Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-10-10 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 38, of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1792.
[Whole No. 360.]
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
THE REPUBLICAN.—No. II.
SOME remarks were made in a preceding paper to show that the bank and funding systems have no greater tendency than any other property to raise up great men to the prejudice of the equal rights of the citizens. It is admitted that by facilitating trade and industry in almost all their operations, those laws will hasten the period when we shall become a wealthy nation. Industry, if it had been left under the disadvantages which it suffered before the adoption of the present happy constitution, would make progress towards the same point, and at last it is very probable, supposing the country not to fall into confusion for want of an efficient government, it would reach it. No person however will censure those acts for their known and experienced tendency to increase the wealth of the country. The accusation, if it has any good sense in it, must be understood to mean that the wealth gained will be possessed too unequally. The former publication was intended to prove that the laws could not have been intended to produce that effect—and that even if it should so happen, the increase of other property, the increase of knowledge, and the equal mode of distributing classes, would afford a speedy and effectual remedy.
On an impartial view of the United States, no man will deny that the landed interest maintains its ancient preponderance; nor will he pretend that the value to which the public stocks have risen, will diminish it. The debt is not increasing, but is diminishing daily, and the time of its extinguishment need not be far removed. The amount of the bank stock is also fixed, and is to the landed property as a drop in the ocean. The landed interest, on the contrary, has thousands of hands yearly imported to increase its importance. Some hundred thousand acres are added every year to the cultivation of our country. Look at the late enumeration, and see how few live in cities compared with those in the country; and while the cities increase ten, the country gains a thousand. On this general view of the subject, a man may be convinced that there is no overruling monied influence raised up to govern the landed, as those writers have intimated, whose purpose it is to let one part of the people against another.
It is obvious these are merely hints to lead the mind to the facts and arguments by which one might expect to refute the artful and mischievous publications which have been made against the bank and funding acts.
Another complaint is, that the same men, who are said to plot against equal liberty, and who rely on these systems as a principal part of their strength, contrived to benefit the middle and eastern states to the prejudice of the southern. This charge is not consistent with itself. Surely the plotters would be fools indeed to make the powerful southern states, in the very outset of their scheme, their opposers. If the public paper is possessed in a less degree at the southward than in other parts, every real friend of the Union will regret that it is not more diffused among the inhabitants of the whole country. It is a misfortune to the government, that in pursuing the general laws of justice, they shall seem to have local interests in view, as it furnishes calumny a pretext for its invec-tives. But without exercising a worse tyranny, and practising more local partiality than even the accusers complain of, the government could not have prevented the southern transfers of their stock. It was out of the power of Congress to hinder men from using their own according to their pleasure.
If the laws in question stand vindicated against the charge of producing a dangerous inequality of property and influence, is there any thing in them to impair the republican equality of rights.
It is the boast and the protection of a free people, that the laws are general rules of action prescribed by the supreme authority of the nation. It is the reproach and the curse of slaves, that what are called laws are arbitrary edicts or decrees made to suit the special case. They are not general rules which will not bend to favor particular men—but each edict is an exception from those rules, and the act of applying the remedy seems to destroy its nature. For general and equal laws place rich and poor on the same ground, and in the very moment of their passage they pass from the legislators to the judges, and effectually strip the former of the means of distinguishing friends from foes. They secure a rigid impartiality to government, as they take away the capacity of being useful to their favorites, and vindictive towards their adversaries.
These are principles which every juryman has been charged to respect, and has taken an oath to maintain. What is the funding system but a solemn conformity of the public conduct with its solemn engagements? It has not presumed to make an arbitrary decree founded on the merit of those who once held, and the demerit of the present holders of the certificates. It has considered the notes as giving rights founded on all the laws and resolutions of the old Congress, and right has appeared to the new Congress as sacred and intangible. Right has seemed to them above their own power, and indeed above any power. Accordingly, without regarding persons, they adhered to principles—they provided for the debt, and credit has risen in consequence.
But those who pretend to be better friends of liberty than others, would have had Congress give or withhold the payment of its debts, according to the result of an enquiry into the circumstances of the persons claiming the money. An arbitrary discretion, which no fixed principles could either interpret or restrain, seemed to them preferable to the mode which was adopted. They would have had the original holders receive a part, and the
present holders another part of the debt—but whether much or little, and to what description of persons payment should be made, was to depend on the will and pleasure of the government.
Will it be believed that men who advocated this arbitrary and impracticable scheme, are the loudest in their censures of the funding act—as being arbitrary, unjust, founded on partiality and favoritism, and dangerous to equal republican rights. Let them compare it with their own project, and if shame can still raise a blush on the faces of veteran party-men, they will be silent and confounded.
If the title to a horse or a barrel of corn be in dispute, it is a noble privilege that the whole power of our government cannot destroy a man's right. The law must have its course, and it consents those who made it. But when fifty or sixty millions of property are depending before Congress, these republicans, as they dare to call themselves, would make a sport of the acknowledged right of the possessors. The plighted faith of the nation is nothing. They would not leave the questions (tho' none really exist) between original and present holders to the courts of law, but they would have Congress outdo the divan of Constantinople, and wipe out the contract with a sponge.
There is no occasion to make these observations to the people of America. They have long been well settled in the persuasion of their truth. But when the enemies of government attempt to en-flame men's minds in the manner they have done, to retort the charge upon their own propositions, is making them their own accusers—it is confounding them with the words of their own mouths.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
A Statement of some Objections to the Administration of the Federal Government.
MR. FENNO, I HAVE observed a long time that your paper abounds in very uncharitable and severe strictures on those of our citizens who happen to be dissatisfied with either our federal constitution or the administration under it.
As to the constitution, I remember that whilst it was under deliberation, sundry amendments were proposed; but since its adoption by all the states, I have heard little complaint, except what is found in various pieces in your paper, and there ascribed to an uneasy, touchy, quarrelsome party, said to be scattered over the union, but which I believe exists no where but in those pieces.
As to the administration of the federal government, I have not heard of more than two species of material objections to it—one of which respects the Western Territory.
If the population of the frontiers had been crowded out in close columns, and every exterior township or tract of land had been first filled with inhabitants, before the next adjacent lands had been sold or permitted to be settled, in that case the frontier settlements would have been supported by an inherent strength, the inroads of the enemy would have been difficult and dangerous, and of course our defence would have been easy, cheap and effectual; whereas permitting thin weak settlements to be scattered along a vast frontier, rendered them incapable of defence, whilst at the same time it made the inroads of the enemy easy, and in a manner free of danger.
Perhaps too in our first treaties with the Indians, we assumed sovereign and dictatorial airs, which irritated their feelings, and held up rights and demands totally inadmissible on their part, and which we could not support on any reasonable grounds of claim.
This source of discontent and resentment soon fermented into action and injury, and deadly animosities began to appear both in the Indians and our frontier people, and which were every day more and more inflamed by innumerable insults, depredations, murders, and all kinds of provocation, mutually committed and retaliated, till the whole of our frontier was in a state of general hostility, and made the attention of the general government indispensably necessary.
Whether the war could have been prevented by any prudent pacific measures, I don't pretend to determine; but admitting the war to be inevitable, the measures adopted for carrying it on, have been thought by some people to be not very proper.
The experience of all North-America invariably proves, that fighting Indians by regular troops is no likely way to insure success; 'tis like undertaking to kill flies with a cannon ball, the very wind of which will blow them away without hurting or even touching them.
I should suppose that men long inured to traversing the woods, who have by habit and usage acquired strength and hardness sufficient for long marches, and are acquainted with every easy method of performing them, and supporting themselves with provisions and all modes of accommodation, would be the proper men to be employed.
If men of this character could be encouraged by proper pay, honours and rewards, to form themselves into voluntary societies or companies, and could be furnished with every necessary accommodation of arms, cloathing and provisions, from the public stores, and be permitted in their own way to ravage the woods, or penetrate into the enemies country, with design and zeal to annoy them in every possible manner—I conceive that five hundred men of this cast, and thus accoutred and employed,
would take our enemies in their own way, and would vex and dispirit the Indians, either in their towns, hunting parties, or military expeditions, more than ten times the number formed into a regular army, at twenty times the expence which would be sufficient in this way.
It may be objected that this mode of carrying on war would be a disgraceful imitation of Indian savageness; but I answer, that however inconsistent with the generous feelings of our own people, skulking parties, bush fighting, premiums on scalps, &c. &c. may appear, yet I think as the Indians adopt these savage modes to our great annoyance—honor and justice will permit and the public safety does require a retaliation on them, and that too in full tale.
I come now to the second sort or species of complaint that I have heard against the conduct of the federal government under the present constitution, which respects the funding system, the complainants of this sort have been very scandalously traduced by sundry writers in your paper; have been held up as inimical to the payment of just debts, to the support of public credit, to national justice, and honor, as friends to anarchy baseness and confusion, &c. and have been called upon with insolent challenge to step forward and shew their faces, and avow their objections. I here accept their challenge, shew my face, and avow my objections, and I conceive that if I was followed by all the citizens of the Union, whose sentiments are similar to mine, I should lead the greatest army that ever was on any occasion collected in North-America.
To save the writers in your paper the trouble of misunderstanding me, I will in the most explicit manner explain what I do, and what I do not object to, in the funding system; I will begin with the negative part of my declaration because that will require the fewest words.
1st. I do not object to the payment of the just public debts, and in a manner fully adequate to the contract, merit or matter out of which the debts originally grew.
2d. I do not object to the mode of raising the public revenue by an impost on imported goods, I only wish that the impost might be confined to imported luxuries, or such articles as are mostly used by the rich, and that the consumptions of the poor may be free of burden as far as may well be, consistent with the ends and uses of the tax.—Indeed I don't know but I claim that mode of revenue as my original thought or invention, which I published and explained in my sixth essay on free trade and finance in 1783, long before any particular mode of general revenue was discussed, or even proposed in Congress, which ever came to my knowledge.
3d. I do not object to the institution of banks, but think the bank of the United States an infringement of the public faith plighted to the bank of North America, and an ungrateful retribution for the great merit and exertions of that bank for the salvation of our country in the time of its greatest danger and distress.
2d. I now come to the positive part of my objections to the funding system. I object to the mode of raising a revenue by an excise on either the produce or manufactures of the country—the excise on home distilleries includes both; the labor is that of our own people, and the raw materials are all, except foreign molasses, the produce of the country; I object to this duty,
1st, because the nature of its collection requires an authority in the excise officer to enter the domains of every individual, inspect his private business and concerns, and even search his most retired apartments, bed rooms and closets—and 2d, because the collection is not only thus irritating, but is also very expensive; I am told that the collection of the present excise costs about 12 per cent. besides all the wrangles about it, which are in themselves ever expensive as well as pernicious; 3d, because the duty is almost wholly paid by the poor, especially by the frontier people who are a useful set of men, help to people, cultivate and defend the country, but from their situation necessarily have a harder lot than the more interior inhabitants, and I think it cruel to begrudge them a little whisky of their own distilling to comfort their hearts under all their trials and hardships, or to diminish their enjoyment by adding expence and other odious circumstances thereto. But my greatest objection is more to the disposal of the money, when it is collected, than to the existing mode of assessing or collecting it—the money when collected from the labors of the people, is given by the funding system, not to the men who originally earned it, not to the men to whom the public faith was plighted over and over again, not to men who contributing their substance and services, saved our country, saved us all in the time of deepest distress—but by this fatal system a title is given and payments actually made of an immense treasure—the dear earnings of the forementioned Patriots, not to them, I say, but to a parcel of speculators who never earned a shilling of it, or paid any adequate compensation for it, or even set up any kind of title to it, grounded either on their merit, earnings, services, or any purchase for valuable considerations paid, but they claim and receive it under a most extravagant construction of an old rule of law, strained, and stretched far beyond every reason on which the law ever was and is now grounded.
The following is a plain statement of the facts which I offer in the face of all the world, and challenge all your writers, and every body else, to deny or controvert them if they can.
1st. The public faith was plighted in most solemn manner to the original public creditors for the payment of such supplies and services as they rendered to the public.
2d. In the settlement of their accounts the balances due to them were adjusted, ascertained and recorded in the public books, where they stand open to inspection at this day.
3d. When their respective balances became due, they were no otherwise paid than by depreciated certificates, worth at their current exchange about 2/6 in the pound, which ought to be debited to their accounts, and the remaining balances paid in good money; for public bills or paper credit are ever to be valued at their exchange, and no more, and all nations negotiate them in that way alone.
But, 4th, The funding system plights the public faith for the payment of the whole original debt, to the holders of the certificates, most of which have been sold for a trifle by the original holders, and are now found in the hands of purchasers, who never earned the money or paid any adequate consideration for it, but are entitled by this system to receive it all.
This, besides injustice, ingratitude, and violation of public faith plighted to the real creditors, involves inchoes and brings on consequences very hurtful to the prosperity of the nation.
1. Payment to the real original creditors would have been an act of justice, and some reparation to many worthy citizens, who have long suffered by the public deficiency—would have animated their industry, and in very many instances delivered them from actual dependance for a support either on object servitude, or the charity of their neighbors; whereas payment of the same monies to the speculators, raises a few men to sudden wealth, which they never earned, and which, as they are not qualified by habit or education to enjoy properly, does them more harm than good.
This, as far as it goes, accumulates the money of the country in a few useless hands, and at the same time lessens that diffusive circulation which would animate the industry and increase the wealth and happiness of the people in general through the nation.
2. As Congress sat at New-York when the funding system was under discussion, the speculators there and in the vicinity first caught the secret of that magical logic—which was to turn 2/6 into 20/ and diligently improved the precious moment, and sent off large orders to the southern states for buying immense quantities of certificates, for the trifle which was then their current value; and when they brought them to the northward, the funding system made them all payable to the holders there—to that the northern people will receive all the cash for them, whilst the burden of raising the money will press equally hard on the southern as on the northern states.
This, in effect, will make the southern states in a manner tributary to the people of the northern states in a large sum of annual interest; and as this must continue as long as the system lasts, it becomes a serious matter, big with consequences hurtful enough both to the union and to the southern people, and obvious enough to render a prophetic detail unnecessary here.
3. As our 6 per cents and other funds are set at an higher interest than can be obtained for money loaned in Europe. Very great purchases have been made by Europeans in our funds, and they have remitted vast sums of money for that purpose, which has made money, and consequently luxury, extremely plenty with us at present—and this blessed plenty of money is by some people with great gout assigned as one of the blessed effects of the funding system; that it is a natural effect of that system, I readily admit; but as to the blessings of it, we shall be better able to judge a little while hence, when our country comes to be drained of its cash in vast sums, which must be sent out of it (never to return) to pay the yearly interest of the immense remittances which we now receive, together with that of our public foreign loans.
This country has never yet experienced a drain of its cash by exportation of it abroad, without receiving remittances of value either previous or subsequent to the sending it away. Importations of goods from abroad, have sometimes exceeded the resources of the country, and made cash somewhat scarce. But the final loss did not all rest on the country—much of it fell on the foreign merchants, by the bankruptcy of their correspondents here. We cannot yet well judge how great the blessings of these effects may be, but I have had one taste of them, which has quite cloyed my appetite, since which I have not had a wish for a repetition of the blessing. One thing we know by experience, that when sterling bills rise above 75 per cent. it will be the interest, and of course the practice of people who have remittances to make to Europe, to send away cash rather than bills, in which case the real money will go out of the country perhaps faster than it now comes in. In fine, if these facts and observations are true and well founded, they deserve the serious attention of every man.—If otherwise, any man who will disprove them, will give me sincere pleasure, and relieve me from many painful anxious feelings. If any one desires my true name, be shall have it; I am not ashamed of it—but I believe I am sufficiently known by my old signature.
A CITIZEN OF PHILADELPHIA.

Foreign Affairs.
PARIS, August 12.
OF the engagement on Friday I cannot speak from my own observation; for though I was within hearing, I did not see it. My account is, however, from spectators. — There is no doubt but the Swiss fired first, but not until they were pressed upon in the most violent way, and their guns forcibly turned round, and planted against the palace. M. d'Affry gave the order to fire. The federates of Breft and Marseilles rushed forward, and in a few minutes there was a dreadful slaughter. The Swiss retreated to the Palace, and kept a most fatal fire from the windows. The dead lay in heaps. The Quays were full of people, armed and unarmed, and directing their fire deliberately into this multitude; the massacre was dreadful. It did not, however, intimidate the assailants. Seven pieces of cannon were played on the Thuilleries and the Louvre. They made breaches in the old walls in a short time; but their impetuosity from the place de Carousal, was irresistible. They broke in, and in a few minutes the multitude filled the palace; every Swiss that came in their way perished; but numbers found temporary safety in the cellars and garrets, and were with difficulty saved from the rage of the people: I can give you no perfect account of the dead. — From the numbers yet unburied — or thrown into the Seine — or burnt — for a fire was made in the Place de Carousal, in which the furniture, the tapestry, &c. of the Palace, was consumed; and into which, in the wantonness of cruelty, many dead bodies (such as they knew to be gentlemen) were thrown; I suppose there were not fewer than 2500 — some carry the number much higher — and others diminish it to a very small number indeed — but this will, bye and bye, be ascertained — The names I have heard are those of M. d'Affry, the Abbe Bouillon, Carle, Mandat, &c. The Palace is completely dismantled. The day was excessive hot; and they regaled themselves on the King's wine. They brought it out in immense quantities; and it was not uncommon to see men and women, after their own draught, put the bottles to the mouth of the dead lying in mangled heaps, with that spirit of furious sport which they have all along exhibited, crying — "Here, take your last drink! — F — ! Drink to the nation!" — The horrors of the day cannot be described to you in adequate language, for the beginning of our career in July 1789, was exceeded.
M. Mandat, the commander of the National Guard, was arrested going down the stair case of the Hotel de la Ville. He was seized by the people, beheaded, and his head fixed upon a pole, and carried through the streets.
In about an hour from the commencement of the attack on the Palace, not one Swiss was left. Ninety-six who survived their Colonel and General d'Affray, demanded quarters, but they were conducted to the Place de Greve, and there put to death. About three hundred Marseillaise have fallen, and near a thousand citizens, among which were several women and children whom curiosity had led towards the scene of action.
All the Swiss, above 500, were put to death, and people carried the remnants of their cloths on the ends of their pikes in triumph. The pavilions of the Palace near the Place de Carousal were afterwards set on fire, as well as the Swiss barracks.
The maids of honor of the Palace were conducted to the Section — the rest of the persons on duty were put to death: The wine cellars were alone plundered! The jewels, plate, &c. were brought to the Assembly, and deposited in safety.
The attack at the Palace began before ten o'clock. A Marseillaise officer appeared at the principal door of the Palace, and demanded entrance for himself and his banditti, from a Swiss officer who commanded there. The Swiss replied, that his orders would not permit him to comply. The Marseillaise officer instantly applied a pistol to his breast, and shot him thro' the heart.
M. Sulau, the Queen's Secretary, is likewise among those whose heads were cut off in the Palace.
Many of the women belonging to the Palace, and some others, met an equally unfortunate fate. They had fled for safety, and had reached the bridge. Knowing that their lives were in danger, if they were taken, about twenty threw themselves over the balustrades into the water, and were drowned.
The King and Queen behaved themselves with great fortitude. The King's countenance throughout shewed signs of the most perfect composure. The Queen looked with an air of magnanimity and disdain on her enemies.
It is said that the King is to have a public trial on the 28th of this month.
The King, Queen and family bore their condition with great equanimity. The President's room was assigned them, and there they have remained ever since. The Palais Bourbon is converted into a prison for the Swiss, and for all the persons whom they chose to apprehend upon suspicion. The Feuillant Journals are all stoppt, and by opening letters they have gained a pretty general knowledge of their enemies, and they are arresting them in numbers. — What they really propose to themselves — whether they have any prospect of standing their ground, and trying a Republic, or whether the handful of leaders mean to fly as soon as the foreign army, or the French army makes its approach, for either will be equally fatal to them, I know not.
This dreadful scene, however it may close upon the fate of France, or upon the fortune of liberty, ought to be a lesson to every government that true wisdom consists in fair dealing — and that to cajole, to trick, and to play the hypocrite with a whole people, is as weak as it is wicked; I say this, because I am persuaded, that the want of candor, more than treason in the court, has brought upon them this catastrophe. They wished an increase of power, which in due time the nation would have given them, but too eager, they tried to accomplish it by secret and dishonest means.
They are punished; but in their punishment liberty has received a mortal blow, and France, for a time at least, is delivered into the hands of men, who began their career by perjury and treason; and have hitherto shown no other token of talents than in the adroit management of a mob?
AUGUST 13.
It is natural to suppose, that no industry will be spared to exhibit proofs of the correspondence of the court with the enemies of the country. — Two papers are already published, as letters found in the Escrutarie of the Queen.
The first is said to be found in the Secretarie of Marie Antoinette by M. Collard de Trone, a cannonier of the district of Petits Peres. He certainly brought to the Assembly 1500 Louis d'Ors, which he found, as he said, in the same escrutarie, and he would accept of no reward for his honesty. The note is asserted to be in the hand writing of the Queen of France. It is addressed to the Arch Duchess, her sister, and runs thus:
"Persons of my acquaintance."
 "The Duke and Duchess of Choiseul.  "The Duke and Duchess of Pressin.  "Hautefort. [I recommend  "The Duchatelets. to you all the  "Detrees. Lorrains in all  "D'Aubterre. that you can  "M. D'Aunon. be useful to  "M. Gerard. them.]  "The Comte de Broglie.  "The Brothers de Montazet.  "La Beauveau, a Religieuse, and her company. 
"The Dufsoits. It is to this family that you should display your gratitude and attention on every occasion; and the same for the Abbe de Vernant. The fate of these two persons is at my heart. My Ambassador is charged to take care of them. I should be sorry to be first to deviate from my principle of not recommending any one; but you and I owe too much to these persons, not to strive on all occasions to be useful to them, if we can do so without too much im-
pegno (expence). Consult with Merci."
The second is a long letter from a person in the French army, exhibiting such a picture of the cowardice and want of discipline of the French troops, as the Aristocratic party have delighted to paint; and tending to shew, that there was a secret understanding between those who directed the motions of the army and the Austrians. It is neither important nor entertaining; and if genuine, must evidently, from the flippant familiarity of the style, have been addressed to some person about the Queen, and not to herself.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY,
AUGUST 12.
A number of petitioners being admitted to the bar, their orator spoke as follows:
"Legislators! There is amongst you a deputy who is a traitor to his country. We have brought proofs of his treachery. M. Blancgilly of Marseilles called himself the friend of the people. When appointed a Deputy, he kept up a correspondence with his fellow-citizens rather like a demagogue than an enlightened Patriot. He assumed the livery of the Aristocrats. Since the 20th June, he has been circulating a work, written by himself, which one would rather ascribe to the Minister Terrien. This work is full of calumnies against the Marseillaise. On the 21st of July, he wrote — "You may depend upon the following facts: Armies, formidable both by their numbers and discipline, are advancing against us. It is as impossible to stop them as to move mountains. — The transactions of the 20th of June have won over all hearts to the King. Hasten therefore to be first, like good men, in quitting the society of conspirators, lest you be confounded with them. The plot formed for assassinating the King disgraces the federates of this city." This man did not then know the pleasure of having a country! His hands have been formed to wear chains! — Legislators! banish from among you this traitor! this infamous wretch! Time will inform you who are the real regicides, — whether those who wish for a constitutional King, or those who wishing to restore despotism, have exposed him to the vengeance of a people determined either to perish or be free. It is true the Marseillaise consider all Kings as the scourge of the earth; but if they are desirous of freeing themselves from theirs, it is not by crimes but by the sovereign will of the people. Louis XVI. has dug the grave of Royalty, the only service he could have rendered France." — Loud and reiterated applauses followed this address.
A member of the deputation of Marseilles said, that M. Blancgilly had so completely performed the part of a political hypocrite, that, at the beginning of the Revolution he was detained six or seven months a prisoner at Marseilles as an incendiary.
M. Cranet of Marseilles. — "An administrator of the Bouches du Rhone has just sent me the printed copy of letter, written by M. Blancgilly to Boyer, the chief of the conspiracy which was to cut the throats of all the Members of the administrative body of our city." Several voices cried out, "Read, read the letter!" on which the following sentence was read: "The Jacobins will never succeed in establishing republicanism, nor the Feuillants in establishing monarchy. Nothing could exceed the courage of our good King and his august spouse. On the 20th of June, they were robbed of a considerable quantity of plate and jewels. Our armies are everywhere defeated. The King of Prussia will be at Coblenz on the 13th. — Every thing will go on well. He will spend the autumn in Paris. About the end of July or middle of August, Monsieur will be declared Regent of the kingdom, and Louis XVI. really King of France, will no longer be the constitutional King of the French." [Murmurs of indignation were heard from all sides of the Hall.]
M. Lacroix. — "I moved for a decree of accusation against M. Blancgilly, because I believe that this copy had been collated by an administrator; but as it is only printed, he must be ordered to their tribunal to an-
swer interrogatories [Several voices cried out NO, NO; — AT THE BAR] at for, until a decree of accusation has been passed against a representative of the people, he is considered as innocent. I request that the assembly may order one of its messengers to repair to his house, and summon him to come immediately to the Assembly. This proposition was adopted.
AUGUST 16.
WAR WITH RUSSIA.
M. Le Brun, secretary for foreign affairs, notified the assembly that the Empress of Russia had declared war against France; the Imperial Catherine, from the most remote corner of the north, ordered Frenchmen to reinstate Louis XVI. in all his royal prerogatives. — M. Genest, the French ambassador, had been expelled Russia. Referred to the Diplomatic Committee.
Louis XVI. is now in the Temple, he was transferred there last Tuesday. — M. Petion was in the same carriage with the King and his family — Louis seemed afraid; the crowd on the Place Vendome hindered his coach from proceeding; and it stopped exactly opposite to the demolished statue of Louis the Fourteenth. The fall of that magnificent idol must have awoke strange reflections in his swollen breast, all inimical to the vanity of terrestrial affairs. — O Louis! how easy might it have been for you to have avoided such humiliation.
We hear that General La Fayette was on the 12th informed of the events of the 10th inst. It is said he did not credit the report, and that he added these words: "Let what will be Fact, my army will obey me!"
LONDON, August 10.
The gratuity given by Lord Cornwallis, to the officers and soldiers of his army, and equal to six months batta, is as follows:
   Sterl. Sterl.     A Colonel — 432 A Captain — 115 4   A Lieut. Col. — 360 A Lieut. — 76 16   A Major — 288 An Ensign — 57 12  
The good and great Stanislaus, in the midst of his distress, has effected one great national purpose, namely, the yeomanry and peasantry, are no longer Serfs (i. e. slaves to their Lords, transferrable like cattle) they are henceforth to be free, and are to have equal laws, and justice administered in a legal manner.
On Sunday, Mr. Merryweather, apothecary at Green Hammerton, and Miss Gray, of Wilstrop, set off on a matrimonial expedition to Gretna Green. Few circumstances of this nature ever caused more bustle amongst the inhabitants of York. The lovers, on one horse, galloped most furiously thro' the principal streets, closely pursued by a quondam admirer of the lady, and another person who rode as furiously, vociferating, "Stop them! Stop them!" They were stopped near the York-Tavern, and one of the pursuers attempted to force the young lady from her pillion; she, however, threw her arms round the waste of her destined husband, and declared nothing on earth should part them. By this time they were surrounded by several hundred persons, who, "listening to the voice of love," espoused the cause of the fair fugitive, and called out for a chaise and four, which was immediately procured from the tavern. The lady made but one step from her horse into the carriage — the lover followed — waved his hat as a token of gratitude to those who had protected them, and bowled them away to the land of Love and Freedom. — The unfortunate pursuers not being able to get fresh horses, gave up the chase.
EDINBURGH, July 7.
On Friday evening arrived at Glasgow, Lieut. General Romaizewski, a Polish Nobleman of high rank, accompanied by Dr. Herschel, the celebrated astronomer. These distinguished strangers have been presented with the freedom of the City by Lord Provost and Magistrates; and were entertained by the Principal and Professors of the College, when Dr. Herschel was presented with a diploma of an honorary degree in laws. Dr. Herschel is since arrived in this city.

Philadelphia, Oct. 10.
Capt. Macpherson, of the Ship Patsey Rutledge, arrived here on Sunday last from Ostend, which place he left on the 26th of August, informs, that two days before he sailed, letters were received by the magistrates of the city, informing, that M. La Fayette and a number of his officers were taken by some peasants within the Austrian lines, and that he was conveyed and securely confined in the Castle of Antwerp, about 10 leagues from Ostend.
Reports in Ostend relative to this affair were various before he sailed.
Some said he was on a reconnoitring party with a few of his officers, and was surprised and taken by about double the number of peasants.
Another report is, that he was in disguise and endeavoring to make his way through the country towards some sea port town to take shipping for America. That he was discovered by some of the inhabitants, seized and delivered into the hands of government.
He requested, it is also said, to be removed from the scene of action on the frontiers, and chose Antwerp for the place of his confinement.
The account of his being taken and actually confined, was communicated to Capt. Macpherson by the merchant to whom he was consigned, who had seen the letters received by the magistrates.
There can therefore be but little doubt of the reality of the fact. What led to his being taken is not so evident.
That a general officer should venture into an enemy's country with so little caution as to be captured by peasants is not very probable; that M. La Fayette should desert the cause at the moment it most needed his support, is more incredible.
Information received in town from Bourdeaux, via New-York, may assist in unraveling the mystery. A vessel arrived in New-York from Bourdeaux, which place she left on the last day of August, informs, that a decree of accusation against M. La Fayette had received the sanction of a majority of the National Assembly. That orders were in consequence issued to apprehend him, and another commander was chosen in his stead.
M. La Fayette, it is probable, receiving information of this decree, before the arm of the Jacobin party could reach him, may have taken the resolution to escape their fury.
The breach of the constitution by the Jacobins would not have been sufficient to have led him to abandon his country; but the command being taken from him by the ruling party, put it out of his power to be any longer serviceable, especially as his arrest was decreed, which might be followed by a summary trial, condemnation and perhaps death.
An attempt to fly to this country as an asylum, would be extremely natural in such circumstances, and not unworthy of himself.
He will be treated with humanity by the deputies in whose hands he has fallen; - not so if the emigrants had him in their power. His efforts in favour of the King, whose life he has saved more than once, will plead powerfully in his behalf; but it is much to be regretted, that if it was his plan to fly to this country, he should have been unsuccessful: Here he might have enjoyed the sweets of that liberty, in the cause of which he has been so active, and we should have had an opportunity of testifying our admiration for his character and gratitude for his services.
Capt. Macpherson also informs, that before he came away several of the officers of the northern army had arrived at Ostend, & among others, Count Dillon. They were probably impelled to emigrate in disgust at the proceedings of the Jacobins.
The Duke of Brunswick had taken possession of several French towns, without meeting with opposition.
The last accounts from Paris described the city as in a state of more tranquillity since the deposition of the King.
The decree of accusation against La Fayette and his capture, added to the deposition of the King, have made a change in the situation of affairs in France. The cause of the constitution expires; but that of liberty and republicanism are still to be supported.
It remains to be seen whether a majority of French citizens will support the proceedings of the Jacobins at Paris: It remains to be determined whether the royalists, aristocrats and constitutionalists, will not be more numerous than republicans. If the republicans can maintain a decided superiority within, the cause of liberty and equality may still prevail - this must still be the wish of every friend to the rights of man. It is better that France should feel for a few years the evils of anarchy, than again to experience the horrors of despotism. The French, the great body of the French nation, have seen the dawn of liberty, they can never bend to the yoke of tyranny. Gen. Adv.
The free people of colour and the free blacks of St. Domingo have not hitherto enjoyed the privileges to which they are entitled by the decree of the National Assembly of France; this has been the principal cause of the disturbances in that Colony.
A new election is however to take place of the Colonial and other popular Assemblies of the island, in which free people of colour and negroes are to have a voice.
This measure it is expected will restore unanimity among every class of citizens, which is absolutely necessary to effect a return of good order, and restore tranquillity.
Capt. Dring, in 35 days from Bourdeaux, arrived at New-York last Thursday, informs, that all was quiet in that city when he failed. He confirms the account of the murder of the three aged Priests at Cauderan (a village near Bourdeaux) as mentioned in our last, with all the aggravating circumstances.
The accounts from France by the Patsey Rutledge, are to the 26th August - eleven days later than those by the New-York, Capt. Smith. These accounts say that the King was still safe in the Temple at Paris, and had not been tried. The Duke of Brunswick was marching towards Paris, and had threatened to put every one there to the sword, in case of opposition. The people at Ostend were of opinion, that the Duke is able to march through all France without meeting with much opposition.
The French officers, it is said, desert daily - but this is perhaps counterbalanced by a great number of desertions of Austrian soldiers to Luckner's army. - Ostend, it is to be remarked, is in the Austrian territories - these accounts are therefore to be credited with due limitation.
M. Desparbes is appointed Governor of St. Domingo, in the room of M. Blancheland, and sailed from the Isle of Aix, near Rochefort, the 22d July, with 30 transports, having on board between 6 and 7000 troops, destined for St. Domingo, and convoyed by some men of war, commanded by M. de Cambis.
Letters from Cape-Francois advise of the arrival of the above fleet.
The letters to the merchants of this city, even those to Mr. Ross, the owner of the ship Patsey Rutledge, Captain Macpherson, from Ostend, mention nothing of the capture or desertion of the Marquis La Fayette.
TRANSLATED
FROM THE COLOGNE GAZETTE OF AUGUST 14.
PARIS, August 9.
THE factious redouble their efforts to oblige the King to quit the Capital, despairing perhaps of being able to execute their last attempts. For several days the rumor of his intended flight, repeated with design, has kept the people constantly in commotion. Every night they beat the general in the Fauxbourgs, to collect round the palace a continual concourse of people. They are preparing new and more considerable movements for the night of Wednesday or Thursday. - At an entertainment yesterday at Rincy, where were the Mayor of Paris and two secret envoys or emissaries from England, the dethronement of Louis XVI. was irrevocably sworn, and the Duke of York proclaimed King of the French. - If the Parisians and National Guards do not redouble their efforts, zeal and vigilance, the conduct of the flagitious will bring upon this immense city, and on its miserable inhabitants, all the floods of justice and vengeance.
The English Ambassador has informed the Diplomatic Committee, that he shall take his departure, without taking leave, the day after the deposing of the King shall be pronounced.
We learn by letters from Valenciennes, that the rumour being made in the garrison that the National Assembly had decreed the deposing of the King, the news excited a great fermentation among the troops of the line - and that a great number of the soldiers were ready to desert to the enemy with their arms and baggage. The department, the municipality, and the chief officers, have retained them only by assuring them that the news of the dethronement was without foundation. There is no doubt that the same disposition will be found in general in all the other armies.
Luxembourg, August 5. The advance guard of the Prussian army has entered this Province - The troops are cantoned at Grevenmacher, Remich, Echternach, &c.
From a Richmond Paper of Oct. 1.
By a letter to his Excellency the Governor, we are authorised to announce to the public, that Col. Harden, with his companion, on a mission to the Indians, respecting a treaty of peace, on delivering their credentials, were immediately made prisoners, and sentenced to be burnt as spies. Col. Harden saw his companion expire, under all the tortures which savage ingenuity could invent; and was himself the next morning after his friend's execution to have experienced the same fate - but, was stolen from his confinement by eight young Wyandot warriors, who safely conducted him to Fort-Washington.
Danbury, Sept. 29.
We learn from Woodbury, (Connecticut) that on the 26th instant, a young man by the name of Perry, was killed by the falling of a tub of sand; he was digging a well, had sunk it about forty feet, the rope parted, and the tub fell upon his head, which deprived him of life, at the age of eighteen years.
FROM A CORRESPONDENT.
A government of laws, and not of the despotism, caprices, passions, or prejudices of men, has been the desire of every friend of liberty since the temple of freedom was erected in the United States. - Nothing else can give that stability to government, which is necessary to render it adequate to the maintenance of the rights of man. When, therefore, the grand jury of Augusta county, at a State court held in Virginia, presented, of their own mere motion, certain persons who had commenced an association against the laws of the union for raising a duty on distilled spirits; - when the traverse jury of Chester county, in Pennsylvania, convicted certain offenders against the same laws of an assault upon the officer, and fined them for the same; - when the hand of just government (the power of a free people) was laid upon similar offenders in Cumberland, and in the western country of South-Carolina, every friend of government and freedom must have felt his peace, liberty, safety, and property secure against the inroads of despotism or anarchy; because they were comfortable proofs that we live under a government of laws. Devoutly is it to be wished, that a fact of a very different complexion had not occurred, in the due noticing of which, the sanctity of the laws, and the dignity of our free government at this moment depend. Persons, who for years have held a share of the legislative power of Pennsylvania, wherein an excise law existed, which imposed a larger duty, and who never took a measure, as legislators, for the repeal of that law, nor for an opposition to its execution, until a similar, though smaller, duty was required by the national government, have begun to associate themselves against the laws of the union.
If there be aught of solemnity or efficacy in the ordaining of the federal constitution by the freemen of these United States, of obligation in the national laws, or of efficiency in the revered hand to whom the people have committed, for a time, the guardianship of their peace and property, the sacred government of laws will be efficiently maintained and vindicated.
It would be the play of children to bring representatives of the people and of the States from every quarter, from Georgia to New-Hampshire, and from the western waters to the Atlantic ocean, to go through the solemn farce of enacting constitutional laws, if they are openly opposed in their execution by a few confined circles of misguided citizens. The whole of the petitioners for a repeal of the excise law, do not amount to the number of the inhabitants of one of our principal borough-towns, or one half of one of the smallest counties.
Where is liberty, if such minorities are to insult the civil authority?
People of America! remember the days of anarchy ye have passed, and oppose your every effort against their return, before it be too late! Gen. Advertiser.
COMMUNICATIONS.
In times of tumult and faction the worst men in society naturally take the lead of parties. - Not being used to govern their passions on other occasions, their vehemence surprises those who are moderate from feebleness of mind, or from temperate reflection. Such turbulent spirits are the fittest to be evoked when the world is to be set on fire. Impatient of all restraints, of those of virtue as well as of government, they are always complaining, always active to foment sedition. Yet when dissensions arise, they make a merit of their zeal, as if their regard to public principles had inspired it. Is the honest part of mankind duped by their pretensions, for in troublous times, such men are certainly brought forward - or do they understand them, and make use of them, as they would of a poker to stir the fire when they would have it burn brighter? We meet with men of blasted characters, some of whom however are not so bad as to make any pretences of private virtue, because if they should the world would laugh in their faces. How often do we hear them holding forth in favor of public virtue! as if in politics they were as much too strait as they are too loose in morals. They abhor speculation - they would guard the laws against the most indirect influence of avarice - and so jealous are they of seeing republican principles impaired they can scarcely endure to hear others pray, thy kingdom come, as it smells of monarchy. - They will not allow their hearers to laugh either at their extravagance or their hypocrisy; they accuse the laughers of being speculators or monarchy men. - But those who have had the edifying opportunities of listening to tavern orators and the holders forth at public corners may be allowed to laugh in their sleeve when they remark the contrast between the practices and the professions of the declaimers. Surely virtue must have made great progress when its very enemies make speeches in its praise.
Happy is that people whose oppressions exist only in theory, who read in the Gazettes that government has seized all, and yet find at their tables nothing wanting. Is there a people who thrive faster, or who enjoy more, and yet is there a government on earth so bad as certain false democrats describe our own? - If Constantinople had newspapers, which it has not, even Turkish tyranny could not be painted in colors better adapted to create abhorrence. Do these men thus paint republican government to make us love it, or hate it?
The friends of liberty, as they modestly call themselves, but who would destroy all that the laws have done for liberty, tell us, that the money of the south and west is sent to pay interest to the middle and eastern creditors. The same writers complain of standing armies and an Indian war. Is not the money of the middle and eastern citizens sent for this purpose southward and westward?
How happens it that the virtuous writers who cant about the schemes and speculation, and corruption, of the federal government, are silent in regard to the projects of the states? Do the tontines, and banks, and canals, and state debts, and accounts, and depreciation, and lands, &c. furnish no facts - or can their jealous virtue play the mouser only at one rat-hole?
Probably the United States are seeing their best days. A growing state is better than the most improved stationary one. Hope now gilds our horizon with a lustre which would fade on possession. Our towns are growing, our farms improving, the settled frontier extending, arts and sciences are making progress - What is there that stands still? Nothing - not even the tongue of ingratitude, which dares to charge heaven with blame for all these blessings.
SAMUEL SMITH, Esq. is elected a Representative in Congress for the State of Maryland, for the District of the Town and County of Baltimore.
Yesterday at about one o'clock the election commenced in this city for members of Congress and the State Assembly - the poll was not closed when this paper went to press.
The Jacobin Club in Paris, in a petition to the National Assembly, which was to be presented in the name of the 48 sections, say: -
"Without enumerating the long list of La Fayette's well-known crimes, that they do declare him infamous and a traitor to his country; that they do allow any soldier or citizen to fall upon him ( de lui courir sus ) and bring him dead or alive to the bar of the National Assembly."
Sir Richard Arkwright died at Cromford, Derbyshire, England, in August last; a statue of this gentleman is to be erected in the centre of a spacious square in Manchester; this will be a tribute to the worth of a man who from the humble situation of a barber, had not only accumulated vast wealth to himself, but been the means of enriching the surrounding country.
It is said the profits of his works for several years amounted to £40,000 annually.
When the first cotton mill was erected by this gentleman at Derby, the manufacturers were impressed with such an idea of its being pregnant with ruin to them, that they rose in a body with a determination to destroy it; and would undoubtedly have done so, had not the military been called in for its protection.
SHIP NEWS.
   ARRIVED AT THE PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.     Ship Adriana, Curwin, Liverpool   Patsey Rutledge, M'Pherson, Ostend   Hannah, Hawkes, Oporto   Friendship, Gould, London   Snow Sukey, Rogers, Hispaniola   Brig Swallow, Cheeseman, Boston   Fair Hebe, Eldridge, Teneriffe   Theodosia, Leake, Bourdeaux   Kitty, Shurtliff, Cape-Francois   Sally, Connell, Port-au-Prince   Peter Augustus, Robson, St. Eustatia   Sch'r Friendship, Art, Charleston   Charming Betsey, Odlin, Fayal   Sloop Two Brothers, Hill, Montserrat   Illinois, Hughes, St. Thomas   Hope, Hussey, Massachusetts   Polly, Caboone, R. Island   Industry, Almy, ditto   Vency, Henly, St. Croix   Industry, Harding, Casco-Bay  
PRICE OF STOCKS.
   6 per Cents, 21/9 Int. off.   3 per Cents, 13/6   Deferred, 13/6   Full shares Bank U. S. 48 per cent. prem.   3/4 shares, 60  
To the Public.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends and the public, for the many favors he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand a few fine toned
FORTE PIANOS,
which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms.
The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons commissioned to vend them - who, for a very trifling compensation, recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of the European Music-Shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pays as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N. B. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS let out by the month or quarter, likewise Musical Instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES,
[4t] No. 67, Walnut, near Third-Street.
JOHN GOULD, HAIR-DRESSER,
INFORMS his friends and the public in general, that he continues to carry on his business as usual, at No. 1, South Third-Street, near Market-Street, and thanks his former customers for the favors he has received.
Said GOULD has for sale, an infallible cure for Weak or Sore Eyes, which on trial, has and will be found to answer the purpose. - He has it in vials from one quarter of a dollar to a dollar. - Any person trying the above, if not found to answer the character given, the money will be returned. [tf]

A further Caution.
ALL persons are hereby cautioned from receiving of Thomas Mackie & Co. or any other person, four Notes of Hand, given by the late James Gardner, of Wilmington, North-Carolina...
THOMAS WRIGHT, ROBERT SCOTT, MAR. R. WILLKINGS, Executors. Wilmington, (N. C.) Aug. 1, 1792. (1amgm)
Strayed or Stolen,
FROM the subscriber, on the night of the 18th instant, from the inclosure of JOHN CLARK, of Trenton Township, Hunterdon county, New-Jersey, a Chestnut Sorrel MARE, about nine years old...
NEW-BRUNSWICK Church Lottery.
THE peculiar circumstances of a gentleman who had undertaken to dispose of a proportion of the tickets in the New-Brunswick Church Lottery, having, in his opinion, rendered it inconvenient for him further to proceed in the sale thereof...
100 Dollars Reward.
LOST on Cambridge Common, Massachusetts, on the afternoon of the 18th ult. a Morocco POCKET-BOOK, with a steel clasp, containing a number of valuable papers, among which were the following PUBLIC SECURITIES, viz.
The Subscriber hereby offers a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who has found the same, and will return them to him, or leave them with the Printer hereof, and no questions will be asked.
ABRAHAM FOSTER. Salem, Massachusetts, August 1, 1792. (eptf)
Stock Brokers Office,
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE AND SALE OF STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker.
LEONARD BLEECKER. May 2. (t.f.)
Universal Hymn Book.
To be Sold by THOMAS DOBSON, and other Booksellers in Philadelphia. A Collection of PSALMS, HYMNS, and SPIRITUAL SONGS; selected from different Authors, and published by Order of the Convention holding the Doctrine of the Salvation of all Men...
The SUBSCRIBERS to the
Universal Tontine
Are informed, that a general meeting is to be held at the State-House in this city, on Saturday the 3d day of November next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. agreeably to the sixth article of their association.
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at No. 19, Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
BOOKS,
PRINTED AND SOLD BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, seventeen dollars and three fifths. 2. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children. 3. Duncan's Elements of Logic--75 cents. 4. Beauties of Fielding--50 cents. 5. Beauties of Blair--50 cents. 6. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennington's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies, Price 6/6. 7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter. 8. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen--Price three-fourths of a dollar. 9. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar. 10. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars. 11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions.--Price four-fifths of a dollar. 12. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce--Price, on very fine paper, 5/8ths of a dollar. 13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar. 14. M'Fingal. Price three-eighths of a dollar. 15. American Jest Book. Price three-fifths of a dollar. 16. Garden of the Soul. Price half a dollar. 17. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto--Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2--plain, six dollars. 18. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum--Price a quarter dollar. 19. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar. 20. Christian Economy. Price a fifth of a dollar. 21. History of Charles Grandison, abridged--Price a sixth of a dollar. 22. Poems by Col. Humphreys--Price a third of a dollar. 23. Select Poems, chiefly American--Price a sixth of a dollar.
Said CAREY has for sale, a large assortment of Books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again.
BOWEN'S EXHIBITION OF
Wax-Work & Paintings,
AT the House lately occupied by Mrs. PINE, in Eighth-street, is now ready for the entertainment of the Public. Among a great variety of Paintings, are a number of ITALIAN & FRENCH PIECES, which are new and very pleasing.
Also, a large collection of NEW WAX FIGURES. The Exhibition is open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning, until nine in the evening. Admittance HALF A DOLLAR for Ladies and Gentlemen, and half price for Children. Tickets for the season, (not transferable) Two Dollars.
For Sale, at the Exhibition Rooms, LIKENESSES of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, in Wax, And a variety of Elegant PRINTS in Frames Sept. 21. (eptf)
The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.
TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA.
JUNE 28, 1792. PURSUANT to the last Will and Testament of the late REV. ALEXANDER WILLIAMSON, deceased, will be exposed to Public Sale on Thursday, the 11th of October next, at GEORGETOWN, on a credit of three years, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to bear interest from the date--That valuable Seat of Land, in Montgomery county, called HAYES; the late dwelling plantation of the deceased, containing between six and seven hundred acres, the greatest part of which is rich, heavy timbered land, extremely well watered, and capable of affording a very considerable quantity of fine meadow;--Situated about 6 miles from the Federal City, and the same distance from George-Town, in a genteel neighbourhood, and a remarkable healthy part of the country.
The improvements are, a very elegant two story Brick Dwelling House, (with four rooms and a passage, or entry, on a floor) and the necessary out-houses. HENRY TOWNSEND, BENJ. STODDERT, THOMAS JOHNS, Executors. (eptO)
TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA.
JULY 6, 1792. THE Subscriber offers for Sale, a Mill-Seat on Rock Creek, deemed by those who have examined it, equal to any in the United States. The Mill-House may be placed within one quarter of a mile of the river Potomac, half a mile from the market house in Georgetown, and one mile from the President's square, in the city of Washington--on tide water, navigable for vessels of several hundred bushels burthen.--The stream is sufficient, the year round, to turn four pair of stones, and the fall may be made from 25 to 30 feet. It is unnecessary to dwell on the advantages of such a situation.
The purchaser may be accommodated with a few hundred acres of land adjoining the Mill-Seat, if that should be an object. (epgm 14 Jul) B. STODDERT.
Treasury Department,
AUGUST 20th, 1792.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 13th day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1793, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, and the Port of West-Point, in the State of New-York.
The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a Jill of rum, brandy or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles. per 100 rations.
The proposals may be made for both of the above-mentioned Posts, or separately, for Springfield and West-Point.
War Department,
AUGUST 6, 1792.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are intitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March 1792, and which will become due on the 5th day of September 1792, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the States respectively, under the usual regulations, viz. Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled. 2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form:
A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of _____ in the state of _____ and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served _____ (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the _____ and county of _____ and has resided there for the last _____ years, previous to which he resided in _____
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:
I, A. B. of _____ county of _____ state of _____ do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of _____ my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of _____ my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and ending the fifth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two. Signed and sealed in the presence of _____
Witnesses. Acknowledged before me, Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim. By command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers, for the space of two months.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR, AN ALPHABETICAL LIST of the Duties payable on all Goods, Wares and Merchandise imported into the United States; exhibiting the Rates payable on those imported in Ships or Vessels of the United States, and in Foreign Ships or Vessels; including the additional Duties to which the respective Articles are liable.
ALSO, A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold--graduated according to Law--Blank Manifests--And Blanks for the various Powers of Attorney necessary in transacting Business at the Treasury or at the Bank of the United States.
THE Editor of this Gazette earnestly requests all those of his Subscribers, whose accounts are of one, two or three years standing, to discharge them as soon as possible.
All persons empowered to collect monies for the paper, to whom payments have been made, would greatly oblige him by transmitting the sums received, and the names of the Subscribers who have paid.
While every grateful acknowledgment is due to those, whose punctuality has enabled the Editor thus far to continue the publication--he is obliged to observe, that so great is the expence attending its prosecution, and so large the amount of arrearages, that unless a considerable part of that amount is speedily realized, it will be impossible for him to continue the Gazette with any reference to a distant and extensive circulation. September 29, 1792.
Grand Family Bible.
PROPOSALS FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An ELEGANT EDITION of the SACRED SCRIPTURES Of the OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS, with the APOCRYPHA, On a very large and beautiful new Type, and superfine Paper.
THE great importance of the Holy Scriptures, interesting to every individual; the divine excellence of its doctrines and precepts, and the beauty and sublimity of its passages, have so long made it a capital object of attention, as to preclude occasion or opportunity for eulogium.
The piety or enterprize of individuals has presented this invaluable book to the public in a variety of forms; in some editions it has been highly embellished with superb engravings, which have greatly enhanced its price; in others it has been accompanied with voluminous commentaries, which necessarily increased the size; while a variety of plain cheap copies have generally diffused the knowledge of the Scripture, and made the purchase easy to every class.
Without wishing in the smallest degree to lessen the merits of the various editions, whether plain or ornamented, which the public are already in possession of, it is pertinent to remark, that very many readers of taste and judgment have expressed a wish for a Family Bible unencumbered with additions. There still appears room for another edition on a beautiful new type, superior in size and elegance to any bible that has yet been printed in the English language, and which, leaving the adventitious circumstances of ornament or comment, may exhibit the Oracles of God in their native simplicity.
SPECIMEN OF THE TYPE.
3 ¶ And God said, Let there be light: and there was light.
With respectful submission to the judgment and candour of the public, the following proposals are offered:
I. The work shall be printed with the greatest fidelity and attention to correctness both in the text and marginal references, on a superfine Paper made on purpose, with an elegant new Type cast for the work of the size of the above Specimen. II. The work will be comprised in twenty numbers, making two elegant volumes in Folio; to be furnished to Subscribers at one dollar each number. To prevent any complaints of want of punctuality, no part of the work will be delivered unless paid for. III. The first number, containing sixty folio pages, elegantly printed, will be furnished on the first Saturday of July next, when Subscribers are to pay the price of the first and second numbers, and the price of one number to be always in advance till the work is completed. The subsequent numbers to be published regularly on the first Saturday of each succeeding month, till the whole is finished.
Subscriptions will be received in Philadelphia by the Publishers, THOMAS DOBSON, No. 41, South-Second-street, and JOHN PARKER, No. 259, North-Second-street; and by all the Booksellers: in Charleston, by William P. Young; Richmond, by Archibald Currie; Baltimore, by James Rice; Wilmington, by Peter Brynberg; New-York, by Thomas Allen; New-Haven, by Isaac Beers; Providence, (R. I.) by William Wilkinson; Salem, by Thomas Cushing; Boston, by David West, Benjamin Guild, and Thomas & Andrews.
George-Town.
A Number of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in City of WASHINGTON, will be offered for sale by the Commissioners, on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid.
JOHN M'GANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners. June 2, 1792. [eptf]
PLANS
OF THE City of Washington, Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
WANTED--TO RENT,
From the last of October next, A convenient House, in or near the centre of the City.--Enquire of the Editor.
The INDEX and TITLE-PAGE for the Third Volume of this GAZETTE, are now ready to be delivered to those who intend to bind that Volume.
The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum--One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.