was shewn 13 burning candles, one in the middle he was told represented Jesus Christ , the others the twelve apostles. Andrew blew out one of the candles, which he called Judas , who betrayed his master, one of them was dum , and was called Peter , who denied his
master. Something on a table under a white cloth being uncovered, was perceived to be a human skull, which the witness was desired to take up, and view it, and was told it was a real skull of a brother called Simon Magus , porter was poured into the skull, which the witness was desired to drink, he did so, and it was handed round to the whole knights. Andrew put the joint of the sword into it, and then touched the witness's head with it, saying— I dub thee in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost .
He took an oath to 'keep the secrets of the knights Templars, murder and treason not excepted;' the penalty for revealing was that his body would be runted up like a fir deal.
John Andrew was master at this admission, and at two others where the witness was present. The witness's impression was, that the ceremonies used were a scoffing at religion, and though he cannot say positively, he thought they had a tendency to overturn the government. The passage as to relieving the children of Israel out of bondage was not more commented on than any other in the chapter read.
Cross Questioned.—He said he thought the design of the lodge was against the government, because of the words of the oath. Never heard politics discoursed of in the lodge. He was present at three meetings. It was two twelvemonths ago since he declared this matter.
Quintin Stewart, tailor, in Maybole, said he went through some parts of masonry with John Andrew, when he had no character. He was prepared to be a royal arch mason, and taken to the door, where a man in the inside called out 'put him to death,' and a pistol was fired; he was blindfolded and brought into the room, and the covering removed that he might see the great light, the Lord in a flame of fire in the bush, and it not consumed; this was read by Andrew. He was commanded to put off his shoes as the place was holy ground. He saw a thorn bush in a corner of the room, and a candle in the heart of it burning. Andrew said, 'go and deliver the children of Israel from their bondage and the burthen of their task masters.' He was taken round their royal encampment in the middle of the room, and was then put into what they called a dark vault , in search of the book of the law, and a book was thrown down on the floor and afterwards put into his hand; he was asked to explain it. The high priest came and said he could do it upon being paid for it.
The high priest had a carpet round him; his name was William Moore, an Irishman; witness gave money, and the high priest explained the law. Thirteen candles were burning on a table, they were called our Saviour and his twelve apostles . Witness was taken out of the room to be prepared to be a knight templar. His coat was tied in a bundle on his back, and a staff put in his hand, to travel through the sandy deserts . He passed through the first and second veils of the temple. He was ordered to cast his staff on the ground, so as it might become a serpent, &c. He was taken round their royal assembly, two or three times, then to a table where something was lying covered, he was ordered to uncover it, and he found it to be a human skull, which he was told was the head of a brother who once tasted, heard and smelled as we do now. Andrew poured porter into it and gave it to the witness to drink, he drank a little of it, as did the rest. Andrew took a sword and put the point of it into the porter, and touched the witness's head with it, and said " I dub you, I dub you, I dub you ."
The witness was shewn thirteen small wands or rods in a jug, which they called again our Saviour and his twelve apostles . Andrew, the master of the lodge, commented a little on them, and then took the witness's obligation to keep his secrecy. The words of the oath were "to keep the secrets of the Knight Templars, murder and treason not excepted." To the best of the witness's knowledge these were the words. Questioned if by this oath he conceived he was bound to conceal murder and treason? Answered he thought so. He was Tyler to the lodge for a short time, and left them, because he thought no man who professed to be a christian ought to be a witness to their ceremonies. Saw a paper entitled " Regulations ."
Cross questioned.—Said he left the lodge from religious scruples. Does not remember the words, " Murder or High Treason " in a Master Mason's oath.—Does not remember any political conversation in the lodge, and never heard any thing in the conversation hostile either to church or state. Had the regulations in his custody, and had no injunction to keep them secret. It
was in the month of June last he gave information of the oath to the lieutenants of the county.
The declarations of the pannels libelled on were produced and read.
The advocate depute concluded the proof on the part of the prosecution.
EVIDENCE IN EXCULPATION.
John M'Clure, jun. in Kirkland Hill—said he was a member of the Royal Arch Lodge, Maybole; was admitted a Knight Templar along with Quintin Stewart, and took the oath, which was "to conceal the secrets of the Knights Templars, treason and murder only excepted." John Andrew administered the oath. There was no political conversation in the meetings of the Knights Templars. William Hamilton was under lodge scandal of having a child in adultery, and left the lodge after that. Gave an account of the ceremonies of admission; does not remember of a pistol being fired at his admission, or any pistol fired that night; and nothing was said about putting him to death; saw a bush and a candle burning in it; was desired to look and see the candle burning and the bush not consumed; some piece of scripture was read, viz. the third chapter of Exodus: was led round the room—and after that the obligation was taken.
Question by the court. Was any thing done after he was led round the room?—Ans. A human skull was first discovered to him, and all Knights Templars were to drink out of it. He put it to his lips. He was dubbed in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost .
John M'Clure, schoolmaster at Craig-n-croy. Said he is a Knight Templar; was made in Maybole, along with seven more, was present at Quintin Stewart's admission. The witness took an oath; remembers little of the obligation in it, and cannot repeat it. Murder and treason were excepted in it, the same as the master mason's oath, that is to conceal the master mason's secrets, murder and treason excepted, and that he supposed himself at liberty to reveal murder and treason. He did not think the ceremonies had a tendency to ridicule religion, as the observations were such as a good christian might make; and he heard nothing hostile to religion or government.
Cross questioned. Said he was a Royal Arch captain and high priest.
Gilbert Wilson, fadler, Maybole, said he was admitted a Knight Templar at Maybole about three or four years ago. William Hamilton was also admitted, and the witness was present at his admission. The Knights are bound by an oath, but does not remember the words of it. He was bound to conceal a great many things, 'treason and murder only excepted.' The same oath was given to Hamilton, and he never heard any difference in the oath. Various ceremonies were practised, but he cannot give an account of them.
Questioned by the court. Says he does not recollect he was dubbed in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost .
Cross questioned. Said he was treasurer of the lodge.
Many other witnesses corroborated these facts.
Mr. Oswald rose and addressed the jury on the part of the prosecution; after making some judicious remarks on the nature of sedition, he next adverted to the proceedings and ceremonies which had taken place as proved by the evidence which had been adduced; these he considered had a tendency to ridicule religion, and as the jury had the facts before them, they could therefore well form their conclusions on their import, and as religion is protected by the law, and is a part of the common law, therefore the ridiculing of it is an offence, for which a verdict must be returned against the pannels, if the jury are satisfied that they have been guilty of it. These and many other observations, Mr. Oswald stated with great force of reasoning. Clerk council for the Pannels rose in reply. He said, he considered this case as a very extraordinary one, as near five years had elapsed since the facts charged were said to have been carried on, and the prosecution had originated in a dispute which took place between two Mason Lodges in Maybole.
Lord Justice Clerk summed up the whole evidence with great perspicuity and candor. His lordship observed, that he could have wished that this prosecution had been bro't sooner, but this could not be imputed to the prosecutor, for it did not appear that he had delayed bringing his action after he got the information. Though this species of crime may not have occurred in our law before, still the law may be applied to remedy it when it does occur.—The special law enacted in regard
to it does not infringe on the law as it stood before. The oath is not innocent, even as limited by the witnesses for the pannels, and though there is no proof that the pannels, had entered into a design of leading the persons they admitted into their society to seditious parties, yet the oath may be employed for that purpose. His lordship said he could not believe that any such ceremonies were employed in other Mason Lodges, because they are so abominable and impious; it rather appeared that this was a new oath introduced by the pannels, and not in use before in admitting Masons.
Verdict of the Jury
All in voice find the facts libelled—not proven.
The pannels were therefore assolized and dismissed the bar.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE,
Lot No. 9, in Square 122.
THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on F. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street.—An indisputable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel.
JOHN KEARNEY.
N. B. I will also sell Lot No. 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 24, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West india goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property.
I. K.
November 17, 1800.  LOTS BY AUCTION.  A number of the best situated lots in sq. 688*  BOUNDED ON THE  CAPITOL SQUARE  In the City of Washington and between the President's House and the Capitol will be sold at Tunnicliff's Hotel on the 16th December next.—  Terms of sale will be made known on the day preceding the sale. 25th November, 1800.  This day is Published and for Sale  BY  RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.  AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE, Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.  A FEW remarks on MR. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President, price 25 cents.  THE BEGGAR GIRL and her Benefactors 3 Vols. by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh Heiress, Juvenile misadventures, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howell. price 3 dollars, neatly bound.  JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT MAKER FROM PHILADELPHIA.  RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Footees, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d. 3tw.  CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE.  THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the LITTLE HOTEL.—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, letters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, farmers' wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms.  Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary.  M. B. Hertys Abridgment of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Hertys Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered. December 5, 1800. twtf.