National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-10-13 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
SATURDAY, October 13, 1792.
NUMB. 100.
DEFENCE
Of Mr. JEFFERSON's political Character, in reply to several Pieces which have appeared against it in the Gazette of the United States.
[Continued from Number 96.]
From the AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
BY the extracts from Mr. Jefferson's letters lately published, his sentiments on the constitution have been unbosomed to his countrymen. The circumstances under which they were written, already noticed, furnish the most satisfactory demonstration they were the genuine dictates of his heart. That they became at the time, the subject of public discussion, must have given him surprise; but that they should now be resorted to for the purpose of crimination, even if his judgment, upon that great subject, had wandered from a sound decision, is still more extraordinary. They are however fully before the public, and whether they deserve commendation or censure, his fellow citizens will determine for themselves.
If the political querist sought, as an object of curious speculation, a more concise and summary exposition of them, I am persuaded he would concur with me in the following, founded on these extracts. "That he had become sensible the wise and happy direction of the affairs of his country required some great change in her political institutions; and when he first saw the constitution, the result of those able and experienced councils, to whose care the modification had been committed, he considered it like all other human productions, containing much good, but not without a considerable alloy of evil. That he prized its good qualities too high to urge any step that might possibly tend to hazard the system, and therefore wished its immediate adoption by nine states and establishment as a government. That he wished the four other states to hold out, and thereby form on each side an independent head, between whom the necessary amendments might be amicably adjusted. That afterwards and for the sake of greater safety, confiding in the virtues and patriotism of his countrymen, he even advised amendments in the mode proposed in the instrument itself.*"
Let the "American" shew the passages in these or any other letters written by him, which should give offence to the most active republican supporter of the constitution, in that or any subsequent stage: which denounces him the foe to good government, the friend of anarchy and licentiousness. Let him point out the sentiment which has not in a great measure been verified, by the President in his introductory speech to Congress, the subsequent acts of that body, and those of the several states. Unhappily for mankind the annals of all nations prove, that persons in his station too often err in the opposite extreme. That those who possess wealth and power, and even where these gifts have been conferred by the confidence
and favour of their countrymen, are too apt to feel for themselves a different interest, separate from, and look with an eye of jealousy and scorn upon those of their fellow men, to whom the goods of fortune have been dispensed with a less liberal hand. In this respect indeed the tone of character displayed in these letters may be deemed in some measure peculiar to their author. Such an unfeigned and benevolent regard for mankind in all their classes; such an anxious solicitude for their welfare, and vigilant attention to their rights, are rarely to be found united in any one person. With feelings and sentiments like these, if I mistake not the man, the selfish, narrow, and vain-aspining heart of The American never glowed.
The charge then of hostility to the government in that early stage, so far as it depended on the secret operations of his mind, has been shown to be without foundation. His subsequent conduct has been traced for further evidence of disaffection, & however light and contemptible the circumstances are on which it rests, I will pursue it, the more fully to demonstrate the impurity of the motives which dictated the attack.
The freedom with which he has spoken of some public measures, being a principal servant in the executive department, has been relied on as a circumstance of unequivocal proof of such hostility. The object and extent of this position, perhaps I do not fully comprehend: does the author mean, that a wisely framed government cannot in its administration adopt an injudicious and improper measure; or that a man cannot be friendly to the one and disapprove the other? If this is the idea and the principle should be recognized, the field of enquiry upon any future occasion would be much abridged, and the labour of all parties proportionally diminished. Let its measures be what they might, however repugnant to the authority under which it acted, or subversive of the rights of those who made and for whose benefit it should be administered, no controversy upon these points could be sustained; no critical comparison could be made, no line of partition drawn between the one and the other. If this doctrine should be established, the people of these states would find themselves reduced to a strange dilemma: the constitution they had adopted and planned with so much care, as the boundary of a limited authority, would be considered as the absolute surrender of all their rights. By legitimating every possible measure which in the progress of time a venal and unprincipled majority might carry, its acts would become more oppressive than those of any existing tyranny, because its administration would be more daring, under the delusion practised on the people, by seeming to rest on their suffrage.
Or does the author mean that a person by accepting an office in the executive department, should lose in the spirit of the corps, the native rights of a freeman? that he should abandon his own sentiments, except at private consultations, and cling to those of the majority? that a man of great worth, in whom for past services his countrymen reposed an high confidence, should throw the weight of his character into the scale, to support a measure which in his conscience he disapproved and in his station had opposed? that the members of the administration should form together a close and secret combination, into whose measures the profane eye of the public should in no instance pry? If this is his idea, let it be avowed; it involves a principle which upon public considerations should be discussed; for I consider it subversive of those upon which the government itself was founded. The mask of secrecy adopted in arbitrary governments, for the most oppressive purposes, and which by some good men has been deemed necessary to cover executive operations, has in most instances when ap-
plied to us been over-rated. Few cases only, and those purely executive, and for which the chieftain himself should be held responsible, can require it. In general, if it does not cover gross and shameful malversations, and which should be exposed for wholesome correction to the public view, the most favourable light in which it can be held, is that of an empty, frivolous, and pageant ceremonial of office. But it may be positively affirmed, that whenever it interferes with the spirit of responsibility, the life and soul of republican government, its tendency is vicious, and should be abandoned. So far then from deeming him censurable, for the freedom of his discourse upon public measures, to the extent that I am persuaded he has carried it, I honor and respect him for it. It marks a firm and virtuous independence of character, which assures me I may still confide in him with safety. The principles he acknowledges, and the language he uses, are his own; not formed upon those of the majority of the corps to which he may occasionally belong: they are the same I know that he possessed before he commenced the career of public trust.
FRANCE.
M. Brissot's account of the permanent sitting of the night of the 9th, and day of the 10th August 1792.
"THE wickedness of the court was at its height, as was also the indignation of the people. A grand contest was preparing, which was at length to terminate the war waged by the head of the executive power, against the nation to whom he owed all. The people had long been ready, and made no secret of their resolution; the preparations of the court were shrouded in darkness.
"At midnight the sound of the alarm bell resounded in all parts, the drums beat, and the citizens flew to arms. On this signal the national assembly met. It was soon informed that M. Pétion, always humane, was exerting himself to avert the storm—that he was at the palace—and that he was in danger there, because wretches detained him, and pretended to keep him as an hostage against the vengeance of the people. The assembly ordered the virtuous magistrate to the bar; he spoke with firmness of the approaching crisis; with modesty of his efforts; with coolness of his dangers. He was applauded, invited to the sitting, and then restored to his functions.
"In the mean time, if guilt was on the watch at the palace, patriotism was every where on the watch in the city. Citizens and sections came to deposit in the bosom of the representatives of the people, their solicititudes and their sentiments. They no longer considered the court but as the focus of a counter revolution; the palace of the Thuilleries but as another Coblentz. If the people were firmly resolved to punish their enemies, it was because their enemies had compelled them to it. If they did not wait for the vengeance of the law, it was because the law is slow to punish, and conspirators prompt to act; it was because all laws must be silent in the presence of the supreme law—the safety of the country.
"It was day: the minister of justice repaired to the assembly. He came thither to implore for the king that protection which he could not expect from the love of the people so often betrayed—which he durst not hope from their clemency so often rewarded by acts of perfidy. The national assembly, however, forgetting both the grievances of the nation and their own, remembering only their constant generosity, thought of means to form a rampart for the king, of the confidence which they enjoyed, in place of that which he had lost.
"During this discussion, municipal officers announced that a new provisional
administration was formed at the common hall. The people assembled in their sections nominated commissioners, who, by virtue of their powers, constituted themselves council general of the commons. The municipality had been suspended during the continuance of this revolutionary authority—M. Pétion, M. Manuel, and M. Danton alone excepted. But the people unwilling that their beloved magistrate should share their dangers, wishing, if I may so express it, to deposit the law and its most respected organ, had surrounded M. Pétion with a numerous guard, and confined him in his own house. The provisional administration had put M. Santerre provisionally at the head of the public force, and forbidden this force to acknowledge the etat major .
"The discussion being resumed, after this communication, was soon interrupted a second time by the news of several events of which Paris was the theatre.
"The night had not been disturbed, but by the funeral sound of the alarm bell and the noise of drums. A false patrol, had however been arrested, as it was repairing to the palace; and in it were found courtiers, king's guards, and even an abbe. Since day break, all the armed citizens, the battalions of Marseilles, and the federates of the departments, filled the avenues of the palace and the national assembly. An immense multitude demanded the punishment of the traitors apprehended; they had been legally interrogated, and nothing was wanting to their conviction of guilt; they were put to death; and their heads borne on bloody pikes, exhibited a striking lesson to the enemies of the people, that if their patience be long, their vengeance is terrible. Suleau, well known by his counter revolution libels, and journals, met the same fate. He had been apprehended in arms, and the uniform of a grenadier of the national guard, although not enrolled in it; he was repairing to the palace.
"Terrified by these examples, with little confidence in the courage of his friends, the king was come to seek an asylum in the midst of the representatives of the nation. He was followed by his wife, by his children, and his sister. At first he took his seat by the side of the president, and afterwards withdrew to the bar with his family; but by the terms of the constitution, the assembly could not debate in his presence, and he was made to retire to a place usually occupied by the reporters for a newspaper. Ten commissioners were then nominated to go and appease the people.
"The two parties were in sight of each other. The Swiss guards, and abundance of the valets of the court, disguised as national guards, occupied the palace. Different detachments of the national guards, citizens armed with pikes, the Marseillois, the federates, were ranged in battle array in the square of the Caroussel. They knew not that the palace was filled with troops; they were under apprehensions for the national assembly, from the proximity of this palace which was now become a place of arms; they feared it might soon become the point of rendezvous for the counter revolutionists, and the cradle of a civil war. They wished to take possession of it; they could not be reproached with desiring to violate the safety of the king, for they knew that he was in the national assembly. The garrison of the palace constantly refused to let them become masters of it, and had made preparations for defence. The gates, however, were opened, the first rank of the Swiss had grounded their arms, the rest were waving their hats on the point of their bayonets. Some national guards ran up, holding out their hands to them, and were received by a volley of shot. This act of treachery served only to exasperate the outrage of the patriots. A long and cruel combat ensued. Swords glitter, cannon thunder, and pour forth death: on both sides the fire is kept
*The following extract has been since furnished me by the gentleman from whom I obtained the former. It was overlooked upon that occasion, or would have been then inserted.
Paris, July 6, 1788.
"I am glad to hear that the new constitution is received with favour. I sincerely wish that the nine first conventions may receive and the four last reject it. The former will secure it finally, while the latter will oblige them to offer a declaration of rights in order to complete the union. We shall thus have all its good, and cure its principal defect. You will of course be so good as to continue to mark to me its progress. I will thank you, also, for as exact a state as you can procure of the impression made on the sum of our domestic debt, by the sale of lands, and by federate and state exertions in any other manner.

up with most fatal activity. The Swiss handled their arms with more dexterity and a surer aim; the patriots fought with more ardour and intrepidity. These are all heroes; The Marseillois are lions. At length courage and the better cause triumphed: the Swiss are broke in upon, and a great carnage punishes their perfidy and their obstinate resistance. The victory cost us much blood; about fifty patriots fell, and a great number were wounded. We must not forget to mention, that the commissioners of the assembly were in the confusion, but the citizens made a rampart for them of their bodies.
"The national assembly displayed no less courage; the members deliberated amid the noise of cannon; several musket shot entered the windows— Vive la Liberté! Vive l'egalité! exclaimed all the members, and all rising at once with their hands stretched out towards heaven, swore to die for the safety of their country.
"Scarce a fourth part of the Cote Droit (the Anti-Jacobins) attended the sitting; all the patriots were at their post. It was essential to ascertain, by calling over the names of the representatives of the people, who did not abandon their functions in the moment of danger. The call was decreed, and every member present, as he answered to his name, took the following oath:— In the name of the nation, I swear to maintain liberty and equality, or to die at my post.
"Seven resolutions were then passed to invite the people to confidence, and to request them to remove the arrest under which they had put their beloved magistrate: it was thus that the national assembly named M. Pétion.
The provisional administrators of the commons were admitted to the bar, and by the organ of M. Leonard Bourdon, presented their homage to the assembly, and took the oath of fidelity, to the law, and the safety of the people. They were entrusted with the care of making known to the citizens the resolutions before passed.
"After the victory, the crowd entered the palace, and soon was seen a great number of those citizens whom the intolent aristocracy call sans culottes , brigands, bringing to the assembly the queen's jewels, articles of great value, money, and papers of importance. A schedule of the property was made out at the table, and the papers were sent to the committee of safety.
"Many Swiss soldiers and officers were prisoners. The assembly put them under the safeguard of the law, of the people, and French fidelity. An address drawn up by Lamarque, on the events of the day, was ordered to be sent to the departments. In it the insurrection of the people is represented a necessary consequence of the treasons with which they were surrounded; and the departments warned against calumnious or exaggerated accounts of it."
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
PARIS Aug. 8.
The minister at war yesterday announced to the assembly, that the Austrians, to the number of 30,000, had crossed the Rhine and entered France.
The passage was effected at several different places at one and the same time. Three thousand of them immediately took post at Guermersheim.
The citizens are flying from every part of the kingdom to the frontiers, and all the departments are exerting themselves with unexampled and unabating zeal.
That of Vosges being required to furnish 6000 national guards, obeyed the requisition by sending 9000 men.
In another part of the kingdom, 6000 armed citizens were raised in a few hours, and in six days afterwards arrived at the frontiers.
A number of deserters with their arms and accoutrements, arrive daily at Valenciennes in large bodies.
Landau has received a large reinforcement from the army under M. Biron; its garrison now amounts to 7,400 men.
Some recent disputes concerning the demarcation of the frontiers, are likely to involve the house of Austria once more in a war with the Ottoman Porte.
In France the imposition of tythes is for ever abolished; the people have already experienced the happy effects of being released from oppression.
During the last autumn, the husbandmen in several parishes began their harvest in a manner expressive of their gratitude, both to God and to the national assembly.
Their pastors accompanied them to the field; Te Deum and other anthems were performed; and the grateful effusions of the heart ascended to heaven in praises and thanksgivings.
The most thankful acknowledgments were made to their legislators, by whose wise and merciful decrees every one was about to reap the fruits of his labor; happy that he could now call the whole produce of his fields his own.
Musick and dancing and innocent festivity, displayed through the parish the felicity of its inhabitants.
Aug. 13.—The citizens killed at the castle have been interred with military honors—All the newspapers in opposition to the Jacobins, or ruling party, are suspended: The printing materials of some of them burnt, particularly of Journal de Paris , and Gazette Universelle .
Two letters are already found, and published; exhibiting proofs of the correspondence that has been held between the royal family, the court, and the enemies of France.
Sixty of the Swiss who had escaped in the general massacre of the guards, and were conducted to the community, were seized by the populace and torn to pieces.
The free citizens of the fifteen southern departments of France have circulated a hand-bill, offering the following rewards to any person that shall assassinate, or bring the heads of the under-written persons—for the head of Francis the 2d, Emperor of Germany, 400,000 livres (30,000l. Pennsylvanian currency)—for the head of Frederick William, king of Prussia, 400,000 livres; the duke of Brunswick, 400,000; Monseigneur, the king of France's brother, 300,000; Charles Philippe d'Artois, 300,000; Louis Joseph Conde, 200,000; Louis Henri Joseph Bourbon, 200,000; Gen. Bouille, 200,000; Lambesc, 100,000; Broglio, 100,000; Mirabeau Tonneau, 100,000; Calonne, 30,000; the surplus sum to be appropriated as a fund to reward those who shall sacrifice any of the less considerable adherents of the aristocrats or combined powers. The subscription is already filled.
Ceremonial in presenting the petition for dethroning the French Monarch.
A deputation from the citizens assembled at the Champ de Mars, appeared at the bar of the National Assembly [Aug. 6] and were admitted. They were preceded by a man bearing a pike, with a woollen cap, representing the cap of liberty. In the centre of the pike was placed a piece of paste-board, inscribed with the words Déchéance du Roi [Deposition of the king]—After the writing had been taken away, by order of the assembly, the orator of the deputation was permitted to advance—He then spoke as follows:
"The country is in danger: we have acquired the right of speaking bold truths, and you will doubtless have courage enough to hear them.
"Despotism has only changed its aspect, not its principles: we are betrayed; and you have neither pointed out the origin of our misfortunes, nor the means of preventing them in future.
"A perfidious court labours to destroy us. Its plots are discovered; and Frenchmen, now become free, will enter into no accommodation with their enemies. It is not the Bastille that is now to be overturned; it is the Castle of the Tuileries [Plautus.]
"A perjured, a traitorous king, is at the head of government. The favorites of the court have found means to corrupt some of the members of this assembly; conspirators are scattered over all the kingdom; and as yet the law has not smote a single culprit.
"The people are become indignant; and they declare to you, through me, that they have renounced the vengeance to which they are entitled, by the law of nature, only, in order to commit its execution to the laws of society.
"We demand reparation in behalf of the nation, whose sovereignty has been bartered away. If the decrees of the constituent body after the 21st of June, 1792, are examined, any one will be tempted to argue their utility. The sovereignty may well disdain the laws which it hath not enacted.
"As the ancients at certain awful periods threw a veil over the statues of the gods, we demand that you may also veil the Rights of Man; that you cause an account to be drawn up of all the crimes committed in the king's name; that Louis XVI may be decreed to have abdicated the royalty; and that primary assemblies may be convoked, in order to form a national convention, to which every citizen who can prove his residence and payment of imposts, shall be admitted.
"We further require, that all the general officers of the army may be reformed; that La Fayette be put in a state of accusation; that the levies of troops be augmented; that the patriotic ministers be replaced; that the executive power be confined to them; that all our ambassadors be recalled, that a clear statement of the finances be published; and that the sale of money be no longer permitted."
Fifty pages of signatures were annexed to this petition.
M. Dumourier has made two sorties from the camp at Maulde, in one of which he has dislodged a body of Tyrolean soldiers—in the second they surprized and cut to pieces a detachment of the enemy posted at Morles. On the 4th of August four hundred Hungarian dragoons were cut in pie-
ces in a skirmish, in which the French lost only 25 men.
The crime of the three old priests, that were executed at Cauderan, near Bourdeaux, was forging of assignats, and holding a treasonable correspondence with the enemies of France.
The following is the petition of the Jacobin society in Paris to the national assembly.
"Legislators! Weary'd out by long and irksome oppression, the people of France rose up the 24th of July 1792, and the Bastille disappeared! Victim of the corruption and knavery of the majority of the Constituent Assembly, the 10th of August 1792, they stood up once more to annihilate an unjust power, a rock against which their sovereignty split. Frenchmen now a days destroy the very effigies of their tyrants, which is publishing to the universe that they aim at being free! attend to that terrible voice, legislators! it is the voice of nature! of reason! and of power! lend an attentive ear to it; and, until you shall have made room for a national convention, let all your decrees be dictated by the genius of freedom!... Be what the times require you to be!—Adopt vigorous, potent, and efficacious measures, and without prejudging any thing relative to the operations of the national convention—exert yourselves in rendering it as perfect as possible. Such is the task you have to perform. The people are up; nor will they sit peaceably down until their rights, too long invaded and usurped, do take place of the pretended duties insolently imposed upon them; they will not sit peaceably down until their enemies be reduced to a shameful inability of doing further mischief, and until the traitors of the country shall have been brought to condign punishment for their perfidy.
"We, therefore request the national assembly, in the name of the forty eight sections of the capital,
"In the first place, without enumerating the long list of La Fayette's well known crimes, that they do declare him infamous and a traitor to his country; that they do allow any foldier or citizen to fall upon, and bring him dead or alive to the bar of the national assembly.
"2dly, That they do dismiss the staff officers (l'Etat Major) of the army and all the public officers appointed by Louis XVI. The French people in their turn, declare war against nobles and against tyrants—they cannot, therefore, confide in nobles, nor in the creatures of Louis XVI.
"3dly, that the public officers appointed by the king, being in his interest, can neither be admitted into the primary Assemblies, nor be chosen by such.
"4thly, That the primary assemblies do name their own representatives, and that therefore there be no electoral bodies.—It will be in vain objected that this mode is tedious, on account of the population and extent of each department.—To do away that argument, we shall illustrate what we advance, by quoting the city of Paris as an instance.—The capital is more populous than a whole department, still the mayor and the municipal officers are named by the primary assemblies of the sections; in short, all the objections against election by primary assemblies must yield to this grand principle.
"The sovereign people should alienate their sovereignty as little as possible.
"5thly, In five petitioners request, that the national assembly do, without loss of time, repeal the decree concerning a governor for the prince royal: because the nation wishes to be entirely free; and because it is anticipating on their will, and the proceedings of the national convention, to think of a successor to the throne. Such, legislators, is the will of the people of Paris, who do not fear being contradicted by the department; the sacred flame of liberty blazes in their bosoms. Paris began the revolution in the year 1789—Paris will bring it to a conclusion in 1792. We repeat it; the people rose up to resist oppression—and the people will not sit down in peace, until they are certain there exist no more oppressors."
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
MONDAY, AUG. 13.
At an early hour in the morning M. Anacharsis Cloots, accompanied by several Prussians, his countrymen, came up to the bar; he thus addressed the legislative body.
"There would be no slaves, if mankind understood your decrees. The throne of a monarch is nothing more in the eyes of him who has perused the seventeen articles of their rights of man, than a mountebank's stage. A crown bearer ( un Porte Couronne ) a crowned executive power is an unhinging power.
"We are Prussians, we offer to levy a Prussian legion. We have at our head a colonel, who has long been the favorite of victory; the great Frederick acknowledged his merit; and prized it! Frederick's successor, not equally just, not equally discerning, has neglected him.
The indifference of Frederick William is not the sole cause of our attachment to France. Our hereditary aversion for the house of Austria, our hatred for oppression, and our love for French laws, lead us to your presence. Gentlemen, mistake not the dispositions of all true Prussians.
Berlin and Paris agree better than most people are aware of. It is impossible that the league between Prussia and Austria can be of long duration; a league entered into for the impious end of establishing Machiavialism and Popery on the banks of the Seine!
The king of Prussia, more gallant than his great predecessor, may continue to ruin himself for two women, Antonietta of Austria, and Catharine of Russia. The Prussians, however, will strike but feebly; for the imperialists they hate—for the emigrants they despise."
The President assured the petitioners, that the assembly accepted their offer with gratitude, and would lay the object of it before the proper committee, with injunctions to bring up the report without loss of time. They were admitted within the bar.
A member eagerly converted the offer into a motion; he wished the new corps to be called, "The legion of universal fraternity."
M. Puyralvaut thought "the Vandal legion" would be the most proper name, decreed:
M. Bazire informed the assembly, that several letters had been found in the king's apartments, among which was the correspondence of the Jacobines of Marseilles to their brethren of Paris. Those letters had been intercepted by M. Blancgilly member of the National Assembly, and handed to the king. He added, that M. Blancgilly had previously written notes in the margin descriptive of several persons friendly to the Jacobines, consequently the king's enemies.
The commissioners sent to summon M. Blancgilly to appear in his place, and answer to the charges made against him, returned and brought word, that he was gone to the country.
The assembly decreed, that his papers should be sealed up.
M. Quinette, in the name of the committee extraordinary, proposed, and the assembly decreed, the following articles.
 1. The hotel of the keeper of the seals, in the place Vendome, is the dwelling appointed for the king and his family.  2. Those who guard the king and his family are under the command of the mayor of Paris and the commander in chief; they are answerable for their persons.  3. The sum of 500,000 livres is granted to the king for his domestic expenses, until the national convention shall decree otherwise; that sum is to be paid by weekly instalments, out of the extraordinary fund. Proper receipts to be given by the person appointed by the king to receive the same.  4. The necessary furniture to be sent to the hotel for the king's use.  5. The minister for public contributions is to superintend the domains, lately dependant on the civil list, and the sums arising from thence are to be paid into the public treasury.  6. Nobody can go into the king's apartments without a written permission from the municipality. 
M. Le Josne mentioned the logographic print as being a faithful vehicle of the Assembly's proceedings.
The committee of inspection received orders to examine that paper, and bring up a report in consequence.
The commissaries of the commons of Paris gave in the state of the capital—peace, as they laid, was perfectly restored—all the aristocratic presses had been destroyed—the staff officers of the Gens d'Armes were in custody—the assassins who threatened the mayor's life were in irons; A court martial to judge the Swiss was assembled. The assembly bestowed much applause on the conduct of the commons.
M. Thuriot moved, that all the demolished statues should be converted to cannon.
M. La Croix conceived it would be a patriotic decree, that would order all the brazen monuments in the churches to be melted into artillery.
Not only in Paris, added M. Thuriot, but throughout the whole empire—whatever is metal in the churches, national houses, in the dwellings formerly in the king's possession, should be melted down and made cannon of.
M. La Croix's motion was decreed. M. Francois moved, that the lands called common should be equally divided among the inhabitants of the neighbourhood in which such should be found.—Decreed.
The same member moved, that the property of the emigrants should be sold in small lots—Decreed.
Sitting of Tuesday night.
A member read a passage from a letter he had received from Brest:—"The 10th of Aug. the citizens of Brest transported 72 priests who had not taken the oaths—The ship the people of Brest chose for their conveyance had been formerly a Guineaman; and the good people ordered the captain to make the first Spanish port."—(The assembly applauded.)
M. Gensonnet, in the name of the committee of general safety, proposed, and the assembly decreed, the following articles:
 1. The six Secretaries of State, appointed by the assembly, are to compose the executive power.  2. They are charged to seal and promulgate the laws of the state.  3. Each Secretary in his turn, and weekly, is to preside at the council board.  4. A double copy of each law is to be made out, signed by the keeper of the seals, and sealed with the seal of state; one copy to be deposited in the keeper's archives, the other in the national assembly's.  5. The laws are to be promulgated.—The decrees of the national assembly are entitled laws and are to be published without any previous formula—they are, however to be concluded 

thus:—“In the name of the nation, the executive council, ad interim, order the administrative bodies and the courts of justice to transcribe these presents, &c.”
6. The seal of state shall be changed: henceforward it shall bear the figure of liberty, armed with a pike, with a cap of liberty at the top, with this inscription. “In the name of the French Nation.”
7. The sentences of the court of justice shall begin thus: “In the name of the French Nation.”
8. The officers of justice, formerly called the king’s commissaries, shall for the future be named national commissaries.
M. Bazire in the name of the committee de Surveillance, presented several letters and memorials found in the king’s library. The letters were written from Coblenz to M. Noailles de Poix, to obtain pay for the king’s guards at Coblenz. It appeared, that the king had paid them even after the month of January 1792.
M. Bazire informed the assembly, that the Prince de Poix had been taken into custody, by order of the Committee de Surveillance.
To the EDITOR of the National Gazette.
SIR, As there are many devoted to opinions for no other reason but because fashionable, so there are some no less fond of whatever is singular and unfashionable.—Whether this last weakness be mine, and if so, to be accounted for by the peevishness of old age, the caprice of a particular temper, or an obstinacy in adhering to wrong ideas taken up at hazard, or in any more probable way or manner, I shall leave to be settled by others. But so it is, Mr. Editor, that notwithstanding all the reasoning, railing, and flourishing we have had against the following opinions, I cannot, for my life, bring myself to strike out a single one of them from my present political creed.
I believe, that a man may, in very deed, be a sincere friend to the government as laid down in the constitution; and an enemy to principles on which the government is carried into practice; as also, that a man may be a decided enemy in his heart to the republican principles of the constitution, and a zealous friend withal to measures and objects pursued by the government.
I believe that a charge on the policy of the government as favourable to luxury, which is the fruit of wealth, is in no wise inconsistent with another charge thereon, of not purifying the real and general interest and prosperity of the country. For, the wealth that produces most luxury is that which is unreasonably thrown into the hands of a few, to the impoverishment of the many; whereas the true prosperity of a country consists in the greatest practicable diffusion of the lawful gratifications of life, through the great body of the society. There never was a country where superfluity and luxury were enjoyed by the generality of the people; unless among the Romans, who lived on the plunder of the whole world. This is not only, in ordinary, impossible, but the tendency of things is quite the contrary way, namely, to heap up superfluous wealth on a small part of the society, made up of the comforts of life abstracted from the generality. In so far as this tendency (which is very much favoured and increased in a vast extended country by various causes) cannot be checked and controlled by the just rules of civil society, the evil should be submitted to, like all other unavoidable evils, with patience. But when this tendency is favoured by public measures, as has been the case in most governments, but which ought never to have appeared in such a republican one as ours, then every good citizen should bestir himself to remedy the evil.
I believe that a system may be nothing more in the gross than a copy or imitation, and yet may contain therein particular novelties; and also, that a servile imitation of monarchical measures may be properly deemed, held, and called a new-tangled policy in a republican government.
I believe that as it is plain the measures of the government have observed and conformed to neither the substance of public justice, nor the strictness of public faith, that those who profess to be warm friends to the one or the other, and yet launch forth into universal and unqualified praises on the measures of the government, are more likely to be gainers by such measures, than to be sincere in said professions.
I believe it to be more probable that the guilty should deny the truth, than that our senses should deceive us; consequently, when the outward signs of wealth, and the visible subscriptions of large sums to the funds, and the bank are observed in a number of our rulers, who, before the year 1789, were notoriously destitute of such wealth, that a denial of the fact is no proof of their not having enriched themselves out of their own plans, proceedings, and measures.
I believe, that if the mal-practices charged on our rulers were well founded, the guilty actors and partners therein would naturally endeavour to turn off the attention of the people therefrom, by the very means now practised, to calumniate their detectors, to persecute and obstruct truth-telling newspapers, to make a mock of all patriotism whatever, as mere pretence, to propagate the monarchical, ministerial,
and corrupt doctrine, that power alone is the selfish object of all; yet that the people would not be right once in a hundred, nay, a million of times in supposing that their rulers abuse their power, and consequently ought to run the risk of losing their liberties, rather than presume against so many chances to examine, decide, and interpose as to their proceedings.
I am, yours, &c. October 11. PARADOX.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRÉNEAU, I congratulate, Sir, our worthy speculators on the laudable pleasure administered to them by the Secretary of the Treasury, as demonstrated by a writer in your Gazette of Wednesday last, which must give full sanction to the humane and charitable reflection, that they are enjoying several millions a year for the benefit and blessing of the people, whose pockets are burdened thereof; and I sigh and mourn for the ingratitude and stupidity of the people, who think it enough to pay a debt, because they owe it; and do not see, confess, and acknowledge, that such an artificial national wealth, would be cheaply purchased by an impost which can only burthen their trade and agriculture, and an excise, that can at the worst, only endanger their liberties; nay, who are so wickedly perverse, that they will not understand the obvious mystery of an artificial capital, but are opening their ears to suggestions, that artificial capital is artificial influence; and that secret manoeuvres are already on foot to work off this influence, throughout the union, as an engine for electioneering combinations. MONITOR. Philad. October 18.
PHILADELPHIA.
OCTOBER 13.
Samuel Smith, Esq. is elected a representative in Congress for the state of Maryland, for the district of the town and county of Baltimore.
How unlucky it is that Congress did not let several years run on after the collection of revenue began, before the payment of interest on the debt was to be made. The interest for the whole delay would then have been consolidated into the principal, the arrears of revenue would have increased some millions; and being applied to discharge the consolidated interest, might have been pompously held out to the public as a reduction of the principal of the debt.—What a pity, likewise, that the money appropriated as a sinking fund to reduce the debt, had not been used at such times and in such manner as to buy up the debt at the lowest rate to be had, instead of being dealt away at the highest rates going; or speaking more truly, in the highest bids at once, that the law would allow. There would have been better ground then to talk of a saving spirit in the public management: and the approving voice of a relieved people might have come in the place of the claps and acclamations which the auction room resounded with from the pampered gamblers in the public funds.
On Tuesday last was held at the state house in this city, the election of members of the state legislature, and representatives in Congress. The number of free citizens that attended on the occasion was very great, and notwithstanding the variety of tickets, and the difference of sentiment which appeared on this occasion, the election was closed in harmony and good understanding.—The following is the return of the number of votes given in at the election, for the city and county of Philadelphia. F. A. Muhlenberg 3344. T. Hartley 3333. J. W. Kittera 3319. W. Fisdley 3319. D. Heister 3310. W. Irvine 3305. P. Muhlenberg 3191. T. Scott 1890. T. Fitzsimons 1878. W. Bingham 1762. J. Armstrong 1752. H. Wynkoop 1708. S. Sitgreaves 1664. C. Thompson 1776. J. Barclay 1642. W. Montgomery 1642. I. D. Sergeant 1610. A. Glegg 1598. J. Shillie 1469.
It is a fact, that the demand for printing-paper has become so extensive in this city and state, and from other states that depend upon the Pennsylvania mills for a supply, that it can no longer be answered. It is hoped that a regard to the interests of literature in the United States, will induce the legislature to take some step towards remedying this evil. Perhaps it will be found, that the taking off the present duty on foreign paper will be the only means, for some time to come, of procuring a sufficiency of this very necessary, and indispensable article.
Many persons lately arrived from France, cannot help expressing their astonishment
to find the accounts of French affairs, copied from British prints, so generally credited as they are; particularly those narratives of the horrid barbarities said to have been committed in France, and of the powerful opposition to the national proceedings. “They assert in the most positive terms, that the people are everywhere united—That notwithstanding the king has been proved to be a traitor, the tumults in Paris have never been of consequence enough to draw off the tradesmen and manufacturers of that city from their daily occupations—that the city was never in a more flourishing situation, and that the whole kingdom of France never experienced more prosperous days.
“Such was the situation of the frontiers of France, that the duke of Brunswick, with his army of 60,000 men, would not be able in a siege of six months to carry a single town; and if he should be so imprudent as to march but fifty miles into the country, his whole army must inevitably be sacrificed—or Burgoyne.”
Late received returns of elections in the state of Maryland. For the second district, John F. Mercer, Esq.—For the fourth district, Uriah Forrest, Esq.—For the sixth district, Gabriel Christie, Esq.
On the 18th of August, a number of the soldiers of M. de la Fayette’s army appeared at the bar of the national assembly, informing, that the general and chiefs had endeavoured to seduce them from their duty to the nation; in consequence of which they had with difficulty made their escape from the army. From this and other treasonable charges, strongly proved and corroborated, the assembly passed the following decree:
I. It appears to this assembly, that there is just ground for accusation against M. La Fayette, heretofore commander of the army of the north.
II. The executive power shall in the most expeditious manner possible, put the present decree into execution; and all constituent authorities, all citizens, and all soldiers, are hereby enjoined, by every means in their power, to secure his person.
III. The assembly forbids the army of the north any longer to acknowledge him as general, or to obey his orders; and strictly enjoins that no person whatsoever shall furnish any thing for the troops, or pay any money for their use, but by the orders of M. Dumourier.
We shall be informed before-hand of the part that the assembly will take on the question of the forfeiture; for, in the intermediate time, they are by deputation to collect the opinions for the yeas or noes.
A large, commodious and elegant state-house has been lately erected at Trenton, in New-Jersey, for the accommodation of the legislature and public offices of that state. It is said to be almost finished, at least so far as comfortably to receive the two Houses at the October session. The building is 100 feet long by 50 wide, with a semi-hexagon at each end, over which is to be a ballustrade.
Mr. John Churchman, author of the ingenious new Magnetic Theory, having failed in his applications, in this country, for the means of enabling him to prosecute his discoveries, by making a voyage to Baffin’s bay, lately embarked at Baltimore for London, it is said, with a view to apply to the Literati Societies there, to countenance him in his future endeavours for the above purpose.
Extract of a letter from Paris, July 31. “The honours shewed by the national assembly to the memory of admiral J. P. Jones mortified the English here to a great degree. To get a little heart’s ease on this occasion, they wrote several narratives of his life, stuffed with falsehood and low abuse, and calculated to mislead the public in regard to this celebrated and heroic character. The patriotic French however, have done him full justice; and nothing seemed to surprise them more, than that any American should be found to participate in English national prejudice on this occasion.”
[The following letter from an officer in Lord Cornwallis’s army, in the East-Indies, represents the motives of Britain for making a peace in that country, in a very different light from those accounts which have appeared in the ministerial prints.] Extract of a letter from an officer in the 71st regiment, dated Camp near Seringapatam, February 24, 1792.
“The whole army is amazed and dejected at this extraordinary peace; even the countenance of the commander in chief cannot conceal his disappointment. It is whispered that he has received positive orders from England to put a period to hostilities on any terms; and indeed we cannot any other way account for so unexpected a measure.
“Our victory of the 6th inst. was very dearly earned; eleven officers were killed, and a proportionate number of privates. There was particularly a great carnage in the right wing, commanded by Gen. Meadows.
“From that specimen of the discipline and courage of the enemy, we should certainly have found much more difficulty in taking Seringapatam than has hitherto been imagined. But there scarcely is one man in the army who does not firmly believe that we would have taken it, although at the expence of much blood. The place is fortified with wonderful art, and is one of the strongest in India; but there never was such an army as ours in India before; the officers and men are all zealous in the cause, and they look upon themselves as invincible.
“The country powers, our allies, instead of assisting us, have been like a mill-stone about our neck. They make a scarcity of provisions, and boast of their courage; yet they are always absent in danger, and foremost in the moment of victory, which they then pretend is obtained by them. Capt. Little’s victory is a strong instance of this. In short, they refuse to do any thing, but share the plunder; and the articles of the peace are made entirely to please them. They will have all; for as to the territory ceded to the company, it will cost more to keep and protect it than it is worth; and as to the share of money which will be divided, it will not enable Lord Cornwallis to keep his word, of making the officers and men some compensation for not plundering Seringapatam, much less to reimburse the company.
“We are mostly of opinion, that it would have been better for the company to have taken nothing at all, than territory which must incur more expence than it is worth, and a promise of money which will never be paid, for none of us place so much faith in Tippoo as to think he will keep his word. We all believe that his design is to trifle with us until the monsoons set in, in order that they may oblige us to do what we cannot—retire.
“All my brethren of the blade, as well as myself, will be great losers by this war. When I return to Madras I shall just be three hundred pounds worse than when I left it. Lord Cornwallis, whom we all respect, is very sensible of this, and therefore proposes dividing a part of the money to be paid by Tippoo, among us; but as we do not expect any of that money will ever be paid, we place no dependence on our promised shares.
It is said, that the instructions sent from England to Lord Cornwallis, commanded him to make peace on any terms, and that if there is an opportunity for him to make any kind of peace after receiving them, and he does not embrace that opportunity, he must be answerable for the consequences. This is what we believe has deterred his lordship from attempting to take Seringapatam, as there is a possibility that he might have been unsuccessful. We are all convinced of his lordship’s ardor and bravery, and we believe he will equally acknowledge ours.
Such is the effect of this peace upon our troops, that we shall leave the Mysore more dispirited than if we had been defeated, and driven out of it. Many of my brother officers declare, that it would have been better for them they had died under the walls of Seringapatam, than to turn to their different peace establishments deeply in debt, and without a prospect of paying it.”
There is now living in this city a gentlewoman by the name of Barbara Widener, a German by birth, who is now in her 104th year. She enjoys health remarkably well, and possesses her sight in so great perfection that she can read the smallest print, and thread the finest needle without the aid of Spectacles.
PRICE OF STOCKS. Six per cents - - - 2 3/4. Three do. - - - 1 3/4. Deferred - - - 1 3/8. 3-4 shares B. U. S. 60 per cent. Whole shares 48 1-2 per cent.
Erratum—In No. 85 of this Gazette, third page, 4th column, line 7 from the top, after the word manufactures please to insert the following (omitted through hurry and not garbled) “and will enable him and his friends to select the most profitable manufactures”.
New-Jersey Confiscated Lands.
WHEREAS the first purchaser did not comply with the conditions of sale; this is to give notice that the following tract of land, containing fifty acres and thirty nine hundredths, situate in Hardiston township, near the road that leads from Elijah Collards, deceased, to Paulinskill, late the property of Oliver De Laney, will be sold at public vendue.
The sale to begin on Wednesday the 28th day of November next, at 2 o’clock in the afternoon at Suflex courthouse; and besides cash, the following state obligations will be received in payment, to wit,—Officers and soldiers notes given for the depreciation of their pay—notes given to the militia of this state for the arrearages of their pay—certificates liquidated by Silas Condict—and notes given by the Treasurer of this state to persons who had demands against the confiscated estates of New-Jersey.
JOSEPH GASTON, Agent for Suflex county. Oct. 24, 1792. 4w.1aw.

MARCELLA IN A CONSUMPTION.
SMIT by the glance of thy bright eyes When I, Marcella, fondly gaze, Strange feelings in my bosom rise And passion all my reason sways: Worlds I would banish from my view And quit the gods—to talk with you.
The smile that decks your fading cheek To me a heavy heart declares; When you are silent I would speak But cowardice alarms my fears: All must be sense, that you do prize, All that I say, be grave and wise.
When wandering in the evening shade I shar'd her pains and felt her grief, A thousand tender things I laid But she would grant me no relief; When from her hair I brush'd the dew She sigh'd—and said, 'tis not for you!
When drooping, dull, and almost dead With fevers brought from sultry climes, She would not hold my fainting head, But recommended me some rhymes On patience and on fortitude, And other things, less understood.
When aiming to engage her heart With verses from the mules' flock, She sate, regardless of my art, And counted seconds by the clock: "And thus (she cry'd) shall verse decay And thus the world shall pass away."
When languishing upon her bed, (No longer fond of India gowns) I came—and while the parson read Of chrysal skies and coral crowns, She bade me at a distance stand And lean'd her head upon her hand.
So drooping hangs the fading rose When summer sends the driving shower, So to the grave Marcella goes Her whole duration an hour: Who shall oppose the fad decree Or what, fair maid, recover thee?
Such virtue in that spirit dwells, Such fortitude amid such pain— That now with pride my bosom swells To think I have not liv'd in vain; Since, slighting all the fages knew, I learn philosophy from you.
Considerations on establishing a College for Old Maids, [Continued from our paper No. 97.]
For the immediate government of such an institution, I would recommend the following concise code of constitutional laws:—
THE patronage to be vested in a committee of twelve ladies, selected by Parliament from the principal nobility of the kingdom; and the power, of nominating the treasurer, secretary, and other officers, to be lodged in their hands.
The name of each candidate, with her place of abode and connexions, to be delivered in writing and properly vouched, to the committee; and a month to be allowed to consider her claim.
No candidate to be admitted without the written order of, at least, six of the committee.
Each candidate to deposit two hundred pounds in the hands of the treasurer on admission; and at the same time, to sign a solemn promise of a strict observance of the domestic rules of the college—binding herself to pay a stipulated fine for each offence against those rules, or patiently submit to expulsion.
No lady to apply for admission, whose character is not irreproachable, and who has not reached the fortieth year of her age.
The members to be at liberty to withdraw whenever they may deem it agreeable or expedient; for it is not intended that these celebrated words of the Italian poet should be inscribed over the portal: Lasciate ogni speranza, voi che entrate.
Leave hope behind, ye girls that enter here! With respect to the domestic police of the college, I will only offer a few hints; to form a proper code of rules must be left to the wisdom of the committee.
A principal or prioress should be elected annually by the committee, from the sisterhood, and implicit obedience to her orders be required from each member; an appeal, however, to be open against her before the committee, in case of an abuse of power.
A select committee of six to be chosen from the sisterhood by the patronesses, to assist the prioress, and to audit the accounts of the college.
The whole sisterhood to breakfast and dine in common in the refectory, except when incapacitated by age or sickness from quitting their apartments.
Neither evening tea nor supper to be considered as established meals.
A salary to be allowed the nearest clergyman of the established church, for officiating every Sunday and festival day in the chapel of the college. And the evening and the morning service to be read in the chapel every other day, by one of the sisterhood.
Besides a butler, porter, cook and the several offices of the kitchen, there should be a certain number of chambermaids; and this number to be in the proportion of one maid to three members. Each member, however, to be allowed a maid to attend on her own person, on the condition of her contributing 10l. annually to the funds.
To encrease the comforts of the institution, and to give the sisterhood an opportunity of enjoying that degree of exercise which is indispensably necessary for the preservation of health, a number of horses and carriages should be provided, according to the ability of the funds, and retinue of the committee, together with the necessary attendants.
A certain proportion of the annual income, or a subscription raised amongst the members, to be appropriated each year, for the purchase of books for the library; but no books to be purchased or received as donations, without the approbation of the domestic committee.
No visitors to be received before nine o'clock in the morning, or after three o'clock in the afternoon; nor before six o'clock in the evening, or after nine o'clock at night. The gates to be closed at ten o'clock precisely every night, and the keys to be deposited with the Prioress.
In designing the building it should be observed, that there ought to be a number of parlours proportionate to the number of bed chambers; also, a music room, and a common sitting-room. This room should be of considerable extent, and fitted up for the library.
An institution thus constituted, besides meeting the proposed object, must be productive of many other advantages. Here declining age might find a soft pillow whereon to rest her head. Here unprotected females might pass down the stream of life without apprehension of awaiting dangers. Here, in the absence of care, and the silence of solitude, fancy might produce bright effusions, and valuable accessions be occasionally made to the stock of polite literature: for within this pale of female virtue; a Carter; a Montague; a Moore; a Williams; a Brooke; or a Seward—all old maids! might rise. And here the arts of elegant ingenuity might be cultivated with safety and success.
But these are not the only advantages that would result from such an institution. It would afford a sure and comfortable asylum for those Old Maids, whose slender stipend should be reduced to a scanty pittance by the reduction of the national interest, whenever parliament shall deem such a measure expedient. And further, by opening a rich, though distant prospect of sublunary happiness to the young female, it would serve, in some degree, to defeat the dark arts of base seducers; and an old age of neglect would no longer, by its visionary terrors, precipitate the timorous virgin into the indissoluble bands of matrimony.
But though I have thus briefly, and I trust, clearly shown the many benefits which must result from the instituting a COLLEGE FOR OLD MAIDS, I have not the vanity to think that my feeble voice, issuing from the shades of obscurity, will be honoured with the attention of my countrymen. I shall not then solicit it further. But I entreat that the Senate of this nation—to whom this plan is particularly addressed,—will turn their eyes to a spectacle now at their bar.—
Behold a trembling group of amiable females! examine them narrowly, and perhaps you will find an aunt, a sister, or a niece amongst them. See! they kneel, and present to you, with downcast eyes and melancholy countenances, a petition which contains the substance of these pages. Do not disregard it; nor avert your eyes from the lovely suppliants. Approach and raise them. And with philanthropy beaming from your brows, address them in words to this effect:—"Be comforted. We are sensible of your grievances, and will redress them in the manner you desire. We confess we have too long lavished the wealth of the nation in erecting sumptuous edifices, and in creating establishments for the comfort, advantage and convenience of our own sex, while we have ungratefully neglected yours, to whom we are not only indebted for our existence, but for the few sweets which are mingled in the bitter cup we received from our first parents. We eagerly embrace the opportunity which now offers itself of compensating for our neglect and ingratitude. We owe you too some reparation for the misery we have induced on many of your sex. But you have hastened the day of retribution.—Retire in full confidence that your prayer has been propitiously heard."
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, October, 1792.
   D H Bar. Ther. Wind. Weath.     Wednesday, 3 30.02 30.02 36 Calm Fair   2 29.9 29.9 60 S.W. do   Thursday, 4 29.85 29.85 43 Calm Hazey   2 29.9 29.9 63 W. do   Friday, 5 30.12 30.12 45 S.W. Fair   2 30.16 30.16 60 do   Saturday, 6 30.07 30.07 40 N.N.W. Fair   2 30.3 30.3 63 N.E. do   Sunday, 7 30.3 30.3 43 N.E. Fair   2 30.2 30.2 63 do Hazey   Monday, 8 30.2 30.2 41 Fair   October 2 30.1 30.1 63 Hazey   Tuesday, 9 30.05 30.05 50 N.N.E. Fair   2 29.95 29.95 65 N.E. do  
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And for Sale at the Printing-Office, No. 209, Market-Street, and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in Second-Street, Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar,
ADVICE TO THE PRIVILEGED ORDERS, in the SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE, Resulting from the necessity and propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government.
By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
JUST PUBLISHED By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence) FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the
Yeomanry of the United States:
CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Governor Duer and Mr Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures, by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing-Office, No 156, Market-Street; at No. 209, Market-Street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-Street; at Mr. Cukhanks, 91, Market-Street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-Street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-Streets.
August 21.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends, and the public for the many favours he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand, a few fine toned FORTE PIANOS, which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms.
The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons, commissioned to vend them, who for a very trifling compensation recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of European music-shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pay as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N. B. Musical instruments let out by the month or quarter, likewise musical instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES, No. 60, Walnut near Third-Street. October 10. 4t
NOTICE.
THIS is to warn all masters of vessels and others, at their peril, not to take a certain mulatto Boy, named Lewis Boget, formerly of Cayenne, out of this city, he being lawfully bound and apprenticed to me, until 16th Nov. 1793; as I have reason to suspect he is endeavouring to leave this city. JAMES ROBERTSON. October 9. tf
New-York and Philadelphia S T A G E S, A N D Bordenton, Burlington, and Trenton or Lamberton P A C K E T S.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia Land and Water Stages, beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of the passengers, they have removed their different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet Wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-Street; from whence a convenient packet boat starts for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and returns on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordenton or Burlington; each place taken alternately.
Fare for passengers from Philadelphia to New-York For goods do. do. per cwt. 15s. 6s. Van Emburgh and M c Kean, David Williamson, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Bordenton. Jacob Myers, Amos Hutchin, Nicholas Schenck, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Burlington. Bordenton, Oct. 1. For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to
M c Kean and Van Emburgh; Who have for sale at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-Street, Ole Madcira, } Muscovado, } Teneriffe, } Wines, Loaf, } SUGARS Mountain } Lump } Jamaica Spirits, } M lass, } Antigua, } Coffee, } Montserat & } Rum. } Chocolate, } Newbury } Bohemian Tea, } Rochelle Brandy } Burlington Pork, } in pipes, cales and } Hams, } demijohns, } Flour, } Gin in pipes and cales, } Bar Iron, &c. &c. &c. Orders for Grain, Staves, Bills of Scantling, or other Lumbe, punctually attended to. For freight or passage to Lambert or Trenton, apply at said wharf to Thomas Ashmore, William Douglass, John Ashmore or Alexander Douglass, (Masters on board) or as above, to M c Kean & Van Emburgh. Philadelphia, October 6, 1792.
BOOKS,
Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement, in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven volumes. Price, neatly bound and lettered, Seventeen dollars and three shillings.
This work which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.
2. Smith's letters to married women, on nursing and the management of children. "We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed." Monthly Review, Vol. 38, Page 101. Price bound five shillings of a dollar.
Duncan's elements of logic. three-fourths of a dollar.
4. Beauties of Fielding, 50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair, 50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Marchioness of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 66 2/3.
 7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.  7. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, LL.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 638) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful."  9. Beauties of Poetry, Price four shillings of a dollar.  10. Blair's Sermons, - Price two dollars.  11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four shillings of a dollar.  12. Examination of the observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five shillings of a dollar.  13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five shillings of a dollar.  14. M c Fingal, Price three shillings of a dollar.  15. American Jeft Book, three shillings of a dollar.  16. Garden of the Soul, half a dollar.  17. The Douay Translation of the vulgar Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50s. plain, six dollars.  Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms; Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again. May 17. 6m. 1a.w.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer, JOHN M c Culloch, at No. 1. North Third-Street, and by most of the Book-Sellers in this city, (Price 3/9)
MODERN CHIVALRY:
Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, his Servant. VOLUME II. By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines nostri, Farrago libelli. Juvena
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé, - SAVOIR, soixante cinq milles, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour Supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Salude, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans propres à la culture du tabac, ou coton, du maïs et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles, il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille piece de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 1awtf
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three shillings of a dollar.
PLANS
OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON. FOR SALE BY MESSRS. Dobson, Young, Crukshank, and Carey, in this city. Sept. 15. 6t.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAINE, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.