Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-01-31 00:00:00

John McDowell
Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, N o . 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1683
PHILADELPHIA: WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 31, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
CONGRESS.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN INTERCOURSE
[Continued]
 [Mr. Crail's observations are republished on account of an error in the arrangement of them, in yesterday's Gazette.] 
Mr. CRAIG. At this stage of the present debate, and when I inform the Committee that I do not expect that any observations which I can offer will make an impression upon the Members, it might be expected that I should make some apology for rising at this time. I find an apology sufficiently strong, in the importance of the subject under discussion, and in the conviction that it is my duty to take the most public method of expressing my opposition to the principle contained in the present amendment. Were it not for these considerations, the present state of my health would strongly forbid my mixing in the present debate.
Having been prevented by indisposition from hearing the whole of the debate upon the amendment now under consideration, I am obliged to depend upon the statement which has been given by the reporters of the debates, as to a part, and particularly the introductory observations of the gentleman from Virginia, who brought forward the amendment which has produced this lengthy and passionate debate. That the debate should be lengthy and passionate, is matter of no surprize. Had I been accustomed to look for consistency of public conduct in that gentleman, I might, perhaps, have expected that as on a late and important occasion, he expressed such a strong desire for harmony and unanimity, and urged in favor of a postponement of the discussion, to a very distant day, the evils that were to be apprehended from the excitement of passion and party warmth; I say, Mr. Chairman, if I had calculated on the ground of what had taken place, I might have expected that, on the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina, to go into the consideration of this bill, a motion for postponement to a future day would have come from the member from Virginia; or, that the present amendment would have been delayed to some future session, when, in that gentleman's opinion, the danger from irritation might be less, or harmony and union not of so much importance as at present—for I will venture to say that the present amendment brought forward by that gentleman, involves a principle, which, in its very nature, is of all others the most likely to produce excitement in this House, to call forth criminations and recriminations, to bring into action all the asperity of party, to set afloat all those passions which have so often agitated this body, and, in short, to produce a political warfare of opinions, the most opposite, deep-rooted, fixed, and irreconcileable. But whatever change of circumstances may have taken place, to reconcile the gentleman's change of opinion to himself, as to the necessity of harmony, and the danger of irritation, then and now,—I do not complain of his want of forbearance on the present occasion; nor, notwithstanding the professions or a different disposition, which have been made, am I at all surprized at the avidity with which the present opportunity has been seized, not only to establish a principle dangerous to the very existence of the Government, but to indulge himself, with those who have followed him, in the most unmerited suspicions, censure and crimination, not only of the Executive but of all the members of this house, who have differed with him in their political system of action. I say, Mr. Chairman, I do not, nor ought I to complain, because I am free to confess that I am one of those (perhaps some of a few) who have believed, at least for some time past, that, from the state of party in this house, little was to be expected from attempts at union and harmony—that nothing was to be obtained by concession: I have therefore resisted every temptation to action, from considerations of this kind; and have determined to do what I think the interests of my country requires, and that, I predict, so far as depends upon me, without examining how it may be received by those who generally differ from me in opinion. I have also said, Mr. Chairman, that I was not at all surprized at the amendment which is now brought forward, nor at the observations by which it has been introduced and supported, for when I take a retrospective view of the conduct of opposition, I find the present attempt to be one other link to that chain of unsuccessful effort, which was begun soon after the organization of the government, and has been lengthened out to the present moment, as occasion presented—efforts to establish a principle which, if supported by a majority of this House, and by the people our constituents, must inevitably, and in my view of the subject, very shortly, subvert or materially change the present established government.
This principle involves, in my opinion, a very plain, obvious, and simple question: Shall a majority of the House of Representatives absorb and draw to itself all the powers of this government, which have been distributed into different channels, or departments; or shall each department of the government be supported by the others in the exercise of its constitutional functions? And is it not equally the duty of a member of this house to defend and protect other departments, whilst moving in their own appropriate spheres, as it is to maintain and employ that portion of power which the constitution has intrusted to them? This is a question which, though repeatedly settled, so far as decision can avail to this purpose, is yet one of the utmost importance, and will continue to be, as long as it shall be open to discussion; which I believe will be the case so long as the house is composed of its present members. This principle is one, among many others, the contest about which strongly characterizes a party in this house, perhaps this expression, of party existing here, may give offence to some: I am not very solicitous about the choice of words; but if I were, I profess to be a loser for a more appropriate and fit expression of the opposition and marked conflict of opinion, which has prevailed in this House since I have had a seat in it, and which, I trust, will continue to prevail as long as ideas similar to the present shall be advocated. So long as I shall hold a seat here, I shall boast of being one of a party, who, by every effort in their power, shall resist this and many other characterizing attempts. Were I to deny the existence of party here, I should refute an assertion in the very teeth of every body's observation—I should shut my ears and eyes to the very conclusive evidence which the present debate affords. If such is the fact, and it is no secret out of the walls of this House, why deny it? The acknowledgment is necessary to the cure of the evil; for, Sir, divided as we are at present, I consider it a most serious evil, and one that threatens much mischief to the country. That Party does exist in this House, the people are not now for the first time to be told; but that Opposition is now become so systematized, the line of separation so broad, and (if the objects pursued are the same) the means of attaining them so different, that the present House of Representatives can never be expected to harmonize and unite, is a truth which the people are not sufficiently impressed with, and which it is proper they should soon be informed of: As well might it be expected that two diverging lines should meet in their extension, as that men, acting, if not with different motives, at least with such opposite views of the same subject; men taking different courses, and parting at the very threshold every measure of importance, should harmonize and unite. If my assertion of the existence of party, should offend some, the idea of the people deciding between us, may alarm others. By this I mean to be understood the calling the attention of the people to the examination of our conduct, and their expression of an opinion, in the constitutional mode of election, as time to speak out—If the People, as the gentleman from Pennsylvania has confidently asserted, are in him in the establishment of the principles now intended for, and my constituents are among the number, I am free to acknowledge myself unfit to hold a seat here as their representative; for I can never consistently with my sense of duty, and the opinions which I entertain of its importance to the very existence of our constitution, which I have sworn to protect, carry it into effect, or give it the sanction of
ni. voice— notwithstanding the same gentleman's deduction from a supposed disqualification of some members of this House to attract public attention, that this is an admission, on their part, that the people are against them; and notwithstanding the gentleman's boast of their support, I feel no difficulty in making the trial, or fears as to the final result. If indeed I supposed that the people gave credit to one half of the insinuations, accusations, and calumnies, which have been made on this floor, and out of it, on this, and on other occasions, against the Executive, and those who have generally supported him, as a continuance of part of the government, in the exercise of his constitutional powers and duties, however I might be satisfied they were merited, I should certainly have little reason to calculate upon their support. What effect these charges, so often repeated, and so tradicted, may have, I cannot pretend to say; that they have had a certain effect already, I have no doubt; that they have not fully answered the end intended, is to be attributed to the good sense of those to whom they were addressed—to their capacity of distinguishing and judging for themselves.
I acknowledge the talents of members would be more properly employed in convincing and informing each other. The style of debate which has lately prevailed here, is but little suited to this object—nor do I believe that much impression is made by it within these walls. But little that has recently taken place could be intended for members of this body; it is time therefore to follow it where it is designed to have an influence. Mr. Chairman, I with not to anticipate a crisis in our affairs, which present appearances seem to promise is at approaching: should it arise, which I pray heaven to avert, it may be such as to call for all the energies and resources of our country. It will be then of the utmost importance that the Executive should possess the confidence of his countrymen, and that those men who have upon all occasions expressed a disposition and readiness to exert the means of the government for its defence and protection, should stand well with the people; to this end it will be necessary that their conduct, their views and motives should be explained, and freed from the imputations which have on this as upon former occasions been heaped upon them.
I have already, Mr. Chairman, observed that I considered this amendment as involving the same principle which has most pertinaciously, upon every occasion which has presented itself been contended for with all the unity and talents of the party, and that I considered it one, which if established in the latitude contended for, would fundamentally change if not destroy the constitution under which we live, and which we have sworn to support. The first attempt at the establishment of the right in the house of representatives under the appropriating power, to exercise an unrestrained discretion upon an act done by the executive, within the limits and under the authority of his constitutional powers, was in the memorable case of the British treaty. On this occasion, they contended for the right of defeating an act of the president and senate, by withholding an appropriation necessary to carry it into effect. The next in point of time, was, on the mint establishment, where after a law had passed, sanctioned by all the forms which the constitution prescribed, an attempt was made to defeat its operation by withholding the appropriation of money necessary to its execution.
A third and final attempt was made to defer the execution of the law for the building and equipping of the frigates. Another effort was made I believe during the same session, by withholding an appropriation for carrying into effect the law fixing the military establishment of the United States so far as relative to a troop of horse. Now there was but a fair attempt at a repeal of the law so far as relative to this troop—the repealing law passed both houses of the legislature, and was sent to the president for his consideration—he returned it with his reasons of dissent, and there not being a constitutional majority in its favor, it failed. After having gone through all the stages which the constitution requires, and having been weighed and considered, the sense of the legislature was fairly expressed that the law authorising this troop of horse should not be repealed, but that the troop should continue: notwithstanding all this, and that it required two thirds of both branches of the legislature in this situation of the business to repeal the law, it was contended in the house of representatives, that a bare majority of that body had the constitutional right of defeating it by withholding the appropriation necessary to support it, and an attempt was made to that effect.
The next memorable case is the one now under consideration, where an attempt is made to break down, destroy and alter an establishment made by the president of the United States, under authority given him by the constitution.—I do not propose to trespass upon the time of the committee by a separate consideration of each of those cases, because the house are already in possession of the debates upon them, and because a very few plain and simple reflections upon a collective view of them, will show the danger of the principle, which is the same in all of them, when carried into practice: the use which may be made of it, and the means adopted to give it success.
If a bare majority in the house of representatives can act as a check mate to the president of the United States in every case where in the execution of his constitutional powers, he must have money to give effect to his acts—if this same majority can defeat the operation of a law solemnly sanctioned by the three branches of the legislature, when that law shall require money for its execution (and most laws of importance are of this description), then sir, is every branch of the government brought at the feet of a majority of this house? Away then with the boasted independency of the different departments; there is an end of that happy and wise distribution of power, which I fondly hoped and supposed this constitution possessed—there is no longer stability in our acts, there will be no long confidence or security in our government.—Vain is it that the framers of our constitution intended to give solemnity to our doings; vain do we look for stability and wisdom in the constitution of the senate, or energy, decision and promptness in our executive; they are forfeited; their powers all vanish at the magic touch of the representative wand. But Mr. Chairman, ground to untenable, attempts toardy, required every address and management to support them. The partisans of this innovation upon our constitution, have addressed themselves to that natural tendency of all public bodies, rather to increase their power, than satisfied with what they constitutionally possess—they have endeavoured to enlist the people on their side, by creating jealousies and suspicions of the executive, by attributing to the different interests and views of those of the people; they have endeavoured to impress them with an opinion, that whatever power is taken from the other branches of government, and added to that of the house of representatives, is so much regained to the public stock—every attempt at resistance to those
doctrines, which here this house of our first char- ged either to executive influence or to political op- nions, hostile to the representative and republi- can form of government. Mr. Chapman, it is because those men are truly attached to the distribution of power under the present form of government, because they are equally enemies to anarchy and despotism, because they wish to preserve that balance and harmony which the fathers of the constitution intended it should have, and to defend the whole, by giving each part its power of action—I lay it is because they are against any, the faintest change, which effected in the constitutional mode, that they differ with the mover of the present amendment, and other gentlemen of this house, upon the pre- sent and other important occasions.
Though, as a member of the house of representatives, I have no particular attachment to any one branch of the government compared with another, nor do I believe that any one department of government is the peculiar favorite of the people. Whatever contrasts may be drawn in this house between this branch and the other, I trust the nature of our government is better understood without these walls. The people are not now to be informed that all power emanates from them, and however distributed, those unto whom it is entrusted to be employed for the public good, are responsible to them for the proper use of it. They see in the executive a department as necessary as responsible, and as much entitled to their confidence and support as any other in the government. They have not created an office, and elected a man to fill it, for the purpose of making him the object of their suspicion, fear, jealousy and opposition. Instead of authorising the house of representatives under the idea of checking his evil propensities, to thwart every measure that may proceed from him—Instead of forming the house of representatives into a court of censors, or an inquisition to pass upon the acts of the other departments of the government, they have more wily imposed checks in the very constitution of the departments themselves—They have in the executive department, a security which cannot be abused, in the manner of his election and the time for which he is elected, in the high responsibility of his situation, in being equally the object of punishment with every other servant of the public, in the impossibility, from his situation and power, of having interests distinct from the mass of citizens, into which he must shortly return—but they love another, Mr. Chairman, and not the least important; he must be a native American or a citizen, prior to the establishment of the present government, and therefore capable of taking a warm interest in the prosperity of his country, and feeling the pride and influence of the true American character.
Was a stranger to our constitution and form of government to hear the repeated observations in this house of executive influence, of the danger of executive patronage, and the jealousies expressed of the abuse of power; when he shall see the animated eloquence of gentlemen called forth (by a constitutional act of the president in the appointment of a foreign minister) to paint in glowing colours the danger of his influence and patronage being extended even to members of this house; I say such a man, without any other information, would naturally suppose the president to be some despotic foreign viceroy, entrusted with absolute power, and holding the purse strings of the nation, feeling no attachment to the people over whom he was placed, and having no responsibility attached to his situation. What, Mr. Chairman, would be his surprise, and to what would he attribute such conduct, when he shall be informed of the real situation, power and character of this man, when he shall be told that he is the representative of a free people, freely chosen by them from the mass of citizens, and selected for his virtue and talents.
When once the executive of this country loses the confidence of the people, when once they withdraw their support from him, there is an end to it, and to the government. That the executive influence and patronage is to be pleaded under this government is too ridiculous for serious consideration—It may be a spectre with which to frighten weak minds, to alarm children, but can never enter into the fears of men of common sense. Gentlemen may suppose it may answer their purposes, if thereby they can excite an opposition in the house supported by the people without, against the exercise of executive power: with such an opposition, in such a warfare, every other department of the government must fall. Then indeed would the house of representatives possess uncontrouled power; then it will have arrived to that tyranny which some gentlemen say republican governments have a tendency to; then indeed will the government be changed—But from such a government, and such a tyranny, I pray heaven to defend me.
Shall then those who resist this tyranny be branded with the character of men wishing to extend the executive power to the destruction of all others? Shall they be incessantly represented to the people, as acting under executive influence, as being the mouth of the executive, as being the partisans and champions of executive power? champions of executive power? And shall they be sarcastically called the heroes of the constitution? Is this a fit time to disseminate jealousies and suspicions of this kind against the executive? Are the best talents of the country to loose their effect from inculcating an opinion that these efforts are produced by the influence of executive patronage? And shall every man who happens to think with the executive, the proper mode of administering this government, if he has talents sufficient to attract attention, be considered as a candidate for public office; or taking measures to promote his election? These are not imaginary charges; for the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin) must excuse my not considering his jesuitical explanation, the other day, as sufficient to take off the impression which the whole tenor of his observations would necessarily make. If he believed the mischiefs which he apprehended from executive patronage, and of its being used with effect upon this house were distant, why oppose the present bill on this ground, which does not contemplate an encrease of patronage? And why charge the executive with making appointments from the legislature? Why talk of gentlemen in this house having commissions in their pock-
ets; or the expectation of office, whilst advocating measures which were to make way for the appointment? And why go into a nice calculation of time between a former appropriation and the appointment to office of a member of this house? No man who heard that gentleman's observations, no man who reads them in the public prints, can doubt of the end they were intended to have. They ought not, therefore, to have passed unnoticed. But where are the leaves and filhes which are supposed to be so dangerous in the hands of the executive? The President must have the power of working miracles with them as of old, if in their distribution more should fall to the share of any public officer than is necessary for a bare subsistence.
 But, Sir, why the present alarm, why this hostility against the executive upon the present occasion. Has the executive done more in this instance than the constitution has authorized him to do? Are we qualified to say, he has unwisely exceeded the power intrusted to him, have we the information necessary to form an opinion—may there not be information which we do not possess, and may it not be improper in the President to furnish us with it—shall we decide blindfold, or the President, to whom the constitution has given the right having decided from all the information before him, shall we not suppose that to be rightfully done which is constitutionally done. If the house has a right to determine there shall be no foreign ministers, they have a right to determine there shall be foreigners, how many, and where. Is the executive in that case bound to take their advice, if he is, may this house not as well say what those ministers shall do. This house has the power of refusing the necessary appropriations; have they the constitutional right ? The President of the United States is a constitutional officer—this house must furnish his support—they may suppose this officer possesses power dangerous to the liberties of this house and to the people—they have the power to refuse an appropriation. No man will be hardy enough to contend we have the constitutional right—the same of the judges who are created by law and appointed by the President—here the legislature act under the express authority of the constitution and create the officer; can this house refuse rightfully, to appropriate for their support? So in the present case the President is a constitutional officer—he is directed by the constitution to appoint foreign ministers; it is as if the constitution had appointed them itself. Here, as in the case of the judges, is no authority given to the legislature to create those officers. The right is in strong terms taken from the legislature. To have the right to make foreign ministers or to displace them, we must have the right of foreign correspondence and the superintendence of our foreign relations or how can we judge of the fitness or unfitness of the measure; we must also judge of the propriety of making treaties since they will require ministers to make them—will those powers be contended for? But here is an officer appointed to an office not created by law—it is now proposed to recal or displace him; can this be done but by the same authority that appointed him. The appropriation was fixed by law, the officer was created by the President—the President who judged of his appointment, must judge of its recal. 
I do not undertake to determine, nor do I think it necessary at this time, and in this place, to express an opinion upon the general question of the policy of this government in maintaining a political connection with the other nations of the world, or of the propriety of an extension or reduction of our present diplomatic establishment, because I do not believe I possess all the information necessary to a correct opinion upon the subject; and because such opinion could only be considered as that of any other individual of the community, and should have no effect as coming from me in my representative character. I believe the constitution has given to the Executive the right to decide upon this subject: the President can give the best advice of the nation, and will, no doubt take it; if he shall at any time be of a different opinion with this advice, and all the information before him, which his constitutional character furnishes him with, that the interests of the country will be promoted by a reduction of the diplomatic establishment; he has the right, so I believe he will be disposed to exercise it. As the people of the United States, and myself among the number have thought he could be safely trusted with the exercise of this right, I am not disposed in this exparte manner to question either his wisdom or integrity, by withdrawing my support from him.
Nor do I consider it necessary on this occasion, to vindicate him against a charge of supposed resolution on his part to elect to office only such men as shall in the general accord with him in opinion, as to the best mode of administering the government: because I do not consider that such a resolution, if adopted, requires defence, inasmuch as I believe it would be justified by common sense, common prudence, and common experience. Nor can I admit that the supposed difficulties which have been suggested by gentlemen in this debate, viz. the means from New-York (Mr. Livingston) and a member from Virginia (Mr. Brent) are objections to the adoption of such a resolution, if indeed, I believed that the time would shortly arrive, when the Executive would be reduced to that situation for want
of talents or integrity, among those who generally approve of the measures of government, as to compel him either to make the selection to office from a contrary description of character as to political opinion, or as the member from Virginia (Mr. Brent) has expressed himself, to bolt into office demagogues, who have no other recommendation than their adroitness in petitions, to the Hallelujah's to Executive power and influence, I should consider such an event much to be deplored; then, indeed, should I be willing to give some force to these objections, but as I wish not unnecessarily to distress myself, I shall not anticipate an evil which I believe to be as distant and as remote as it would be serious and alarming if at hand.
Nor, Mr. Chairman, do I think the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Brent) has been very fortunate in the choice of character which he has made to invalidate the truth of an observation which has been frequently made, viz. that the Executive had in no instance deviated from such rule, in the appointment to office without having melancholy cause to lament it. As this gentleman has thought fit to bring more immediately into view this character, which he says is well known, to have been frequently alluded to, during the present debate, I thereto might safely concede all that he has intended for him on this occasion, without being considered his panegyrist: I might admit with much truth, that we owe our present situation with the French republic to that gentleman, and if it will be any gratification to the member from Virginia (Mr. Brent) or those who have pursued the same political line of conduct, I am willing to allow them a participation of those measures which have produced this situation. If this situation is as the gentleman from Virginia has insinuated an enviable one, if it is one on which we have abundant cause to felicitate ourselves then, Sir, I agree they shall have all the credit which their efforts so well entitle them to: if, on the contrary, this situation is such as every friend to the interest, the honour, and the peace of the nation has reason to lament; then will I not dispute with them the obloquy and censure which their conduct may justly merit. This is a question which I undertake not to decide, in the language of the member from Virginia (Mr. Brent), I leave it to the understanding and feelings of the country to determine.
 Whilst taking notice of the observations of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Brent) I cannot omit observing upon the unfair statement he has made of the remarks of the member from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold) upon the subject of checking the government. If I understood that gentleman, the distinction which he took between the system of the member from Virginia and his own, was clear, explicit and intelligent: he admitted that checks were to be found in our government, but that they were checks operating within each department, he denied that the departments were checks upon each other; and he went on to exemplify and explain his distinction in a manner which could not be misunderstood, but by the confused ideas of that gentleman upon the subject. He contended for instance, that the legislative department had constitutional checks within itself; that the house of representatives was a check upon the Senate, the Senate a check upon the house of representatives, and the President, who in this respect is a constituent part of the legislature has a check upon both: that in the executive department the Senate was a check upon the President. But he denied that the legislative department was a check upon the executive, the executive upon the legislative, or either upon the judiciary. His ideas upon this subject I will admit were very different from those of gentlemen who advocated the extraordinary doctrine of checks, introduced into this debate by the mover of the present amendment.—The checks contended for by those gentlemen are intended to produce an eternal state of warfare and hostility between the several departments of the government, that contended for by the member from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold) is designed to promote harmony and a co-operation of the departments: according to those gentlemen's system, the moment of harmony, conciliation and union is the moment of danger and alarm.—That moment the government is in such a situation as that it can act with any valuable effect, is the time to sound the alarm, is the moment for this minority to exert themselves stirring up internal war and dissention in the departments. If I believed with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) that such must be the operation of republican governments, I should then agree with him most readily in another opinion which he has expressed, that republican governments had a strong tendency to despotism and tyranny; for I will venture to assert, that out of such confusion, such disorder, such aarring and hostility of departments eitherarchy or despotism must necessarily and partly arrive. But, Sir, I fear there is but little probability of the apprehension of the member from Virginia being realized in that harmony, union and co-operation of the departments which I consider so desirable in a government, and so necessary to its use-operation, so long as he shall be a member of either of the departments. According to his own principles it will be his duty to keep a watchful eye upon their approach to this point, and to sound the alarm: and though he should be one of the virtuous minority in this house, I have no doubt but he will sufficiently know out of this house to at- 

tract attention, and that he will speak loud enough to be heard at least by the minority out of those walls. If I could see strong and alarming symptoms of a harmony of this house with the Executive department at this time, I might be able to account for the amendment which is now under consideration and the style of the observations with which it was introduced. I might in that case, be able to understand why the house of representatives is thus to be drawn up in battle array against the Executive.
I will now notice a few of the remarks of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who was last up (Mr. Findley) and then conclude. This gentleman, in the commencement of his speech, complains much of the personalities of some members of this house in the present debate, and of the hard names which have been called; and he begins and finishes this same speech in a style of abuse and criticism, but little calculated to correct the mischief he complains of. He said in one breath, that the favorites of the present amendment, are represented as wishing to overturn the government, and in the next, he asserts it is well known that there are men in this house, who consider the executive the government, and he attributes the observations of some gentlemen to their professional habits at country court bars; from the proficiency which this and some other gentlemen have discovered upon the present occasion in this style of declamation I am induced to believe there are other schools besides county courts where language of this kind is taught.
But, Sir, this gentleman has made another complaint, which rather deserves to be laughed at than seriously attended to; it is, that we have taken up much time in disputing about a principle when we ought only to have considered the expediency of the measures proposed, and he has insinuated this as a usual trick with some gentlemen in this house. I consider this attempt to trepan the house, and lead from the real question, as a trick indeed, but a very shallow one. Does the gentleman pretend that the principle in this case must be settled before we can come to the expediency of the measure, and that any discussion of the expediency without a denial of the principle is an express admission of the principle? That to admit the right of the house of representatives to legislate or deliberate upon the expediency of the present measure, is to concede the principle contended for, in all its latitude. But when gentlemen are pressed hard upon the real question in dispute, they then endeavor to escape by putting it out of sight, or by narrowing their ground; and for this the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Brent) who was last up, deserves credit. He has endeavored to represent the present amendment as yet more harmless as only contending for a right in the House of Representatives to fix the question of salary to officers created by law or the constitution. I do not believe the mover of the present amendment or those who immediately followed him in support of it, from the ground which they then took, and the full disclosure they made of those objects and intentions for which I am willing to give them credit will thank those gentlemen who would now reduce the question to a mere nothing. Has the present amendment ever been confessed upon this ground, unless by those two gentlemen? Has the right which they claim ever been denied? if it has I have not heard it—have those who support the present amendment, pretended that the allowances which have heretofore been made to our foreign ministers have been too high? Do they wish that a minister plenipotentiary or charge des affaires, should have less? I have not heard it contended, but the object is professed to be, by reducing the appropriation, to reduce the grade of office at two of the courts, and to compel the President to recall the ministers at another, and not to reduce the appropriation, because the present allowances to the second grade of officers is too high, and ought to be reduced. It has been explicitly avowed, that it is further intended by degrees to destroy entirely, our diplomatic establishment. But for those gentlemen cannot be serious in their declarations upon this subject, for they have both contended (notwithstanding this declaration of their view of the subject) with all their talents, for the establishment of the very principle which the opponents of the amendment say it involves. One other object may be obtained by thus weakening the importance of the present dispute, to wit impressing the people with an opinion that the opponents to the amendment have produced an unnecessary waste of time and money, which would be indeed inexcusable if the contest was only about the saving of a few thousand dollars.
But the member from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Findley) has made another attempt equally hardy in contending for the right of the legislature to establish and create the officers of ambassadors, foreign ministers, &c. and the manner of supporting his point convinces me of a truth which he has complained of as applicable to others, to wit—that he was not addressing himself to the understanding of this house, but that he intended his observations should have an effect where the detection of their fallacy might not be so easy. He has read from the constitution the right of appointing ambassadors, foreign ministers, judges, &c. and he has thus argued, that as the legislature notwithstanding this general grant to the executive, has claimed and exercised the right of creating the office of judge, so they have equally the right in the cases of foreign ministers, &c. I cannot attribute this misrepresentation of the similarity of the two laws to the gentleman's ignorance or want of information, for he must have seen in this same constitution an express grant of this right to the legislature in the authority given to them to establish a judiciary system, in which the right of creating the office of judge is absolutely essential; but can the gentleman
find any such grant in the case of foreign ministers in any part of this instrument, and would it not have been as easy to have expressed it in one case as in the other, if the framers of the constitution intended the legislature should possess the right. I contend the office of foreign minister is created by the constitution to be filled at the discretion of the executive as circumstances and the interest of the country may require.
But as the gentleman is conscious he cannot find any specific grant in the constitution on the right in this house to legislate upon the expediency of reducing our diplomatic establishment, he has availed himself of a very old plea to support his claim, a plea that has been constantly resorted to to uphold the most extravagant demands. The gentleman asks, has not the legislature the right of declaring war? And under this right he claims the one now contested and may claim any other belonging to the government with equal pretensions. As we have the right of declaring war, say those gentlemen, all others follow as incidental to this general power which are in any degree connected with it, and as incidental to this they have claimed a participation in the treaty making power; they now claim a control over our diplomatic establishment, and may with equal propriety take into their hands the entire superintendence of our foreign intercourse and connections. So of their claims under the right of appropriating what the war right leaves the appropriating right takes, and thus the House of Representatives strips the other departments of the government. The gentleman in remarking upon what he calls a request, and he might have said in many instances as an apt quotation from a favorite author, viz. the tendency of certain measures to stop the wheels of government, observes that the donia of the right which is claimed in the present instance to the House of Representatives is stopping one of the wheels of government. If it is a wheel, it is a fifth wheel which does not belong to the political carriage, and which he is attempting to clog it with contrary to the original design of the builder, and I will say against my consent, for I declare I am not so much attached to the fashionable novelties of the day or to new fangled inventions as to receive this upon the bare recommendation of the projectors. I believe it may do harm and can do no good—it may impede the motion and progress of the vehicle to which it may be attached and may eventually overset and destroy it.
This gentleman has also followed the example of all those who contend that power can be trusted no where but in the House of Representatives and has argued against the executive's exercise of it from the possible abuse of it. He has contended that it would be dangerous to give the power to the executive to create officers because he might abuse it with a view to the service of his friends, and he has quoted most of our state governments to show the extreme jealousy and caution with which they have delegated the power of appointment to office, he has also urged the opinions of men of talents in the convention of this state which accepted the present constitution, to support the plenitude of power in this house under the right of rejecting money bills. In this instance also the gentleman has followed the common error of all those who have attempted changes in the constitution in any other than the constitutional mode. They undertake to make a constitution and not to execute one—they enquire where power ought to be lodged, when they should be examining where it is deposited—we are not now in convention to pass upon this government, we are not discussing the question where the power of creating and appointing to offices would be best and most likely entrusted—but we are simply to determine where it is to be found—I believe it is willy placed where I contend I see it.
It has been insinuated in the course of the debate, that the executive had expressed an opinion that the right of creating the officers of foreign ministers, &c. was in the legislature. I see nothing to justify this conclusion. The practice of the executive from the commencement of the government to the present day, has been expressly against a concession of this right; and the practice of the legislature has been equally opposed to the claim. Can gentlemen show in instance where the legislature have created an office of this kind? Has not the uniform practice of the executive been, to appoint to office, and then call upon the house not for a creation of the office, but for an appropriation for the officer. In the late mission to Paris, did the executive consult this house before he made the appointment, to know whether we would have one or three commissioners? And was his right to determine that question disputed, when we were called upon to appropriate for three commissioners? Is it proposed to question this right which the President has thought himself authorized to exercise, during the present session, in the appointment of three commissioners to treat with the Cherokee Indians? The appointment has been made without consulting us; and I have not supposed it would be disputed, or the appropriation.
But as some extracts from the speeches of members formerly of this house were read to the committee, by the mover of the amendment, with a view to show, as I understand, that the ground now contended for by the opponents to the present amendment, was not taken early in the government. And as the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Brent) has expressed great uneasiness and alarm to find from the reading of these extracts, that the opinions now expressed by some gentlemen, are but of a late date, that they have changed with a change of views, and that there should be such a want of consistency in their conduct. I shall beg leave in conclusion to read to this committee a few extracts from the congressional register of the debates and proceedings in the first congress, as a complete
refutation of those insinuations. As I was not in the house when the extracts were offered by the mover of the amendment, and they were not printed with his observations, I have not had an opportunity of examining them. That, however, which I shall offer, are directly to the point; and prove incontrovertibly, that the present question was settled early in the government, in the first case in which it arose; and that if there is any inconsistency of conduct in gentlemen, upon the present subject, it rather attaches to those who have since contended for the right now claimed. Mr. Craik then read the extract of the proceedings and debate on a bill brought into the house of representatives, for making provision for the defraying of expenses attending Indian treaties; which bill contained a clause directing that commissioners, not exceeding three, should be appointed, and allowed compensation, &c. When the bill came under the consideration of the house, a member, Mr. Sedgwick, made a motion to strike out that part of the clause, restraining the number of commissioners to three, on the ground that it was an unconstitutional interference on the part of the house, with the executive authority; that the right of laying how many commissioners there should be appointed, belonged to the executive alone; and that this house have nothing to do with it. The question for striking out the clause after debate, was carried. Mr. Craik observed, that the mover of that amendment, for striking out the clause, was well known to have always maintained a steady and uniform opinion upon this subject; and Mr. Craik observed he was authorized to say, that a member then from Virginia (Mr. Madison) whose opinions the supporters of the present amendment, generally respected, seconded the motion of Mr. Sedgwick, which was then the subject of discussion. Mr. Craik took notice of a part of the debate where Mr. Smith, then a member of the house, when speaking upon the question, asked the house, "what was to be done, supposing the United States were at war with a nation from whom overtures of peace were received—Suppose it was absolutely necessary during the next recess of congress, to send a minister or an envoy to the Dey of Algiers; would it be proper to defer to necessary a business, until this house could be convened?"
Mr. C. observed, the extract of the law, and debate therein which he had used, required no comments, but he would propose the same question now, which was then put for the consideration of the committee. Mr. C. concluded with an expression of his decided and unequivocal opposition to the amendment under discussion: observed his strength was exhausted, but not the subject.
Mr. C. CLABORNE wished to offer a few reasons for his vote on this question. He was clear that the House had a right to restrict our diplomatic appointments, so far as related to the appropriation of money; and he was convinced that the good of the country required an exertion of that right on the present occasion. He was convinced also that that part of the Constitution which had placed the care of the Treasury in the hands of the House of Representatives, had greatly recommended it to the people of the United States; and if ever that valuable deposit was placed with the affections of the citizens towards the government it would be greatly lessened if a number believed that it was one of the political tenets of the gentleman just far down, (and his arguments declared it to be so) that the donis of the Treasury, so far as relates to foreign intercourse, shall always be opened at the will of the Executive, that this very honorable gentleman and his adherents would not long be the favorites of Politicians of America. But candour impelled him to declare, that the saying of a few thousand dollars was not his chief motive in supporting this amendment. He considered it of infinitely more importance as a check to the growth of our foreign political connections—connections which he had for several years viewed as dangerous to the welfare of this country.
Siuated as the United States are, at a great distance from the transatlantic world, unassailable by conquest, and blessed with a government formed by the people, and highly pleasing to a large majority of them, what, said he, have we to do with the politics of Europe? With that continual confusion and warfare occasioned by the constant desire to preserve the balance of powers, so necessary for the existence of small nations, surrounded as they are by more powerful nations? These were evils which called for the sympathy of the feelings of humanity for districts; but they were events with which we, as a nation, had nothing to do. It was our concern to preserve harmony with all nations; to follow the peaceful pursuit of our agriculture; to afford to our unoffending commerce such a protection as we are enabled to do without oppressing our agriculture; but to keep aloof from the intrigues and designs of European princes as well as republics.
With this view of the subject, he saw no necessity for this extensive political intercourse. He believed it was of no use. Was it found that when England determined to despoil our commerce, it was in the power of our minister there to prevent it? Or, if other maritime powers were disposed to do the same, could our ministers avert the evil? He believed not. But had not our foreign political connections been attended with serious evils? To what was our present critical situation owing but to this? What, more than this, tended to produce quarrels with foreign governments, and of course to endanger our tranquillity at home? He appealed to every experienced man, whether they had anything more to fear from this.
But were there no other mischiefs to be apprehended from this policy? Would not foreign politics be introduced, which might bring about a change of sentiments and views in the country? Was this desirable for America? Or would it not rather prove the bane of its liberty? Amongst the things most to be dreaded was, however, the introduction of a foreign interest into our councils. And though we not, he asked, to close every door to its entrance, as a necessary precaution to secure our freedom and happiness? He was of opinion that this was the true policy which America could pursue.
The committee had been told that this was not the proper time to retrench our diplomatic corps. But the same gentleman had stated Europe as consulted to its extent, as disregarding the law of nations; where they hate villainy as riding triumph, and where the principle of morality and virtue had but few supporters. If this were true, surely no time was more proper than the present to reduce our present establishment; for, if the times were so iniquitous, what possible good could foreign American ministers render to their country from a residence in those countries.
The committee had also been told by the gentleman from Delaware, that so great was the thirst for conquest in those countries, that, for aught he knew, a compact might now be making to enslave America, and he adduced that as a reason for continuing what he called our honorable spies abroad. In a little circle of one of the countries of Switzerland, on a question like this, such a suggestion might be entitled to some little weight, but upon this floor, it was not
surely worthy of consideration. For let it be remarked that an immense ocean separates the United States from those countries; and a late attempt to enslave America, had produced, to use an hackneyed phrase, an awful lesson to the world how future attempts of this kind were futile.
For his own part he was surprised that this motion had been so much opposed. Provision was made for the two great belligerent countries, and there seemed to be no objection to a smaller plenipotentiary being sent to Spain. With respect to other powers, he saw no occasion for our sending ministers to them.
The observations of the gentleman from Georgia had had considerable weight on his mind. That gentleman had, from experience, informed the committee what took place under the confederation. In the infancy of our national government, the policy of sending ministers to foreign courts was much gone into; but he told them experience soon evinced that it was a dangerous policy, and that at the origin of the present government, they were almost wholly discontinued. This was the author of experience, which he greatly relied upon.
The gentleman from Maryland just far down, complained of abuse from gentlemen favouring the amendment; though he believed every thing of this kind had come from the opposite quarter. He asked who it was that told the committee "that there are persons within these walls whose object was to overthrow the government?" and here he won't remark, that when the observation was made, the persons charged should have been pointed out; as, making the observation without pointing out the persons, was an illiberal and ungenerous general reflection. Who was it that said, that the present question was, "the government and the people on one side, and the gentleman from Virginia, and his friends on the other?"
Did that member suppose, the favourites of the amendment, were less independent in their sentiments, and less friends of the American people than he was? When he looked round that committee, amongst the friends of amendment, he saw men who ranked high in the estimation of the American people, whose characters were well known, and it would be heard with astonishment that a doubt injurious to them had ever been entertained in this house. Mr. C. said, he believed the time he had allotted himself was expired, and sat down.
The committee rose and had leave to sit again. Adjourned. (Debate to be continued.)
TUESDAY—JANUARY 29.
The bill appropriating money for holding a treaty with the Indians claiming land in the states of Tennessee or N. Carolina, was read the third time and passed.
Mr. Dwight Foster from the committee of claims, made a report unfavourable on the petitions of Edgar and M'Comb, claiming lands of the United States, which was read and committed.
Mr. Findley presented the petition of sundry citizens of the four western counties of Pennsylvania, praying for compensation for damages sustained from the troops of the United States during the insurrection—Referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Harper presented the memorial of Thomas Hutchins, praying for an additional compensation for the services of his father, who was geographer general to the United States—Referred to the same committee.
Mr. Sitgreaves said, as it was yesterday said that the rules for the house respecting the appointment of committees did not apply to the present case, it would be well for the house to settle a question before it proceeded to the election of managers of the impeachment which might arise in the business, viz. whether a majority or a plurality of votes were to make a choice. He therefore proposed the following resolution, which was agreed to by the house.
"Resolved, that in the ballot for managers on the part of this house, of the impeachment against Wm. Blount, a majority of the whole number of members present shall make a choice; that if more than eleven members shall have a majority eleven of the highest shall be chosen; and if any two or more members having a majority of votes and shall be equal in number, the same shall be decided by a new ballot."
The sergeant at arms proceeded to collect the ballots, which being done, the speaker appointed Mr. D. Foster and Mr. Jones as Tellers.
Having examined the votes, (which took up nearly two hours), Mr. D. Foster reported, that the Tellers had performed the business assigned them, and found the whole number of votes to be ninety-one, and that consequently 46 made a choice, and that the following nine gentlemen, and no more were elected, viz.
Mr. Sitgreaves 76 votes. Mr. Bayard 69 do. Mr. Harper 65 do. Mr. Gordon 62 do. Mr. Pinckney 53 do. Mr. Dana 52 do. Mr. Baldwin 48 do. Mr. Sewell 46 do. Mr. Hosmer 46 do.
Mr. Baldwin said, that perceiving some of the committee which had formerly acted on this business, did not possess so much confidence as others, he should beg the house to excuse him from serving as one of the managers of the impeachment.
Mr. Brooks thought it was curious, that after having obtained a majority of votes, the gentleman from Georgia should complain of not having the confidence of the house. Did the gentleman expect to receive the whole 91 votes? Except a better reason was given, he hoped the gentleman would not be excused from serving. He was astonished to hear the reason which had been given. Did the gentleman with the voice of feeble minorities to shew confidence instead of majorities? If so, his wish would not, he believed, be the with of the house.
Mr. Baldwin said the gentleman from New-York had misunderstood him. He did not say that he did not possess the confidence of the house; but "that some members of the committee appeared not to possess so much the confidence of the house, as others."
Mr. Thatcher asked the number of votes which the gentleman from Georgia had re-
ceived. On being informed, he hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion, since he would see that none of the committee possessed the entire confidence of the house.
Mr. Baldwin said he had stated the reasons of his request, and hoped the sense of the house would be taken upon it.
Mr. Pinckney hoped the question would not be taken. If any question could have come before the house, on which members should have divested themselves of all idea of party, this was such an one. He trailed there was a general wish in the house to sit this matter to the bottom. If he understood the gentleman from Georgia, his objection did not arise from his not having had more votes, but because another member of the committee was not elected. If this was his objection, at this period, it was not complete. The house had yet a further ballot to make, and the gentleman should wait to be elected, and then, consistent with his own feelings, he might serve. Mr. P. said he was himself unwell, and not in the house when the ballots were collected, or he certainly should have voted for all the members of the committee.
Mr. Baldwin persisted in his motion, which was carried, there being 48 votes for it.
A new ballot then took place for three additional members. The votes having been collected, the tellers counted them as before and reported the whole number of votes was 91; but that no member had a higher number of votes than 37, and consequently that no election had taken place. Messrs. Dawson, Dennis, Gordon and Gallatin had the highest number of votes.
Mr. Gordon moved that the choice of the four remaining managers should be postponed till to-morrow.
Mr. Gallatin hoped not.
Mr. Sewell wished the business to be postponed, as by to-morrow gentlemen might reconcile their differences of opinion on the subject. He wished it also, because he had a subject to lay before the house, which he thought of importance to be settled before they separated.
Mr. Macon was yesterday in favour of adjournment; but experience had convinced him he was wrong. He hoped the business would be proceeded with.
The motion was negatived 55 to 35. A fresh ballot was then proceeded with; which, upon the votes being examined, proved as before, a nullity; no member having a majority of votes. We believe this time Messrs. Dennis, Evans, Gordon and Gallatin had the highest number of votes.
Mr. Harper hoped the farther proceeding upon this business would be postponed till to-morrow, that gentlemen might have an opportunity of understanding each other.
The motion was carried, there being 48 votes in favour of it.
Mr. Sewell rose to bring forward the business which he had mentioned; when
A motion was made to adjourn, which was negatived, there being only 13 votes in favour of it.
Mr. Sewell then said, he believed the business which he had to lay before the house would require secrecy, as it was a subject which would considerably affect the feelings of the members of the house. He therefore moved that the galleries might be cleared, which was accordingly done.
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By Authority
Laws of the United States.
Fifth Congress of the United States: AT THE SECOND SESSION, Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday, the thirteenth of November, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven.
AN ACT To prescribe the mode of taking evidence in cases of contested elections for members of the house of representatives of the United States, and to compel the attendance of witnesses.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That where any person, from and after the passing of this act, shall intend to contest an election for any member or members of the house of representatives of the United States, or to support any such election so intended to be contested, and shall be desirous of obtaining testimony respecting such election, it shall be lawful for such person to make application to any judge of the courts of the United States, or to any chancellor, justice, or judge of a superior or county court, or court of common pleas of any state, or to any mayor, recorder or intendant of a town or city, who shall thereupon, issue his warrant of summons, directed to all such witnesses as shall be named to him by such applicant, or his agent duly authorized for that purpose, and requiring the attendance of such witnesses, before him, at some convenient time and place, to be expressed in the warrant, in order to be then and there examined, in the manner herein after prescribed, touching the subject matter of the aforesaid application.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That every such witness, as is abovenominated, shall be duly served with such warrant, by a copy thereof being delivered to him or her, or left at his or her usual place of abode; and that such service shall be made a convenient time before the day on which the attendance of such witness is required, which time the magistrate issuing the warrant is hereby authorised and required to fix, for each witness, at the time of issuing it, having respect to the circumstances of such witness, and the distance of his or her residence from the place of attendance.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That any person being summoned in the manner above directed, and refusing or neglecting to attend, pursuant to such summons, unless in case of sickness, or other unavoidable accident, shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty dollars, to be recovered with costs of suit, by the party injured, if the warrant of summons was issued, and for his use, by action of debt in any court, or before any other tribunal of the United States, or any state, having jurisdiction to the amount of such penalty.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the magistrate issuing the aforesaid warrant of summons, shall, at the time of issuing it, cause to be made out, under his hand, and delivered to the said applicant, or his agent authorised as aforesaid, a notification directed to the opposite party, and stating the time and object of the aforesaid application, the name of the applicant, and the time and place fixed for the examination of the witnesses; which notification the said applicant, or his agent as aforesaid, shall cause to be served on the said opposite party, by delivering to him, or leaving at his usual place of abode, a copy thereof, a convenient time before the day fixed for the aforesaid examination; which time the magistrate granting the said notification shall fix, at the time of granting it, having respect to the distance of the said party's place of residence from that appointed for the examination; which examination shall not be proceeded in, unless proof be made by affidavit in writing, of the due service of such notification, or unless the party on whom such service is hereby directed to be made, shall attend at the time and place aforesaid, by himself or his agent duly authorised, and consent to the said examination; which consent shall be certified by the magistrate.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That all witnesses who shall attend, pursuant to the said summons, and all other witnesses who shall be produced at the time and place aforesaid, by either of the parties, or their or either of their agents duly authorised, shall then and there be examined on oath or affirmation, by the magistrate who issued the warrant of summons aforesaid, or, in case of his absence, by any other such magistrate as is authorised by this act to issue such warrant, touching all such matters and things respecting the election about to be contested, as shall be proposed by either of the parties aforesaid, or by their, or either of their agents duly authorised; the testimony given on which examination, together with the questions proposed by the parties aforesaid, or their agents, or either of them, to the witnesses, respectively, the said magistrate is hereby authorised and required to cause to be reduced to writing, in his presence, and in the presence of the parties or their agents, if attending, and to be duly attested by the witnesses, respectively. After which he shall transmit the said testimony, duly certified under his hand, covered and sealed up, to the clerk of the house of representatives of the United States, for the time being, together with a copy of the warrant of summons,
and notification issued in that behalf, and the original affidavit proving the service of such notification.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That in case any judge, justice, chancellor, mayor, recorder or intendant as aforesaid, to whom the application herein mentioned shall be made, shall, by reason of sickness, necessary absence, or unavoidable accident, be rendered unable to attend at the time and place fixed for the examination aforesaid, it shall be lawful for him to certify the matter, and the proceedings had by him in that behalf, to any other magistrate of any of the descriptions aforesaid, which said magistrate thereupon, shall be, and hereby is authorised to attend at such time and place, and to proceed touching the said examinations, in all respects, as the magistrate issuing the warrant of summons, might have done, by virtue of this act.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That where no such magistrate as is herein authorised to receive applications as aforesaid, and proceed upon them, shall reside within any district for which an election about to be contested, shall have been held, it shall be lawful to make such application to any two justices of the peace residing within the said district, who are hereby authorised in such case, to receive such application, and jointly to proceed upon it in the manner herein before directed.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That every witness attending by virtue of such warrant of summons as is herein directed to be issued, shall be allowed the sum of seven and five cents for each day's attendance, and the further sum of five cents, for every mile necessarily travelled in going and returning which allowance shall be ascertained and certified by the magistrate taking the examination, and shall be paid by the party at whose instance such witness was summoned: And such witnesses shall have an action for the recovery of the said allowance before any court, or magistrate having competent jurisdiction, according to the laws of the United States, or of any state, in which action the certificate of the magistrate taking the said examination shall be evidence.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That each judge, justice, chancellor, mayor, recorder, intendant and justice of the peace, who shall be necessarily employed, pursuant to the direction of this act, and all sheriffs, constables or other officers who may be employed to serve any of the warrants of summons or notifications herein provided for, shall have and receive from the party at whose instance such service shall have been performed, such fee or fees, as are or may be allowed for similar services in the states wherein such service shall be rendered, respectively.
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force until the end of the first session of the sixth Congress, and no longer.
JONATHAN DAYTON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. TH: JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate. United States January 22, 1798. Approved JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States. Deposited among the rolls in the office of the Department of State. TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of State.
By this day's Mail.
NEW-YORK, January, 30. A DARING ROBBERY. Yesterday morning about 2 o'clock a daring robbery and burglary was committed at the house at Bellevue. Mr. Fisher the keeper of the house arose at the alarm, and while defending the stairs was fired on, then knocked down. He saw five men, four of whom were blacked, and the fifth with a white frock over his head. The villains took Mr. Fisher up stairs, beat his wife then tied them together by the neck. They placed a guard over an old man who was lying in another room, and then proceeded to ransack the house of whatever cash they could find, with several articles of value, such as silver spoons, cloathing, &c. They were all armed with swords and pistols.
The attempt of this desperate gang of villains should excite the vigilance of our citizens to guard against their future depredations; and if possible to bring them to an early apprehension.
HARTFORD, January 25. Last Saturday, as Mr. Daniel Phelps, of Lebanon (N. H.) was coming down on Connecticut river in a sleigh, his horses broke through the ice at Nonhampton; when, shocking to relate! his wife, with a child of six years old, were drowned. With the greatest difficulty, Mr. Phelps had his own life saved. His sleigh, horses, and 400 dollars in cash, with his affectionate comfort and loving child, were all carried under the ice. The child however was discovered and taken out by some persons who immediately went to their assistance, but not until it expired. Nothing more could be found. The particulars of this melancholly scene we have not yet heard.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Europe, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated Oct. 20, 1797. "A summary of the correspondence between Mr. Pickering and Mr. Monroe was lately published from the Gazette Nationale of Paris, with a very judicious note, from the Editor, which over sets Mr. Monroe's reasoning very completely. This affair having been read by the corps diplomatique, has been a good deal the subject of conversation, and Mr. Monroe's conduct has of course excited universal contempt."
WORCESTER, January 24. On Sunday, the 14th inst. towards night, the dwelling house of Mr. William Hosue, In-
holder in Brookfield, with a considerable part of the household furniture, was consumed by fire. The fire is supposed to have been kindled by a small child, with a candle, in the chamber near the centre of the house. The flames had made such progress, previous to the discovery, that the activity and alertness of the people, who brought together, could only be exerted for the security of adjacent buildings, and the furniture &c. of the house. Notwithstanding every exertion, six beds with the bedding, a chest of linen and a number of other articles, were lost. It was a favourable circumstance to the neighbourhood, that the air was unusually calm; otherwise, a large number of buildings, probably, must have been reduced to ashes.
The next evening, a number of inhabitants of Brookfield collected at Capt. Drape's, to begin a subscription for the relief of Mr. Hosue, and his distressed family. Upwards of six hundred and forty dollars were immediately subscribed; and there is no doubt but a handsome addition will speedily be made to that sum.
ALFONSO, January 24. The brig Phoenix, Capt. Hackett, 64 days from New-Bedford, put into New-York the 14th inst. on account of sickness. In this vessel came Capt. Raptas, from Smyrna, and Mr. Holmes, from Boston, and Russell, of Salem, who was on board the Phoenix, and who is now in a ship-builder's by the name of the Phoenix, of 17 American vessels taken into New-Bedford, 15 have been condemned, and among them is the brig Phoenix, from this port. Most of the vessels that were taken into New-Bedford, before trial; some of them laid up for months, before judgment was pronounced, and the crews turned on shore, to serve in the streets, or go to privateering.
Extract of a letter from a young man on board the Saratoga, to his father in his town. Dated New-Bedford, Jan. 9. "We are now ready for sea, and are only waiting for a wind. Mr. CLEGG has arrived here yesterday from Alexandria. There is a talk of the ship's going to the East Indies, before we come back; we go from Bremen to the Isle of France, thence to Mecca, on the Red Sea, to Jerusalem. If so, we shall be about 17 or 18 months. There is some difference about the ship, I am certain. There is some difference between the captain and the first lieutenant, for Clingman don't go on shore here, for fear of being taken up. He came here last night, and ordered the ship away immediately; but the wind being ahead, we could not get out of the road; and he will not allow us to go on board. I will write you again from Bremen."
This holy PILGRIM has descended from Alexandria, after towing the merchant there out of 50,000 dollars. A pretty democratic risk!
The Gazette.
PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 31.
MR. FENNO. A misrepresentation of the transaction which happened yesterday, in the House of Representatives, between Mr. Lyon and Mr. Griswold, having been published this morning in the Aurora, the following more correct statement of the fact is handed to you to prevent the injury which that misrepresentation seems designed to do the character of an injured man.
Yesterday, in the House of Representatives, while the members were balloting for Managers to conduct the impeachment of William Blount, Mr. Lyon, standing by the Bar of the House, and addressing himself to the members, of which Mr. Griswold was one, made the following observation: "That the Representatives in Congress from the State of Connecticut, were conducting in the House in direct opposition to the wishes of their constituents; that they were pursuing their own interest, and cared nothing about the public; their object being to obtain offices for themselves—and that it mattered not whether the officer was worth one hundred or five hundred dollars; that the Representatives of that State were admitting opinion to their Constituents, to tell them asleep—and that if it should go into that State, and take on themselves the management of a printing press, for six or twelve months, they could effect a Revolution, change the whole politics of the State, and ruin out the present Representative."
On which Mr. Griswold replied to Mr. Lyon, that he was much mistaken; for he could not produce the effect if he should go into Connecticut, or change the opinion of the meanest holder. Mr. Lyon said he knew the temper of the people of Connecticut, he had to fight them in his own district, whenever they came there. Mr. Griswold asked him whether he fought them with a wooden sword: upon which Mr. Lyon spat in Mr. Griswold's face.
Mr. Griswold from respect to the house, and being instantly cautioned by some of his friends, reserved his indignation.
The motion to take up the subject in the house, was made without the previous knowledge of Mr. Griswold.
The Committee appointed on this subject, have not yet made any report.
This morning, the House of Representatives completed the list of Managers of the impeachment of William Blount, by electing Mr. Evans, Mr. Dennis and Mr. Imlay.
A melancholly accident happened in this city yesterday afternoon, which we trust will operate as a caution to persons using the present fashionable amusement of sleighing, particularly in the city. A party of gentlemen were riding along Front near Pine street when their horses took fright and ran off the gentlemen threw themselves out of the sleigh, without receiving any particular injury, but the horses ran upon the foot pavement with the sleigh, and killed one woman and very much injured another!
Marryed, on Sunday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. Ulrick, Mr. George Fisher, to Miss Mary Robertson; and on Monday evening, also by the Rev. Mr. Ulrick, Mr. Abraham Boyer, to Miss Eunice Howell.
The legislature of Maryland at their late session passed 122 acts.
NASSAU, January 12. Yesterday arrived here his majesty's ship Andromeda, captain Taylor, his majesty's ship Lynx, Captain Hall, and a Spanish brig from Campeachy to Havana, prize to the Ranger and Primrose, privateers, of this port. His majesty's ship Prevoyante, Captain Wemyss, arrived here to day from Tybee. Commodore Ricketts, with the Magicienne and Diligence, had returned from Laguna, without effecting the object of his mission, the Spanish commandant saying he could not deliver up the Hermoine, or her piratical crew, without others for that purpose from his Court.
The Magicienne and Diligence, on their return to the Mole, went into a Bay, on the north west coast of Porto-Rico, and cut
out from thence eight sail of vessels, viz. 7 merchantmen, chiefly English and American prizes, and one French privateer. The Magicienne sustained some trifling injury from the fire of the Battery on shore. All the prizes had arrived at the Mole.
An enterprise was lately formed against the French post at the Platform, which succeeded completely: all the works, stores, and artillery being destroyed.
A large body of troops was momentarily expected at the Mole, from Europe.—The force of the French at Cape Francois, was estimated at 200 Europeans and 200 black troops.—Toullant was at Gonaves—Barney was at the Cape in bad health, and in disgrace.
GAZETTE MARINE LIST.
PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
The United States ship Sophia, capt. Maltbie, arrived at New-York on Monday, from the Havannah.
The brig Charlotte, Penrose, and sloop Mary, Gamble, from hence, have arrived at the Havannah.
An embargo that had existed at the Havannah for three weeks, was taken off the 11th inst. when the Schooner Maria, Flinn, of this port, sailed for St. Thomas's.
The ship Isis, of and from Hamburg to this port, which was spoke on the coast the 30th ult. is supposed to have gone into New-Bed, N. C.
New-York, Jan. 30.
ARRIVED DAYS. Brig Sophia, Maley Havana 17. Sch. Mary, Howard Norfolk 7. Nancy, Black, Ditto. Sloop Dove, Coffin, Charleston.
List of vessels failed in company with the brig Sophia, arrived here on Sunday from Havana, in 14 days:
Ship Abigail, Hare, of and for Baltimore; sch. Barbara, White, ditto; sch. Felicity, ditto; captain Eveleth, of Alexandria, and bound to Baltimore; a northward brig, Webb, of Salem, for Baltimore; do. Godfrey, do. a Newburyport ship, Ham, for do. captain Watson, in a Schooner of and for Philadelphia; capt. Flin, in a sch. of Philad. for St. Thomas; capt. Levering in a Schooner of and for Alexandria; capt. Hazard in a brig of and for Charleston.
Left at the Havanna, the Halcyon, Smithwick, of Baltimore, frigate, Hawk, Berry, of do. brig Russell, Prince, of Charleston, and several others, names unknown.
Baltimore, January 27.
The sch. Polly, Booth, of and from Baltimore, bound to St. Jago de Cuba was captured by a French privateer, carried into Jean Rabel and acquitted; and in a second attempt to reach St. Jago de Cuba, was captured by an English sloop of war, carried into Kingston, cargo condemned and vessel libelled.
Arrived at Port M'Henry.
The brig Rebecca, of Philadelphia, Andrew Arnold, master, 35 days from Jacmel and Aux-Cayes, bound for Philadelphia, having met with very severe weather on the coast. Having been blown off the capes of Delaware, was obliged to bear away for the first port; not being able to get a pilot and being unacquainted with the Norfolk passage was necessitated to run up the bay for this port.
Vessels left at Jacmel, Dec. 1.
Brig ——, Reece of Baltimore. Sch. Eagle, Anderson, to fail in 15 days. Sch. ——, Lilly of Baltimore. Brig Friendship, Clark, Philadelphia. Sch. Huzzey, ——, Portland. Do. Sally, Beck, Georgetown, Potomac. capt. sick. Do. Molly, Molton, Newburyport. Brig ——, Whitehouse, condemned as unfit for service.
Left at Aux-Cayes, Dec. 22.
Brig Eliza, Townsend, Salem. Do. Coats, Johnson, Newport. Do. Swallow, Stoder, New-York. Do. Fair American, Burk, Philadelphia. to fail about the 5th January. Do. Polly and Bessey, Townsend, Boston. Do. Charles, Crofton, Philadelphia, to fail in 3 days for Petit Guave—mate dead and two people sick. Do. Relief, Mandual, Philadelphia—to fail in two days for St. Domingo; all his people dead. Do. William, Hurst, Baltimore. Sch. Eliza, Bethwood, Charleston. Do. Mary, Est. ro fail for Charleston in 2 days. Do. Enterprize, Blackburn, New Hampshire, captain dead, mate taken command. Do. Ann, Johnson, Portland. Do. Linnut, Williams, Ipswich—capt. dead, mate taken command. Do. Argus, Randall, Portland. And several other vessels, names unknown.
Chief of the above vessels have been waiting a long time for their payment from administration; not being satisfied with taking our cargoes, and paying us in produce, at what price and time they please, they now compel us to pay their freights; what they next will do is hard to determine. Captain Arnold was detained two days, they refusing to clear him out, until he would bring three boat loads of sand to fill up their freights.
December 28th, off the Isle of Pine's spoke the brig Industry, ——, to days out from Jamaica, bound for Boston.
January 6, off the north side of Cuba, fell in with, and was boarded by a New-Providence privateer Schooner, the Hawk, of ten guns, capt. Cook, who, after examining his papers, letters, &c. politely dismissed him.
Jan. 7. fell in with, and boarded by a New-Providence privateer brig, of 18 guns, called the Lark, captain Coborn, who after examining his papers, also politely dismissed him.
Arrived last night at the fort, a brig under Swedish colors. Also the Schooner Mary of Alexandria, capt. Eveleth. The Schooner Barbara, capt. Joseph White.
Jan. fifteen days from the Havanna. Capt. White was embargoed about three weeks at the Havanna, where the Vera Cruz fleet with a large quantity of specie, had arrived, about the 7th inst.
Two Spanish frigates with dollars, bound to Porto Rico, touched on Salt Key, one of which was left there, after taking out the valuables and destroying the ship; the other returned to Havanna with an account of the misfortune.
Capt. White sailed from Havanna in company with a large fleet of American vessels, among them were the Ship ——, capt. Ham, of Newburyport, bound to Charleston.
Abigail, capt. ——, bound to Palimare; parted with her off cape Hatteras.
United States brig Sophia—very leaky.
Brig Friendship, of B——, capt. Godfrey bound to Baltimore.
Nancy, of Salem, bound to Salem.
Sch. ——, of Philadelphia, capt. Walton bound to New-York.
——, Tlynn, of do. bound to St. Thomas.
Felicity, Kearny.
Exchange, of Alexandria, Lovering, Silters, of Norfolk, Hartley.
NORFOLK, January 20.
In a Liverpool paper of the 10th of November, we have an account of the capture of the ship Jeanie, Captain Alexander McGregor, on the 9th of October, by a French privateer of 16 guns and 115 men, named the La Hazard. The Jeanie was bound from Liverpool to this place, and notwithstanding her very inferior force, having only 10 guns and 12 men, she maintained an engagement which continued upwards of three hours and forty five minutes, during which time a number of the privateer's men were killed and wounded, and both vessels considerably shattered. The Jeanie was soon after re-taken by the Anson British frigate, and sent into Falmouth; but we are sorry to find that the brave McGregor was carried into Rochelle.
Yesterday arrived the sch. Somersett, capt. Stevens, 32 days from Gonaves bound to Baltimore, but having sprung a leak, and being short of provisions, put in here. Captain Stevens has furnished us with the following.
Left at Gonaves 19th December.
Ship Ardent, Greybell of Baltimore.
Brig Industry, Bishop, of do. for adjudication.
Sch. Thetis, How, do. do.
Suffolk, Clark, of New-York.
Dove, Spooner of Boston.
The Dove was bound to Gonaves, but was captured by a republican barge and carried into the platform, where her hatches were broke open, and her cargo taken from him without any hopes of being indemnified. The above sch. Thetis, capt. How, who bound to a French port, was brought in as a prize to a republican barge, and detained as a prisoner for five days on board his vessel, under a guard, who threatened to shoot capt. Stevens for going along side.
On the 2d December the above brig Industry was brought in; she had been taken several days before and carried into the Platform, where a number of blacks and men of colour came on board, broke open the hatches, and took out between two and three hundred barrels of flour, and sent the brig for Gonaves, declaring her to be a good prize.
December 16, arrived there the sch. Amelia, of and for Philadelphia from Petit Guave, with only the captain and mate on board (all his sailors having died at Petit Guave.) He was working into the harbor to obtain seamen, when he was boarded by a privateer and brot in as a prize, and her hatches sealed down.
On the 19th December the sloop Dolphin, of and from Philadelphia bound to Leogane was brought in a prize.
The whole of the above vessels were bound to French ports. There are from 10 to 15 barge out of Gonaves, who capture every American they can come across, no matter where bound.
Two days previous to capt. Stevens sailing, it was currently reported that the sloop Hope, capt. Bewel, of and for Charleston from Petit Guave, was boarded by a French barge off the west end of Gauba island, who made the capt. and mate jump overboard, and put the rest of the crew to death. In the Caicos passage spoke the brig Thomas, capt. Parker, from Port-de-Paix bound to Charleston, who gave the same information.
ARRIVED.
Ship Jackson, Rea, St. Vincent's. Brig Democrit, Baldy, Jamaica. Williamson, Albay, C. N. Mole. Two Sisters, Romaine, Porto Rico. Sch. Hazard, Hill, Guadalupe. Sloop Lydia, Nicholson, Antigua.
BOSTON, January 23.
CAPTURE OF TERNATE.
Accounts are received, via Batavia, of a late date, that the British have extended their conquests in India, to the Island of Ternate, the most northerly of the Moluccas, formerly celebrated for their Clove-trees but which the Dutch, in the reign of James I. transplanted principally to the famous Island of Amboyna, where their enormities convinced the world that Hollanders could be cruel.
NEW-THEATRE.
(By Desire.)
THIS EVENING,
JANUARY 30.
Will be presented the Comedy of
VIVES AS THEY WERE! AND MIMIC AS THEY ARE.
To which will be added the musical drama of
HUNT THE SLIPPER.
Box, one Dollar; 1st. three quarters of a Dollar; 2nd. and Gallery, half a Dollar. The doors of the Theatre will open at five, and the curtain rise precisely at six o'clock.

JUST PUBLISHED, And to be sold by WILLIAM WOODHOUSE, No. 6, South Third Street, Philadelphia, The Young Chemist's Pocket Companion; CONNECTED WITH A PORTABLE LABORATORY: CONTAINING A Philosophical Apparatus, and a great number of Chemical Agents; By which many persons may perform an endless variety of amusing and instructing experiments; intended to promote the cultivation of the Science of Chemistry. BY JAMES WOODHOUSE, M. D. Professor of Chemistry in the University of Pennsylvania, &c. AT PRESENT EVERY THING THAT IS NOT DESIGNATED CHEMISTRY, IS BUT A SMALL PART OF A SYSTEM OF NATURAL KNOWLEDGE. Pringley on Air.
THE chest connected with this book is one foot and a half long, one foot broad, and about the same height. It contains twenty two bottles filled with the following reagents, in a pure state as possible.  1. Sulphuric acid  2. Nitric acid  3. Muriatic acid  4. Carbonic acid  5. Oxalic acid  6. Acetous acid  7. Solution of pot ash  8. Pot ash in powder  9. Ammoniac  10. Solution of the sulphate of iron  11. Solution of the sulphate of copper  12. Solution of mercury in the nitric acid  13. Solution of silver in the nitric acid  14. Solution of corrosive sublimate  15. Solution of the acetate of lead  16. Solution of arsenic  17. Solution of the muriated barytes  18. Sulphate of magnesia  19. Lime water  20. Prussiate of lime  21. Prussiate of pot ash  22. Ammoniac of copper  The lower apartment is a drawer, in which the philosophical apparatus is placed, and a number of agents folded up in paper, as  1. Strips of paper stained blue by the tincture of litmus  2. Litmus paper turned red in an acid  3. A small bag, containing genuine litmus  4. Paper, dyed yellow by turmeric  5. Turmeric paper, turned brown by an alkali  6. Paper, dyed red by Brazil wood  7. Brazil wood paper, stained purple by an alkali  8. Zinc, in small pieces  9. Copper, in small pieces  10. red lead  11. Iron filings  12. Sulphate of copper  13. Rust of copper  14. Muriate of ammonia  15. Acetate of lead  16. Carbonate of lime  17. Sulphur  The Apparatus consists of  1. Glass syphons  2. A blow pipe, of tin, copper, or silver  3. A magnet  4. An inflammable spirit lamp  5. A glass funnel  6. A measure for liquids  7. A small scale and mortar  8. Scales and weights  The book is a duodecimo of 56 pages; containing a method of performing one hundred experiments, the greater part of which are made in a common glass, and many of which are the most brilliant which occur in the science of Chemistry. An explanation is given of the phenomena which take place in each experiment, and a simple manner is laid down of preparing most of the reagents when wanted. By means of this Chemical Companion and Portable Laboratory, gentlemen who have not had an opportunity of attending an experimental course of Chemistry, may instruct themselves, as a private study, with the greatest ease, the celebrated experiments of Priestley, Berthollet, Berthollet, Scheele, Berthollet, and the first Chemists of the age. January 3 net $2.50
JUST PUBLISHED AND TO BE SOLD BY JAMES HUMPHREYS, At No. 74, North Third Street, the corner of Cherry-alley. (Price one Dollar, in boards, and lettered) An ENQUIRY into the DUTIES of the Female Sex. BY THOMAS GIBBON, A. M. The following among others are the principal Subjects of this useful Work. Female Education. Of the mode of introducing Young Women into general society. Female Conversation and Epistolary Correspondence. Dress. Amusements. Excess in the pursuit of Amusement. Employment of time. Considerations antecedent to marriage. Duties of matrimonial Life, with a view to different Situations and Circumstances. Parental Duties. Duties of the middle period of Life. Duties of the Decline of Life. From the title of the foregoing work it may perhaps be imagined, that the Enquiry is altogether and exclusively directed to the duties of the Female Sex: It therefore, may not be unnecessary, or unuseful, to remark, that many of the chapters contain matter relative to the conduct of both sexes, and particularly those which relate to the duties of Matrimonial Life—Parental Duties—Duties of the Middle Period—and of the Decline of Life.—And the rest of either sex that peruse this work with a view of gaining information leading to substantial pleasure, will assuredly not be disappointed. In fact, it is a work interesting to the happiness of society, and must be useful wherever read; tending not only to point out, in easy and engaging language, the path that leads the youthful mind to happiness and comfort, but those also, in the walk of which, the parent and the middle period of life shall find sincere delight, and declining years render themselves comfortable and happy with all around them. Philad. Jan. 19. 3s 6d
Canal Lottery---No. II. WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Seven Dollars, at Wm. BLACKBURN's Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second Street—Tickets in the Schuylkill Bridge Lottery, at Ten Dollars, where such Tickets are kept for registration and examining in them, the City of Washington, No. II. and Paterson Lotteries, and information where Tickets may be had in most of the Lotteries authorized by law in any of the States of the Union. N. B. The business of a Broker, in buying and selling all kinds of Public Stock and Securities, discounting Bills and Notes of Hand, sale of Land, Houses, &c. &c. will be only attended to, by Wm. BLACKBURN. January 12 3s 6d
FOR SALE, By BENJAMIN CLARK, No. 55, the corner of Chestnut and Front Streets, A large quantity of Clocks and Watches. Also, a general assortment of Tools, Files and Materials, consisting of Clock Movements, right day and thirty hour brass pinions and large work; Bells, clock and watch Dials, Springs, Hands, Glasses, Punice Stone, Emery, Rotten Stone, Cat Gut; bench, hand and tail Vices; Turns, Pliers, Chains, Seals, Keys, &c. &c. 3s 6d
For Sale or Charter, The Ship FARMER, JOHN M'COLLOM, Master; WILL sail in a few days, the greater part of her cargo being ready. For freight of fifty tons of Coffee, or passage, apply to the maker on board, at Walnut-Street wharf, or to JOHN SAVAGE, Who is Landing, out of the said Ship, from Bordeaux, and For Sale, Claret in hds. White Wine in quarter casks Claret in cases, of a superior quality Portwine, } Wines in cases Sauterne, } Lunille, } Prunes in boxes november 24. 5
For Sale or Charter, The Snow GOOD HOPE, Will carry about 1200 barrels, and is ready to take in cargo. For terms apply to Pragers & Co. No. 155, South Second Street. Who have for sale—prime St. Croix Sugar and Rum, Madeira, Lisbon, and Teneriffe wine. November 7. dfr
For Savannah, in Georgia, The Ship Sally Butler, Captain CHISHOLM, A new vessel, with excellent accommodations for passengers—Sails on the 10th of December For Freight or Passage, apply to ROSS & SIMSON, Who have to dispose of, A small invoice of GLAUBER SALTS rec'd, and a parcel of HOLLY WOOD. november 18. 5
Recently Published, And just imported from England, by WILLIAM GRIFFITH, No. 177, South Second Street, and may be had of Messrs. J. & J. REESE, Cheap and valuable work, in two closely printed volumes in 8vo. (price 3 dollars) Illustrations of Prophecy: In which are elucidated many predictions, which occur in Isaiah, Daniel, the writings of the Evangelists, and book of Revelation; which are short to foretell among other great events, a revolution in France, avarice to the interests of mankind, the overthrow of the papal power and of ecclesiastical tyranny, the downfall of civil despotism, and the subsequent restoration of the state of the world together with A large collection of Extracts, Interpersed through the work, and taken from numerous commentators, particularly from Joseph Mede, Sir Isaac Newton, Mr. William Lowth, Dr. Th. Goodwin, Fleming, Dr. Henry More, Bengelius, Dr. John Owen, Daubuz, Dr. Cressner, Whitty, Peter Jurieu, Lowman, Brennus, Bishop Newton, and Bishop Chandler. Bishop Hurd.
By JOSEPH LOMAS TOWERS. Besides various other inquiries treated of in this work, and numerous illustrations of prophecy; it contains a considerable number of facts or observations on the symbolic language of prophecy, the authenticity, uses, and obliquity of the apocrypha, and the genuineness of the Hebrew prophets; on the rapid corruption of christianity in the fourth century; on the dispersion and restoration of the Jews, the history of the false Messiahs who have appeared among them, and the reasons in support of the conjecture that the Ashkanis are the descendants of the ten tribes; on the right of resistance to oppression; on the eruptions of the northern nations, and the causes of the decline and fall of the Roman empire; on the customs of the Tartars, and the independence of the Arabs; on the conquests of those nations, and those of the Turks; on the usurpation of the Mamalukes, and the past history and present state of Egypt; on the character and conduct of Constantine, Julian, Clovis, and Lewis XIV; on the scarcity of books in the dark ages, and the causes of the decay of literature; on the rapid rise of the French monarchy, and the causes of its fall; on the inconsistencies in the political character of bishops Newton and Hurd; on the peculiarities of Dr. Th. Burnet's theory of the earth; on the beneficial effects which christianity has produced in favor of learning and civil liberty, and its tendency to promote the establishment of equal governments. Independent of the large proportion of original matter contained in these volumes, those who are interested in the subject will, it is presumed, wish to peruse or consult them, because the extracts introduced in them, which are accurately cited, and marked with inverted commas, are taken from a greater number of writers on the prophecies (at least if the roman catholic commentators be excluded) than are easily accessible to any one individual even in Europe, or are probably to be found in any one library in the world. They are furnished with indexes, and a co-ious table of contents. Jan 22-2m 2m 2m 2m
Just Published, And to be had at the Book-shops of Messrs. DOBSON, CAMPBELL, YOUNG and OAKWOOD, in Philadelphia. OBSERVATIONS On the Causes and Cure of Remitting or Bilious Fevers. To which is annexed, AN ABSTRACT of the opinions and practice of different authors, and an APPENDIX, exhibiting interesting facts and observations relative to the Synodus Ithracis, or Yellow Fever, which has occasioned so much distress and mortality, at different periods, in several of the largest towns of the United States of America. BY WILLIAM CURRIE, Fellow of the Philadelphia College of Physicians, and Member of the American Philosophical Society, &c. 3m 6d
ROSS & SIMSON, HAVE FOR SALE, A few bales Baftas, Coffas, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON Bengal SUGAR, in bags and boxes Jamaica, } St. Vincents, } RUM. and Bengal 100 casks RICE, and A parcel of ship building RED CEDAR. Oct. 27. 5
TO BE SOLD, A GREELY to be let will and testament of WILLIAM HAYDON, deceased, and possession given immediately, a valuable property in Arch Street, between Third and Fourth Streets, consisting of the house, No. 107, with the lot on which it is erected, a stable, and other improvements.—The house is 10 feet front, and contains ten good apartments. The lot is of the same width as the house and 200 feet deep, with a well of water and a very capacious walled cistern, both with pumps in good repair. The stable stands on the rear of the lot and will accommodate four horses and a carriage. This property enjoys the perpetual privilege of a 15 feet course and an alley, 8 feet wide, extending to Cherry Street. Its central position, and the advantages it possesses with respect to free ventilation, renders it well worthy the attention of any person wishing to possess an eligible property in Philadelphia. For further particulars enquire at No 83, Vine Street—of ROBERT HEYSHAM, or FRANCIS BOWES SAYRE, January 11 5
W. HAYDON, Delineator of Drawing—from London, (Where he has studied several years under one of the most eminent masters in that science) INFORMS his friends, that he has re-commenced his private tuition.—Terms, as usual, Six Dollars per month, for attendance three times a week. Likewise, all kinds of Ornamental Painting, fruit, flowers, &c. taught on the above terms. W. H. flatters himself his terms will be particularly advantageous to those that employ him, as he makes no additional charge if there are two pupils in one family. A line directed to W. H. left at the office of this Gazette, will be immediately attended to. January 9. 52w
The owners of the Brigantine Mercury, William Upton, master, captured by a Spanish privateer and sold at Cienfuegos in last December, may receive interesting information respecting her, by applying to the Department of State. Jan. 3. 5
By JOHN MILLER, JUN. & Co. No. 8, Chestnut Street, One hundred and eighty Bales BENGAL GOODS, Among which are, Centals, Mamoosies, Batas, Sanas, Guz-nahs, Tanda Coffas, Guzies, Emeries, Blue Cloths, Calicoes, Palampores, Romall Handkechiefs. Among them are a great proportion of the manufactures of Patna. December 1. 5
NOTICE. To holders of JAMES GREENLEAF, and EDWARD FOX's Engagements, IN consequence of many having been prevented, from their unavoidable circumstances from obtaining their Certificates, agreeable to former notice, The Trustees now inform them, they are ready to issue the same to those who may apply within sixty days, at No. 8 Chestnut Street, and those who do not, will be considered as relinquishing their claim on the Aggregate Fund provided for their payment. HENRY PRATT, THOMAS W. FRANCIS, JOHN MILLER, JUN. JOHN ASHLEY, JACOB BAKER. December 15. dfr
War-Office of the United States, January the 1st, 1798. WHEREAS frauds have been practiced, in obtaining Warrants for Bounty Lands, due to the Officers and Soldiers of the late Continental Army, by the production of forged instruments. To check in future such impositions, it has been thought advisable; that all persons, having claims for bounty lands, whether in their own right, as legal representatives, or by virtue of any instrument or deed of transfer, be required to forward their respective claims to the War Office, on or before the first day of January 1799 in order that such claims may be duly examined, adjusted and determined upon. To substantiate such claims, a strict observance of the rules heretofore issued from the War Office will be indispensable; and in addition to what is required by the said rules, the certificate of the acknowledgment of a Deed or Power of Attorney, must also forth the place of residence and occupation of the claimant or person making such acknowledgment; and when the proof of personal knowledge is by a witness or witnesses, their place or places of residence must be set forth in like manner. JAMES M'HENRY, Sec'y of War. Jan. 7. dfr
To be Exchanged for Bratis, Germans, or India Goods, IN THE PACKAGE; A tract of valuable Land In Lycoming, adjoining that of the Holland co. and containing 10,000 Acres. Inquire of the Printer. Jan. 15. 5
PROPOSAL. HAVING met with a liberal patronage, the Subscriber is enabled to issue proposals for printing by subscription, the JOURNALS OF CONGRESS, from their first meeting in 1775, to the present time. This work shall be printed with a new type, made for the purpose; and on good paper. It will be delivered at one dollar per volume (octavo) in 6 vols.—cash to be paid on delivery. It is needless to say any thing of the merits of this undertaking—the scarcity of the Journals throughout the United States, is sufficient to justify the printer in his hope of meeting with that success, which he is certain the enterprise deserves. JOHN PARKER. Jan. 27. dfr
Philadelphia & Lancaster Turnpike Company, January 4, 1798. At a meeting of the President and Managers, this day, a dividend of 5 dollars per share was declared for the last half year, which will be by them retained, for the payment of the debts of the Company, or receivable on resolution of the Stockholders the 12th June last. TENCH FRANCIS, Treasurer Of the Philadelphia & Lancaster Turnpike Company. January 8. m 52w
NOTICE. ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM FLEEMOOD, of Liverpool, late of Philadelphia, merchant, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly attested; and those who are indebted to the same, are desired to make immediate payment to GEO. DOBSON, No. 25, So. Third Street. January 4. dfr
All Persons Having any demands against the Estate of the late Captain George Irwin, are requested to bring in their accounts properly attested, on or before the first day of January next ensuing and those who are indebted to said estate are so licited to make immediate payment to SARAH IRWIN, Administratrix. Nov. 29 1797. 5
To be sold, AN ELEGANT COUNTRY SEAT, containing 6 acres and 40 perches, with a neat two story brick House and kitchen thereon, an apple Orchard, &c. situate on the 12th track line, in the township of Moyamensing, about one mile from the city of Philadelphia. Further particulars will be made known upon application at the office of the Philadelphia Gazette. The improvements upon this place, for taste and elegance, stand unrivalled. December 1. dfr
The Subscriber intends to make application for the renewal of a Certificate of a Share in the Bank of the United States, standing in the name of A. B. No. 5004, dated July 11, 1797, the same having been lost. JOHN GRAHAM, Richmond, Dec. 1. 56w
City Commissioner's Office, January, 12th, 1797. FOR THE INFORMATION OF THE CITIZENS. THE following arrangement is made by the said Commissioners, for cleaning the Streets, &c. List No. 1.—From the north side of Vine Street to the fourth side of Mulberry Street; to be under the superintendence of Nicholas Hicks. 2. From the fourth side of Mulberry Street, to the south side of Chestnut Street; to be under the superintendence of William Moulder. 3. From the south side of Chestnut Street to the north side of Spruce Street, to be under the superintendence of Joseph Claypoole. 4. From the north side of Spruce Street, to the south side of Cedar Street; to be under the superintendence of Hugh Roberts. mwfirm
The Subscriber, Informs those to whom it is indebted, that his books, which have been kept open for their inspection since December 1796 are balanced to the 31st inst. and will during the present month remain open at his Counting-house in Chestnut Street for their further investigation and scrutiny. JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, Jan. 11 1798. 5
The Subscriber INFORMS those whom it may interest or concern, that the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas have appointed Monday, the twenty-fourth day of February next, to hear him and his Creditors, at the Court-house in this city, on the subject of his petition for the benefit of the Insolvent Law—and that their attendance is desired. JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, Jan. 16. cor 6th
Boston Glass Manufactory. THE citizens of the United States are hereby informed, that the manufacture of Window Glass is now commenced at the Glass House in Boston. It is needless to say any thing of the excellent quality of the Boston Glass, which is known throughout the United States to be in every respect greatly superior to any ever imported from Europe. It will be cut to any size commonly used; and may be continually had by applying to CHARLES F. KUFNER, at the Glass House. Orders from the distant States to be addressed to Mr. SAMUEL GORE, Court-street, Boston. Two or three good Glass makers are wanted at the above works; such as can produce recommendations for good behavior, may be sure of employ, by application to Mr. GEORGE L. LINDT, at the works. Men without families will be preferred. However unacquainted with the method of making Crown Window Glass, they will meet with the same encouragement. Boston, Jan. 16. 25-2m 6w
For Sale, The time of a young Mulatto Girl, about twelve years old, has about eleven years to serve. She is very capable of taking care of a child, and understands house work. Enquire at No. 97, North 5th Street. Jan. 22. *cod 2w
Pursuant to the last Will Testament of JOHN HENRY, deceased, and posted to public sale at the Merchants' Exchange, in Second Street, on Wednesday the 21st inst. at 7 o'clock in the evening. A VALUABLE LOT or piece of ground, beginning at the corner of Delaware Avenue, extending northward 83 feet, thence westward 120 feet, and northward 40 feet, to an alley, thence along the said alley westward to a 20 foot wide alley, called Blackberry Alley, thence along the said alley 122 feet, 188 feet to the place of beginning. The situation of this lot is pleasant and in an improving part of the city (a large three story brick masonry of 48 feet in front, having been lately finished incommodiously) it has four fronts, and may be 20 to 22 feet in front, which will readily yield the at the customary price for lots near the same situation.
Also a woody frame mezzanine or tenement and for piece of ground, situated on the west side of alley 42 feet, and in length or depth 83 feet. There is a frame stable on the back part of the lot, out of a lot or piece of ground situated in Arville's (in the Northern Liberties) on which it stands, 200 acres of land. Also, 200 acres of land, situated in the county of Wehrmerland, in the state of Pennsylvania, lying in the 6th district of donation lands, number 1300, patented in 1786, bounded east by Line 119 and 120, south by 1301, west by 1231, north by 1230.
Also, one military land warrant for 180 acres, with a three story commodious brick house and frame kitchen, situated on the east side of Sassafras Street, containing on Second Street 100 feet, and on Sassafras or Race Street 247 feet. There are erected on the premises besides the dwelling, a convenient Barn and Stable, and a large to accommodate several cows, a number of neat summer-houses in the garden, a number of trees, some of which are fruit trees, and a pump with excellent water in the yard. This property is not more than two squares from which will be highly advantageous to it; years.
Part of this estate is leased for 200 years, of which two years from the 25th March next, are unexpired. A Share in the Philadelphia Library will likewise be sold. Conditions will be made known at the time of sale. Any person wishing to view the property will please to apply to JOHN WARNER, at No. 28, north 4th Street, } Executors, or to EDWARD CUTBUSS, No. 19, south 4th Street. } WILLIAM SHANNON, Auctioneer.
The holders of the notes, acceptances, endorsements and other engagements of Edward Fox, for account of James Greenleaf, are hereby notified, that Wednesday, the 14th February next, is the last day, on which they can admit subscriptions to the fund assigned to them for the payment of said engagements; and that the holders, who do not on or before that day make their subscriptions, will be excluded from the benefit thereof. Henry Pratt, T. W. Francis, John Miller, Jun. John Ashley, Jacob Baker. Jan. 29. 5
IN THE PRESS, And Speedily will be Published, A PLAN for establishing a GENERAL MARINE SOCIETY and System of Regulations therein; Written at Sea, in the year 1794. Now printed for the benefit of that Institution BY THE AUTHOR. * A NAVY would be maintained but to an useless purpose which taking the seamen by mechanicians idle in port, and trading would be as unprofitably employed, if the all those seamen of skill and courage on board of war, would give them protection and their safety. We have enough for both peace and the cultivating hand of attention alone is long to multiply their number. "Money in all naval forces, except mariners; but a supply of them, is preferred, no wealth able to procure them." January 20. 5
Surveyor General's Office. December 2, 1797. ON a release of survey of 443 acres, 40 perches, situated in the county of Northampton, surveyed to William Willis, per warrant of 2d March, 1786, the Deputy Surveyor has made the following note, viz. This land claimed by heirs of Lewis Gordon and George Taylor, not known by what right. Certified for Daniel Broadhead, Esq. Surveyor General—William Parker. The first Monday in March next is appointed for a hearing of the parties on the above case; or any others interested or concerned therein, they having at least thirty days notice for John Hall, Secretary of the Land Office. N. Lufborough. Jan. 26. 52w
Copper for Sheathing, For Sale, by SIMON WALKER, Pine-street, near Fifth. January 29 dfr
Flax Seed for Sale. Apply to GEO. DOBSON, No. 25 South Third Street. Jan. 27. dfr
Genteel Boarding and Lodging. To be had at a moderate price—Enquire at No. 138, Arch-street. Jan. 27. dfr