Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-11-18 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXIII.]
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LXIII.
“He must have a bad heart, who complains when good men are praised; and his life probably is bad, whom fear of reproach fills with anxiety.”
I ENDEAVORED in my last number to shew, that panegyric might be founded in truth as well as satire. It may now be well to make a few remarks on the advantages, both are capable of producing. Though many men suffer too severely under the lash of the satirist, still there are many bad actions prevented solely through fear of invective. The sting of ridicule is sharp and piercing. It makes people ashamed of their follies, while reproach makes them fear to be vicious. However disagreeable it may be, that an innocent man should suffer at all, or that a blameable one should meet more chastisement than he deserves, yet both these had better happen, than to take away the restraint over the conduct of men, which is imposed by a dread of satirical animadversions.
Whether more benefit results from satire than panegyric need not be enquired into, while it is evident that much good is produced by both. Perhaps nothing affords a stronger stimulus to worthy and noble actions, than the love as well as the hope of applause. Satire can only restrain men from mean and perverse actions, but encomiums have a positive influence in stimulating to a conduct that is useful and honorable. The dangers and difficulties that are often to be encountered in the execution of public service would deter men from attempting to perform it, were not their spirit of activity and enterprize sharpened by lively expectations of fame and applause. In ascribing to such motive, the most powerful effects, we shall not probably be deceived; for we frequently behold men so situated as to exclude every prospect of other compensation than the good will and praises of their fellow men. It is the more beneficial to society that this kind of recompence should always be given, when it is deserved, because it gives life and motion to many important actions, and yet costs the public little or nothing. Praise is a cheap method of purchasing meritorious and distinguished services. It gratifies those on whom it is conferred, and subjects those who confer it to no great expence or inconvenience.
The practice of shewing respect to eminent characters, by public addresses, is attended with more utility than is commonly imagined. It is not only a reward to which past merit is entitled, but it proves an active spring to a patriotic line of conduct in future. If it should so happen that in the warmth and ardor of an address, a person should have qualities ascribed to him, of which he is destitute, what mischief can result? None at all. More probably it will operate as an inducement to acquire those qualifications and virtues, for if the panegyric should not be deemed just, it reflects no real honor on the person to whom it is addressed. Other conspicuous men would likewise be inspired with an emulation to perform elevated services, that their conduct might deserve and obtain similar encomiums. Men employed in arduous undertakings have frequent occasion to be invigorated to action. The strongest motives are sometimes insufficient to press them into the hazards and hardships, which circumstances throw in their way.
It is true that men are often mistaken in their ideas of praise worthy actions, and feel a pride of character founded on false pretensions. But this is no argument against the general utility of commending such virtues and qualities as really are displayed. Men from a bad education, or from a natural perverseness of disposition may have erroneous notions of character and yet be very solicitous of applause. They deceive themselves as well as others and gain approbation where, in many instances, they deserve censure. There is however no great danger from mistakes of this kind. The public can generally form a just estimation of men, and if they are sometimes deceived, it teaches them caution in future. None of the inconveniences that artful pretenders can occasion, by imposing on the ignorant and unsusppecting, can balance the solid advantages that society derives, in bestowing liberal commendations on great and good characters.
THE CRITIC.—AN EXTRACT.
IN the strictest sense he may be called a MAN OF LETTERS, his study and capacity being nearly confined to a just orthographical disposition of the alphabet—His business is to encounter the outworks of genius, as he has no key to the gates of nature or sentiment—He snuffs faults from far as crows scent carrion, and delights to pick, and to prey, and to dwell upon them—He enters like a wasp upon the garden of literature, not to relish any fragrance, or to select any sweets, but to pamper his malevolence with every thing that favors of rankness or offence—
Happily for him, his sagacity does not tend to the discovery of merit; in such a case, a work of genius would give him the spleen for a month, or possibly deprefs his spirits beyond recovery.
The ADDRESS of the Town of PORTSMOUTH, NEW-HAMPSHIRE, To GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
SIR, SENSIBLE of the honor done them by this visit from your Excellency, the inhabitants of Portsmouth improve this first opportunity of bidding you welcome to New-Hampshire; and beg leave to mingle their warmest congratulations with those of their brethren throughout the Union upon your election to the high and important office of President of the United States.
We attempt not to recount the number, variety and merit, of your services to our common country—these are already written in indelible characters on the heart of every true American, which the faithful page of history will transmit to generations yet unborn—but to express our gratitude to him, who with a magnanimity peculiar to himself under the smiles of heaven, defended the rights and gave birth to the empire of America. Permit us to add, the grateful sense we entertain of our high obligations to you, Sir, as a town, for our security from that devastation which was the fate of many other sea port towns in the Union, and would probably have been ours, had not the enemy, by your wise and spirited exertions, been driven from the capital of a neighbouring State, and compelled to seek an asylum, for a while, within their own dominions.
Our happy escape from this calamity, while it demands our devout ascriptions of praise to the great Ruler of all events, consoles us under the many heavy losses we have sustained in our navigation and commerce during the war—the distressing effects of which we still but too sensibly feel. It is with pleasing emotions, we recognize the dispensations of divine providence towards the United States, in placing the Deliverer of his country at the head of the General Government, by the unanimous suffrages of a free and grateful people, at a crisis, when none but the man who has long enjoyed, and richly merited, the confidence of America, and the plaudits of an enlightened world, could be found equal to the arduous task.
We felicitate you, and these States, on your speedy recovery from your late sickness, and ardently wish your life may be continued a blessing to yourself, and your country, and that at some far distant period—full of years, and the most benevolent and glorious achievements—embalmed with the tears of grateful millions—you may be called to inherit an incorruptible crown in the realms of glory.
JOHN PICKERING, for the Inhabitants.
PORTSMOUTH, NOVEMBER 2, 1789.
THE ANSWER.
To the Inhabitants of the Town of PORTSMOUTH.
GENTLEMEN, I AM sensibly impressed with your friendly welcome to the metropolis of New-Hampshire—and have a grateful heart for your kind and flattering congratulations on my election to the Presidency of the United States.
I fear the fond partiality of my countrymen has too highly appreciated my past exertions, and formed too sanguine anticipations of my future services.—If the former have been successful, much of the success should be ascribed to those who laboured with me in the common cause—and the glory of the event should be given to the great Disposer of events. If an unremitting attention to the duties of my office, and the zeal of an honest heart can promote the public good, my fellow-citizens may be assured that these will not be wanting in my present station.
I can claim no particular merit, Gentlemen, for the preservation of your town from the devastation of the enemy. I am happy, if by any event of the war, your property has been preserved from that destruction which fell but too heavily on your neighbours; and I sincerely condole with you for the loss which you have sustained in navigation and commerce; but I trust that industry and economy, those fruitful and never-failing sources of private and public opulence, will, under our present system of government restore you to your former flourishing state.
The interest which you take in my personal happiness, and the kind felicitations which you express on the recovery of my health, are peculiarly grateful to me; and I earnestly pray that the great Ruler of the Universe may smile upon your honest exertions here, and reward your well-doings with future happiness.
G. WASHINGTON.
Portsmouth, Nov. 2, 1789.
THE OBSERVER.—No. V.
The manner of taxation in a number of the American States is oppressive and distressing to the poor.
IN every State a certain proportion of property must be devoted to public use, to support government and defray the expences of general preservation. The contribution designed for these ends, constitutes the national revenue, and ought to be paid by the people in proportion to their ability. Much depends on the manner of apportioning and collecting this contribution. In a very poor country, by a just system of taxation, sufficient sums to answer the public needs, may be collected without injuring any; in the richest nations on earth, small sums may be demanded in such a way as to produce almost general wretchedness. In most nations, there hath been more oppression in the manner of taxation, than by the greatness of the sums demanded. This subject, therefore deserves attention by a people, who are laying the foundations of government and happiness. The resources of this empire are immense—to call them out in a way that is equal and not oppressive to any class of citizens, is the only difficulty. My last number urged the propriety of including in one general system the whole American debt, part of which now stands charged against the Union, and part against particular States. On this plan, all will see there must be some further means of producing a revenue to the United States. In a number of instances, the manner of State taxation is oppressive to those citizens who have small property. Repeated attempts have been made in most of the States, to amend their respective systems; but with little success. To amend a defective system of finance is next to impossible, and involves more evils than it cures. The present manner of taxation is favorable to a number of opulent members in every Legislature, who, tho' they are not a majority can impede any essential alteration; and this is a serious reason, for a transferal of the State debt to the United States, who in the arrangement of a new system, may avoid the oppressive parts of State taxation. In the States of Massachusetts and Connecticut, a Pole tax is in use. In Connecticut, considerable more than one quarter of the whole State revenue, arises from polls. I cannot say how great a proportion in Massachusetts, but believe it is not less. Art cannot contrive a more oppressive mode of drawing money from a people, than by a poll tax. The frugal and hardy living of the poor generally renders them prolific—their houses are filled with hungry sons, which with great toil they are educating more for the public, than for themselves. Before these sons are arrived to manhood, the father hath a severe poll tax to pay for them individually. You will often see a poor and industrious family, who earn their bread and their every thing by labouring at a small price per day, or by cultivating the lands of others on shares, pay a greater tax to the State than their neighbor of wealth. This is taxing industry and not property—it is making those who must do the labor, pay the expence of public protection. Were the people who inhabit these States brought together, eighteen out of twenty would vote out a poll tax; but it is so interwoven with the State systems, and so many efforts have been made in vain, that I despair of a remedy, but by a general and national arrangement, which I am certain will be on more just principles.
The poll tax is a discouragement to manufactures, which the true policy of this country ought to promote. It is rare that mechanics arrive at great riches, few of them are able to pay a tax for a large number of apprentices, and this consideration alone prevents many masters, who would otherwise have their shops filled with poor boys learning some art useful to themselves and mankind. This is a discouragement both on manufactures and on the poor.
The taxing of wild and uncultivated lands takes place in a number of the States. To tax this property which is absolutely unproductive, is attended with more evils than will be at first imagined. Few men either think it equitable, or have the means of paying an annual tribute for dead property. The old countries in the United States are so far cleared that there ought to be an encouragement for preserving wood and timber. Many who would be contented to have their interest lie without use in wild lands, not being able to discharge the taxes, have sold them. Even in the agricultural towns our forests are mostly destroyed—the poor unable to pay an advanced price, begin to suffer for fuel, and the dearness of timber and lumber will soon be severely felt by all kinds of people. This piece of State policy, by grasping at a little, for it is only a small sum which any would dare to affix on dead

property, hath lost much. It would be better policy, in the old countries of America, to allow a bounty on the growth of timber. We ought to enrich the cultivation of our improved lands and preserve our wood.
Arbitrary assessment by the opinion of one or several men is an oppressive mode of taxation, and ought not to be the basis of a national revenue. This is practised, in some manner and degree, by most of the States within the union. Justice will not be done through so many prejudices, as are found in the minds of assessors; and if perfect justice could be done, the selfishness or ignorance of very many will lead them to suppose they are over assessed. The man thus soured will grumble more at a small taxation than for four times the sum imposed on known principles, and where his exact quota is calculated by the letter of the law. Taxing of polls and unproductive property, is an injury to the poor, and calls on those to pay who cannot without making a great sacrifice of their interest. Arbitrary assessment is exposed to injustice, and fours the minds of the people. We hope these things will be considered in the arrangement of federal measures, and that such a plan will be devised by the treasury board, as will invite the people and creditors to throw the debt under their management.
An ORDINANCE for the re-establishment of the public TRANQUILITY in FRANCE, translated from a PARIS GAZETTE, of Aug. 20.
Extract of the verbal process of the National Assembly, August 10th, 1789.
THE National Assembly, observing that the enemies of the Nation, having lost all hopes of impeding the restoration and re-establishment of public liberty, by the violence of despotism, appear to have conceived the criminal design of accomplishing their ends by means of riot and anarchy; that among other means, they have at the same time and almost on the same day, caused false alarms to be spread in the different provinces of the kingdom, and that by spreading reports of incursions and robberies for which there was no foundation, they have excited excesses and crimes which equally affect persons and property, and who, disturbing the good order of society, deserve the most severe punishment; that those men have carried their audacity so far as to give out false orders, and even false edicts from the King, which have armed one part of the nation against the other, at the very moment when the National Assembly were framing decrees the most favorable to the interest of the people. Considering that in the general effervescence, the most sacred properties and even the harvests, the only hope of the people in this time of dearth, have not been respected: Finally, considering that the union of all powers, the use of all means, and the zeal of all good citizens, ought to concur in repressing such disorders:—It is ordained and decreed, that all the municipal officers of the Kingdom, as well those in cities, as in the country, shall be watchful in the preservation of the public tranquility; and that upon their single requisition, the national militia as well as the marshallsea, shall be assisted by the troops, for the purpose of pursuing and taking up the disturbers of the public peace, of what condition soever they may be.—That the persons taken up, shall be delivered to the tribunals of justice, and immediately interrogated, and tried; but the judgment and execution shall be staid in the cases of those who shall be proved to be the authors of false alarms and the instigators of pillage and violence, either on persons or property, and that in the mean time, copies of the informations, of the interrogations and other proceedings, shall be forwarded to the National Assembly, in order that, upon the examination and comparison of the proofs collected from different parts of the kingdom, the Assembly may arrive at the source of the disorders, and provide that the leaders of these conspiracies, be subject to such exemplary punishment as shall effectually repress the like attempts.
That all seditious assembling of the people, either in cities, or in the country, even under the pretext of hunting, shall be immediately dispersed by the national militia, the marshallsea and the troops, on the single requisition of the municipal officers;—That in the towns and the municipalities of the country, as well as in each district of great cities, a list shall be taken of all such men as are of no trade or profession, or have no certain place of abode, who shall be disarmed, and the national militia, the marshallsea and the troops, shall be particularly watchful of their conduct;—That all the national militia shall take the oath in the presence of their commander, well and faithfully to serve for the maintenance of peace, for the defence of the citizens, and against the disturbers of the public repose; and that all the troops, viz. the officers of every degree, and the soldiers, shall take an oath to the nation, and to the King, the head of the nation, with the most sacred solemnity;—That the soldiers shall swear in the presence of the whole regiment under arms, never to abandon their colours, to be faithful to the nation, to the King, and to the law, and to conform to the rules of military discipline;—That
the officers shall swear at the head of their troops, in presence of the municipal officers, to remain faithful to the nation, to the King, and to the law; and never to employ those under their command against the citizens, except on the requisition of the civil and municipal officers, which requisition shall always be read to the troops assembled;—That the curates of towns and in the country, shall read the present ordinance to their parishioners assembled in the church, and that they shall use the influence of their ministry, with all the zeal of which they have always given proofs, to re-establish the public peace and tranquility, and to bring back all the citizens to that order and obedience which they owe to lawful authority.
His Majesty shall be intreated to give the necessary orders, for the full and entire execution of this ordinance, which shall be forwarded to all the cities, municipalities and parishes in the kingdom, as well as to all the tribunals, to be there read, published, posted, and inserted in the registers.
Signed, LE CHAPALIERE, President. L'ABBE SIEYES. LE COMTE DE LALLY TOLLENDAL, FRETEAU, PETION DE VILLENEUVE, L'ABBE DE MONTESQUIOU, EMMERY, Sec'y. Compared with the original at Versailles, this 13th Aug. 1789. L'ABBE DE MONTESQUIOU,
From the MASSACHUSETTS MAGAZINE.
ODE,
Upon the Arrival of THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES in the town of BOSTON.
Ut mater juvenem, quem Notus invidio Flatu Carpathu trans maris aequora Cunctantem spatio longius annuo Dulci distinet a domo, Votis, ominibusque, et precibus vocat; Curvo nec faciem litore demovet; Sic desideris ista fidelibus Quærit patria WASHINGTON.
HORACE.
RECITATIVE.
He comes! the Hero comes! tis He! Who gave to Howe this high decree, "Avaunt—Begone."—He bow'd—He fled! And hallow'd Freedom rais'd her head, Where CLINTON shook th' avenging rod, And round thy courts, Almighty God! BURGOYNE, by impious phrenzy driven, Taught the war fled to mock at Heaven.
AIR.
Massachusetts arise! Seize the Trumpet of Fame, Tone it loud—and proclaim, Glorious WASHINGTON's name, The first born of the skies!
RECITATIVE.
He comes! the Chieftain comes! All hail! 'Twas his on Trenton's crimson'd vale— And Princeton's lawn—and Brandywine, To whelm in dust Britannia's line; 'Twas his, to lead Columbia's train To deathless deeds, on Monmouth's plain; Or bid the storm of battle cease, When proud CORNWALLIS fu'd for peace.
AIR.
Swell the pean divine; Earth repeat it again! Ocean echo the strain! Heaven thunder amen! Columbia! GEORGE WASHINGTON's thine!
RECITATIVE.
He comes! the Patriot comes! tis He! Who sought to make his country free; Whom no ambition fir'd to arms; And when the clarion's shrill alarms, Rouz'd not in wrath an angry world, Laid by those hosts which virtue hurl'd, And bade unconquer'd legions turn, From war's rude mound—to concord's bourne.
AIR.
Heroes! mark his retreat! Fair abode! beauteous clime! Second Eden of time! Is great Washington's feat!
RECITATIVE.
He comes! He comes! He comes! tis He! Kings! Princes! Nations! bow the knee! Ye worlds! pronounce, "Thy will be done!" The patriot hero Washington! Above a Crown—a Scepter—Throne, Rules in the heart supreme—alone, And millions league in love's strong chain, United shout—God bless his reign.
GRAND CHORUS.
Glorious WASHINGTON sway! All the realms of the west, And in blessing, be blest, Till th' ETERNAL's behest Shall summon thy subjects away: Then call'd to the sky, Sacred virtue's abode! Reign forever with God! In the mansions on high!
G. R.
Boston, October, 1789.
THE TOUR.
PORTSMOUTH, November 5.
ON Saturday last, arrived in this Metropolis, his Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq. President of the United States of America.
His Excellency was met at the line by the President and Council of this State—several members of the Hon. House of Representatives—the most hon. Messrs Langdon and Wingate, Senators for this State—the hon. Nicholas Gilman, Esq.—the Treasurer of this
State—the Loan Office—the Marshal and Attorney of this district—the Hon. Consul of France, the Secretary of this State, several General Officers, attended by Col. Cogswell, with his regiment of Light Horse, in complete uniform—a respectable number of officers in the Civil Department, and private gentlemen.
The President was escorted to the line by a party of horse from our sister State, and was there introduced, in form, to the several gentlemen of distinction who were waiting his arrival.
He then passed the troops drawn up to receive him, who severally vied with each other, who should pay the most respect to the man whom Heaven approves, and Americans delight to honor. The President then dismounted from his horse, took his carriage, and was escorted to Greenland. The way, for the most part, being lined with spectators of all ranks. At Greenland he was met by Col. Wentworth's corps of Independent Horse (in complete uniform, having their standard displayed, as were the standards of the several corps) many more officers of the militia, and several gentlemen from this and the neighboring towns. The President after a short stay at Greenland, remounted his horse, and passed the officers who were drawn up near the Globe Tavern, under the command of the Hon. Major General Cilley, to salute him as he passed.
At his entrance into this town he was saluted by thirteen cannon from three companies of Artillery, in complete uniform, under the command of Col. Hacket. The street thro' which he passed (Congress street) was lined by the citizens of the town, all the crafts being ranged alphabetically—the bells rang a joyful peal, and repeated shouts from grateful thousands, hailed their Deliverer welcome to the Metropolis of New Hampshire.
Then did the people's just applauses rise, And the loud shout ran echoing thro' the skies.
A federal salute was fired from the Castle, the ships in the harbor were dressed, and the windows and doors of every house were crowded with ladies, anxious to see and bless the man to whom America stands so much indebted.
On his arrival at the State House, he was conducted to the Senate Chamber, by the President and Council of this State, and took his station in the balcony, when in a stage erected for that purpose, three Odes, composed for the occasion, were sung by a number of gentlemen, accompanied by the band.
Then the whole of the troops, under the command of Major General Cilley, passed him in review, horse, foot, and artillery, and the line of officers, every officer saluting as he passed. The troops then retired, and the President was conducted to his lodgings, at Col. Brewster's, by the President and Council of this State, the Hon. Mr. Langdon, and the Marshal of this district, escorted by a company under arms, and in complete uniform.
Every thing was conducted with the greatest possible order and regularity—each countenance beamed with lively joy—forrow was banished far away, and each heart beat grateful to the name of WASHINGTON.
In the evening the State House was beautifully illuminated—thirteen rockets were let off the balcony—Mutual congratulations took place, and the day concluded without any unlucky occurrence to mar the pleasure excited by so auspicious an event. Thus far for the day—We flatter ourselves it will be remembered so long as patriotism continues to be a virtue, and the name of WASHINGTON to found grateful to American ears.
On Sunday last, the illustrious President of the United States, accompanied by his Excellency President Sullivan, and the Hon. Mr. Langdon, together with his two Secretaries, attended divine service at the Queen's Chapel in the morning, and at the first Congregational Church in the afternoon. The President was then conducted to his pew, attended by the Marshal of this district, and two Church Wardens with their slaves. On this uncommon occasion, both houses of worship were crowded with spectators, among whom were a brilliant concourse of the fair daughters of Hanton, whose lovely countenances testified the heart-felt joy, the presence of their illustrious countryman inspired.
The Rev. Messrs Ogden and Buckminster, in their well adapted discourses, paid a just and beautiful eulogium, on the numerous virtues of this dignified personage, whose appearance diffused such general joy, and awakened in every breast the most grateful sensations. Felicitating their numerous hearers on the happy occasion, which called them together, to offer up their unfeigned thanks, to the Supreme Ruler of the World, for all his mercies, and to implore a continuance of his divine and gracious benediction on the head of their beloved chief.
At the Queen's Chapel, several pieces of sacred music were performed, suited to the above occasion.
On Monday morning the President of the United States (accompanied by President Sullivan, the Hon. Mr. Langdon, the Marshal of this district, the Consul of France) and his two Secretaries, took an excursion down the harbor. The barge which contained the President, was rowed by seamen dressed in white frocks, having for itscoxswain, Capt. Hopley Yeaton, of this town.
The barge which contained the Consul of France, and the President's two Secretaries, was rowed by seamen, dressed in round blue jackets, with round hats decorated with blue ribbons and wavers.
The President was landed and made a short tarry at Kittery, in the Province of Maine.
A number of young gentlemen who compose the band in this town, anxious to afford our illustrious and beloved President, all the entertainment in their power, followed him in a barge, and performed several pieces of music on the water, we hope to his acceptance. His Excellency was landed at Col. Wentworth's feat, from thence proceeded to town by land, when he was again saluted by a discharge of artillery from Church hill: Then the President and suit, with a number of gentlemen of distinction, dined with the Hon. Mr. Langdon.
On Tuesday an elegant entertainment was given by the President and Council of this State to the President of the United States; at which were present most of the principal officers of Government, the bar, clergy, and many other gentlemen of distinction, to the number of one hundred. After dinner the following toasts were drank, viz.
1st. THE PRESIDENT of the United States.* 2d. LOUIS the 16th, the Defender of Freedom. 3d. The 4th of July, 1776. 4th. Our friends and allies throughout the world. 5th. The Vice President of the United States. 6th. May the illustrious author of our liberties long remain its Protector. 7th. The band of heroes who fought and bled in the cause of Freedom. 8th. May the posterity of those patriots who laid the foundation of our liberty, long support its glorious fabric. 9th. May the wisdom of our cabinet, preserve the fruits of our contest in the field. 10th. May the commerce of America travel with the sun, but only go down with the skies. 11th. From the sources of American Independence may freedom be diffused through the earth.
In the evening an elegant ball was given by the gentlemen of Portsmouth, which the President honored with his presence, when he was introduced to a brilliant circle of more than seventy ladies. The President being seated, an excellent song was sung accompanied by the band; after which the dances began, and the evening passed away with all the joy and good humor which the occasion naturally inspired.
Yesterday morning, at half past seven the President left this town, on his return to New-York, and will take the Western parts of this State in his tour.
NOTE.
After the first toast, the President arose, and very politely gave, The State of New-Hampshire.

L O N D O N, SEPTEMBER 9.
Paul Jones, having obtained leave to come to France on his private affairs, took leave of the Empress at Peterburg on the 7th of July; when her Majesty conferred on him the order of St. Anne, as a mark of her approbation of his conduct last campaign. He retains his rank and pay of Admiral in that service, and has only obtained a short leave.
The Russian flotilla in the Archipelago has obtained some advantages over the Turks, and has taken one of their islands.
By a letter from Count Voinorich, dated the 5th of July last, we are informed that a Russian squadron of nine sail, commanded by Admiral Lorenzi, met, at a small distance from the island of Tine, with a Turkish squadron of three sail of the line, four frigates, five xebecs, and two half-gallies.
The Turks bore down on the Russians, who waited for them; and so well did they receive them that they were put to flight, notwithstanding their great superiority; and the Russians were in pursuit of them when this letter was written.
There is no truth in the report of the Emperor having concluded a separate peace. He has found the war expensive and unsuccessful, and accordingly to like his other schemes that he is determined to pursue it.
The Guardian transport was to sail this morning from Portsmouth, on her voyage to Port-Jackson; she has 25 convicts on board, mostly carpenters and blacksmiths, and a lading of beds, cloathing, and other articles, of which Commodore Philips had not a sufficient supply. Eight superintendants of convicts embarked with them; and a skilful botanist, provided with glass frames, and every thing necessary for the preservation of rare plants, for the royal garden at Kew.
This day the mails arrived from Holland and Flanders. No engagement of any consequence has recently happened between the belligerent powers.
They write from Paris, of the 5th instant, that the General Assembly at the Hotel de Ville have taken up seriously, since the projected attack on the King's person, the business of the insurrection, which they have resolved to quell at any rate.
The wretchedness and poverty of the French peasantry had been heretofore remarked by almost every traveller who gives a description of France. And the principal causes assigned were, the oppressive taxes, which fell principally on the poorer orders, with the contribution paid to a numerous clergy. Now the nobility must contribute an equal quota in proportion to their land, with the commons, which will, in time, reduce the taxes on the latter, and a new modus being struck out for tithes, the farmer will be necessarily exonerated from a great part of his burdens, and a substantial yeomanry spring up, almost as yet unknown in that country. Thus it will not only be a revolution, from whence freedom will display its banners through the land, but there will be a change in the manners of the people, and competence and smiling plenty succeed poverty, hardship, and we may say, ineffectual labour and toil.
A short time since as Mrs. Maxwell, of Harley street, Cavendish square, was sitting alone by the drawing room fire, in expectation of some company she had engaged, the poker fell on her apron, and set fire to it. Alarmed at the accident, she flew towards the staircase, screaming for assistance; being met by the butler, he endeavored to extinguish the flames, which by this time had communicated to every part of her dress; his efforts, however, were of no avail, for though he finally extinguished the flames, after sustaining considerable injury himself, the unfortunate lady was so much burnt, that she expired yesterday morning.
OF ACCIDENTS BY FIRE.
IT too frequently happens that young children are left alone in rooms with a fire in the chimney corners—many a child has lost its life by this want of caution. Children should be restrained from a propensity which they are very apt to discover of playing with fire—and it would contribute very much to their preservation, if all who wear gowns, had them made of some woolen fabric in winter.
It should be impressed on the mind of every person, that the most certain and speedy method of preventing fatal consequences from the cloaths of women or children suddenly catching fire, is to stifle the flame instantaneously by rolling or huddling the cloaths all together—when that cannot be done by reason of the fire's having enveloped the subject, any covering that can be suddenly wrapped round, or thrown over them, will be the next best resource.
A young lady standing with her back towards a stove, caught her gown on fire, which immediately blazed above her head—a person in the room wrapped the sides of the gown over the blaze, which extinguished it without any injury.
A gentleman going into his parlor, where a child had been incautiously left alone, found its cloaths in a blaze—he instantly threw the child on the carpet, which fortunately happened not to be nailed down, and throwing the corner of it
over the child, the flame was smothered, which no other method would have effected in season to have saved its life.
Two children in this city, being together in a room last week—one of them in placing an apple on the hearth to roast, caught her gown on fire which was immediately in a blaze—this was extinguished in the above manner, by a person who providentially happened to go into the room: The fire had got to such a height, that she in performing the benevolent act, they burnt their hands, the life of the child was undoubtedly saved by their presence of mind, in having recourse to this summary method.
PRO BONO PUBLICO.
New-York, Nov. 17, 1789.
ON TITLES.—AN EXTRACT.
THE title of Excellency is conferred by the British government, (where it originated) on persons of distinguished rank; yet, they are always considered as inferior. It is given to persons at the head of departments, but at the same time, such as are considered subordinate to the supreme executive authority of the nation. To render the application of the title proper therefore, and consistent with the original idea on which it was founded, it ought not to have been conferred on the first and highest executive authority of the States, before their late union; because the office and rank was supreme and unsubordinate. But as the States have united in a general government, and by that have rendered the government of the States in some respects subordinate to the national government, the title of Excellency becomes again proper for the governors of the respective States; at the same time however, it renders it improper for the President of the United States.
IMPROMPTU ON TITLES.
“His name alone, strikes ev'ry Title dead” If that is true, what further need be said? And yet, consistent! patriotic! wife! Inferior Titles, GRATITUDE supplies. A Monster would, sans doute, from order spring, And LAP-DOG DRAGON, prove a dreadful thing.
BOSTON, November 7.
MEDAL TO M. SCOTT.
We mentioned sometime since the brilliant and humane action of M. SCOTT, a Lieutenant of his Most Christian Majesty's squadron, in leaping from the gallery of le Leopard man of war, and saving the life of a cabin boy who had fallen over. We have now the pleasure to inform, that on Saturday last, agreeably to a vote of the Trustees of the Humane Society of this Commonwealth, a committee of the Society, consisting of the Hon. Thomas Russell, Esq. Vice-President, the Hon. M. de Letombe, Consul of France, Dr. Aaron Dexter, and the Rev. Peter Thatcher, repaired to the house of the Consul of France, where were previously assembled the Right Hon. the Viscount de Ponteves, the Marquis de Gallissoniere, and the other principal officers of the squadron, together with all the officers of le Leopard—and where Mr. Russell, as Chairman of the Committee presented to M. SCOTT DE BALVERY, Lieutenant of le Leopard, a GOLD MEDAL, which he, in a very elegant address, requested M. Scott de Balvery to accept, as a token commemorative of his activity and humane intention exhibited in saving a young lad from drowning who had fallen from the deck of le Leopard: To which address M. Scott de Balvery returned the following answer:
GENTLEMEN, I AM much flattered in receiving from you the honorable testimony of the happy act you are so kind as to consecrate. The citizens of Massachusetts have distinguished themselves by so worthy an institution as that to which you belong; but it is not the first example of general virtue they have given the world: Those who have fought with so much courage and success for the rights of mankind, most certainly know better than others, how precious is human life.
After which the committee took their leave, and were conducted to their carriages by the Commander and other officers of the squadron.
A Portrait of THE PRESIDENT has been taken by Mr. GULLIGER, the limner.
NOTE.
* The Medal represented—on one side, the stern and gallery of a ship of war, with a lad struggling in the water underneath, and a person in the act of leaping from the ship to rescue the drowning victim, with a motto, VITAM PEREUNTI—On the reverse, MASS. HUM. SOC. DOM. SCOTT DE BALVERY, FRETTIS IMPAVIDE JUVENEM ERIPUIT.—The Medal is a very handsome one, and was engraved by CALLENDER.
OUR ALLIES.
It must afford satisfaction to every friend to America, to observe the perfectly good intelligence which subsists between the citizens of the United States, and their gallant allies of the French nation.—And what must add to that satisfaction, are the polite attentions and respect which have been shewn to our beloved PRESIDENT by the Right Hon. the Viscount de PONTEVES GIEN, and the other officers of the squadron of his Most Christian Majesty. Immediately on the arrival of the President, the noble Viscount and the officers (conducted by the Hon. Consul of France, agreeably to the ordinance of the King) waited on him at his residence, and paid him their respects.—And the President, in directing his Secretary to offer to the Viscount and other officers, his thanks for the obliging manner in which they have been pleased to honor his arrival in this metropolis, demonstrated how cordial to him, were the friendships and attentions of the allies of the Union. On the Monday after his arrival, the Viscount de Ponteves again waited on the President, who was pleased to express his intention of visiting the squadron of his Most Christian Majesty; which he did on the following day. On his arrival on board the Illustre, the Viscount introduced him to all the officers, amounting to thirty, who had the honor of
fighting in the common cause, in America, during the late war—after which the Viscount presented to him the several ships officers of the squadron. Having visited the Illustre and the Leopard, the President returned to town, accompanied by the Commander of the squadron, much pleased with the elegance and beauty of the ships, and the order and urbanity of the French seamen.
The barge which conducted the President on board the ships, had the American flag at her bow and that of France on her stern—and one of the Majors of the Squadron had the honor to act as cockswain.
Both going and returning the President received a royal salute from all the ships, and a federal salute from the Castle.
NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER 18.
Extract of a letter from Boston, to the Editor hereof, dated November 3.
THE President hath visited us—“All his steps were dignity and love”—It was glorious at once to embrace our Friend and Brother—Fellow Citizen—General—Supreme Magistrate—Political Father—Head of our Nation—and Representative of the Majesty of the United States—whose virtues are a blessing to the world.—Every pulse seemed to beat ardor for his welfare—every heart was animated—and most sincere were our efforts to pay him respect—and make him happy.—My confinement by severe indisposition, the day after his arrival, and during his residence here, deprived me of the pleasure of paying my personal respects to him—This was a great draw back upon my happiness on the glorious occasion.
The tour of THE PRESIDENT thro the Eastern States is an event, which has served to call forth the latent principles of virtue, gratitude, and patriotism, in an eminent degree:—The real friends to the revolution—the advocates for government, peace, and freedom, were fully convinced that the attachment of the people to the Constitution was solid and permanent—that their love and veneration for the President could receive no addition—Still the pen of slander has not been idle—and the tongue of calumny has not been silent—while jealousies and apprehensions have been excited respecting imaginary evils.—It therefore seemed necessary that some great occasion should offer, to call forth the real sentiments of the Union, and afford that demonstrative evidence of what the people feel, which all the adversaries of our national honor “should not be able to gainsay or resist.”
Extract of a letter from Boston, dated October 28.
This day, at 11 o'clock the President was conveyed in the Admiral's barge on board the Admiral's ship—the Major of the fleet steered, the midshipmen rowed; all dressed in red—when the President arrived on board, in the same stile they receive their Kings, viz. The Officers took off their shoes—and the crew all appeared with their legs naked.
By a vessel in 38 days from Havre de Grace in France—which arrived here on Sunday last, we learn, that all was peace and quietness in that kingdom.
The United States will undoubtedly rise to higher degrees of eminence in the scale of empire, than any of the nations that have gone before them—the most cursory view of the subject furnishes ample ground for such a belief.—What were all the nations of the earth in point of legislative knowledge, compared to the people of this confederated republic? History furnishes nothing, that should lead us to suppose that the doctrine of equal and just representation was ever known among them—a safeguard to freedom that can never fail so long as we justly prize it. How very few are the names of persons who were eminent for knowledge and virtue, that history has handed down to us—The present century has produced more men of superior abilities in the little Island of Britain, than flourished in the Roman empire for two thousand years.—And America has infinitely the advantage of the most refined, and enlightened of any of the ancient republics—whether the comparison is made with respect to the foundations of the governments, or the habits, genius and information of the people.—Rome was founded by freebooters, and the leading principle of the policy of that people in all the periods of their existence was conquest.—This was reduced to habit—her patricians found their account in encouraging the propensity—her victories were the victories of savages—and the conquerors of the world, were finally subdued by their acquisitions; for in proportion to their abilities, the Roman people, and every other nation since time began, were luxurious.
To what purpose then is the example of the ancients held up to the people of the United States?—They have more effectual barriers against luxury, in their local situation, in the principles of their government, in their superior light—and especially in the means of perpetuating knowledge, and the principles of humanity, their schools and universities, than the world hath ever been favored with in any former period.
ARRIVALS—YESTERDAY.
 Ship Zaanstroom, Cheldea, Amsterdam.  Ship Ann, Brown, Bristol, 35 days.  Brig Sufanna, Durry, Dublin, 42 days.  Brig Resolution, Jenkins, Cork, 56 days.  Schooner Hope, Brown, New-Providence, 15 days. 

MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER XI.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 17, 1780.
SIR,
YOUR eleventh question will give an opportunity of making some observations upon a subject that is quite misunderstood in every part of Europe. I shall answer it with great pleasure, according to the best of my information, and with the utmost candor.
The question is, "How great is the present debt of America? What has she occasion for yearly to act defensively? Are those wants supplied by the inhabitants themselves, or by other nations? If in the latter case, what does America lose of her strength by it? Are they not, in one manner or other, recompensed again by some equivalent advantage? If so, in what manner? What would be required to act offensively, and by that means shorten the war?"
All Europe has a mistaken apprehension of the present debt of America. This debt is of two sorts; that which is due from the Thirteen United States in Congress assembled; and that which is owing from each of the Thirteen States in its separate capacity. I am not able to say with precision what the debt of each separate State is, but all these added together, fall far short of the debt of the United States.
The debt of the United States consists of three branches: 1. the sums which have been lent them by France and Spain, and by Mr. Beaumarchais and Company: These have been for purchasing some supplies of cannon, arms, ammunition and cloathing for the troops; for assisting prisoners escaped from England, and for some other purposes; but the whole sum amounts to no great thing.
2. The Loan-Office Certificates; which are promissory notes given to individuals in America, who have lent paper money to Congress, and are their securities for the payment of the principal and interest. These the Congress have equitably determined shall be paid, according to the value of the paper bills, in proportion to silver, at the time of their dates.
3. The paper bills which are now in circulation, or which were in circulation on the eighteenth day of March last. These bills amounted to the nominal sum of two hundred millions of dollars; but the real value of them to the possessors is estimated at forty for one, amounting to five millions of Spanish dollars, or one million and a quarter sterling. This is the full value of them, perhaps more; but this estimation has given satisfaction, in America to the possessors of them, who certainly obtained them in general at a cheaper rate.
These three branches of debt, which are the whole, (according to a calculation made last May, and sent me by a Member of Congress, who has been four years a member of their Treasury-board and is a perfect master of the subject) amount in the whole to five millions sterling, and no more. The national debt of America then is five millions sterling.
In order to judge of the burthen of this debt, we may compare it with the numbers of people. They are three millions. The national debt of Great Britain is two hundred millions. The number of people in England and Scotland is not more than six millions. Why should not America, with three millions of people, be able to bear a debt of one hundred millions, as well as Great Britain, with six millions of people, a debt of two hundred millions?
We may compare it with the exports of America. In 1774 the exports of America were six millions sterling. In the same year the exports of Great Britain were twelve millions. Why would not the exports of America, of six millions, bear a national debt of one hundred millions, as well as the twelve millions of British exports bear a debt of two hundred millions?
We may compare it, in this manner, with the national debt of France, Spain, the United Provinces, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal; and you will find that it is but small in comparison.
We may compare it in another point of view. Great Britain has already spent in this war sixty millions sterling—America five millions. Great Britain has annually added to her national debt more than the whole amount of her annual exports. America has not added to hers, in the course of five years war, a sum equal to one years exports.
The debt of Great Britain is, in a large proportion of it, due to foreigners, for which they must annually pay the interest, by sending cash abroad. A very trifle of the American debt is yet due to foreigners.
Lord North borrowed last year twelve millions, and every future year of the war must borrow the same or a larger sum—America could carry on this war an hundred years, by borrowing only one million sterling a year.
The annual expence of America has not hitherto exceeded one million a year—that of Great Britain has exceeded twenty millions some years. America may therefore carry on this war an hundred years, and at the end of it be no more in debt, in proportion to her present numbers of people, and her exports in 1774, than Great Britain is now.
There is another consideration of some weight; the landed interest in America is vastly greater, in proportion to the mercantile interest, than it is in Great Britain. The exports of America are the productions of the soil annually, which increase every year. The exports of Great Britain were manufactures, which will decrease every year, while this war with America lasts.
The only objection to this reasoning is this, that America is not used to great taxes, and the people there are not yet disciplined to such enormous taxation as in England. This is true; and this makes all their perplexity at present: But they are capable of bearing as great taxes in proportion as the English; and if the English force them to it, by continuing the war, they will reconcile themselves to it: And they are in fact now taxing themselves more and more every year, and to an amount, that a man who knew America only twenty years ago would think incredible.
Her wants have hitherto been supplied by the inhabitants themselves, and they have been very little indebted to foreign nations. But on account of the depreciation of her paper, and in order to introduce a more stable currency, she has now occasion to borrow a sum of money abroad, which would enable her to support her credit at home, to exert herself more vigorously against the English both by sea and land, and greatly assist her in extending her commerce with foreign nations, especially the Dutch. America would not lose of her strength by borrowing money, but, on the contrary, would gain vastly. It would enable her to exert herself more by privateering, which is a mine of gold to her. She would make remittances in bills of exchange to foreign merchants, for their commodities; and it would enable many persons to follow their true interest in cultivating the land, instead of attending to manufactures, which being indispensable, they are now obliged more or less to follow, though less profitable. The true profit of America is the continual augmentation of the price and value of land. Improvement in land is her principal employment, her best policy, and the principal source of her growing wealth.
The last question is easily answered. It is, "What would be required to act offensively, and by that means shorten the war?"
To this I answer, Nothing is wanted but a loan of money and a fleet of ships.
A fleet of ships, only sufficient to maintain a superiority over the English, would enable the infant Hercules to strangle all the serpents that environ his cradle. It is impossible to express in too strong terms the importance of a few ships of the line to the Americans. Two or three French, or Dutch, or Spanish ships of the line, stationed at Rhode-Island, Boston, Delaware River, or Chesapeake Bay, would have prevented the dreadful sacrifice at Penobscot. Three or four ships of the line would have prevented the whole expedition to Charleston. Three or four ships of the line more, added to the squadron of the Chevalier de Ternay, would have enabled the Americans to have taken New-York.
A loan of money is now wanted, to give stability to the currency of America; to give vigour to the enlistments for the army; to add alacrity to the fitting out privateers; and to give an ample extension to their trade.
The Americans will labor through, without a fleet, and without a loan. But it is ungenerous and cruel to put them to such difficulties, and to keep mankind embroiled in all the horrors of war, for want of such trifles, which so many of the powers of Europe with they had, and could so easily furnish. But if mankind must be embroiled, and the blood of thousands must be shed, for want of a little magnanimity in some, the Americans must not be blamed, it is not their fault.
I have the honor to be, &c. MR. GALKOEN. JOHN ADAMS.
LIFE OF CALLIMACHUS.
[From the French of LE FEVRE.]
CALLIMACHUS was of Cyrene, a city of Africa, and lived under the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and also under that of Ptolemy Euergetes, as may be easily proved by some passages in his works. This poet was one of the wisest men of his age; and perhaps it would be difficult to find any author, who had written a greater number of poems. But he did not love long productions; therefore he never wrote but one piece of a tolerable length, which he entitled The Causes . And when he was asked why he was so fond of what could be only termed mere effusions, he replied, "A pond'rous volume is a grievous thing."
We find the same thought at the end of one of his hymns, but it is expressed in a manner somewhat different: and possibly that manner would not be unacceptable to the reader. "The Euphrates," says he, "is a noble river; but for his part he would prefer those little, still, and clear fountains, one drop of which is more precious than all the mud and citron of that great river."
Nothing of his has reached us except some epigrams and a few hymns*. His style is pure and nervous. Catullus and Ovid have frequently imitated; and sometimes (so high did their admiration of him rise) even translated him.
* His hymns were elegantly translated by the unfortunate Dr. Dodd.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, NOVEMBER, 18, 1789. NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER, 18, 1789. GENERAL ACCOUNT of ANTICIPATIONS.
AMOUNT of Orders drawn by the late Superintendent of Finance, as per particular Statement herewith, No. I. Dollars, 93,463 29 Amount of Warrants drawn by the late board of Treasury, remaining unpaid, as per particular Statement herewith, No. II. 189,936 32
Treasury of the United States. Dollars, 283,399 61 Register's Office, 24th Sept. 1789.
JOSEPH NOURSE, Register. The Secretary of the Treasury of the United States.
No. I.
A particular STATEMENT of ORDERS drawn by the late Superintendent of Finance, on several of the Receivers of Taxes, remaining unpaid, and were comprised in the Estimate made by the Secretary of the Treasury, and by him reported to the House of Representatives of the United States.
   Date of Orders. Dol. cents.     March 6, 1784. ON William Whipple, Receiver for New-Hampshire, in favor of Capt. Philip Leibert, being balance of pay due him, 105 17   March 8, 1784. On do. in favor of Capt. Anthony Selin, being do. 219 5   Sept. 30, 1784. On George Olney, Receiver for Rhode-Island, in favor of Timothy Pickering, Quartermaster-General, for the use of his department, 3,000   Deduct so much paid, 1,053 68   Ditto. On Thomas Tillotson, Receiver for New-York, in favor of Timothy Pickering, Quartermaster-General for the use of his department, 1,946 22   Sept. 30, 1784. On do. in favor of Abraham Skinner, late Commissary-General of Prisoners for the payment of Assumptions made by him for the Board of Prisoners at Long-Island, 50,000   Ditto. On William Geddes, Receiver for Delaware, in favor of Timothy Pickering, Quartermaster-General for the use of his department, 38,892 75   Deduct so much paid, 5,000   2,700   2,390   Dollars, 93,463 29  
Treasury of the United States. Register's Office, 24th Sept. 1789.
No. II.
A particular STATEMENT of WARRANTS drawn by the late Board of Treasury on MICHAEL HILLEGAS, late Treasurer of the United States, which remain unpaid, and were comprised in the Estimate made by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and by him reported to the House of Representatives of the United States.
   Date of Warrants. No. In whose favor. Department, and for what drawn. Dol. cents.     1786.   Oct. 10. 522 EDWARD CHINN, Commissioner for adjusting the Accounts of Rhode-Island, for his own and Clerks salaries, Office-rent, &c. from the 1st of July, to 30th Sept. 1786, 464 15   Paid in part, 50   414 15   1787. 804 Arnold H. Dohrman, late agent for the United States, at the Court of Lisbon, his salary, 15,600   Nov. 19. Paid in part, 2,562 46   13,037 44   1788. 927 Elizabeth Wallace, for the payment of a Register's Certificate in favor of Robert Patton, pr. act of Congress, 24th of June, 1788. 557 16   July 5. 943 Jonathan Burrall, Assignee to John White, late Commissioner for the States of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, for salaries and contingent expenses from 1st January to 3d of March, 1788, 706 36   944 Do. Assignee of William Winder, Commissioner for the States of Virginia and North Carolina, for salaries and contingent expenses of his office, from 1st of April to 30th June, 1788, 1,354 84   Sept. 3. 979 Dunlap and Claypoole, for printing the Resolves of Congress, advertisements for contracts, &c. 115 38   980 Jeremiah Wadsworth, Assignee of Jonathan Trumbull, being for the principal and interest of a Register's Certificate, pr. act of Congress, 28th July, 1788, 2,383 45   Deduct so much paid, as appears by the Receiver's Account, 2,000   383 45   984 Jonathan Burrall, Assignee of John White, Commissioner for the States of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, salaries and contingent expenses of office, for one quarter, ending 30th June, 694 41   27. 985 Ditto, Assignee of do. being an advance on account of said White's salary, 600   Oct. 9. 996 Joseph Hardy, Attorney to George Reed, Commissioner for South Carolina and Georgia, for salaries, quarter ending 30th June, 343 18   Dec. 19. 1038 Edward Chinn, late Commissioner for Rhode-Island, for salaries and contingent expenses of office, one quarter, ending 30th June, 566 85  
(To be continued.) Dollars, 18,772 52