National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-04-24 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
NUMB. 51 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, April 24, 1793.
[Total No. 155.]
A COMPARATIVE VIEW of the EVILS of LICENTIOUSNESS and DESPOTISM.
[From a late Irish paper.]
ON Sunday the 2d of December 1792, the volunteers of Lisburn went to the Presbyterian Meeting-house of that town, where an occasional discourse was delivered to them by their excellent Pastor. The following extracts from the sermon, we think, will be acceptable to our readers, on account of their liberality, and the sound principles of liberty contained in them.
IF all power and civil authority be derived from the PEOPLE, and if those, to whom it has been delegated, have generally abused the sacred trust reposed in them, how hath it happened that the people have been led to invest any individual or body of men with such a degree of power, so liable to be thus abused? I believe the most probable answer to this question is, that the people, dreading the evils of licentiousness, have tamely submitted to the horrors of despotism. Let us, therefore, briefly examine both, and compare the one with the other. By licentiousness is meant government by a lawless mob, in opposition to the will of the community. By despotism we are to understand government by a tyrant, or a number of tyrants: thus it appears that they are nearly allied to each other and are both inconsistent with liberty, and the true end of government. In avoiding one of those evils, mankind have often run into the other, but all well constituted governments guard equally against both.
“ It has been usual in past ages, and is not uncommon at this day, to describe the evils of licentiousness by every epithet which is calculated to rouse dread and horror in the breast of man; while at the same time, the evils of despotism are passed over unnoticed, or, if spoken of, described in terms very much resembling the language of complaisance. The consequence is, that the people are in danger of being led to prefer despotism, to the temporary irregularity of the people, called licentiousness. If such sentiments had been confined to men of flivish principles, the enemies to the liberty of mankind, I should not have noticed them in this discourse, but such sentiments have been adopted, and recommended to our attention, under the sanction of names truly dignified, and highly respectable. If licentiousness hath destroyed its thousands, despotism has destroyed its millions, and, therefore, which of the two is the most to be dreaded?
“ Licentiousness, having nothing to support it but the tumultuous efforts of a mob, is of short duration, and soon finds its own remedy. Despotism proceeds to act under all the sanction and authority, and is supported by all the power and resources of established government.
“ Much mischief must be effected before it can be clearly perceived, and when once established, nothing but the most resolute and persevering struggles of the whole community is able to subvert it. 'Tis true, licentiousness may be compared to the whirlwind, whose narrow, fluctuating path, is marked by ruin. But despotism, resembes famine, stalking across the devoted land, and blowing mildew from its shriveled lips, which tarots and scalds the golden ear, and blabs every vegetable production.
“ Licentiousness resembles the mountain torrent which overleaps its banks, and sweeps along flocks and herds and all the labours of the husbandman, but speedily returns to its usual channel. Despotism is like the stagnant level sink, out of which issue in constant succession, foul vapours, loaded with plague and pestilence, sickness and death. Licentiousness resembles the burnings of a fever, which, however painful they may be, are of short duration, and, sometimes, renovate the constitution. Despotism is like the consumption which approaches by slow and almost imperceptible steps, but in time withers the flesh, and parches the vitals, and, in the end, reduces the frame, to a pale, emaciated, a lifeless corpse.
“ In a word, despotism destroys all the energies and every active principle of the human soul. It is that savage, deadly enemy of man—against whom every man is bound in duty, to wage perpetual warfare. From the view which hath been taken of this subject, it appears that the abuse of power by civil governments, hath contributed not a little to prevent the peaceable and benevolent effects of christianity in the world.
“ The period in which we live appears remarkably strange and eventful, and big with the most important consequences to the virtue, liberty, and happiness of the human race;—We have seen the star of liberty and science which arose in the east, and for ages illuminated the nations,—calling upon them its faint and setting rays; again have we seen it rising in the west, and beaming in free splendor on a mighty empire. Under its benign influence we have seen that empire bursting into freedom and consequence, establishing a government on the broad and solid basis of the civil and religious rights of man; we have seen its beams dart along the Atlantic, again re-illuminating and regenerating the nations of the old world; already has the most respectable kingdom in Europe, for population, science, and extent of territory, burnt asunder the chains of despotism. She rises superior to the most alarming and formidable combination, and is at this moment hurling destruction upon her devoted and detestable foes: already have we beheld our native country advanced from the most deplorable of circumstances, to freedom of trade, independence of legislature, and perfect security. Under the influence of benevolence and patriotism, bigotry vanishes from our land; religious animosity and antient prejudice decay, and every species of fiery zeal and persecution for conscience, soon melts down into brotherly kindness and christian charity; who can tell whether these things may not be subservient in the councils of the divine mind, to the introduction of that happy era, when the glory of our GOD shall fill the earth, and good will shall triumph and prevail!
“ In conclusion, permit me, in a few words, to address you, my friends, who compose the armed citizens of the Lisburn Union. * You have assumed a name and a character highly honourable to you, as men, as christians, and members of a free state;—See that by your conduct you bring no disgrace upon it.
“ Let that internal union, which animates the hearts, and directs the efforts of the virtuous, in the cause of liberty and righteousness, ever reign among us. Divided counsels are never crowned with success.—A house divided against itself must fall into ruin.
“ Different sentiments and different views, will occasionally arise, in the best regulated societies of frail mortals. Suffer not such differences to degenerate into strife, contention or animosity. Let every selfish, or vain passion be sacrificed to the honour and interest of your corps.—But it is not enough that you preserve union among yourselves; for if you “ love them which love you, what reward have ye?—and if you salute your brethren only, what do ye more than others?” Men of indifferent characters do so likewise.
“ Let unanimity, therefore, and generosity of soul, bind you to every other company of volunteers, and to each other. You may one day be called upon to act in concert, under the banners of your country, and in defence of her rights; in union you will lay the surest foundation of success. Every attempt to destroy that affection, to dissolve that union, which hath hitherto, and I trust ever will, distinguish the armed citizens of Ireland, ought to be considered by you, as proceeding from the enemies of your peace, interest and honour.
“ In a word, cultivate union with every virtuous inhabitant of your native country. With all your christian brethren, of every sect, party and denomination. Remember that one grand design of CHRIST coming into the world, was, to establish peace and union among men.
* The Lisburn Union is composed of members of the establishment, Catholics, Seceders and Presbyterians.
Translation of part of a letter from an officer in the French National Guards, to his friend in the United States, dated December 16, 1792.
“ I am pleased to learn from your letter that you arrived safe in North-America after an agreeable passage. No doubt you have long before this time been informed of the events of the 10th of August, and others subsequent. The rapidity of our conquests during the autumn has been astonishing; towns every where threw open their gates at the approach of our armies, and vast numbers of Prussian
soldiers deserted their standards to join us in making head against the tyrants of the earth; they generally came over to us in companies of from 100 to 150 at a time, as soon as they had learnt that the French did not eat their prisoners, as these poor deluded men had been taught to believe. Great numbers of the Houlans were taken by our forces, with arms in their hands, upon whom we inflicted no other punishment than causing them to kneel down and kiss the tree of liberty. Our troops will have little chance of winter quarters, the executive council having ordered an incessant pursuit of the enemy to be kept up. It is uncertain whether the emperor and the king of Prussia will try another campaign, there being great insurrection in the people both at Berlin and Vienna. There are however some appearances, by no means equivocal, of a general war with all, or nearly all, the powers of Europe. The convention has passed a decree to exert the strength of the nation in favour of all the cities, provinces, and kingdoms of Europe, and even of the whole world, who are willing to be free and to exterminate their tyrants. But it is not their design to take possession of any inch of territory, their aim is, if possible, to annihilate royalty from the face of the earth, and to convert Europe into a chain of amicable republics, which it is hoped will in great part be accomplished in ten years. Even George of England will not be spared, and at the proper time we shall go under the triumphant standard of liberty to dethrone the despotic emperors of China and Japan. However improbable such events may now appear, they will most certainly come to pass; and I do not despair even in my time, of living to see a society of Jacobins established at Pekin, at Mexico, and at Rome. Kings, nobles, and priests are the three distinct orders and bodies against whom we are resolved to carry on war till utterly vanquished. As to England, we have nothing to fear from her: the people at large are for us, but dare not speak out till an army is landed there to keep them in countenance. There is at this moment a society in London, consisting of at least three thousand English Jacobins, a deputation from whom has lately appeared before the convention, to offer, on the part of the society, six thousand pounds sterling towards supporting the soldiers of liberty. The deputation was politely received at the bar of the convention. The President rose up, and informed them that he hoped, in a short time the republicans of France would go to congratulate a national convention in England.
“ You, in America, cannot be ignorant of the tumults and insurrections in Ireland and Scotland. In the latter country, the populace very lately displayed king George's effigy, paraded it from place to place, and finally cut off the head and committed the whole to the flames.
“ The convention has decreed that Louis Capet shall be arraigned at their bar for trial, and in a short time, no doubt, he will pay the forfeit of his crimes, and exhibit a dreadful example to the insolent despots of the world, who are already tottering upon their thrones, and who would have put to the sword all the inhabitants of Paris, if thro' their means only a single hair from the head of the Austrian Antoinette had fallen to the ground!—
“ It appears certain to me that Louis will be executed. The members of the convention are in great part unanimous on this subject, and the whole city of Paris impatiently waits the event.
“ As to that pantheress, the she-wolf of Austria, (the late queen of France) it is thought, she will be brought to the tribunal, as well as madam Elizabeth. As I was for some time upon duty with the guards at the temple, I might give you a long detail, if time would allow. This pile of buildings is composed of a large court, on about an acre and an half of ground, divided into two parts. By a chateau and the tower in which the king and his family are confined. Four centinels are placed at the entrance into the street, and 12 in different parts of the court. Four pieces of artillery, loaded, are mounted by the front of the chateau, along which every one is obliged to pass that would go into the garden, and from thence to the street. In this passage are again six centinels, and besides these, four of the corps de garde in the passage leading to the tower, and 23 others upon constant duty in different places.—For the exterior service of the tower
there are 760 men. I happened to be among those who were stationed within. The door of the first apartment upon entering the tower is that of the she-wolf (Antoinette) and her little ones—the door of the second, belongs to the wolf (Louis,) and in the third the royal prisoners all meet at the stated hours, to their meals, when those who have the curiosity may see them passing from one apartment to the other. Their dinner is carried to them in two covered baskets, accompanied by as many municipal officers with scarves on them. I was upon guard one day when the royal family were to be conducted from their several apartments, immediately before breakfast. My uniform had nothing brilliant about it; I had on an old grey coat, black breeches, blue stockings, and a flapped hat, such the worse for wearing. In my hands I had a pike, the handle of which was painted of three different colours.
“ The municipal officer having given me the counter-sign, he immediately made a sign to the janier to open the apartments. Instantly the doors were unlocked and the prisoners passed in review before us. Even the seemingly trivial transaction of opening the doors gives an alarm thro' a great part of the court. The elastic spring of the locks and the rattling of the chains is terrible to the ear that is not perpetually accustomed to it, in this solitary mansion.
“ Madame Elizabeth Capet and the two little ones first made their appearance preceded by the municipal officer. My dress caught their eye, and they looked at me, with the same disdainful arrogance, as if they had been at court, in Versailles. They were under a necessity of passing very near to me, and even so close as to touch me (the staircase being very little more than two feet wide).—In return, I looked at them with equal disdain, surveying the whole family from head to foot, and giving them to understand by a significant glance, that such as they were not designed to be own'd at a republican.
“ After breakfast they were again separated into their several rooms, for they can have no other communication with Capet, than at meal times, and in presence of the municipal officers. They are also forbidden to use enigmatical language, as they were wont to do in times past. All the windows and other apertures of their rooms are closed with lattices which are so contrived as only to admit light from above. In the chamber of Capet and in that of his wife there is fixed a large cap of liberty with an oaken crown above it, and instead of a looking glass the national colours and the decree which abolished royalty and established republicanism.”
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Modern explanation of a few terms, commonly misunderstood.
Antifederalist —A republican of seventeen hundred and seventy six.
Banking —The real art of locupletus: or, the forgeries of Simon Magus revived.
Energetic Government —A sort of government which many aspiring lads wish to see realized here; a government in which the few would be everything, & the whole people nothing; in which the press would be allowed to speak only court language; and Lloyd's fate in the British pillory would be the portion of every man who dared to publish his sentiments on political subjects.
Federalists —The only honest, disinterested men in this country.
Funding System —A false spelling— Corrige meo periculo , running syren.
Genus —Money catching.
A great genius —A great money catcher.
Great men —Excellent judges of horse-flesh and horse-tricks.
Gold —A sort of mixed metal, imported some years since into the United States. When put into the furnace it does not gain any thing in weight. A loss is rather plainly perceptible to all, except those who are interested in palming it upon the public for good stuff. It may not improperly be termed “ Devil's gold.”
Honest men —Stock-jobbers, scrip-mongers, and paper-mongers of almost every description, exclusively.
Jeſuits —Pilot-Boat-Men, educated at Rome, St. Omers, or Geneva.
Patriotism —Speechifying in C—fs at $x dollars per day, and clearing 30 or 40,000 per annum by weight of hand.
Printer —A mere machine for public convenience. One who is understood to

give up the rights of private as well as of public opinion, the moment he becomes connected with a press.—also, a jack of both sides, or “scratch me and I will scratch you, Sawney.”
Reports—Vague, endless, and contradictory things—not to be generally relied on, and containing, at least as much falsehood as truth.
[To be continued.]
To the EDITOR of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SIR, THE government of Great-Britain have offered as a pretext for a war against France, the opening of the Scheldt, belonging to their allies the Dutch, which they guaranteed to them by treaty. To fulfil their engagements with their allies, they are about to expend the treasure and the blood of the nation; and that without having value received or being called upon for this fulfilment. It is not my intention to offer any remarks upon this plea for going to war; I mean only to contrast this conduct with the conduct of Americans towards their allies the French. At the time that France admitted us an ally and acknowledged our independence, she hazarded a great deal, as we were incapable of affording her much aid, from the then critical and alarming situation of our affairs. The clouds of misfortune had been gathering thick around us, and but one ray of prosperity shot through the gloom, the capture of Burgoyne. Unpromising as were appearances, France not only rendered us pecuniary assistance, but her armies and her fleets were directed to protect us. Thro’ their aid the career of a merciless foe was checked—thro’ their aid our sovereignty was established and our liberties secured. In turning my eyes towards the late Revolution, to take a passing view of the immense service which we derived from our gallic connection, I shall forbear taking into view the inhuman transactions of Britons; the blood of our slaughtered citizens, hundreds of whom were suffered to expire in a land of plenty, without even being allowed “the crumbs which fell from the rich man’s table,” mingles in my soul such sensations of horror and resentment, that I wish to fly from so dire a picture. Altho’ every American who felt an interest in the prosperity of his country, and the welfare of those destined to promote it, must feel an abhorrence for that government which caused us so many miseries—I mean not to avail myself of their resentment, but of their grateful feelings towards a nation, without whose assistance we should at present be groaning under a British yoke.—The principles of liberty, which the warriors of France assisted us to maintain, struck deep in their minds; they had never tasted, nay they had never seen the cup of freedom before, and they longed to mingle their draughts with men who drank of such happiness. This, combined with other circumstances, communicated the ardour which has since produced such important consequences. America may be said to be the immediate parent of French liberty, and yet we are about playing the step dam with her. For removing the greatest and perhaps the only remaining obstacle to their freedom, we censure them without measure and condemn them without mercy. Had George the 3d been in our power during the war, when our minds had been heated by the calamities which he had occasioned, would his life have been secure? To use the bathos of Burke, ten thousand swords would have leaped from their scabbards to put an end to the monster.—France has unsheathed the sword of justice, and with it has smote a criminal who had conspired against a government which he had sworn to maintain; the magnitude of the criminal, and not the magnitude of his crimes affects us, contrary to every sense of justice which ought to proportion the punishment to the power and importance of the offender, and the extent of his crimes, without a view to his wearing a crown or a cowl. For doing this, for undertaking to judge of her own interests, to judge her own criminals, and pronounce and execute sentence upon them, we turn from them with indignation and horror. So far are we from observing the conduct of even Great-Britain towards her ally, that we make a war of abuse upon ours, instead of giving her every support and countenance in our power. This is so far from meeting unto her as she met unto us, that like the viper in the fable, we sting the bosom which cherished and sustained us. The Duke of Brunswick’s manifestoes are not replete with more hostility than some of our public prints; his enterprizes, if they can be called such, did not manifest greater enmity to republicanism, than the bitterness of some characters among us, who seem to have combined their cause with despotism—Should France succeed, equality will triumph, and the head of the serpent of aristocracy and monarchy will be crushed forever—should the miscarriage, (which may Heaven avert!) it will add new vigour to the efforts of the noble few of our country, and the death of republicanism there, will be the resurrection of inequality in the United States.
April 22, 1793. WARREN.
To the FREEMEN of PHILADELPHIA.
Fellow-Citizens,
AN opportunity will soon offer itself, not only to shew our republicanism but to manifest the degree of gratitude we feel for our French allies, and the interest we take in their conflicts for the rights of humanity—I hope I am wrong in the observation, that our attachment to the cause of France has been ebbing ever since her enemies have increased, and her prospects have become more dark—Perhaps our intercourse with Great Britain may have jaundiced our eyes, and her insidious conduct, and the torrents of calumny poured from her presses, and which seem to be echoed with malignant pleasure, may have given impressions by some creatures among us, unfavourable to French liberty; however this may be, it by no means argues in favour of our national character, or our principles, to suffer a diminution of our interest in the politics of our illustrious ally. The time is at hand that shall decide whether we have merited the exertions which were made to rescue us from tyranny, and whether we are worthy the blessings of freedom—Mr. GENET, a distinguished French patriot, and ambassador from the republic is daily expected here from Charleston—Our conduct on his arrival will evidence our sentiments of the cause of which he is an agent—Preparations, I am told, have been made to welcome him with the firing of cannon and other demonstrations of joy; but have been prohibited by a determination of the heads of some of our departments—A specious reason has been given for this, that “the present ambassador was not received in this way, and it would be making an improper distinction.” A change of circumstances requires a change of conduct; but as we are well acquainted with the principles of some of the gentlemen at the head of our affairs we need not be surprized at such a determination; for France is not only waging war against the despotism of monarchy, but against the despotism of aristocracy, and it would appear rather uncommon to see men welcoming the ambassador of republicans who are warring against their darling aristocracy—But are the freemen of Philadelphia to be bound by the resolutions of the heads of departments! I trust not—Shall the officers of our government prescribe rules of conduct to freemen? The arbitrary mandates of a PITT are not, as yet, adapted to the temper of Americans. Fellow-Citizens, view this conduct well, and you will discover principles lurking at bottom at variance with your liberty—If the resolutions of the officers of government are to withhold your gratulations, the spirit which animated you in your conduct with Great-Britain must have taken its flight indeed; Who is the superior of THE PEOPLE? Are we already so degenerated as to acknowledge a superior in the United States? To shew their disapprobation of republican principles must have been the motive of the resolution suggested; but I flatter myself there is not that servility in the citizens of Philadelphia to be influenced by any such determination, nor any such apostasy from the genuine principles of republicanism, as to prevent them from manifesting a decided approbation of the cause of mankind, by a proper and joyful reception of Mr. Genet.
A FREEMAN. April 22, 1793.
EXTRACTS. [From a Southern Paper]
1. There is a certain party in this country more or less busy in every place in endeavouring to excite a spirit of national sympathy and compassion for the melancholy state of the late king of France & his family, to awaken our gratitude by a remembrance of former services, and to place the new constitution of France and the authors of the revolution, in the most odious and contemptible view, by ridiculing the one and calumniating the other. To effect these purposes, attention to argument, truth and candour, has been disregarded. A mangled, disjointed account has been held up to our view, shewing the popular party in France has alone been guilty of excesses. While the mild, pure character of the king has been exhibited to our view in all the strong colourings, that ardent imaginations could suggest or sophistry invent; and Americans are called upon to come forward to save the man, (who, if we are to believe these fanciful writers,) in the benevolence of his heart, stretched his mighty arm across the great Atlantic, and delivered us from the chains of tyranny. 2. Many, if not all the popular excesses in France have been unavoidable, from the nature of circumstances: and yet no series of events in history have been more maliciously, malignantly, and systematically exaggerated than the French commotions. An enraged, numerous, and opulent body of exiles dispersed over Europe—having possessed themselves of every venal press, filled the public ear with a detail of crimes never committed, and their confederates in America have echoed back the same polluted strains. Many excesses and miseries have no doubt been committed, at which humanity revolts—but such will
ever be the case with all revolutions, which, like that of France, is strictly popular.—When a general movement of the popular mind, levels despotism with the ground, there is revenge to satiate without authority to controul. Passions by which such effects are produced, are too violent to subside in a moment into serenity and submission; and in the interval which elapses before a calm succeeds the boisterous moments of a revolution, it is in vain to expect, that a people who have ages of oppression to avenge, will be punctiliously generous in the moment of triumph, nicely discriminative in their vengeance, or cautiously mild in the mode of retaliation.
3. Popular excesses have always an alarming operation on the mind. The wild justice of the people has an undigested horror in it—its smallest movements excite inclination, while the massacres of war, when sanctioned by kings, are dignified by the solemnities which invest them, and murder and rapine, if clothed with state authority, stalk abroad with impunity, and we forget that the evils of anarchy are short lived, while those of despotic government are of permanent duration. Independent of these circumstances, as they apply to revolutions in general, a candid and serious investigation of the rise and progress of the French revolution, will shew that to it they are peculiarly applicable.
4. The private character of monarchs is generally viewed through the splendor of a court, but it is not to our purpose to investigate the private character of the king of France; it may have been as amiable as represented—His public conduct is the subject of enquiry. We are told of his extreme moderation, and of certain concessions in favor of the people—Admitting these assertions to be strictly true, (which, by the way, they are not) it may be remarked, that moderation is no great virtue, when men have assumed every thing. Cæsar, when he had subverted the liberties of his country, made some voluntary concessions in favour of her liberty, as if to convince her citizens that they owed every thing to his bounty—it can only be considered as an aggravation of calamities he had brought upon his country.
5. One important truth is either ignorantly or designedly overlooked by the enemies of the French revolution which is, that it was not a revolution against Louis 16 but against the arbitrary principles of the government. It has been asserted that the late king, voluntarily called the states-general, and from the manner in which it is mentioned, it would appear to have flowed from a conviction in the king, that they were necessary for the liberty of the people. The fact is, that the king, involved in difficulties from the firmness of the Parliament, and the tenaciousness of the Nobles; but above all, from a total derangement of finances, by the advice of Mr. Neckar, the states general were called.—We are now come to a period when it will be necessary to observe the conduct of the court and the popular party, when we shall discover that the popular excesses have not been unprovoked.—We shall now discover the necessity of the measures which were adopted by the popular party; for when one party resorts to violence in order to support its opinions, the other must resort to the same means—and when reason is supported by the sword, the strongest must prevail.—No sooner did the states general assemble, than they discovered sentiments of freedom, that the court too late endeavoured to suppress, tho’ it was not without exertion, that it failed.—On the 20th of June 1789, when the Commons would have met, they found the Hall, where their meetings had before been held, filled with armed soldiers, and themselves expelled by the point of the bayonet.—The temple of liberty was profaned by the myrmidons of despotism!—On the 23d of June in the same year, the memorable royal session was held. The speech of the king on that occasion unfolded his arbitrary principles.—This speech instead of containing any concessions in favour of liberty, indicated a relapse into a more lofty despotism than had before marked his conduct. Mean while, legions of foreign mercenary troops were drawn from the distant provinces to crush this infant spirit of liberty.—The patriots flew to arms; the events and issue of the contest are well known. The ignominious flight of the enemies of freedom, and the king’s acceptance of the constitution restored tranquility. The reputation which the king had sustained for probity, secured him the confidence of the nation, and as much tranquility existed, as could be expected after such a mighty revolution. The intrigues of the emigrants gave serious concern to the friends of freedom, and altho’ among them were many of the king’s nearest relations, he was loved and unsuspected until his flight. From that moment a gloomy suspicion seized the minds of men—His sincerity was suspected, and not without cause—one event followed another, until the king was suspended from his functions. The succeeding transactions are recent in the minds of all, the scene of wonderful events has been closed with the condemnation and execution of the king. It is impossible to form a just idea of the motives which may have influenced a majority of
the Convention in passing this seemingly severe sentence, without endeavouring to investigate a circumstance, the cause of which at this juncture, it is impossible to ascertain.—Let us take a brief view of such causes as appear if not to have occasioned, at least to have accelerated the melancholy catastrophe. That the popular indignation should be levelled against the king, is a circumstance which cannot excite our astonishment. The innumerable and almost inconceivable calamities which he brought upon France, made an inspection not to be effaced.—Could the people so soon forget the sieges of Longwy, Verdun, Lille, and Valenciennes? Could the ravages of the Austrian and Prussian invaders, be remembered, and the cause of all these evils be forgotten? What numbers of obscure, but not less unfortunate, persons fell victims to the war! What cruel actions have been permitted to correspond with declarations, a whole city, upwards of one million of inhabitants, were devoted to destruction for the flight of a single individual to one privileged family! I am aware that there are those who will say that the king was not chargeable with these calamities, and that he had no hand in them. Common sense laughs at such miserable sophistry, and political judgment will treat such jesuitical prevarication with silent contempt. I quit the subject of the king’s offences with pleasure, for it was with pain that I even touched them.
It has been intimated that the king was answerable to no earthly tribunal for his conduct, intimating that incompetence alone was competent to judge of the crimes of kings. The doctrine of kings governed by divine authority, might have gained believers some centuries ago, but at this enlightened period, it will be treated as the legendary tale of some crack-brained Monk. I assert that the people have a right to choose their own rulers, and to cashier them for misconduct—by cashiering, I mean punishing; the mode of punishing being left discretionary, is presumable to be proportionate to the offence.—Now if a greater offence can be committed against a nation, or a greater calamity be brought upon a nation, than to introduce a lawless host of mercenaries to carry fire and sword into it, I hope for the sake of morals, and for the sake of humanity, such crimes will remain undiscovered, or at least unpracticed. However I may endeavour to justify the excesses of the popular party in France, I sincerely lament the death of the unfortunate Louis; how far it may be consistent with the policy of France, it is impossible for us to determine—I am sorry, however, that the friends of the revolution descend—They have gone too far, is now the cry of designing characters.” At every important crisis, the same observation has been made. When the national assembly abolished titles, and seized the church lands, they have gone too far, was the cry—they went too far for a privileged order of privileged nobles and high beneficed clergymen. When the king was suspended from his functions, the same thing was repeated; but the events that have followed, justified both measures—and perhaps when our intelligence does not come through the polluted channel of British newspapers, we shall find this last measure to have been dictated by necessity, and warranted by the conjuncture of circumstances.”
PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 24.
On Wednesday last the President of the United States, returned to this city from his late journey to Virginia.
On the 8th of April arrived off Charleston Bar, the French frigate L’Anibal, commanded by citizen Bompard, mounting 36 twelve pounders, and manned with 300 seamen. This frigate had a passage of 43 days from Rochfort, and brought a confirmation of the declaration of war against England, Holland and Russia by the National Convention, on the 28th day of February. She was dispatched by the French Republic with M. GENET, ambassador from the executive council of that nation, to the President and Congress of the United States. He set out by land from Charleston for Philadelphia, on the 12th of April. M. Genet has filled several diplomatic situations, particularly a late embassy to Russia. The frigate took two prizes in her run from France to the coast of Carolina, one an English brig, near Bermuda, the other, a brig of the same nation, off Charleston bar: After the frigate had landed the ambassador, she proceeded in a day or two for the French West-Indies.—The British merchants in Charleston (says a letter from thence) were in a terrible consternation while the frigate was lying off the bar. All the English vessels outward bound at Rebellion road, and Five Fathom Hole, were ordered up to town on her appearance.”
A detachment of British troops, is said to have been lately landed at the Bermuda islands; and an additional reinforcement was looked for; an attack from a French squadron on the Bermudas being seriously apprehended.

We hear from Pittsburgh, that the army under Gen. Wayne, was to move from their winter encampment at Legionville about the first of May. — Late letters from Fort Franklin to a person at Pittsburgh, afford some hope that the Six nations of Indians would remain peaceable. About six weeks before these letters came to hand, a party of Indians had stolen thirty horses from a settlement on Russel's creek, in Kentucky. They were pursued by the inhabitants, who overtook them on the south side of Cumberland river, killed one Indian, and regained the horses. On their return, in the re-crossing Cumberland river, the last raft was fired on, and two men wounded, by a number of Indians, who had embodied and pursued them. The Indians followed them to the settlement, and after the inhabitants retired to their homes, they again stole 20 of the same horses.
The Georgia papers also contain several accounts of murders, robberies, and depredations being committed since February, by parties of the Creek Indians, within the line run in December last, agreeably to the treaty of New-York, in 1790. A store at Trader's Hill, on St. Mary's river, was robbed on the 11th of March, of goods to the value of two thousand pounds sterling, and the two store-keepers killed, by a party of about 30 Creeks: with a number of other insults both in that quarter and along the Altamaha; from all which it has been queried by the Georgians, whether any faith can be placed in Gen. M c Gillivray, or Indian treaties.
On the 15th instant, was laid the first stone (by the Rev. President Stiles, with the usual formalities) of the new edifice of Yale College, at New-Haven, in Connecticut. After laying the stone the President made a suitable address to a very crowded audience. It is mentioned in the inscription on the stone that 93 years had elapsed since laying the foundation of the old college of Yale.
The reports of the arrival of a British fleet in the West Indies, under Lord Hood, and of the inhabitants of Martinico and Guadalupe having surrendered those islands to Great Britain, appear to be without foundation. On the 5th of April no such events had taken place, which is our latest date from that quarter.
Governor Moultrie, of South Carolina, has issued orders to put the harbour of Charleston in a state of defence. Eight eighteen pounders were sent down to fort Johnson, and some works were ordered to be thrown up on Shute's Folly, where several heavy pieces of cannon were to be planted.
The two English brigs taken by the L t Embuscade, had arrived in Charleston on or about the 13th instant.
On Sunday last a sloop coming from Monserrat to this port, with 80 hds of rum on board, was by some accident (having a pilot on board) run against the pierheads at mid-island, and sunk in five fathom water. The people had just time to save themselves on the piers.
The ship Beaver, Worth, arrived at Nantucket the 25th of March last, from the coast of Peru, in the South seas. During a cruise of 17 months, she took about 1100 barrels of spermaceti oil, and two hundred of whale oil. Off Callao, the Beaver was boarded by a Spanish ship of war, who ordered him to leave the coast or he would be subject to seizure. Attempting to land afterwards at Callao for supplies, Capt. Worth was ordered away without being suffered to purchase them on any condition, and warned that if he fell in with any Spanish ship of war he would be captured.
[Hospitality of Despots.]
The Corporation of Albany have passed a law, ordering all water-spouts, of what kind soever, to be taken down previous to the first day of May ensuing. — One of their papers congratulates the citizens of Albany on the near approach of the day which is to relieve them from so unnecessary an incumbrance.
For the information of those who have not recently examined the treaty of Amity and Commerce, agreed to at Paris, on Feb. 6, 1778, it may be proper to re-print the 17th article of that treaty, for the purpose of general information. — "It shall be lawful for the ships of war of either party, and privateers, freely to carry whithersoever they please, the ships and goods taken from their enemies, without being obliged to pay any duty to the officers of the admiralty or any other judges: nor shall such prizes be arrested or seized when they come to and enter the ports of either party; nor shall the searchers or other officers of those places search the same, or make examination concerning the lawfulness of such prizes; but they may hoist sail at any time, and depart and carry their prizes to the places expressed in their commissions, which the commanders of such ships of war shall be obliged to shew: on the contrary, no shelter or refuge shall be given in their ports to such as shall have made prize of the subjects, people or property of either of the parties; but if such shall come in, being forced by stress of weather, or the danger of the sea, all proper means shall be vigorously used, that they go out and retire from thence as soon as possible."
Party spirit is said to run very high in some parts of Nova Scotia, particularly in St. Johns, Frederick's Town, &c. "The greatest dissensions prevail between the democratic and court parties. Governor, counsellor, and mobs, form one general crowd. A few days ago, the most boisterous debates arose and increased with such impetuous fury, that nothing could quell its rage, but swords and pistols, which were admitted into the court house in St. John's. What the result will be is not known, but we believe may easily be conjectured."
Extract of a letter from an American house at Cape-Francois, dated March 25.
"On the 22d instant, war with England, Holland, Russia, Germany, Prussia and Sardinia, was proclaimed here in form; many English vessels have since been stopped, and I fear will be condemned. A large fleet is expected here from France with troops, so that there will be little danger of an invasion of this island — but the French trade must be destroyed. Good freights are already offered to American vessels, and some have begun to load for America and a market. We understand that a Commissary is gone from France to the government of the United States, in order to procure a loan that may be sufficient to supply the French Colonies with provisions. Something must be done on your side more than they have yet done, else this colony must be reduced to a deplorable state for want of provisions; they already begin to grow scarce."
Several British and Dutch vessels have arrived at the Cape, since the declaration of war, and were made prizes of.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool dated, February 22.
"The French have taken great advantage of the English: Previous to their declaring war, they had all their East and West-Indian men insured at Lloyd's, and 100,000 insured in this city: so that, if their ships are taken the loss will be upon this nation. I have great reason to believe that the Dutch will not be dragged into the war. It is reported here, that they mean to acknowledge the French republic, and remain neuter; if so, the French will be able to defend themselves against all their enemies. I have a quantity of sheet copper ready to ship; but am prevented from shipping that and many other articles, which are prohibited from exportation, viz. nails or rods, sheet lead, iron in sheets, bars, &c. &c. — Ports for wheat and flour are not opened yet."
The French National Convention, considering that timber of the growth of the United States, proper for the building of ships, is equal to any in the world, have lately passed a decree, revoking in favour of the United States, all the laws which heretofore have existed in that country, with regard to the sale of foreign bottoms within the French ports: so that American built vessels sent thither for sale, will in all probability, meet with a very good market.
"By our last accounts from England, government there are obliged to keep a tight rein on the people. It is now dangerous to read Paine's Nights of Man , altho' the publication of the first volume was at first not noticed by government. — A gentleman, we understand, comes passenger in the William Penn, who was obliged to fly for avowing in a public coffee-house, that he had read the work and approved of its principles. — What effect this warring with principles will produce, time must unfold. The English government appears to be in the greatest dread, lest the French should land 150,000 men on their coast — the writer adds, that were such a circumstance to take place, the French would in the course of three days, find their numbers increased to 600,000, as the republican party is very numerous and determined."
The whole number of religious male drones turned out of cloisters, cells, cathedrals, &c. in France, (not including the regular clergy) amounts to 122,600 persons. The number of she-fluggards, nuns, abbesses, holy sisters, &c. discharged from their gloomy retirements since the revolution, is 72,000 persons; in the whole, 195,600. — Many of those, it is said, are now become industrious citizens, and exhibit in their conduct, that the most likely way to please God, is to render themselves useful to man.
It is said the whole number of English seamen stopped in the ports of Old France by the declaration of war, amounts to 5000. These have universally offered their services to the French navy, rather than return to their own country and submit to the tyranny of press warrants and press gangs, in and by which the most natural rights are lawlessly trampled under foot.
When the frigate L t Embuscade left France, the French army had already besieged Maestricht, and Gen Dumourier was on his march to take possession of Amsterdam, where it was expected he would be joyfully received by a majority of the inhabitants.
It is mentioned in letters from Europe, that a very great part of Gen. Dumourier's
army, intended for the incursion into Holland, consists of Dutchmen. It is a vulgar error that the Aristocratic Dutch, (alias the stadholder party) can lay the whole country of Lower Holland under water, by effecting a breach in the dykes. It is only here and there in a low part of the country that it can be inundated by any body.
According to late English accounts, Messrs. Fox, Grey, and some other republican characters in the British House of Commons, have been ordered to be impeached, for uttering sentiments "too much in favour of French republicanism, and the general rights of man."
"The people of Courland in Prussia, (says an English paper) have taken arms and drove the duke of Mittau from the capital; on his retreat they declared themselves free. Thirty of his guards were killed in the attempt to defend the palace, and the deserving sons of liberty were triumphant. — The news of this bold and successful enterprize has so alarmed our government, as to occasion the immediate suppression of numberless clubs, that have been formed throughout Prussia. This stretch of authority, it is thought, will rather animate than suppress the discontented."
The general council of war have declared to the king, that it will be both impolitic, and dangerous to withdraw the troops from Berlin, Stetin, Koningsberg, and Silesia, while the minds of a large majority of the people are in a state of revolutionary fermentation."
We are authorized to say, that the report of Lord Dorchester coming to the United States as Ambassador from the British court, is without foundation. — An account was circulated some time since, that that nobleman had been re-appointed to the government of Canada, and that he was to land at New-York, on his way to Quebec; from which, it is supposed, the above report must have taken rise.
(Daily Ad.)
"Many and various (says a paper of yesterday) are the observations and conjectures, respecting the part which this country will take in the present war. It seems, however, pretty clear, that there is no treaty now existing, which binds America to assist the French, in any case whatever. If this be true, it will undoubtedly be for the interest of this country, to observe the strictest neutrality. Quare : Can we not, perfectly consistent with this principle, receive into our ports, the prizes of both parties, without partially aiding or assisting either?"
Some persons have suggested the idea of privateer being fitted out & owned in America. This would undoubtedly be productive of the most dangerous consequences. It would immediately draw upon us the resentment of Great-Britain, and eventually involve the country in a war, which notwithstanding the assertions of some bravados, in the present unguarded situation of our sea coast, would be attended with ruinous consequences."
The French appear not to be at war with the Spaniards. Indeed, the marine of France, is the only rational security the Spaniards can have for the dependence of South America on them; and of this truth they must be satisfied by a single moment's reflection: for a war against the Spaniards was barely prevented by the interference of the French National Assembly but two years ago in favor of Spain, and the designs of the British cabinet against that part of the Spanish dominions, was then a point of notoriety every where. We can scarcely suppose then, how ever disagreeable some of the late proceedings of the French may have been to the Spaniards, that they will violate the first principles of national policy, by siding with their natural enemy against their ancient friends. If Spain, therefore, should not interpose in the quarrel, and the Dutch are attacked in the vital part of their power by a direct invasion of their country, the British will be very likely not to profit much by their absurd and impolitic resentment, which they have so freely expressed against the French, and by their hostile preparations. — For if their resources are computed, the French have the utmost advantage. — as these last have an immense territory, which they can dispose of to the amount, it is said, of at least one hundred and thirty millions sterling — while the British must depend on taxes alone to support their operations — the French have acted with spirit in anticipating the meditated blow of the British nation against them, and thus far profiting by their own experience in a similar situation. — The British king complains indeed with ill grace on this point. — as it is well known in the war before last, eight thousand French seamen were captured by the British, before a declaration had taken place — And in the last war St. Eustatius was taken from the Dutch without the least regard to this national formality.
(Boston Gaz.)
The last will and testament of the king of France, re-published in this and most other American prints, from English and Portuguese papers, is thought by many to be a forgery of some Spanish or Portuguese monk — The story of the execution of the late queen of France seems to be wholly without foundation.
By a letter from England, from an American merchant there, a report is communicated that the Dutch patriots had offered a loan of ten millions sterling to the republic of France, the moment their troops should enter, and take possession of the seven United Provinces, in order to free them from the tyranny of the Orange, or English faction in Holland.
Immenze failures have recently taken place in the city of London, and public credit was on the 20th of February, in a most perilous and tottering situation. — These things are so well known (says a London paper,) that public credit cannot possibly suffer by the full publication of the fact." At the above date four great houses in London had stopped payment. They were principally engaged in American and West-India brokerage and insurance concerns. One house alone had failed for 800,000. sterling, and another for 500,000. The failures then known were estimated at three millions; and, it was computed would extend to two millions more.
The king of England had issued a proclamation making all sailors liable to suffer death who should be found serving on board French vessels of war. The French army under Gen Chamboran had had an engagement with the Prussians, before Venlo, about the 16th of February, but nothing decisive took place — Maestricht continued an obstinate defence — Breda and Bergen-op-zoom were both invested by the French; and the surrender of Sardinia was believed in London to be a fact on the 23d. of February.
By the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears that a state of war exists between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great-Britain, and the United Netherlands, of the one part, and France on the other, and the duty and interest of the United States require, that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent powers:
I have therefore thought fit by these presents to declare the disposition of the United States to observe the conduct aforesaid towards these powers respectively; and to exhort and warn the citizens of the United States carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever, which may in any manner tend to contravene such disposition.
And I do hereby also make known that whosoever of the citizens of the United States shall render himself liable to punishment or forfeiture under the law of nations, by committing, aiding or abetting hostilities against any of the said powers, or by carrying to any of them those articles, which are deemed contraband by the modern usage of nations, will not receive the protection of the United States, against such punishment or forfeiture; and further, that I have given instructions to those officers, to whom it belongs to cause prosecutions to be instituted against all persons, who shall, within the cognizance of the courts of the United States, violate the Law of Nations, with respect to the powers at war or any of them.
In Testimony whereof I have caused the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the City of Philadelphia, the twenty second day of April, one thousand seven hundred and ninety three, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the seventeenth.
G o : WASHINGTON.
By the President TH: JEFFERSON.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock Type, Price. Includes Six Per Cents (17/4), Three Per Cents (10/), Deferred (10/6), Bank of the United States (9 pr. c.).
JUST PUBLISHED.
And to be sold by THOMAS DOBSON WILLIAM YOUNG, ROBERT CAMPBELL, Messrs. RICE and Co. and JOHN M c CULLOCH, No. 1, North Third-street.
AN EXAMINATION of the late proceedings in Congress respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; with Observations, &c. on the application of loans from Holland, negotiated under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August 1790.
The price of the above pamphlet is three sixteenths of a dollar, or 18 3/4. 1-2. April 24. 2aw tf
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By the Society of Master Saddlers of the city of Philadelphia — Fifteen or twenty workmen of the above profession, will meet with constant employment and generous wages, by applying to WILLIAM JONES, Secretary to the Society, at No. 3, South Front-street. April 24. 2aw 6t

Instructions from the provisional executive council of the French Republic to the governor and director of the French part of St. Domingo.
WHEN France broke its fetters and brought the tyrant's head under the sword of justice, she well knew that surrounding despots, would unite their efforts against her, and assist in the cause of the enemies of equality, but the oath to use every effort and employ all the invincible energy of republican courage, and, if necessary, die, in the defence of those principles had universally been taken. What was foreseen is now verified; Russia, England, Holland and perhaps Spain, armed against us, intend to try upon the water and in ports at a distance from the mother republic, whether the soldiers of equality will be able every where to fight and conquer. The empire, the king of Sardinia, the king of Bohemia and Hungary, the king of Prussia unite to protect and revenge the cause of tyranny, to wrest from us the fruit of our labour and immense efforts. The French in the new world, as well as their European brethren, will teach their enemies, that a regenerated people are not impunitly to be attacked, and that the slaves of despotism must fly before the soldiers of equality.
We confide in your patriotism to adopt the wisest and most prompt measures. Your first care should be to revisit the forts, arsenals, magazines, to examine and put in operation all the means of defence which the colony can oppose to its enemies, and to provide the island, before hand, with all it will require in the course of an obstinate war.
It is of the first importance to keep the intercourse between the United States and the Colony free, as it has been hitherto, to draw thence the precious assistance they afford.
The frigate L'Embuscade, on board of which the new ambassador to the United States is to embark, is to cruise in those latitudes and then unite under the flag of rear admiral Gambis. It is to that officer that the provisional executive council have, for the present, entrusted the command of the naval forces, to which station they had first appointed rear admiral Morard Degall, who however is no longer destined for that command.
Citizen Genet, charge des affaires from France to the United States, will attend to furnishing St. Domingo with provisions; a task which the republic cannot undertake under the present circumstances, which require the exertion of all her resources for her sea and land forces: the republic however will use every effort to transmit to you, within two months, a considerable quantity of provisions of all kinds, and those articles which a state of war will render necessary.
The naval forces which the provisional executive council intends for St. Domingo will be composed of the ships Le Jupiter and L'Amerique, the frigates L'Aspre la Bellone, & L'Embuscade, the ten der la Prompte, the flute le Marjouin, and a few advice-boats.
It will be especially necessary to take the safest measures to protect the return to France of the state vessels, which rear admiral Gambis is directed to send to Europe. It would be dangerous to retard the sailing of any of these vessels.
The failure of any one to do what is directed by the executive council, might mar important projects, and the execution of plans adopted. The respectable forces intended for the station of St. Domingo should do away every apprehension, and you may rest assured that every possible additional naval assistance will be sent.
See that no merchantmen leave the colony without the safest precautions, without your leave and such convoy as will make them respected.
The provisional executive council recommends to you all local measures which your prudence or the course of events may dictate. Inspire the colonies with the principles you have sworn to support; persuade them, that unless they are united, and faithfully attached to the mother country their property and fortune are insecure; that on her prosperity theirs depends, and that the means of restoring to the colonies their former splendor, and to their commerce its activity, is to conquer, to strike terror into the hearts of their internal enemies, the only enemies, we have now to combat. Let us shew what Frenchmen, freed from the chains of des-
potism, can do. We shall be happy and victorious as long as we are united,
Jan. 14. 1713. Signed { PACHE MONGE.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London, to his friend in the United States.
"The present is an eventful crisis; all Europe is in a ferment, and the great struggle is, the overthrow or the establishment of LIBERTY—On this occasion, as a man as a friend to the happiness of the human race, I cannot suppress the anxious sensations which incessantly agitate my bosom—Although an Englishman by birth, I feel myself a citizen of the world—Oh! my friend! may the United States of America continue to be an asylum to the oppressed! But why should I give place to a doubt? It is fondly hoped by some on this side the water, that you are insensibly verging to a MONARCHICAL constitution; they argue, that a predilection for this form of government still exists among you. It is further said, that your senate is entirely under influence; and that the doors of that house are forever shut against the people:—With us, even the house of lords is open to public curiosity. Far be it from me to derogate any thing from your worthy representatives: But if this inquisitorial prerogative should ever fall into bad hands, they may enter into treaties, form alliances, and even sell the whole country to some powerful nation. What would your bravery avail, when your confidence had, from time to time, received fleets and armies, under sham pretences, into the bosom of your country, when your magazines and strong holds were in their power? These are naked hints—wiser heads than mine may obviate all difficulties. Before this reaches you, I suppose you will be apprized of the appointment of an ambassador to your court—Sir Guy Carleton is the personage spoken of. Great Britain wishes to fashion you to her views; and, therefore, relaxes her severity, and sends a public and popular character among you. But remember the French! They fought for you—they bled for you, and they now suffer, because they have dared to imitate your noble example. Surely no man in America will be so much dazled by the cursed lustre of stars and garters, of toys and trinkets, as to withhold his hearty echo of, Long live the glorious Revolution and the Independence of France!"
EXTRACT.
"The Americans are charged with a want of gratitude towards their great benefactor, to whom, if we are to credit some men's assertions, we owe all our happiness and prosperity.—I am not one of those who would undervalue the services of France, by supposing she was herself sufficiently advantaged; though such has always been the language of a certain set, who now say the Americans want gratitude. But I trust we do not want gratitude to our friends and benefactors. In a despotic state, the monarch is the nation; the nation is figuratively concentrated in him. It was the French nation who aided us in our ardent struggle for liberty, and to the French nation is our gratitude owing. A nation in the full enjoyment of liberty, cannot be indifferent to the struggles of another to attain it. Much less then can Americans remain indifferent to the efforts of the French nation to obtain freedom; independent of that fraternal concern which free nations feel for each other, America, by the additional tie of gratitude, feels for France; and if we had not lost a part of that spirit which once animated us, our gratitude would not be confined to empty professions or feeble exultations.—Americans who yet retain the character of republicans, will join me in offering up the most fervent prayers for an issue of the contest favourable to the cause of freedom—Nor ought we to rest too confident from our local situation. The contest is not a contest of nations, it is a contest of political principles; and should despotism prevail, our situation may become critical. The purity and excellence of our government is painful in the sight of tyrants, because it furnishes an example of the happiness of equal liberty. Distant nations may sigh for a participation of the blessings of freedom; and sighs may generate something more expressive. On the north we have a nation, of whose enmity a ten years' peace has made no abatement, and whose government has many years back, been aiming at an abridgement of
the liberty of her citizens. On the south we have a nation, the principles of whose government are so truly despotic, that the sound of liberty is not heard—In our own country we have enemies more dangerous: Men who are dissatisfied with the pure simplicity of republican government. Men, whose virtues and talents cannot exalt them above the level of their fellow-citizens, but wish to have the aid and countenance of monarchy. Of such men, my countrymen, let us beware, suspect these satellites of monarchy and aristocracy—Suspicion, the foulest trait in private life, is the most lovely feature of public character."
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TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New-Jersey, against the bonds of Garnet Voorhees, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety two—Notice is hereby given to the said Garnet Voorhees, that unless he appear and file special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such of his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided.
By order of the Court, April 17. 1aw. 19 HOWELL, Clerk
I Have claims to about two hundred and fifty thousand acres of LAND in the state of Kentucky, in different parts of that country, some of which I know to be equal to any; all of which I am inclined to dispose of, either by entire sale, or by assuming one, or two partners, to whom the agency on the whole will be committed. One fourth of the contract will be required in hand, either in cash, merchandise, or such assets as may be converted to active use, the residue may be apportioned in convenient instalments. The purchasers to give security, on the land, or otherwise, as suits them.
Knowing that there is a prejudice against the titles of land in that state, which is more general than just, I am willing to dispute in the contract, that a discount, or deduction, shall be made, where any land may be lost, by reason of a defective title.
Any person inclining to such a purchase, is requested to write to me by post, in answer to whom, more particular information will be given. HENRY BANKS. Richmond March 20, 1793. 2aw. t.f.
NEW BOOKS.
ROBERT CAMPBELL.
No. 54, South Second Street. Has received by the Ship George Barclay A large assortment of BOOKS, Among which are, Viner's Abridgment of Law and Equity, 12 vols. N. B. Subscriptions are received for the above work at 4 Dollars per Volume, 4 Volumes will be received every six months till the work is completed, which will be the course of eighteen months. Croke's Reports, 4 vols. Lord Raymond's Reports, 3 vols. Vattel's Law of Nations. Comyn's Digest, 6 vols. Guthries Geography, a new edition in 4 to. with elegant coloured maps. Boyer's French and English Dictionary in 4 & 8 vo. Hume's History of England, 8 vols.—Same book with Smollet's continuation, 13 vols. elegantly gilt. Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, 6 vols. Gibbon's Roman History, 12 vols. gift or plain Neckercon Executive Power, 2 vols. History of ancient Europe, 2 vols. Lavater on Physiognomy abridged. Large Family Bible with elegant cuts. Chapmell's Chemistry, 3 vols. Munro's do. 4 vols. Underwood on Children, 2 vols. Clarke on the diseases common in long voyages, 2 vols. on Fevers, Metherby's new Medical Dictionary. Gardner on the Gout. Potts's Chirurgical Warks, 3 vols. Nicholson's Chemistry. Lee on Botany. White on the diseases of Lying-in Women, &c. &c. R. C. Will receive by the arrival of the first vessels from Dublin and Glasgow, a large addition to his present extensive assortment of books amongst which will be copies of all the new publications of merit. April 13. 2aw. t.f.
JUST PUBLISHED.
(Price three sixteenths of a dollar) And to be had at the Book Store of JOHN MCCULLOCH, No. 1, N. 3d Street, and of THOMAS DOBSON, No. 41 South Second Street, And of other Booksellers in this city, AN EXAMINATION, Of the late Proceedings in Congress respecting the OFFICIAL CONDUCT Of the Secretary of the Treasury.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAINE, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.