Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-05-13 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. IX. From SATURDAY, May 9, to WEDNESDAY, May 13, 1789. PRICE SIX PENCE.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
THE TABLET.
NUMBER IX.
"The imagination of man is naturally sublime, delighted with whatever is remote and extraordinary, and running without controul into the most distant parts of space and time, in order to avoid the objects, which custom has rendered too familiar to it."
OF all the weaknesses, to which the human mind is incident, there is not a more extraordinary one, than that blind, implicit reverence, we are apt to feel for the characters, the maxims, and the institutions of antiquity. The love of novelty, strong as it is, does not overcome our propensity to this kind of admiration. There seems to be some unaccountable fascination, that holds the mind in subjection, and prevents the clear exercise of judgment, while the imagination is taking its flight into the regions of past ages. We are so captivated with the splendor and extent of conquests which history presents to our view; with the lustre and elevation of characters it displays; with the various and astonishing revolutions it records, that our reason is overwhelmed, and cannot exert that force, which it discovers on other occasions.
There is scarce a circumstance that looks like perfection, or even utility of cultivation, in which ancient can bear any comparison with modern times. It may not be unentertaining, to search for the cause of our veneration for antiquity, notwithstanding it appears to have no reasonable foundation. In forming our ideas of some of the ancient nations, whom we profess to admire, we compare them with other cotemporary ones; whom we have been accustomed to reprobate and despise. As most of our opinions, respecting virtue and vice; praise and blame, are comparative, we sometimes bestow an extravagance of applause, on a people vicious and depraved, merely because they are not so deeply sunk in depravity, as other people, with whom we compare them. This is one reason why encomiums are so lavishly heaped on characters and actions, which scarce deserve a place in our remembrance. Perhaps this admiration is heightened by the profuse compliments, that historians have paid to particular periods and nations, at the expense and disgrace of others. We feel no motive to discredit their relation of transactions, or to doubt the propriety of their opinions or conclusions. We are pleased with indulging respect and veneration, and that pleasure costs little or nothing. There is no competition to excite jealousy, or alarm avarice.
Another reason that may be assigned for our admiring the ancient republics in so high a degree, is, that the different periods of their existence are marked with a vast variety of tragical incidents. The human mind is delighted with whatever is marvellous. This is one of the earliest propensities, that discovers itself in our nature. Every man occasionally feels within himself a languor and listlessness of mind; from which, he takes a pleasure in being roused. He is apt to affix a favorable idea to almost any cause, which has diverted him, in those moments of heaviness and insipidity. This will generally be the case, unless the incident which enlivens his feelings, is attended with immediate or personal inconvenience. With what eagerness, do we read accounts of massacres, treasons, inundations and earthquakes: When these happen at a distance, we do not feel so much pain for the miserable fate of those, who are involved in the distress, as we do pleasure, at being roused and stimulated into a vigorous state of mind. No inference dishonorable to human nature can be drawn from this reasoning. It is one of the sources of gratification, which is always innocent and sometimes useful. The inconveniences it produces does not counterbalance the advantages. We should however be on our guard, in drawing conclusions relative to our own conduct. Causes, which excite admiration, have a most powerful influence, in seducing us into error of opinion. The reason of man loses its balance, while the mind is employed in the act of admiring. In this view of the matter, it would be proper, that youth should not be allowed an unrestrained liberty, in reading ancient history. They may acquire opinions and feelings as fallacious, as an unbounded indulgence in reading novels can produce.
These remarks are only introductory to a more extensive discussion of the subject, which shall hereafter appear. In the mean time, the reader will let his reflections supply the deficiency, which unavoidably happened from this partial and imperfect essay.
A SKETCH of the POLITICAL STATE of AMERICA.
NUMBER VII.
THE leading features of the Magna Charta of America, or that mutual compact which now unites her citizens, by one common bond, are strongly impressed with the genius and character of the people who formed it, and who will be subject to its future controul: FREEDOM, or the MAJESTY OF THE PEOPLE, is wrote in Capitals upon the face of the Plan, and its tenor and substance bespeaks a critical acquaintance with the rights of mankind in its compilers, with a sacred regard to the perpetuating those rights, unimpaired, to the latest posterity.
This beautiful compilation originated from the people, the only pure fountain and source of all lawful power—nor were they, when called to form it, under any duress of mind, or undue bias, but prompted to the execution by principles of patriotism, and with a view to reciprocal advantage, having the "Salus Populi" for the pole Star of their conduct.
Among the particular traits of the System above attended to, which claim our attention, may be placed the periodical elections of those, who are to administer it; as also the liberal principles upon which those elections are formed, which, while they ensure a remedy for a corrupt administration, serve also as a preventive against the disease they are calculated to cure, affording a constant check to the progress of ill-directed intentions, and improper actions—and have the further good influence of presenting future opportunities for the enjoyment of the honors of their country, to those who are found to deserve them, thereby constantly encouraging a virtuous emulation among the members of the society, which operates but faintly, if at all, in those governments, where the adventitious circumstances of birth, or fortune, give the only claim to eminence and preferment: Many more are the moral and political advantages which must be derived from this part of our excellent Constitution; but as detail is not here my object, I shall proceed to a view of some other general principles, which presage equal benefit: Among which, may be ranked those strong guards, against every kind of monopoly, or exclusive advantages to be granted to any class of citizens, in preference to another, arising from a good heart, great abilities, and superior merit, is acknowledged to be the only support of an American Aristocracy.
Freedom of speech, and debates, and an unrestrained use of the Press, will operate as powerful auxiliaries, in cherishing and supporting the future Liberties of the country, by their natural tendency to check and frustrate the ill designs of men in power, and who, though unrestrained by the admonitions of conscience, that faithful Monitor over all human actions, will dread the stigma of a contemning public.
That relief of the mind from religious thralldom, which has been productive of so many evils in other countries, and which is so completely guarded against in America, stands among the foremost of those great characteristics, which give her form of government a preference to any one extant: Here the infallibility of the Pope is with humility contradicted, while the magic power of his foot, thrills with but faint and feeble palpitations: Here the kind aid of the civil arm, is no longer exerted to destroy, by fire and sword, the bodies of men, in order to save their souls: Here without subscribing to thirty-nine articles, which thirty-nine times in a day are frequently broken, a person can be admitted to the privileges and honors of his country: It is here that true Religion presents her alluring and captivating charms in resplendent lustre: A recluse and monastic life, is no longer supposed to adorn the votaries of Christianity: But those actions, which are prompted by the most diffusive benevolence, are esteemed the most grateful incense to that Deity, who is benevolence and love.
In America, Religion waves her peaceful banners, courting, by her intrinsic merits, that obedience to her service, which any adventitious power has ever been found inadequate to effect.
AMERICANUS.
(To be continued.)
EXTRACT FROM "AMERICAN ESSAYS."
ON DUELLING.
A BRAVE and virtuous man, "dares do all that may become a man, who dares do more is none." A good citizen will ever respect his rulers, and revere the laws, and must therefore be averse to the committing any act unlawful, or
unjust; he will blush at the palpable injustice, and daring effrontery of the man, who in a civilized state shall assume the power of judging and determining in his own cause; he can not admit that the laws of honor, supercede those of reason, religion and nature; he can not conceive that any man has a right to determine at will that another has offended him, and insist that the supposed offender shall acknowledge what he knows, or believes to be false, or deliberately consent to be murdered, or become a murderer; he sensibly feels that his country, his amiable wife, and his innocent, promising infants, are not beneath a gentleman's notice; and that he has no right to rob them of his services, kind offices, support and protection; he believes that in Heaven there is no exclusive privilege for gentlemen; and that he cannot plead the laws of modern honor before the sacred bar of unerring justice: But, O tempora! O mores! He feels too sensibly the force of cruel custom, and knows not how to avoid the guilt, without disgrace; a most impious custom has sanctified the crime, and made the apprehensions of unjust reproach more dreadful to the christian, than damnation: Such is the folly and depravity of this Quixotish age, that a man dares not be just to himself, his family, or his country, least he should incur the odium of being afraid to die, or to shed a little innocent blood; and though he should have slain an host of his country's foes in the field of battle, yet these shall not secure his fame in the opinion of the honorable fanatics, should he decline to stain his name with fashionable murder; as there might probably be some so base, and malignant, as to affect to believe, that the hero was more afraid of death, than of the crime; and the force of custom, and the fear of reproach, are now become so powerful and obligatory, that he must be more or less than man, who can avoid sacrificing every thing precious, estimable, sacred, and truly honorable, in compliance with the foolish fascinating phantom called honor: Yet duelling has sometimes only proved to be a little scheme, of little minds, to build a little fame; it is often a brazen shield, forged by desperate gamblers, and sharps, to protect their tender names from truth's searching painful probe; and surely those, whose characters will stand the test of public inquisition, can never with reason and propriety, resort to this slender, doubtful, desperate support; it is therefore devoutly to be wished, that no real gentleman would be guilty of an act, that not only tarnishes his name, but renders it suspected of former taints, by confounding it with those who have no other means to support their pretensions to a decent character, or continue their ruinous connexions with gentlemen; and who, but for this infamous tenure, would be expelled all reputable society, but are now admitted into all companies, who by the laws of honor are obliged to be civil to those impudent, intruding harpies, or to fight them; and thus are the young, unspecting, and unwary, often honorably eased of their fortunes.
As duelling therefore, has evidently no other tendency, but to prove rashness, folly, or guilt, it is certainly a mode of decision, that should be held in the most sovereign contempt, by every intrinsic gentleman: Suppose a desperate gamester should offer to stake a sum equal to a gentleman's whole fortune on the throw of a die, would he not be condemned as a madman, or a fool, who should listen to such a proposal? But should the gamester choose to put the gentleman's more important life, at an equal, or perhaps greater hazard, the laws of honor have decreed, that he shall die a fool, or survive a felon. Such is the precarious tenure of our lives at this day, that if any man is tired of life, and chooses me for his butcher, or if he takes a fancy to cut my throat, or blow my brains out, he sends me a polite card to meet him at a particular time and place; I am bound in honor to attend, and death closes the tragi-comi-farcical scene.
And can we, in our sober senses, be drawn into this disgraceful and destructive vortex, in pursuit of an empty bubble, swelling only with the sound of honor? Can the soldier pluck the dear bought laurels from his brow, and transplant them on a dunghill? Can he descend from the hero to the murderer? Can he stain his glory with his brother's blood? Or, can he stoop to die, like bullies, gamblers, madmen, boys and fools? Can a man of sense, cool, temperate, and dispassionate, resolve against nature, reason and conviction, to close a life of uniform virtue, with a crime? Can he approach Death in the mask of an hypocrite, and with affected composure, strive to hide a bleeding heart? Can the tender father, and fond husband, deliberately draw the cruel dagger, to give the fatal stab to the future peace of his innocent family? Can the Patriot rob his country of an use-

ful prop? Can he dare to cancel the most sacred ties of society, and audaciously trample on the Laws of God, and his Country? Can any man impiously presume to rush unbidden into the presence of an offended God, by a voluntary act, in conscious violation of Laws, human and divine? It must be so—It is the epidemic madness of the age, which no Laws, wisdom, or power, but that of a Prussian Monarch, have yet been able radically to cure. E. C.
FROM THE SAME.
THE LONDON CIT.
LONDON is the world in miniature! thrice happy Cockneigh! who can't safely see those horrid monsters, which erst prowled the dreary deserts of remotest regions, led captive to thy Tower; there, thou may'st approach, fearless of their dire fangs, and dreadful rage, and equally secure from the more baneful influence of those barbarous climes, which them engendered: There, dry-shod, thou may'st see trophies of bloody fields, and all the glittering implements of war, in brilliant order ranged: There, thou can't view a Crown, decked with the richest spoils of distant shores:—Thou too once more can't boast a native King; but here description fails: Crimes lose their color when applied to Kings: A King can do no wrong: MURDER IS ROYAL SPORT: Great GEORGE the Third! (a) let the ghosts of murdered (b) Millions, whose putrid carcases have stained pure Ganges' sacred stream; or fed the Vultures, on the desert plains of the once fertile Asia, speak to thy feeling mind, paternal praise: Let RAVAGED AMERICA preserve her monumental bones, sacred to Thee, and Kings: Let the loss of an immense Empire, and the price of Kingdoms lavished in vain, to obtain a Pepper-Corn, proclaim thy wisdom: Let the brave and virtuous surviving sons of victorious, independent America, declare thy Power.
Stupendous London! where brutes are taught to act like men, and men like brutes; where the learned Pig (c) gives wholesome lessons to the unlettered Lord; and the staunch Dog (d) upbraids the bashful Soldier; and shews the stall-fed, pamper'd Cit, how hardly earned, and dearly bought, the bread and laurels of the brave.
Thou too, blest Cockneigh! hast a magazine of wonders ycleped Museum ! There thou may'st see the harmless native coats of beasts, and birds, and quondam, noxious, frightful, creeping things, of multifarious kinds! rare insects too! fossils, and other strange, and curious things! and thou exulting, can't behold, towering o'er thy lofty spires, the "cloud-capt" Dome of thy St. Paul's, as Rome her great St. Peter's: Thy pretty modern Obelisks peep forth—humble epitomes of the aspiring pyramids of Egypt! And thou can't boast, at thy Vauxhall, of thy little, curious, gently-murmuring, glittering, tin Cascade; sweet, modest emblem, of the roaring, thundering, deafening, cataracts of Niagara, in the savage wilds of America; these allay thy temperate thirst, and thus, without toil, or peril, dost thou possess all that the world affords of rich and rare—pleased with the flattering, fond idea, that thy Mother's lap contains them all.
NOTES.
(a) This piece was written some time before His Britannic Majesty's Physicians declared him insane; but years after the Americans thought him so.
(b) Three millions of poor innocent people were said to be starved to death in the kingdom of Bengal, by the monopoly of Rice, contrived by the servants of the East-India company, for the purpose of gain: Their bodies stopped the great river Ganges; and others were strewed over the fields and roads of their native country: And yet, at such a time of horror and distress, if the farmers failed to bring in their taxes to the Company, they were taken without any form of trial, tied fast round the middle, and suspended from a hook in a post—the circulation being thereby totally stopped from all communication with the lower parts of the body, in the course of a few days they rotted off in that climate, while the remainder of the body still retained life!
(c) At some of the Theatres in London, a Hog, called the learned Pig, is introduced on the stage, and required to spell any polysyllable proposed by any one of the company—the letters of the alphabet are written in capitals on separate pieces of paper, and thrown promiscuously on the stage—from these the Hog picks out the letters that compose the word, in regular order, and carries them in his mouth, one by one, to his master.
(d) Dogs are introduced to form a fort—they are dressed in a military uniform, and scale the walls through a very hot fire.
FROM THE SAME.
THE FEDERAL SHIP
Is now ready for sea, let us therefore proceed on our voyage without further delay, and with the help of able navigators we may expect ere long, to establish a due confidence at home and abroad, and to reap the rich fruits of an extensive commerce and credit: If we should want to borrow, there will not be wanting those who will lend, when there is a fair prospect of being repaid.
And as it is impossible to ascertain, before our ship is afloat, whether she will sail exactly upon an even keel, it is palpably absurd to keep her longer in dock, through fear that she may possibly have a list to port, or starboard. We have, alas! lost many of our best and ablest hands, who for want of employ at home, are gone into foreign
service: The French and English exult in the acquisition, and as it strengthens them, and weakens us, the policy of nations cannot point out two stronger motives to give them all possible encouragement: There are many more who will soon be obliged to follow them, urged by the same distresses, unless we can speedily find employment for them: This may be considered not only a great, but an irreparable loss, as they are such men, as cannot be replaced. Let us therefore seriously reflect, before it be too late, that though our Ship may not be quite so perfect as she might possibly have been constructed, yet there appears no defects, but what may be mended on the voyage; but by keeping her too long out of employ, we may become so exhausted, and impoverished, that we may at last find ourselves unable to fit her out, and shall then be driven to the hard necessity either to CHARTER her, or let her perish by the walls.
TACITUS says: Nihil in discordiis civilibus festinatione tutius, ubi facto magis quam consulto opus esset. And again: Nullus cunctationi locus est in eo consilio, quod non potest laudari nisi peractum. "Nec cunctatione opus, ubi perniciosior sit quies, quam temeritas." E. C.
[The following cannot require an apology for its re-publication.]
To THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
Of times, when rapture swells the heart, Expressive silence can impart More full the joy sublime: Thus WASHINGTON, my wond'ring mind, In every grateful ardor joind, Tho' words were out of time.
The muse of *****'s peaceful shade, Gave way to all the gay parade For transports of her own; She felt the tear of pleasure flow, And gratitude's delightful glow Was to her bosom known.
Triumphant arches—gratulating song, And shouts of welcome from the mixed throng, Thy laurels cannot raise. We praise ourselves; exalt our name, And in the scroll of time, we claim An int'rest in thy bays.
But 'erst on Hudson's whit'ned plain, Where the blue mists enshroud the slain, And Hero's spirits came; Anxious to seal thy future fate, Each on his cloud, in awful state, Pronounc'd thee good as well as great, And fill'd thy cup of fame.
While we the favorites of Heaven, To whom these western climes are given, And halcyon days await, May bless ourselves, and bless our race, That God by his peculiar grace Chose thee to rule the state.
Fame as the flies, her trump shall found, To all the admiring nations round, And millions yet unborn, Will read the history of this day, And as they read will pause—and say HERE NATURE TOOK A TURN.
For in the annals of mankind, Who ever saw a compact bind An empire's utmost bound; Who ever saw ambition stand, Without the power to raise her hand, While ONE the people crown'd.
New-Jersey, May 1789.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
SATURDAY, MAY 9, 1789.
The bill regulating the collection of the impost, was read a second time.
The House then went into a Committee on the bill, for laying certain duties on goods, wares, and merchandise.
Mr. TUCKER proposed a reduction upon distilled spirits Jamaica proof, introductory to a general deduction from the sums annexed to the specified articles in the bill—This was supported with great spirit by several Speakers—High duties, it was contended would operate unequally and oppressively—would produce smuggling and defeat the views of Government by lessening the revenue—they would contravene the ideas and expectations formed by the people, under the administration of the new constitution—upon the danger and disagreeable consequences of smuggling much was urged—that it would be extremely difficult if not impossible to prevent it to a very great degree, as must be obvious to those who contemplated our local conveniences for it—that to calculate upon the virtue, and patriotism of individuals, when powerful temptations were presented to disregard both, would be found fallacious.—Moderate duties lessened the inducements to fraud, would make smuggling infamous, and make the collection less expensive, and supercede the necessity of an unpopular, and rigorous system.
In support of the duties as they now stand, it was equally well observed, that the system having had three different discussions, it should seem as if nothing essentially new or important could be offered upon the subject.
That the duties proposed had been the result of much investigation of the subject—that it was hardly probable that a change of sentiments
could take place.—The duties it was allowed were high in some instances, compared to what had been paid by some of the States, but not so high as had been collected in others, and were in no proportion to those collected in other countries—that it was merely matter of opinion whether duties were high or low—that high duties on some articles were easier collected, than low upon others—that it was consonant to the ideas and wishes of the people—that luxuries should be taxed high—that notwithstanding it was so earnestly contended to reduce the impost in general, it would be found that the amount to be produced upon the system now under consideration, it was to be apprehended would prove insufficient for the public exigencies.
The question being put on the proposition of Mr. TUCKER, it was negatived.—26 to 19.
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1789.
A message from the Senate, purporting that they had appointed a committee to join with such committee as the House may appoint, to confer upon the subject of a title which it may be proper to give to the President of the United States was read—
Upon which Mr. PARKER moved, that a resolution should be adopted to this effect—That the House, could not concur with the Senate, having already decided upon the subject unanimously.
Mr. PAGE supported the motion—he was fully of opinion, that by the Constitution the House had neither a right to suggest or propose any thing upon the subject: He considered it as anti-republican, and apprehended great evils would result from the measure, should Congress take any steps in it: He conceived that the real honor and dignity of the government, did not consist in, or depend upon titles, and that he had had his feelings hurt, when he heard gentlemen address the members of that House by the title of "The Hon. Member:" He thought that the House had already fully and explicitly declared its sentiments, in the report of a former committee, and was sorry to have the subject again introduced.
Mr. TUCKER was in sentiment with Mr. PAGE, but observed further, That he had always been opposed to the appointment of any committee in the first of the business—and was equally averse from taking it up now: The Constitution was expressly against giving any titles whatever: The introduction of them would bring us back to monarchy, and would justify what had been said upon the Constitution by its enemies.—What could be the design of the Senate? Did General Washington wish for a title? Did he fight for this? by no means.—Real dignity consists not in these distinctions: Titles bring equipage, etiquette, parade, &c. to support these, liberty must be sacrificed: And from sustaining the character of independent freemen, we shall degenerate into servility—we shall no longer be men—we shall depreciate into apes—a baseness of imitation. Mr. Tucker concluded, by wishing the subject might be dismissed.
Mr. TRUMBULL moved for a committee, to enquire into the difference which appeared in the votes of the two Houses, upon the report of the joint committee upon this subject, as now held out in the message from the Senate.
Mr. BURKE was opposed to any further proceedings in the business, except it was to express their entire disapprobation—and to that purpose he proposed a resolution against the introduction of any title, more especially all imitations of European titles, or titles, whether given to Emperors, Kings, Princes or any other dignitaries whatever.
Mr. MADISON was in opinion with gentlemen opposed to a title—he was not however, for suspending proceedings with the message of the Senate: he urged the propriety of a decent and respectful attention to it upon a variety of principles and then observed—that he could not see the use or advantage of adopting titles, that it was evident that they did not confer power or influence—many of the poorest and most insignificant States had assumed the most pompous and high sounding titles—what greater or more lofty title could be assumed, than that of "High Mightinesses" a title almost bordering upon impiety—what real advantages had been derived from it? Had even sanctioned the idea? Titles he considered as unconstitutional and contrary to the general sentiment of the people.—Should it be determined to adopt them, we must either borrow or create old ones we should find inapplicable, and they would be considered as servile imitations, and new ones, he feared, would be absurd and ridiculous.—The true dignity of a republican government, he considered as independent of titles—he hoped that gentlemen would not discover warmth upon the occasion—had no doubt but the same unanimity would now be shown as before upon this question, and he was therefore in favor of a committee of conference.
Mr. WHITE was opposed to the appointment of a committee of conference, and supposed best to put a period to any further discussion, informing the Senate, that the House had already determined the question; by unanimously adopting the report of the joint committee upon this subject.

Mr. SHERMAN supposed there would be an impropriety in appointing a committee, unless the House should first rescind their former vote—he thought that to make the journals appear consistent, this was a previous question.
Mr. JACKSON observed, that although he was as much opposed to titles and distinctions as any gentleman whatever; he thought however, that there was a propriety in appointing a committee of conference, that the result being known, might prevent the publication of ridiculous and absurd contradictions and titles in the newspapers, which had a tendency to bring the government into contempt.
Mr. MADISON thought that Mr. SHERMAN's ideas were not just: he supposed that a committee might be appointed with as much propriety in the present case as in any other, and assigned a variety of reasons to prove that the subject was open to discussion, and that every dictate of policy and sound judgment, pointed out the expediency of paying all possible respect and attention to the communications of the Senate.
Mr. SENEY expressed his mind fully in opposition to a committee, as he considered the measure fruitless, and occasioned a loss of time—willing that Mr. PARKER's motion might be adopted, and an end put to the business.
Mr. CLYMER was opposed to the conferring of titles, observed, that the most impotent nations assumed the most pompous addresses—that they were not indicative of power and influence was evident from facts, for when the Kings of England, had only the title of HIGHNESS, their prerogative was much greater than it had been since under that of Most Sacred Majesty.—He differed however, from gentlemen, who supposed that the people were averse from distinctions. It was evident he said from a variety of facts, that they had a powerful predilection for them, and this propensity he thought should be counteracted and checked.
Mr. PAGE observed, that titles naturally led to honors and distinctions not founded always on merit, till in time the Supreme Executive comes to be considered as the fountain of honor. Inducing a train of consequences derogatory to the dignity of a freeman.
Mr. LEE moved that the previous question should be taken in words to the following effect? Whether the House would now proceed to consider the subject of the message from the Senate, —this passed in the affirmative.
A variety of motions were then introduced—and the one from Mr. TRUMBULL, was adopted to the following effect. That a committee be appointed to confer with the committee of the Senate, upon the difference which appears in the votes of the two Houses, upon the evidence in report of the joint committee, upon the question respecting titles the vote of the Senate; appointing a committee to take up the same subject upon quite opposite principles.
This motion being adopted, Mr. MADISON, Mr. TRUMBULL, Mr. PAGE, Mr. SHERMAN, and Mr. BENSON, were appointed.
A message from the Senate was then read, informing the House, that they had appointed a committee consisting of Mr. FEW, Mr. MACKLAY, and Mr. STRONG, to join with a committee of the House, for the purpose of viewing the apartments in the city-hall, and to determine how they should be appropriated—Mr. SCOTT, Mr. WHITE, and Mr. STURGIS, were appointed.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, when the impost bill was taken up.—Mr. GERRY proposed, that six cents on molasses should be struck out, and two inserted—This produced a debate, in which Mr. AMES, and Mr. MADISON, were the principal speakers, but the House adjourned without coming to a vote upon the proposition.
TUESDAY, MAY 19.
A petition from J. DIDIAH MORSE, author of the American Geography , praying the interposition of government to secure to him his property in that publication; also, that the law may extend to the prevention of curtailings, epitomizing, or altering that work, or the maps that it contains, to the injury of the author and compiler.
A petition from some of the inhabitants of New-Jersey, in opposition to a former petition upon the subject of the election of that States national Representatives, was read.
Committee of elections reported a number of papers (titles and references to which were read) as admissible evidence in the case of the Hon. WILLIAM SMITH, member from South Carolina. The House then took up the Order of the Day, and proceeded to the choice of a Serjeant at Arms. The petitions and accompanying certificates from the several candidates were then read—and the ballots being collected, it was found that Mr. WHEATON, was chosen.
The report of the committee appointed to confer with a committee of the Senate, respecting the disposal of the public papers in the office of the late Continental Secretary was read, by which it appeared, that those papers were removed from the late office, and were now deposited in a room in the City Hall: The committee also reported, that Congress would probably think proper, from
the nature and importance of those papers, to make some arrangement respecting them, accepted. In Committee of the whole.
The Impost Bill was taken up, and the debate upon the duty of 6 cents on molasses was resumed.
Speeches upon this occasion, were similar to those which had been made upon the previous discussion of the subject: Many of the former ideas in favour of a reduction of the duty, were amplified, and the substitution of an Excise on Rum and other spirits distilled in the country, was contended for—on the side of the question the speakers were Mr. AMES, Mr. GERRY and Mr. GOODHUE—their observations were closed by a proposition, to strike out six cents and leave a blank for the sum to be annexed—The speakers on the other side were Mr. MADISON, Mr. FITZ-SIMONS and Mr. SHERMAN—This part of the question had equal justice done to it, and the vote on the above proposition being taken, it passed in the affirmative.
It was then moved that the blank should be filled with five cents, this after some further debate passed in the affirmative, by a vote of 25 to 23.
A message from the Senate, was at this stage of the business announced, when the committee rose—The purport of this message was, that the Senate concurred with the House in the appointment of a committee, to confer with the committee of the Senate upon the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the report of the joint committee, upon the subject of titles proper to be annexed to the President and Vice-President—The Speaker having again left the chair.—The House in committee of the whole continued the consideration of the impost bill, when the several articles from molasses to teas inclusive, were read and accepted in committee in the bill.—Hyson tea was substituted in lieu of "superior green tea." Adjourned.
PHILADELPHIA, MAY 8.
Extract of a letter from New-York, May 3.
"I was extremely anxious to arrive here, in order to be present at the meeting of the President and the two Houses. That event, however, did not take place till Thursday last, when THE PRESIDENT was qualified in the open gallery of the Congress House, in the sight of many thousand people. The scene was solemn and awful, beyond description. It would seem extraordinary, that the administration of an oath, a ceremony so very common and familiar, should, in so great a degree, excite the public curiosity. But the circumstances of his election—the impression of his past services—the concourse of spectators—the devout fervency with which he repeated the oath—and the reverential manner in which he bowed down and kissed the sacred volume—all these conspired to render it one of the most august and interesting spectacle ever exhibited on this globe. It seemed, from the number of witnesses, to be a solemn appeal to Heaven and earth at once. Upon the subject of this great and good Man, I may, perhaps, be an enthusiast; but I confess, that I was under an awful and religious persuasion, that the gracious Ruler of the universe was looking down at that moment with peculiar complacency on an act, which to a part of his creatures was so very important. Under this impression, when the Chancellor pronounced, in a very feeling manner, "Long live GEORGE WASHINGTON," my sensibility was wound up to such a pitch, that I could do no more than wave my hat with the rest, without the power of joining in the repeated acclamations which rent the air."
NEW-YORK, MAY 13.
Last Saturday the Mayor and Members of the Corporation of this City, attended by the proper Officers, waited on THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, and presented the following ADDRESS:
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR,
The Mayor, Aldermen and Commonality of the City of New-York, beg leave to offer you our most respectful and affectionate congratulations on your safe arrival in this Metropolis, and at the same time, to express the general joy of our fellow citizens, of every order, on this auspicious event.
In thus presenting ourselves before you, we experience all the emotions which naturally arise from a high veneration for your character—an exalted sense of your services—and a perfect conviction that a trust, the most momentous which could be conferred by a free people, has been committed to a citizen, who has given unequivocal proofs of his possessing all the good and great qualities, requisite to its successful discharge.
With peculiar pleasure, Sir, we recall to mind that illustrious display of wisdom, virtue, and valor, which distinguished your military command. With equal pleasure we recollect the exemplary moderation which marked your retreat from the head of a victorious army to the shade of private life. Permit us to add that we contemplate with pious gratitude that unparalleled coincidence of circumstances which has constrained you, by motives that patriotism could not resist, to re-engage in the arduous duties of a public station.
Long in the habit of revering you as the father of our country, we rejoice at the happiness of being once more placed under your protection; we consider the unanimity which prevailed in your appointment, as a pledge that our national government will be firmly established in the hearts of all the people, and receive their united and zealous support; and we are fully persuaded that under the divine favor, its operation will be productive of the most extensive benefits and blessings, and render the union respectable in peace, as under your auspices, it was triumphant in war.
To our most fervent wishes for your personal happiness, and for the success of your administration, we should not do justice to the sentiments of our fellow-citizens, if we did not add the strongest assurances of their inviolable attachment to you, and of their earnest disposition to render you all the support which can flow from the most cordial respect, gratitude and confidence.
Signed in behalf of the Corporation, JAMES DUANE, Mayor.
May 9, 1789.
To which the President was pleased to make the following answer.
To the Mayor, Aldermen and Commonality of the City of New-York.
GENTLEMEN,
The affectionate address presented by the Magistrates, and the general joy testified by the citizens of New-York, on my arrival in this metropolis, have filled my mind with the mingled emotions of gratitude and satisfaction.
In accepting the momentous trust, which has been spontaneously committed to me by a free people, it was not enough to have felt a consciousness of having acted in conformity to the dictates of patriotism; it was not enough to have known that I met the wishes of my fellow-citizens; but it seemed that these farther pledges were wanting to overcome the diffidence I had in
my own abilities, and the reluctance I experienced at engaging in such new and arduous affairs.
Unrelieved by your too favorable appreciation of my past services, I can only pour forth the effusions of a grateful heart to Heaven, if I have been made in any degree an instrument of good to my country. And, although I am far from claiming any merit for retiring in the manner I did, from a military command, to the shade of private life; yet I am pleased to find that your candour has done justice to the principles by which I have been actuated on the present occasion. No circumstance, in my conception, can be more consolatory to a public man, especially to one truly sensible that the purest intentions cannot always preserve him from error, than a knowledge that his countrymen are disposed to consider the motives for his conduct with that liberality, which is reciprocally necessary for all who are subject to the frailties of human nature.
In this place I cannot avoid expressing an anxious apprehension, that the partiality of my countrymen in my favor has induced them to expect too much from the exertions of an individual. It is from their co-operation alone, I derive all my expectations of success.—Indeed, the unanimity which has prevailed in some instances, is a happy preface that our national government will be firmly established in the hearts of the people, and receive their united and zealous support.—From the accommodating spirit which has been displayed in respect to the constitution, I anticipate that the government will, in its operation, be productive of the most extensive utility, by rendering the Union as respectable in peace as it was triumphant in war.
I feel a just sense of your fervent wishes for my personal happiness and the success of my administration. I pray you, gentlemen, to accept in return, my cordial thanks for these demonstrations of your affection, as well as for the assurances you have given of the attachment of our fellow-citizens.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Extract of a letter from Madras, Sept. 10, 1788.
"The English it is said are at War with some of TIPO SAI'S family; but the people here are in such perfect slavery and subjection, that no particular information can be obtained. I saw large quantities of military stores and troops embarked from this place, with the utmost dispatch."
"Three large ships, filled with troops, failed five days past; but nothing has transpired since."
Extracts of letters from Boston—April 29, 1789.
"Yesterday there was a considerable seizure of Goods, run in from Philadelphia, Silks, Calicoes, &c. in bread-casks; as also a quantity of Sugars, for short entry."
"There will be great vigilance to detect smuggling, when the Federal acts are in force—you may depend on it."
MAY 7, 1789.
"We have just received from New-York, the Speech of our POLITICAL FATHER, to both Houses of Congress. It contains sentiments, which warm every heart, and animate every serious mind."
"I read it to a circle of friends, but could not avoid involuntary pauses, nor suppress the rising tear, with aspirations to Heaven for the author."
"There is but one sentiment respecting it here—UNIVERSAL APPLAUSE."
"To the virtuous, which always includes the sentimental part of the community, it causes sensations too pleasurable and strong, to be transcribed from the heart—as it seems to insure a blessing upon the government, and felicity to our country, agreeably to the words of inspiration, "when the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice."
"May every legislator, and every officer in the United States, imitate the sublime example before them, and our Nation will soon rise to glory."
Yesterday the Company at THE PRESIDENT's was highly respectable, and much more numerous than usual.
We hear the State of Connecticut are about presenting every Member of the New Congress, with cloth sufficient for a suit of cloaths; and that it is to be manufactured in that State, and of one colour.
In His Britannic Majesty's Packet, Tankerville, came passenger FRANCIS VAN BERKEL, Esq. Resident from their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands, to the United States; and Mrs. CHURCH, daughter of the Hon. Philip Scuyler.
THEATRE.
On Monday evening, THE PRESIDENT of the United States, His Excellency the Vice-President, His Excellency the Governor, His Excellency the Count De Moustier, and several other foreigners and natives of distinction, honored the Theatre with their presence. There was a most crowded house, and the ladies who were numerous made a most brilliant appearance. The judicious choice of performances for the evening, and the proper assignment of the parts to suitable characters, rendered the exhibition in a high degree entertaining.
On the 28th ult. died, at Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, THOMAS HUTCHINS Esq. Geographer-General to the United States; a gentleman, whose abilities, and modest deportment through life, gained him the applause and esteem of all who were acquainted with him.
Mr. FENNO,
AN American Citizen wishes to know, from your Correspondent, whose remark is published in your paper of the 9th inst. what Officer under the American Government, in the Diplomatic, or other line, is entitled to the style or title of Excellency. He has read the Constitution with attention—has been a strenuous supporter of it—but the part alluded to by your Correspondent has escaped his notice.
12th May, 1789.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for the "COURIER DE BOSTON," a new weekly paper, published at Boston in the French Language, are received at No. 9, Maiden Lane. [The utility of a paper in this almost universal language need not be hinted to those, who wish to acquire the French tongue.]
ERRATUM.
In "The Tablet," 2d line, of 4th paragraph, for "cultivation," read civilization.
THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSEHOLD.
WHEREAS, all Servants and others, employed to procure provisions, or supplies, for the Household of THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, will be furnished with monies for those purposes. Notice is therefore given, That no accounts, for the payment of which the Public might be considered as responsible, are to be opened with any of them.
SAMUEL FRAUNCES, Steward of the Household.
MAY 4th, 1789.
ARRIVALS.
At the Port of New-York.
Saturday, Ship Eagle, Colquhaim, Glasgow, 10 days. Brig Industry, Atwater, New-Providence, 33 days. Sunday, Packet Tankerville, Bell, Falmouth and Halifax 56 days. Ship Bristol, Adamson, Bristol, 49 days. Monday, Sloop Mary and Esther, Webb, Charleston, 8 days. Tuesday, Sloop Hancock, Brown, Rhode-Island, 2 days. Sloop Rambler, Peterfon, Ditto, 2 days. Sloop Luciana, Fipes, Charleston, 6 days. Sloop Two Friends, Hopkins, Edenton, 9 days.

[For the Tablet, No. IX, see 2d. column, of the 2d. page.]
From the COLUMBIAN MAGAZINE.
An Enquiry into the consistency of OATHS with Reason and Christianity.
IN discussing this question, I shall first mention the objections to oaths, which are founded in reason; and, secondly, the objections to them which are derived from the precepts and spirit of the Christian religion.
1. Oaths produce an idea in the minds of men, that there are two kinds or degrees of truth; the one intended for common, and the other for solemn occasions. Now, this idea is directly calculated to beget a want of reverence for the supposed inferior kind of truth; hence men are led to trifle with it in the common affairs of human life. I grant that some men will tell the truth, when urged to it by the solemn formalities of an oath, who would not otherwise do it: But this proves the great mischief of oaths in society; for as these men are called upon to speak the truth 999 times in common life, to once they are called upon to swear to it, we have exactly 999 falsehoods to one truth told by them. How extensive, then, must be the mischief of this great disproportion between truth and falsehood; in all the affairs of human life! It is wrong to do anything that shall create an idea of two kinds of truth. There is a scale of falsehoods; but truth has no degrees or subdivisions. Like its divine author, it is an eternal unchangeable UNIT.
2. The practice of swearing according to human laws, appears to be the cause of all the profane swearing, which is so universal among all ranks of people; for if there are two modes of speaking the truth, it is natural for men to prefer that mode which the laws of our country have entitled to the first degree of credibility: hence men swear, when they wish to be believed, in common conversation.
3. Oaths have been multiplied upon so many trifling occasions that they have ceased, in a great degree, to operate with any force upon the most solemn occasions: hence the universal prevalence of perjury in courts, armies and custom-houses, all over the world. This fact is so notorious in Jamaica, that a law has lately been passed in that island, which requires a bond of £. 200, instead of an oath, from every Captain that enters his vessel in the custom house, as a security for his veracity in the manifest of his cargo, and for the amount of his duties to the government.
Reason and scripture (when perfectly understood) are never contrary to each other; and revelation from God can never give a sanction to that which is so evidently absurd, and unfriendly to the interests of human society. Let us proceed then to examine the bible, and here we shall find, that oaths are as contrary to the precepts and spirit of Christianity as they are to sound reason.
Before I mention either the precepts or the spirit of the gospel, which militate against oaths, I shall first mention a few of the cases of swearing which I find upon record in the new testament. I shall first mention the precedents in favour of this practice, and then the precepts and precedents against it.
The first precedent I shall produce, is taken from the example of the devil, who addresses our Saviour in an oath, in Mark v. 7. "What have I to do with thee, Jesus, thou son of the most high God? I adjure thee by God that thou torment me not."
A second precedent is taken from the example of the high priest, who addresses our Saviour in an oath, in Matthew xxvi. 63. "I adjure thee," says he, just before he consents to his death, "by the living God, that thou tell us whether thou be the Christ the son of God." It has been said that there was no impropriety in this mode of expression, otherwise our Saviour would have rebuked it: but let it be remembered, that he stood before the tribunal of a high priest, as a prisoner, and not as a teacher; and hence we find he submits in silence to all the profane insults that were offered him.
He moreover accomplished by this silence a prophecy respecting himself, that when he should be led to judgment, he should be "dumb, and open not his mouth."
Peter furnishes a third example in favour of swearing. "And again he denied" (says Matthew, chap. xxvi. 72.) "with an oath, I know not the man." It would seem from this account, that a bare affirmation was so characteristic of a disciple of Jesus Christ, that Peter could not use a more direct method to convince the maid, who charged him with being a follower of Jesus of Nazareth, that he was not a Christian, than by having recourse to the Jewish and pagan practice of taking an oath.
Herod furnishes a fourth instance of swearing, in Matthew xiv. 7. when he promised to give the daughter of Herodias whatever she should ask of him: she asked for John the baptist's head in a charger: the King repented of his hasty promise; "nevertheless, for the oaths sake, and them which sat with him at meat, he commanded it to be given her."
Here it is evident he would have violated a common promise. But if common promises are not held sacred, and binding, there is an end of a great portion of truth in society, and of all the order and happiness which arise from it. To secure constant and universal truth, men should swear always or not at all.
A fifth precedent for swearing we find in the xix of Acts and 13th verse. "Then certain of the vagabond Jews, exorcists, took upon them to call over them which had evil spirits, the name of the Lord Jesus, saying, we adjure thee, by Jesus whom Paul preacheth. And the man in whom the evil spirit was, leaped on them, and overcame them; so that they fled out of the house naked and wounded."
The last precedent for swearing that I shall mention, is the one related in Acts xxiii. 21st. It contains an account of forty men who had bound themselves, by an oath, not to eat or drink, until they had killed St. Paul. It would seem that this banditti knew each other perfectly, and that they would not act together under the form of a common obligation. The occasion indeed, seems to require an oath. It was an association to commit murder. I am disposed to suspect that oaths were introduced originally to compel men to do things that were contrary to justice, or to their consciences.
In mentioning the precepts and precedents that are to be found in the new testament against swearing, the following striking passage, taken from Matthew v. verses 34, 35, 36, 37, should alone determine the question. "Swear not at all, neither by Heaven, for it is God's throne; nor by the earth, for it is his footstool; nor by Jerusalem, for it is the city of the great King. Neither shalt thou swear by thy head, because thou canst not make one hair white or black. But let your communication be yea, yea; nay, nay; for whatsoever is more than these, cometh of evil."
I know that these words are said to be levelled only against profane swearing in common conversation; but this will appear improbable, when we reflect upon the frequency and number of oaths which were admitted by the Jewish institutions, and that the principal part of the discourse of our Saviour, from whence that passage is taken, is intended to shew the corruptions or imperfections of those institutions, and the superiority of the gospel dispensation over them.
There is a peculiar meaning in the reason which is given for the prohibition of swearing in this precept, viz. that any thing more than a bare affirmation, cometh of evil. Yes, it came originally from the universal prevalence of falsehood in society; but the Christian religion, by opening new sources of moral and religious obligation, and by discovering more fully the beauty and rewards of truth, and deformity and future punishment of falsehood, has rendered the obligation of oaths wholly unnecessary. They comported with the feeble discoveries of the Jewish, and numerous corruptions of the Pagan religions; but they are unnecessary under that full and clear manifestation of the divine will which is contained in the gospel. Cæsar's wife should not be suspected.—With how much more propriety should this be said of the veracity of a Christian, than of the chastity of the wife of a heathen Emperor. Every time a Christian swears, he exposes the purity and truth of his religion to suspicion. "As for you, Petrarch, your word is sufficient," said the Cardinal Colonna, in an enquiry into the cause of a riot that happened in his family, while that celebrated poet was a member of it; and in which he exacted an oath from every other member of his family, not excepting his own brother, the Bishop of Luna. The same address should be made to every Christian, when he is called upon to declare the truth, "You believe in a future state of rewards and punishment—you profess to be the follower of that Being who has inculcated a regard for truth, under the awful consideration of his omniscience, and who has emphatically styled himself the TRUTH." Your word, therefore, is sufficient.
A Nobleman is permitted, by the laws of England, to declare the truth upon his honor. The profession of Christianity is declared in scripture to be an high calling, and Christians are said to be priests and Kings. Strange! that persons of such high rank, should be treated with less respect than English Noblemen; and still more strange! that persons possessing these august titles should betray their illustrious birth and dignity, by conforming to a practice which tends so much to invalidate the truth and excellency of their religion.
It is very remarkable, that in all the accounts we have of the intercourse of our Saviour with his disciples, and of their subsequent intercourse with each other, there is no mention made of a single oath being taken by either of them.
Perhaps there never was an event in which the highest degrees of evidence were more necessary, than they were to establish the truth of the resurrection of our Saviour, as on the truth of this miracle depended the credibility of the Christian religion. But in the establishment of the truth of this great event, no oath is taken, or required. The witnesses of it simply relate what they saw, and are believed by all the disciples; except one,
who still remembered too well the prohibition of his master, swear not at all, to ask for an oath to remove his unbelief.
It is worthy of notice likewise, that no preposterous oath of office is required of the disciples when they assume the apostolic character, and are sent forth to preach the gospel to all nations. How unlike the spirit of the gospel are those human laws, which require oaths of fidelity, every year: and which appear to be founded in the absurd idea that men are at all times the guardians of their own virtue.
There can be no doubt of Christians having uniformly refused to take an oath in the first ages of the church: nor did they conform to this pagan custom, till after Christianity was corrupted by a mixture with many other parts of the pagan and Jewish religions.
There are two arguments in favour of oaths, which are derived from the new testament, and which remain to be refuted.—1st. St. Paul uses several expressions in his epistles which amount to oaths, and even declares "an oath to be the end of strife." It was the character of St. Paul, that he became all things to all men. He circumcised as well as baptised Jews, and proves the truth of revelation by a quotation from a heathen poet. Oaths were a part of the Jewish and Pagan institutions—and, like several other ceremonies, for some time, continued to retain a strong hold of the prejudices of the new converts to Christianity. St. James, who was less accommodating to these prejudices, bears a testimony against oaths, nearly in the same words, which were before used by his master.
2d. It has been said, that the great Jehovah frequently swears, both in the old and new testament, and that the angel who is to found the last trump will "swear that time shall be no more." Every expression of this kind should be considered as an accommodation to Jewish and Pagan customs, in order to render the truths of revelation more intelligible and acceptable. The Supreme Being, for the same reasons, often assumes to himself the violent passions, and even the features and senses of men: And yet who can suppose it proper to ascribe either of them to a Being, one of whose perfections consists in his existing as a pure unchangeable spirit.
If oaths are contrary to reason, and have a pernicious influence upon morals and the order of society; and above all, if they are contrary to the precepts and spirit of the gospel; it becomes legislators and ministers of the gospel, to consider how far they are responsible for all the falsehood, profane swearing and perjury that exist in society. It is in the power of legislators to abolish oaths, by expunging them from our laws: and it is in the power of ministers of the gospel, by their influence and example, to render truth so simple and obligatory, that human government shall be ashamed to ask any other mode of declaring it from CHRISTIANS, than by a bare affirmation.
The friends of virtue and freedom have beheld, with great pleasure a new Constitution established in the United States, whose objects are peace, union, and justice. It will be in the power of the first Congress that shall act under this Constitution, to set the world an example of enlightened policy, by framing laws that shall command obedience, without the absurd and improper obligation of oaths. By this means they will add the restoration and establishment of TRUTH, to the great and valuable objects of the Constitution that have been mentioned.
PRICE-CURRENT,
PHILADELPHIA.
 Flour superfine, 37 3/8. pr. barrel.  — common, 32 3/8. do.  Bur-Middlings, 25 3/8. a 26 3/8. do.  Indian Meal, 15 3/8. do.  Tar, 20 3/8. do.  Pitch, 15 3/8. a 17 3/8. do.  Turpentine, 12 3/8. do.  Pork Burlington, 34 5/8. do.  Beef Irish, 21. 10 3/8. a 31. do.  — Country, 40 3/8. a 45 3/8. do.  Mackerel, 45 3/8. a 52 3/8. do.  Herring, 15 3/8. a 18 3/8. do.  Ship-Ruff, 7 3/8. a 9 3/8. pr. Cat.  Rice, 20 3/8. do.  Muscovada Sugar, 52 3/8. a 62 3/8. do.  James-river, 30 3/8. a 40 3/8. do.  York, 30 3/8. a 40 3/8. do.  Rappahannock, 30 3/8. do.  Maryland, col'd, 45 3/8. do.  Western Shore, long leaf, 25 3/8. a 27 3/8. do.  Eastern Shore, 20 3/8. a 27 3/8. do.  Best Carol, 35 3/8. a 37 3/8. do.  Inferior ditto, 30 3/8. do.  Lead in pigs, 55 3/8. do.  Wheat, 7 3/8. pr. bushel.  Rye, 2 3/8. a 3 3/8. do.  Barley, 4 3/8. do.  Indian Corn, 2 3/8. do.  Oats, 1 3/8. a 2 3/8. do.  Flaxseed, 3 3/8. do.  Salt Allum, 2 3/8. a 2 3/8. do.  — Liverpool, 18 3/8. do.  Rum, Jamaica, 4 3/8. a 4 3/8. pr. gallon.  — Windward, 3 3/8. a 4 3/8. do.  — French, 2 3/8. do.  — N. England, 2 3/8. do.  Brandy, 4 3/8. do.  Wine, Sherry, 6 3/8. a 8 3/8. do. 
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the OSWEGO-MARKET, NEW-YORK.