Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-10-13 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 53, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 157.]
From the ENGLISH REVIEW, FOR NOVEMBER, 1787.
[A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America. By JOHN ADAMS, LL.D. and a Member of the Academy of Arts and Sciences at Boston.]
(Continued from our last.)
OUR author next examines the opinion of M. TURGOT, "That an assembly of representatives should be chosen by the nation, and vested with all the powers of government; and that this assembly, being the centre in which all authority is collected, shall be virtually deemed the nation." To state the consequences, and expose the absurdity of this opinion, Mr. Adams takes a brief, but comprehensive view of all those countries in Europe in which the government may be called republican; and from this survey, demonstrates the necessity of different orders in a state, and of an equilibrium between them. His reflections in the twenty-third letter are enlightened, spirited, and manly:
"As we have taken a cursory view of those countries in Europe where the government may be called, in any reasonable construction of the word, republican, let us now pause a few moments, and reflect upon what we have seen.
"Among every people, and in every species of republics, we have constantly found a first magistrate, a head; a chief, under various denominations, indeed, and with different degrees of authority, with the title of stadholder, burgomaster, avoyer, doge, consulloniero, president, fyndick, mayor, alcalde, capitaneo, governor, or king; in every nation we have met with a distinguished officer: if there is no example in any free government any more than in those which are not free, of a society without a principal personage, we may fairly conclude that the body politic cannot subsist without one any more than the animal body without a head. If M. Turgot had made any discovery which had escaped the penetration of all the legislators and philosophers who had lived before him, he ought at least to have communicated it to the world for their improvement; but as he has never hinted at any such invention, we may safely conclude that he had none; and therefore, that the Americans are not justly liable to censure for instituting governors.
"In every form of government we have seen a senate, or little council; a composition generally of those officers of state who have the most experience and power, and a few other members selected from the highest ranks and most illustrious reputations. On these lesser councils, with the first magistrate at their head, generally rests the principal burden of administration; a share in the legislative as well as executive and judicial authority of government. The admission of such senates to a participation of these three kinds of power has been generally observed to produce in the minds of their members an ardent aristocratical ambition, grasping equally at the prerogatives of the first magistrate, and the privileges of the people, and ending in the nobility of a few families, and a tyrannical oligarchy; but in those States where the senates have been debarr'd from all executive power, and confined to the legislative, they have been observed to be firm barriers against the encroachments of the crown, and often great supporters of the liberties of the people. The Americans then, who have carefully confined their senates to the legislative power, have done wisely in adopting them.
"We have seen, in every instance, another and a larger assembly, composed of the body of the people, in some little States; of representatives chosen by people in others; of members appointed by the senates, and supposed to represent the people, in a third sort; and of persons appointed by themselves or the senates, in certain aristocracies, to prevent them from becoming oligarchies. The Americans then, whose assemblies are the most adequate, proportional, and equitable representations of the people that are known in the world, will not be thought erroneous in appointing houses of representatives.
"In every republic, in the smallest and most popular, in the larger and more aristocratical, as well as in the largest and most monarchical, we have observed a multitude of curious and ingenious inventions to balance, in their turn, all those powers, to check the passions peculiar to them, and to control them from rushing into those exorbitancies to which they are most addicted; the Americans will then be no longer censured for endeavoring to introduce an equilibrium, which is much more profoundly mediated, and much more effectual for the protection of the laws, than any we have seen, except in England; we may even question, whether that is an exception.
"In every country we have found a variety of orders, with very great distinctions. In America there are different orders of officers, but none of men; out of office all men are of the same species, and of one blood; there is neither a greater nor a lesser nobility. Why then are they accused of establishing different orders of men? To our inexpressible mortification we must have remarked that the people have preserved a share of power, or an existence in the government, in no country out of England, except upon the tops of a few inaccessible mountains, among rocks and precipices, in territories so narrow that you may span them with an hand's breadth; where, living uncultivated, in extreme poverty, chiefly upon pasturage, destitute of manufactures and commerce, they still exhibit the most charming picture of life, and the most dignified character of human nature.
"Wherever we have seen a territory somewhat larger, arts and sciences more cultivated, commerce flourishing, or even agriculture improved to any great degree, an aristocracy has risen up in a course of time, consisting of a few rich and honorable families, who have united with each other against both the people and the first magistrate; wrested from the former, by art and by force, all their participation in the government, and even inspired them with so mean an esteem of themselves, and so deep a veneration and strong attachment to their rulers, as to believe and confess them a superior order of beings.
"We have seen these noble families, although necessitated to have a head, extremely jealous of his influence, anxious to reduce his power, and constrain him to as near a level with themselves as possible, always endeavoring to establish a rotation, by which they may all equally in turn be entitled to the pre-eminence, and equally anxious to preserve to themselves as large a share of power as possible in the executive and judicial, as well as the legislative departments of the state.
"These patrician families have also appeared, in every instance, to be equally jealous of each other, and to have contrived, by blending lot and choice, by mixing various bodies in the elections to the same offices, and even by the horrors of an inquisition, to guard against the sin that so easily besets them, of being wholly influenced and governed by a junta or oligarchy of a few among themselves.
"We have seen no one government in which is a distinct separation of the legislative from the executive power, and of the judicial from both, or in which any attempt has been made to balance these powers with one another, or to form an equilibrium between the one, the few, and the many, for the purpose of enacting and executing equal laws, by common consent, for the general interest, excepting in England.
"Shall we conclude, from these melancholy observations, that human nature is incapable of liberty; that no honest equality can be preserved in society; and that such forcible causes are always at work as must reduce all men to a submission to despotism, monarchy, oligarchy, or aristocracy?
"By no means.—We have seen one of the first nations in Europe, possessed of ample and fertile territories at home, and extensive dominions abroad, of a commerce with the whole world, immense wealth, and the greatest naval power which ever belonged to any nation, who have still preserved the power of the people, by the equilibrium we are contending for, by the trial by jury, and by constantly refusing a standing army. The people of England alone, by preserving their share in the legislature, at the expence of the blood of heroes and patriots, have enabled their kings to curb the nobility, without giving him a standing army.
"After all, let us compare every constitution we have seen with those of the United States of America, and we shall have no reason to blush for our country; on the contrary, we shall feel the strongest motives to fall upon our knees in gratitude to heaven, for having been graciously pleased to give us birth and education in that country, and for having destined us to live under her laws! We shall have reason to exult, if we make our comparison with England and the English constitution. Our people are undoubtedly sovereign; all the landed and other property is in the hands of the citizens; not only their representatives, but their senators and governors, are annually chosen; there are no hereditary titles, honours, offices, or distinctions; the legislative, executive, and judicial powers are carefully separated from each other; the powers of the one, the few, and the many, are nicely balanced in their legislatures; trials by jury are preserved in all their glory, and there is no standing army; the habeas corpus is in full force; the press is the most free in the world; and, where all these circumstances take place, it is unnecessary to add, that the laws alone can govern.
In the subsequent letters Mr. Adams contemplates, with a critical and philosophic eye, the most celebrated states and commonwealths of antiquity, Carthage, Athens, Achæa, Crete, Corinth, Argos, Thebes, Crotona, Sybaris, Locris, and Rome; and at the same time delivers the opinions of the celebrated ancient and modern writers concerning the principles of government in general, and these governments in particular. The result of his researches is favorable to that division of power which the English and the Americans have adopted, and which appears to rest upon the authority, the experience, and the wisdom of ages.
In the postscript, Mr. Adams favors the public with the copy of a letter which he sent to the Abbe de Mably when he declared his intention of writing on the American revolution. The adventurous spirit of the French literati is well known; who, trusting to the versatility of their talents, which is often great, and to the correct elegance of their language, which is universally read, presume to write on all subjects, foreign and domestic, human and divine, on a very slender acquaintance. Our author's request to the Abbe to write upon American affairs was a piece of meer civility, and, as he informs us, "rather a desire that he would not expose himself, by attempting a history that he was altogether unprovided for, than any formal request that he should write at all. We are obliged," continues Mr. Adams, "to any gentleman in Europe who favors us with his thoughts; but, in general, the theory of government is as well understood in America as it is in Europe; and by great numbers of individuals is every thing, relating to a free constitution, infinitely better comprehended than by the Abbe de Mably, or M. Turgot, amiable, learned, and ingenious as they were."
The preface to this work contains many excellent and manly sentiments, worthy of an ancient Greek or Roman. The following observations, which form a panegyric on the English as well as American constitution, will serve as a specimen:
"It is become a kind of fashion among writers to admit, as a maxim, that, if you could be always sure of a wise, active, and virtuous Prince, monarchy would be the best of governments. But this is so far from being admissible, that it will forever remain true that a free government has a great advantage over a simple monarchy. The best and wisest Prince, by means of a freer communication with the people, and the greater opportunities to collect the best advice from the best of his subjects, would have an immense advantage in a free state more than in a monarchy. A senate consisting of all that is most noble, wealthy, and able in the nation, with a right to counsel the crown at all times, is a check to ministers, and a security against abuses, that a body of nobles who never meet, and have no such right, can never accomplish. Another assembly, composed of representatives, chosen by the people in all parts, gives the whole nation free access, and communicates all the wants, knowledge, projects, and wishes of the nation, to government; excites an emulation among all classes, removes com-
plaints, redresses grievances, affords opportunities of exertion to genius, though in obscurity, and gives full scope to all the faculties of man; opens a passage for every speculation to the legislature, to administration, and to the public; gives an universal energy to the human character, in every part of the state, which never can be obtained in a monarchy.
"There is a third particular which deserves attention both from governments and people. The ministers of state, in a simple monarchy, can never know their friends from their enemies; cabals in secret undermine their influence, and blast their reputations. This occasions a jealousy ever anxious and irritated, which never thinks the government safe without an encroachment of informers and spies, throughout every part of the state, who interrupt the tranquility of private life, destroy the confidence of families in their own domestics and one another, and poison freedom in its sweetest retirements. In a free government, on the contrary, the ministers can have no enemies of consequence but among the members of the great or little council, where every man is obliged to take his side, and declare his opinion upon every question. This circumstance alone, to every manly mind, would be sufficient to decide the preference in favor of a free government. Even secrecy, where the executive is entire in one hand, is as easily and surely preserved in a free government as in a simple monarchy; and as to dispatch, all the simple monarchies of the whole universe may be desired to produce greater or more examples of it than are to be found in English history."
The celebrated Mr. Hume used to call Dr. Franklin "the first fruits of America." The American revolution has given elasticity and energy to the minds of the inhabitants, has called forth talents and abilities of every kind, and produced a more copious harvest than the solitary "first fruits" observed by Mr. Hume seemed to indicate. A Copley and a West have obtained the honors of the pencil; Dwight, Barlow, and Trumbull, have distinguished themselves in poetry; Belknap and Ramsay in history; Jefferson has excelled in philosophical researches; Paine in political speculations; and to these names, known and appreciated by the learned world, that of Mr. Adams will be added, who, in the work before us, discovers an extent of learning, an acuteness of reflection, and a masculine spirit, which few ambassadors in any court of Europe possess, but which all of them would be proud to display. Whatever opinion we may entertain of American ambition or policy, the muses are never at war; however the scale of empire rises or falls, every lover of literature will rejoice that the arts are about to make the tour of the world; and that the same son of science and taste which gilded the east with its orient rays, is now illuminating the west, and diffusing warmth and splendour on regions that were formerly unknown to history, and remote from civilization.
FAMILY COMPACT.
Report of the Committee of Foreign Affairs to the National Assembly.
"Your committee having taken into their most serious consideration the requisition from the Court of Spain, demanding a categorical answer, touching our engagements, in consequence of the Family Compact, have the honor to submit to the wisdom of the National Assembly, whether a strict compliance with the said requisition would not be risking too much under the present circumstances of the kingdom, more especially the nature of the question being materially altered since the preliminary declarations between England and Spain, subsequent to the date of our deliberation on this point, affording us the pleasing prospect of a speedy and amicable accommodation between the two powers; nevertheless, should your best endeavours towards a happy termination fail, we hold ourselves bound in honour to support our ancient ally, in every such right and claim as you shall deem reasonable and just."
The last messenger to Madrid had orders to stay for the answer from the Spanish Court ten days, and no longer. On the expiration of the ninth day, Mr. Fitzherbert sent notice to Count Florida Blanca that the messenger would certainly quit Madrid on the ensuing day. This occasioned an immediate interview, and produced the declarations. It is evident from this, that the Spaniard only consulted the convenience of the moment—only did it to prolong time—that he did it with great reluctance—and will wipe away the discharge with a war, if France can be brought to assist him.
WAR DEPARTMENT, Sept. 9, 1790.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military Invalids of the United States, that the loans to which they are annually entitled, and which will become due on the fourth day of March ensuing, will be paid on the said day, by the Commissioners of the Loans within the states respectively, under such regulations as the President of the United States may direct.
H. KNOX, Secretary for the Department of War.

DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
No. XXII.
Interveniit deinde, his cogitationibus, avitum malum, regni cupido, atque inde factum certamen coortum.
THE Queen-mother and the Guises, delayed no longer the opening of the States. They began by the profession of faith, drawn up by the Sorbonne, conformably to the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church. The Cardinal de Tournon, President of the order of the Clergy, read it with a loud voice, and each of the deputies approved and adhered to it, upon oath: a precaution which they judged necessary to assure themselves of the catholicity of those who were to have a deliberative voice, in the general assembly. After this solemn act, the Chancellor proposed, in the presence of the King, the matters which were to be taken into consideration. At the instance of the Provinces, the three orders separated, to examine the respective demands, and make report of their resolutions. But all this was merely theatrical: it was nothing but farcical scenery. The Guises knew, as well as the Constable de Montmorency, that the ministry could govern the kingdom, and nation at its will, as a Court or Supreme Executive always will, where it is checked only by a single representative assembly, especially if that assembly have no authority but to advise. Nay, if it have Legislative authority, the majority in that assembly can only govern, by imposing its own men on the Executive, in other words, by forcing the King to take their creatures into the ministry. So that the ministry and the majority in the National Assembly must always act in concert, and be agreed; and they generally are so, to the intolerable oppression of the minority, as in this case. Reformation of government, and liberty of conscience, and redress of grievances in religion, were subjects which the court had too much cunning to bring before the Assembly. That would have been, as the Constable expressed it, to have prepared a formidable opposition to themselves. Had the point been then settled, that the States were a Legislative assembly; and had the question of religion been brought fairly into deliberation and discussion before them, it is very probable that liberty of conscience to the Hugonots, might have been the result, even in that age. But these, as Davila says, were the smallest objects they had in view: all minds expected with much more solicitude, the issue of the detention of the Prince of Condé. Their doubts were soon resolved by a declaration of council signed by the King, the Chancellor and all the grandees, except the Guises, who, as suspected of partiality, affected not to appear in this affair. A commission was established for the trial of the Prince, with authority to render a definitive sentence. De Thou, president, and Faye and Viole, counsellors of the Parliament of Paris, were the Judges—Bourdin, Attorney General, Tillot, Secretary: All the interrogations and acts were done in the presence of the Chancellor L'Hospital. They heard the depositions of the prisoners of Amboise, Lyons and others. They made preparations to interrogate the Prince. He refused to answer, alleging that in quality of Prince of the blood, he acknowledged no other tribunal, than the Parliament of Paris. He demanded an assembly of all the chambers of Parliament; that the King should be present in person, and that the twelve Peers should have a voice, as well as the great officers of the crown, according to the ancient usage. That he could not excuse himself, for not remonstrating against a proceeding so unheard of, and irregular, and from appealing to the King. This appeal was carried to council, and appeared authorized by reason, by the ordinary formalities, and by the customs of the kingdom. But the spirit of rivalry, which is the spirit of party, demanded a sudden vengeance: a party at present triumphant, but doubtful whether it were at bottom the most powerful, were impelled by fear, as well as hatred, to with a prompt decision. The appeal was declared null. But the Prince, having renewed it, and persisting in his protestations, the council, at the motion of the Attorney General, pronounced that they ought to consider the Prince as convicted, since he refused to answer to commissioners named by the King. In this manner they obliged him to submit to interrogatories, and pursued the trial, without loss of time, to final judgment.
The Princes of Bourbon, at the summit of misfortune, were very near expiating with their blood, the heinous crime of daring to stand in competition with the Guises, to patronize liberty of conscience, and to shelter from persecution the distressed Hugonots: as Manlius was precipitated from the Tarpeian Rock, for being the friend of the oppressed debtors, and the rival of Camillus and the Quintian family. Both were accused, it is true, with crimes against the state. The splendor of the birth of the two Bourbons, and their personal merit, interested all France. Even their enemies pitied their destiny. The Guises alone, naturally enterprising, pursued constantly their designs, without regard to the merit or quality of those Princes, whether they judged such an act of severity absolutely necessary, to the safety and tranquility of the kingdom, or whether, as their enemies supposed, they had nothing in view but the destruction of their rivals, and the establishment of their own grandeur. They declared openly, that it was necessary by two strokes, at the same time, to strike off the heads of Heresy and Rebellion. Such is the spirit of sophistry: and such is the spirit of party. The Queen-mother, although she consented secretly, and wished that the resolution taken at Amboise, of destroying the Princes, should be executed, desired nevertheless, that all the odium of it should fall upon the Guises, as she had always had the address, to accomplish. She proposed to manage the two parties, for fear of those unforeseen events, which the inconstancy of fortune might produce; and affected much grief and melancholy in her behaviour, and reserve in her discourse. She had even frequent conferences with the two Chatillons, the Admiral and Cardinal, in which she appeared disposed to seek some expedient, to extricate from danger the Princes of the blood. She amused in the same manner, the Duchess of Montpensier, a Princess full of the best intentions, an enemy of all dissimulation, and who judged of the characters of others by the rectitude of her own. Her inclination to Calvinism, and her intimate connections with the King of Navarre, had enabled her to commence and continue between that Prince and the Queen, a secret correspondence. These intrigues, although directly opposite to the conduct, which the court held in public, were palliated with so much artifice, that the most clear-sighted, could not unravel their genuine design, even when they reflected on the depths of the secrets of mankind, and the diversity of interests and passions which serve as motives to their actions.
Already the commissioners had rendered their judgment against the Prince of Condé. They had condemned him, as convicted of high treason and rebellion, to be beheaded, before the palace of the King, at the hour of the assembly of the States General. They delayed the execution, only to draw into the same snare the Constable who, in spite of the repeated instances of the court, still delayed his journey to the States. They wished to involve in the same proscription the King of Navarre, but they had not proofs against him, sufficient to satisfy their own creatures, when one morning the King, in dressing himself, fell all at once into a swoon, so deep and violent, that his officers believed him to be dead. He recovered his senses, it is true: but his malady was judged to be mortal, and his life was despaired of. This fatal mischance terrified the Guises. They pressed the Queen mother, to execute the sentence against the Prince of Condé, while the breath remained in the body of the King, and to take the same resolution against the King of Navarre, to prevent all the revolutions which they might have to fear, in case of the King's death. They represented to her, with warmth, that this was the sole means of preserving the crown to her other infant children, and of dissipating the storm which menaced France: that, although the Constable was not arrested, and in the present delicate cir-
cumstances, it would not be prudent to seize him, yet that when they should have no longer to fear, neither the credit, nor the pretensions of the Princes of the blood, the Constable would be less formidable, as he would neither have the nobility in his interests nor the Hugonots of his party: that to deliberate in the moment of execution, and suspend it in this critical situation of the King, would be to lose the fruit of so many projects conducted to their end, with so much artifice and patience: that even the death of the King ought not to be an obstacle, because that brothers succeeding him of right, the same reasons and the same interests still subsisted, both for them and their mother. The Queen who had known how to preserve herself neuter, at least in appearance, and who had not motives so urgent to precipitate measures, considered that under a minority, Kings might change their aspect, and that the excessive grandeur of the Guises remaining without opposition, might become to her as formidable as the ambition of the Princes of the blood. Thus sometimes by supposing the dismember of the King to be less dangerous, sometimes by spreading favorable reports of a speedy cure, she gained time, delayed the execution of the Prince and reserved the liberty of acting according to circumstances, conformably to those views, in which she was confirmed by the councils of the Chancellor de L'Hospital. As soon as she had known that the King's life was in danger, she requested the son of the Duke de Montpensier, to conduct her secretly one night into the apartment of the King of Navarre, and in a long conversation which she had with him, she endeavored, with her ordinary dissimulation, to persuade him, that she was very far from approving all that had passed, and wished to act in concert with him, to oppose the ambition of the Guises. The Prince depended little on the sincerity of these protestations: they had however an effect in the sequel.—On the fifth of December the King died.
Charles the ninth, second son of the Queen, succeeded to Francis the second his brother.—He was but eleven years of age, and must have a tutor, and the Kingdom a regent.
NEWYORK.
TO ALL WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME.
BE IT KNOWN, That Robert Yates, John Lansing, jun. Gulian Verplanck, Simeon De Witt, Egbert Benson, and Melancton Smith, Commissioners appointed by an act of the Legislature of the State of New-York, entitled "An Act appointing commissioners with power to declare the consent of the Legislature of this State, that a certain territory within the jurisdiction thereof should be formed into a new State," passed the sixth day of March last, DO hereby by virtue of the powers to them granted for the purpose, declare the consent of the Legislature of the State of New-York, that the community now actually exercising independent jurisdiction, as the STATE OF VERMONT, be admitted into the United States of America, and that immediately from such admission all claim of jurisdiction of the State of New-York within the State of Vermont shall cease, and thenceforth the perpetual boundary line between the State of New-York and the State of Vermont shall be as follows, viz. Beginning at the northwest corner of the State of Massachusetts, thence westward along the south boundary of the township of Pownall to the southwest corner thereof, thence northerly along the western boundaries of the township of Pouioall, Bennington, Shaftsbury, Arlington, Sandgate, Rupert, Pawlett, Wells, and Poultney, as the said townships are now held or possessed to the river commonly called Poultney river, thence down the same through the middle of the deepest channel thereof to East Bay, thence through the middle of the deepest channel of East Bay and the waters thereof to where the same communicate with Lake Champlain; thence through the middle of the deepest channel of Lake Champlain to the eastward of the islands called the Four Brothers, and the westward of the islands called Grand Isle and Long Isle, or the Two Heroes, and to the westward of the Isle La Motte to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude. And the said Commissioners do hereby declare the will of the Legislature of the State of New-York, that if the Legislature of the State of Vermont shall on or before the first day of January, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, declare, that the State of Vermont shall, on or before the first day of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, pay to the State of New-York the sum of thirty thousand dollars, that immediately from such declaration by the Legislature of the State of Vermont, all rights and titles to lands within the State of Vermont, under grants from the government of the late colony of New-York or from the State of New-York, except as herein after excepted, shall cease; or, if the Legislature of the State of Vermont shall not elect to make such declaration, then that, except in cases where the grants from New-York were intended as confirmations of grants from New-Hampshire, all rights and titles under grants from the government of the late colony of New-York, or from the State of New-York to lands within the State of Vermont which may have been granted by the governor of the late colony of New-Hampshire shall cease, and the boundaries according to which such grants from the government of the late colony of New-Hampshire have been held or possessed shall be deemed to be the true boundaries; and the said commissioners do hereby further declare the will of the Legislature of the State of New-York, that all rights and titles to lands within the State of Vermont under grants from the government of the late colony of New-York, or from the State of New-York and not granted by the government of the late colony of New-Hampshire, shall be suspended until the expiration of three years after the governor of the State of Vermont for the
time being shall have been notified that a commissioner to be appointed by the State of New-York after the first day of January in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and to reside and hold a public office at the city of Albany, shall have entered upon the execution of his office: And if within one year after such notification there shall be delivered to such commissioner, either the original or a certified abstract containing the date, the names of the grantees, and the boundaries of a grant from New-York, and if thereupon, at any time before the expiration of the said term of three years above mentioned, there shall be paid to such commissioner at the rate of ten cents per acre for the whole or any parcel of the lands contained in such grant from New-York, all right and title under such grant shall, in respect to the lands for which payment shall be made, cease, and a receipt under the hand and seal of such commissioner specifying the lands for which payment shall be made shall be evidence of the payment. And in default of delivering the original or such certified abstract of the grant to the commissioner within the said term of one year for that purpose above limited, all right and title under the grant in respect of which there shall be such default of delivery shall cease, but where the original or certified abstract of the grant shall be duly delivered to the commissioner, the right and title under the grant in respect to the lands for which payment shall not be made, shall remain, and suits for the recovery of such lands may be prosecuted in the ordinary course of law, provided the suit be commenced within ten years after the state of Vermont shall have been admitted into the union of the United States, otherwise the right and title under the grant from New-York, shall in such case also cease. IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF, the said commissioners have hereunto set their hands and affixed their seals the seventh day of October in the fifteenth year of the Independence of the United States of America, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
ROBERT YATES (L. S.) JOHN LANSING, jun. (L. S.) GULIAN VERPLANCK (L. S.) SIMEON DE WITT (L. S.) EGBERT BENSON (L. S.) MELANCTON SMITH (L. S.)
Witnesses.
RICHARD VARICK, ALEXANDER HAMILTON, SAMUEL JONES, ROBERT BENSON.
REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
IN the use of the word merchant , the people of this State differ from their sister States and from the English nation. In its primitive sense, this word signified any trader whatever; that is, any person who procured a living by buying and selling. But etymology can not be generally relied on, as leading to the true present signification of words, which depends wholly on national use. The word merchant , in modern practice, is applied only to wholesale traders , and should not be confounded with retailers or shopkeepers. It would not be very material how we use words in Connecticut, if no other people spoke the same language; but this State is but a little part of that great community, which uses the same language; and no person will pretend that we have a right to impose new meanings upon words. At any rate it subjects us to an inconvenience; for when we use the word merchant in our local sense, people abroad do not understand us, or if they do, they suppose us deficient in education.
The words Shop and Store are also confounded in our common practice, Store being used to signify every kind of building where goods are lodged for sale or security. Hence we are under a necessity of introducing the distinction of wholesale store and retail store . This trouble might be spared, by using the words according to their true sense, viz. shop for the apartment or building where goods are retailed ; and store or warehouse for a building where goods are deposited in bulk. (American Mercury.)
LONDON, August 9.
THE national colour in Ireland is green . The national cockade begins already to give the green sickness to government and its emissaries.
On Saturday night last died of a fever, in Newgate, the Rev. Philip Withers, who was sentenced to one year's imprisonment for a libel on Mrs. Fitzherbert. He had many works of genius in contemplation that would have done honor to literature—and among the rest was that much wanted publication, a Revision of Johnson's Dictionary.
AUGUST 14—19.
In the Swedish account of the two actions on the 4th and 9th ult. the defeat and the victory as stated in the Gazettes of Stockholm, we are informed, that the Russians, in their first victory, had two ships of 100 guns each blown up, and five ships of the line disabled. This, if it be true, is a considerable drawback on their triumph. In the

account of the brilliant achievement of his Ma- jesty on the 9th, the account states, that he took and destroyed seventy-five vessels, and that the Russians lost 5000 men. Such are the contradicto- ry accounts; and so contradictory have been all the accounts published by the two powers! It is our duty to state them impartially; it will be for the judgement of our readers to discriminate.
The flame of liberty, which has spread so ra- pidly in France, seems to direct its next confla- gration to the Pope's dominions, as we are assured on the credit of a gentleman just returned from Rome, that a label to the following purport was publicly placed round the neck of Pasquin, a few days before he left that city.
"More Freedom, a better government, And no Pope."
AUGUST 23.
When the last news came from Brussels, the town was a scene of anarchy and apprehension. It is thought that Van der Noot, and the Junta that compose his party, will soon fly the country, and the next letters will probably bring us the further information, that several of the provinces are preparing to send a deputation to Vienna, with an acknowledgment of King Leopold as their lawful sovereign.
We have already seen, that the Austrian troops have made considerable progress in recovering the country by force; that the Revolution is no longer countenanced, either openly or secretly, by Prussia and Holland; and that the people, as is usual, whenever they are oppressed, having their present masters more than their former, are very generally disposed to facilitate the progress of the Austrians.
The Clergy finding Leopold disposed to restore to them their ancient usurpations over the minds and property of the people, are inclined to ac- knowledge his sovereignty. The restoration of the ancient constitution is indeed stipulated, but it is much to be feared that the people will de- rive little advantage from it, whatever the Aris- tocracy and the Clergy may do.—It is still more to be feared, that the Austrian troops, inflamed by the rancour which civil war never fails to in- spire, will not conduct themselves, when re- possessed of the country, with the moderation which the interest of the King and the safety of the peo- ple equally require.
At all events, the proud column of Belgic in- dependence must fall, and on the spot where it stood may be inscribed:—
"What the Spirit of Liberty was nobly rearing, the Spirit of Superstition levelled with the dust."
There was a strong report yesterday at the West end of the town, of an unavoidable rupture between this country and France, who are said to have it seriously in meditation to adhere to the terms of the Family Compact, and support Spain in her present dispute with this country.
Gen. Bender, the Austrian commander, has ad- dressed a circular letter to the people of Brabant, giving them the reasons for his acting hitherto on the defensive, as it was the wish of his master that no injury should happen to the farmers; be- fore they had completed their corn harvest; he therefore gives them till the 12th of August to accept of the former propositions, which he says the states of Limburgh, Luxemburgh, Hainault, and Flanders, are well disposed to agree to; but if after the above time they persist in their pre- sent measures, they must expect no indulgence.
The Austrian provinces are still shackled by the hierarchical tyranny of pretended patriots, though in reality, bigotted tyrants. To eman- cipate these provinces from their present slavery, to restore their ancient and popular constitution and laws, and to give them a head from the house of Austria, seems to be the design of his Prussian Majesty.—Much as this would tend to the real ad- vantage of the people, we are confident that it will be thwarted by prejudices of the strongest kind, and an opposition which force only can subdue.
Whether France will comply with the terms of the Family Compact is not yet certain. It is a point of great importance to determine; if on such a point therefore, we might be allowed to specu- late, we should add, that the moment the French Assembly agree to renew the Family Compact, they destroy the whole fabric they have been rearing, and lay the foundation of civil commo- tions, which will ultimately end in favour of the King and his friends.
The conduct of Capt. Marshal, an English gen- tleman in the service of Russia during the late engagement, is equal to the most extraordinary effort in our recollection. He fought his ship till the sink to the water's edge; when a soldier flying to the colours to strike them, he shot the soldier dead, and she went down with her co- lours flying; he next swam to his friend Mr. Trevanion's ship, whom he unfortunately found dead; he then took the command, and fought dead; he then took the command, and fought till she sank also; and though there are as her till she sank also; and though there are as yet no certain hopes of him, there are great hopes of his having swam to shore, to share the honors and rewards to which, from his conduct, he is so justly entitled.
The right Hon. Edmund Burke, was, on Satur- day last, elected one of the members to represent the borough of Malton, in Yorkshire.
PARIS, August 19. PASTORAL LETTER of the BISHOP of AN- GERS.
HAVING been favoured with an exact copy of the Pastoral letter of this celebrated Prelate we present our readers with a correct translation.
"Michael Francois Count du Viviers de Lorry, by the Divine Mercy, and the Grace of the Holy Apostolic See, Bishop of Angers, and Privy Coun- sellor to the King.
"To the Clergy, Secular, and regular, and to all the faithful of our Diocese—salvation and the bles- sing of our Lord Jesus Christ.
"The Almighty—my dear brethren—who, from the highest Heavens, penetrates to the bot- tom of our hearts, has heard the humble prayer which we addressed to him in opening the Assem- bly of your Representatives.
We implored him to shed abroad his holy Spi- rit in their hearts, and to fill them with wisdom and an ardent concern for the public good.
"And it is now incumbent on us to return thanks, that our prayers have been heard.
"You are the descendants of those brave and generous Frenchmen, who were always celebra- ted for Religion and Patriotism. As the inheritors of their virtues, it is your duty to transmit them to posterity. Instruct your children in early life, engraving it on their hearts, that Religion is the only solid and unshaken foundation of glory and true happiness. Teach them to lisp the name of the God of Freedom and the public good; swear them to be faithful to the Nation, the Law and the King; for this is the oath of a French citizen.
"And ye, my coadjutors, engaged in the ho- nourable duties of promoting the felicity of the flocks entrusted to your care, ministers of a God of clemency and justice, to the sublimity of your precepts unite the force of example.
"Read and meditate incessantly on the holy gospel of Christ;—imitate your glorious Master.
"During this state of mortality he evinced a tender compassion for the infirmities of mankind. He preached peace and concord, the pardon of injuries, and brotherly love. He fulfilled the law of Moses, and obeyed the laws of Judea.
"Contemplate, my brethren, this great exam- ple of the pastoral office. The blessed Apostles, witnesses of his life and his mission, trod in his steps, and traversed the world to proclaim salva- tion by him who died and rose again.
"Regard not the loss of temporal affluence. We be sufficiently rich to live, and too rich perhaps to die.
"Submit to Divine Providence in all things; be faithful to the Nation, the Law, and the King.
"We have abundant cause to be thankful, and it is my pleasure that Te Deum be sung in all churches and chapels in my diocese, Sunday next, to manifest our gratitude to Almighty God.
"Given at our Episcopal Palace at Angers."
SAVANNAH, Sept. 16.
Last Thursday night, about ten o'clock, at the house of Michael Huntzinger, in this city, a quar- rel having arisen between Thomas Delany, taylor, and Casper Pauls, butcher, blows ensued, when they both fell on the floor, and during the strug- gle the latter with a clasp knife wounded the for- mer in the breast and neck, which occasioned his death in about half an hour. Pauls left the house immediately on stabbing Delany, but was soon apprehended and committed to goal. Next day an inquisition was held by David Montaign, Esq. coroner for this county, when the jury brought in their verdict, willful murder .
CHARLESTON Sept. 24.
It is said Mr. M c Gillivray intends to establish an academy at or near Galphintown, for the instruction of young Indians in the arts and sciences.
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 13.
By a gentleman from Post St. Vincennes, we are informed that an army of 1500 militia, with all the continental troops on the frontiers in that neighborhood, under the command of General Harmer, were to set off the first of September, on an expedition into the indian country.
Extract of a letter from Boston, October 5.
"It is with peculiar pleasure I inform you, that yesterday Mr. AMES had a very large major- ity of the votes of the electors of this town, as member of the second House of Representatives of the United States: There were 1550 voters, out of which he had 1203. The proportion in his favor in the country towns is equally great. This federalism, and consistency of conduct, is highly honorable to this metropolis—it testifies the sense which the people have of Mr. Ames's services and abilities—and the very large num- ber of voters, greater than almost ever before voted for a Representative, evinces that the peo- ple justly estimate the privilege of elections, and that they consider their delegations to the fed- eral legislature of the highest importance. Mr. Gerry I am informed, is chosen for Middlesex, and Mr. Goodhue has a full vote in Essex."
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
FINAL SETTLEMENTS 12 3/4 a 12 7/8.
INDENTS 7 1/2 a 7 3/4.
STATE SECURITIES 8 3/4.
Contrasting the situation of the United States with that of the whole world beside, how truly eligible does it appear: Great Britain with a debt of three hundred millions sterl. like a mill-stone hung about her neck, and every resource of taxa- tion explored and almost exhausted, appears to have her fate suspended on a thousand contingen- cies: Among others, the most important is the re- venue upon which she holds her East-India posses- sions, one of the most productive sources of her revenue; this is so precarious, as absolutely to depend on the fidelity of her military establish- ment in that country.—If we turn our eyes to France, we behold a mighty nation in an advan- ced age, bowed down with infirmities, and an en- ormous debt, struggling with deep rooted preju- dices, and a despotism, that is interwoven in the very texture of the people—and although her en- lightened patriots have performed wonders in emancipating their country thus far, it appears that little less than a miracle can preserve their political Union, without reverting to the first prin- ciples of civilization, and beginning again de novo . Spain appears to be at an interesting crisis—Civil convulsions impending, and the second edition of the French revolution may be hourly expected. Germany in addition to the intolerable burden of foreign war, is involved in all the horrors of civil dissention: Harmony, peace and confidence are suspended—and without these, all the enjoyments of civil and domestic life are at an end. Russia and Sweden are cutting each other's throats.— Turkey is groaning under military exactions to carry on the war against Austria and Russia; these, in addition to the cruel peace-impositions of a despotic government, must fill up the mea- sures of human misery, in that ill-fated empire. The Italian States are also torn by internal diss- entions, and appear to be on the eve of a revolution. All these circumstances are hostile to that happi- ness which results from good government—they subvert the principles of the social compact—pro- perty is set afloat—and human hope is cut off.— The United States on the other hand, are by the dispensations of Providence placed at a goodly distance from all these scenes of tumult and mi- sery—peace reigns triumphant through our coun- try—arts, agriculture, manufactures and com- merce, under the fostering hand of the federal government, are pursued with pleasure, profit and security—the seasons shed their mildest and most benignant influences on our labors—our land yields its encrease—the exuberance of our fields are transported to distant regions—while the produce of every clime is wasted to our shores —every man enjoys in security the fruits of his industry—nor is there "any one to annoy, or make us afraid."
We are sorry to mention the unhappy fate of the — of Shelburne, Capt. Cook, who left this port last week, laden with slaves and horses.— According to the account given by the crew who escaped the dreadful disaster: They soon after leaving Sandy Hook suffered for some hours a very severe gale, in which they were thrown on their beam ends—and while in this situation the wind- ward cattle, &c. left their station, and fell to the leeward; which not only deterred her from right- ing, but brought her so low as to admit the water in at the cabin door—she quickly filled—and in that situation the crew left her. All the hands were saved excepting Capt. Cook, who was asleep in the cabin—of whom they can give no further account.
New-York Packet.
Among a number of patriotic toasts drank by the Bucks Socie- ty, the 29th ult. at Richmond, Virginia, are the following,
10. The Adventurous and Patriotic Eastern Merchants who have gloriously opened a trade between the flourishing States of America and the numerous nations of the South Seas.
14. Our Indian Allies, and may their moral Virtue increase with their Civilization.
The public is respectfully informed, that the next number of the Gazette of the United States, will be published in Philadelphia—on, or before the first Wednesday in November next.
Subscriptions in this city will be received by Mr. PROSPER WET- MORE, at the Post-Office; subscribers at a distance will greatly oblige the Editor by a punctual discharge of arrearages, at this expensive crisis of his business; those at the Eastward and Northward will please to for- ward them to Mr. WETMORE as above—free of postage.
GEORGIUS R.
GEORGIUS TERTIUS Dei Gratia Magnae Britanniae, Franciae et Hiberniae Rex, Fidei Defensor Dux Brunsvicensis et Lu- neburgensis, Sacri Romani Imperii Archi-Thesaurus et Prin- ceps Elector, &c. Omnibus et Singulis ad Quos Praesentes ha- Literae pervenerint Salutem! Cum Fidelis et Dilectus Nobis JOHANNES TEMPLE Baronettus, Consul Noster Generalis apud Ordines Americanos Federatos, Licentia Nostra nunc Domum rediturus sit; quo iter constitutum recte commodetque pro mun- eris sui Dignitate conficere possit Omnes et Singulos, Reges, Princi- pesque, tam Ecclesiasticos quam Seculares, Status, Respublicas et liberas Civitates, Amicos Nostros et Federatos, nec non Provinci- um Gubernatores, Classium acque Exercituum Praefectos, Urbium Arciumque Custodes, omnes denique alios ipsorum Ministris five Officiales cujuscuunque Conditionis et Ordinis sint, amice benevo- leque rogandos esse duximus (id quod subditis ubique Nostris quo- que ullo modo interesse poterit firmiter per Praesentes injungimus) ut praefato Nostro Consuli Generali una cum Familia Sarcinisque suis quibuscunque, non solum ubique Locorum liberam et securam cundi, transeundi, redeundi comorandique prout libitum erit Potestatem faciant, neque aliquam Moram Impedimentumve injiciant autinjungi patiantur, sed etiam eundem omnibus Humanitatis et be- nevolentiae Officiis excipiant adjuventque et novis porro salvi Con- ductus Literis, si usus ita tulerit, communiunt, quod quidem Nos pari oblati Occasione agnoscamus et studiose rependi curabimus. DABANTUR in Palatio Nostro Dovi Jacobi Decimo Die Menfis Julii Anno Domini 1790, Regnique Nostri Trices- imo. Ad Mandatum Serenissimi Domini Regis.
LEEDS.
Sir John Temple, Bart. Fals.

FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS SPY.
Mr. Thomas,
IT was the answer of a certain eminent Jew, when asked by what means he acquired the large fortune he was supposed to be possessed of, that he had more difficulty in accumulating the first three thousand pounds, than all the rest of his imm moderate wealth.
This may be said to comprise the whole secret of rising in the world; and although none of the adepts in the science have yet discovered the secret art of putting this rule in practice, the indigent or unbefriended will find as many difficulties as ever, to retard their progress, and hinder them from emerging out of their embarrassments; for it has been observed, that the most exalted virtues, and the brightest accomplishments, do not find it easy to extricate themselves out of difficulties; this the course of human contingencies has proved true, and daily observation stamps a sanctity on the assertion.
Perhaps in all our towns, there is scarcely a man who cannot in the circle of his acquaintance point out some one, possessed of extensive capacities, strong, natural and quick parts, and a delicate sensibility and feeling of honor, who are not however able to raise themselves to any conspicuous point of eminence, merely because their talents have not been called forth by opportunity, or their indigence and straitened circumstances [which ever are noticed by the world] have prevented an animation of their abilities by success.
To prevent genius from languishment and decay, it must be warmed, nurtured and cherished; the fine sensations which commonly attend an enlightened understanding, will occasion a delicate way of thinking, which will render the possessor liable to a great dejection of spirits. Genius should be tenderly encouraged, or the cold blasts of adversity and disappointment may chill it, like fruits, which if not carefully assisted in their vegetation by the use of hot beds, would wither unripened.
I was lately reading the life of that great and good man, Lord Somers; and I could not but think, that the circumstance of the encouragement he afforded Mr. Addison, who would have remained in a less conspicuous point of view, without the assistance of such a friend and patron, reflected the greatest lustre on his character.
That vein of humour which ever was the most genteel, would, or at least might, have been tinctured by low life; coarse and vulgar railing might have been indulged, instead of that delicate railing he was possessed of; and his taste, finished and refined by travel and every other advantage, might have grown callous and indelicate—Ribaldry might have been substituted for those sentiments of morality which served to awaken the blush of confusion in the female face, and which he endeavoured to set off in the smiles of native innocence and unaffected beauty; and his pen which entertained the world with the most elegant specimens of human wit, might have been the political tool of party rage, or employed in personal invective.
His protection prevented his sinking into obscurity, and from being necessitously compelled to fully that fame which is now the reward of his performances.
It has been and still is the fate of many, endowed with parts but little inferior to his, to droop in indigence; and there are many who might become shining characters, in any profession, were there any incitement to spur "their steed"—
Wit is generally esteemed an object of ridicule; and a narrowness of fortune affords matter of merriment to those to whom fortune has been more propitious.
Is a man qualified to act well his part in any particular profession, if not befriended by a full purse, or his situation is in the least degree embarrassed he is sure to be kept in a state of depression, and not permitted an effort to rise in life.
There is scarce any thing in life, to a feeling mind more affecting, than to find that the insolence of purse pride is so prevalent, as to occasion scorn to be bestowed on indigence; people who are possessed of affluent fortunes, who have arrived at the summit of reputation and wealth, by a fortunate series of successful efforts, ought to consider, that they betray an inhuman triumph over those who have still their fortune to make, when they attempt, from trivial causes or matter of resentment, to disappoint others, or depreciate their abilities—It has been observed by the immortal Pope, that the world is apt to form an idea of a man at a time when he is least capable of judging rightly for himself—thence we find, many are ruined by slight errors, trivial indiscretions, and petty inadvertencies, while others owe their elevation to vices, passions, and a series of selfish views, which are generally more successful than, modesty, a plain understanding, and a spirit above flattery or mean submission.
Those who sit smiling at the goal of fortune, elevated above the frowns or fortunes of life while others are running the hardy course [or with to be] might reflect, that perseverance and unremitted application may reach the point in which they take such pride.
The consequences then will be obvious, a well meant spirited disposition, with the advantages of a genteel education and a competent knowledge of the world, must receive an additional lustre from wealth; and such an one's accomplishments will, in their turn, adorn and embellish affluence.—And, consequently, sinister views ought never to influence the breasts of any, who have it in their power to depress the necessitous, to add to the difficulties which naturally present, by withholding favours which true benevolence would induce them to bestow, and the bestowal of which perhaps might add to the number of happy as well as valuable citizens, without doing the least injury to themselves.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Sept. 28, 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 31st day of December next inclusive, for the building of a LIGHT HOUSE, nearly of the dimensions proposed by the late Commissioners of Virginia and Maryland, upon the lot of land on Cape Henry, in the County of Princess Ann, and State of Virginia, lately ceded for that purpose to the United States. It is desired, that the proposals may leave the election, whether the building above the foundation shall be of brick or stone, and as the cost and charges of those materials vary, it is expected, that a corresponding difference will be made in the terms offered.
The foundation of the Light-House is to be of stone, and sunk to the depth of thirteen feet below the water table, over the top of which the pavement is to be laid. The diameter thereof is to be twenty seven feet six inches, with a vacancy of about nine feet in the centre.
The diameter of the base is to be twenty six feet, at which place the thickness of the walls is to be six feet. The height from the bottom of the water table to the top of the stone work is to be seventy two feet, where the diameter is to be sixteen feet six inches, and the thickness of the walls three feet. The form is to be an octagon, having three windows in the east, and four in the west. If it be built of brick, it is to be faced with the glassy kind, if of stone, it is to be faced with hewn or hammer-dressed stone.
On the top of the stone work is to be a floor of joists, bedded therein, planked over and covered with copper, extending about two feet eight inches beyond the wall, thereby forming an eve, which is to be finished with a cornice, the whole having a descent from the centre sufficient to throw off the water.
The lantern is to be supported by eight posts of wrought Iron of three inches square and twenty feet in length, ten feet of which are to be wrought into the stone wall on the inner part at each corner. The diameter of it is to be ten feet, leaving a platform on the outside thereof of about six feet in width. All the work above this is to be of iron and copper. The lantern is to be ten feet high, having a semicircular roof of five feet more, with iron rafters covered with copper. The whole space between the posts supporting the lantern, is to be occupied by the sashes, which are to be made of iron, each sash is to have twenty-eight panes of glass, twelve by fourteen inches. One of the sashes on the south west side is to be hung with hinges for a door to go out upon the platform, from the outer part of which to the roof of the lantern is to be a frame of iron covered with a net work of strong brass wire, to preserve the glass from injuries by hail and flights of birds in the night.
The rafters of the lantern are to be well fastened to an iron hoop, over which is a copper funnel, through which the smoke may pass into a large copper ventilator in the form of a man's head, capable of containing one hundred gallons. This head is to be so placed as to be turned by a large vane on the spire above it, that the hole for venting the smoke may always be to the leeward. Eight dormant ventilators of six inches diameter are to be fixed in the roof of the lantern.
A close stove is to be provided and fixed in the lantern, which is to be furnished with eight lamps, each capable of containing six quarts, hung in two tiers over each other transversely. There are to be six flights of stairs to ascend to the lantern, the entrance to which is to be by a door covered with copper. The building is to be furnished with two conductors, to secure it from the effects of lightning.
A frame house is to be built for the keeper, twenty feet square, two stories high, with a frame kitchen; the whole to be finished with lath and plaster.
A vault for the storage and safe keeping of the oil is to be built of stone at a convenient distance, twelve feet wide, and twenty in length. It is to be arched, and covered with earth or sand, over which a shed is to be built, and it is to be furnished with eight strong cedar cisterns with covers, each capable of containing two hundred gallons of oil. The entrance is to be secured by a strong door.
Good security for the faithful performance of the contract will be expected. Payments on account will be made at proper stages of the work, and the balance will be paid on its completion; or, if a suitable difference should be made in the terms, cash will be advanced for the purchase of materials and provisions.
The Printers in the several States are requested to insert this.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donalds estate, within this State, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (1W.19.)
TO BE LET,
On very low terms—and entered upon immediately, until the first of May next.
THAT elegant new TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, in the Bowery-Lane, formerly occupied by ROBERT GILBERT LIVINGSTON, deceased; it has seven Fine Places with a good Cellar under the whole House—a convenient out-House in the rear, with a Coach-House, and Stables; for further particulars enquire of MANGLE MINTHORN Corporation Dock. (2 w. t. f.)
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern. Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
Dr. Price's Revolution Sermon may be had of the Editor. Price 1/7.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
OCTOBER 12—DOLLARS 31 81
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, St. Croix, Molasses, Brandy, Geneva, etc.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, July 13, 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the first day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty first day of December 1791, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania, and Fort Pitt and at Fort Pitt,
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort M'Intosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort M'Intosh.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort M'Intosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayuga River, and down the said River to its mouth.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio and at the said Rapids.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the aid Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie.
At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami Village, before described.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.
At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village.
At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayuga river.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango.
At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf betwixt Le Beuf and and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayuga river.
At the mouth of Cayuga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayuga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek.
At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively.
At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazous inclusively.
At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee, to Ocochampo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively.
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz
One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a gill of rum, brandy or whiskey, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles
The proposals must specify the lowest price per ration. No credit is required. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.