Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-12-09 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXIX.]
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LXIX.
“Experience is of greater use, in procuring good laws, than genius.”
AS no human affairs require more knowledge than the art of governing, it is not to be wondered at, that so few able legislators have existed in any age or country. The most useful attainments in the science of government must be founded on fact and observation. This constitutes the difficulty of the task. No man, who does not possess good talents, can gain wisdom by experience; and many men, whose talents are eminent, feel a pride of genius that makes them disdain to watch experiments. It therefore happens that those people, who have not the sagacity to make just observations for themselves, are slaves to imitation, and are perpetually liable to err in their application of borrowed rules and precedents: While those, on the other hand, who depend on the light of genius to direct their operations, are seduced into wild, impracticable measures. Thus it appears that there are two sources of illusion and mistake, into which most men plunge, when entering a career of political life.
One of them consists, in originating schemes, or conceiving theories, not warranted by experience; and the other, in being swayed by too complying a temper of imitation. No man should implicitly imitate another in his conduct; because, every man is often actuated by motives, which others do not feel; and attended by circumstances, which others do not observe. Nor should any man be totally inattentive to the conduct of others; because there are many common points, in which all men should think and act alike; and in which, the experience of one man may be profitable to all other men. To determine in what cases imitation is proper, requires a discernment which few men possess. Experience is the only safe criterion by which to try opinions or actions. Abstract reasoning may be useful, but it often produces conclusions which experiment will not authorize. Though it must be confessed, that every person should be governed by some fixed principles, and act in a great degree under the control of some system; yet those principles, and this system, must be the effect of experience, rather than theory or imitation. Men of a bold, aspiring genius, form their systems too soon and too rashly; and servile imitators never form any systems at all. But a person, who has capacity enough to derive profit from his experience, will in good season form his rules of conduct; and he can also determine when circumstances require an alteration.
From these slight sketches, it is evident that the formation of a good government is a slow, progressive work. Theoretic men may build systems of their own; men fond of imitation may look abroad for instruction, and perhaps neither can, in the first instance, hit the true points of legislative wisdom. The wisest laws and regulations are generally owing to an experiment resulting from the operation of those ordinances, that were originally framed with faults and defects. The people of the United States have gone through the first stages of their difficulties. They have committed many errors, which have proved a valuable source of experience. But we should not yet suppose ourselves perfect in the art of government. Many important objects of legislation are yet untried and unexplored. In some of these, we may readily adopt proper expedients; but we must depend on a course of experience to carry us forward to perfection. In this view of the subject, it will occur to every reflecting mind, that candor and patience should be cultivated among our citizens; and that our rulers should contemplate, that they stand on new and critical ground. Their most illustrious talents; their most persevering industry; their most acute and attentive observation will not be more than competent to the task they have to accomplish. If in this arduous situation, they have to contend with any great degree of clamor and impatience among their constituents, they will find an additional difficulty in surmounting the obstacles, that inevitably attend legislating over so vast and various a people.
A gentleman having favored us with a Charleston Paper of Nov. 12, it is with great pleasure that we present our readers with the following excellent, patriotic, and truly federal Address:
The Hon. Judge GRIMKE's CHARGE to the GRAND JURY, October Sessions, 1789.
GENTLEMEN, THE grand inquest of this district has been of late years so unaccustomed to receive any charge from the magistrate presiding in this court, that were I to pratermit the ceremony or duty of addressing you, it could not be considered as an innovation introduced in the present term.
The chief reason which renders a charge to a grand jury necessary or requisite is, that they may be more fully instructed in the duties of their office, and be familiarized with the method of proceeding to execute those duties; that they may not only be enabled conscientiously, as well as legally, to form a just opinion of the nature of the crimes with which offenders shall be charged, but also of the legality of evidence which may be produced before them: In fine that they may have every opportunity of doing justice to their country and fellow citizens, by having explained to them how they may bring the guilty to condign punishment, and discharge the innocent from the apprehensions of a public trial. Hence the result of such information would be, a legal verdict. But as the practice of these principles and this process are so frequently submitted to a jury of this district, this part of the duty of the judges in the court of general sessions becomes in some degree less urgent and necessary, than in the more distant tribunals; the common and reciprocal intercourse of mankind with each other, furnishes them with more ample and frequent means of obtaining information; teaches them to weigh with caution and candor subjects submitted to their discussion, and leads them involuntarily through apparent intricacies and subtle refinements, to decisions formed on the basis of truth, justice and impartiality. Such is the situation of the inhabitants of this district; and surely it is an advantage which they will ever continue jealous of maintaining, whilst the flame of liberty burns with unremitting purity, and with its lately acquired vigor and brilliancy. For as
knowledge is the distinguishing criterion between man and the subservient brute creation, so is freedom the genuine characteristic of that part of mankind, who from their superior intelligence and more active and daring spirit have not feared the resentment of tyrants, but risking their wealth and their lives have intrepidly encountered a thousand difficulties to obtain the object of their admiration. In this partial view of mankind, the mind is pleased with its reflections, and the heart animated by its sensations. But when we consider but for a moment, how few nations are possessed of this idol, how our feelings changing, recoil upon us, and how our sympathy and joy alternately excite commiseration and grateful sentiments. For what earthly transport can exceed the state of an independent freeman—what sublunary misery equal to the wretched existence of the slave.
But let us hope that as we have been recompensed by the almighty decrees of Heaven in refusing us from our tyrants, that the example of our success will lead other nations to imitate so glorious an enterprise, to assert their just rights as men, and to unfetter themselves from the bondage with which they have been so long oppressed. Nevertheless in the height of our zeal for the rights of mankind, and amidst our sincerest wishes for the general consummation of their welfare and happiness, we must not forget the tribute so justly due for our deliverance, or neglect the improvement of our own affairs. WHENEVER THE HAND OF OMNIPOTENCE SHALL DEIGN TO POINT OUT A WASHINGTON AMONG THEIR NATIONS, THE DIVINITY WILL NOT PROVE UNFAVORABLE TO THEIR PRAYERS OR TO HIS EXERTIONS.
Let our hearts then, in the first place, never cease to direct our thanksgivings to the throne of that Grace which has illustrated our nation by such unexampled beneficence; and let the grateful acknowledgments of our just remembrance of past services perpetuate the unblemished honors of our chosen hero. The confidence of the people of America, instead of the jealousy and distrust incident to the various European forms of government; and truth instead of that flattery, shall weave a wreath of heartfelt satisfaction for him; and gratitude instead of the boasted loyalty of the subjects of princes, and their blind submission to the will of a superior, shall erect in the hearts of the citizens of the United States, the most honorable monument that ever graced the memory of man. This eulogium of our great and good commander, has been long impressed upon our minds; and time but serves to encrease our admiration of his excellent qualities, and to supply us with additional motives of gratitude for his disinterested and patriotic conduct.
Our next care, gentlemen of the grand jury, will be to watch the motions of our internal enemies, to anticipate their various intrigues, and to disappoint those secret combinations, into which they may have entered. It may perhaps, be matter of curious enquiry, though of unsatisfactory inference, to consider the motives of many of the objectors to the new constitution; but this would lead me into a discussion too prolix for the present moment. I will content myself, therefore, with barely enumerating a few of these causes.
Some men feared the losing of that influence, they had assumed and established to themselves, under the weak and divided governments of the several States; some again apprehended that they would be deprived of the benefits and emoluments of certain lucrative offices, which they held under the respective legislatures of their country; the appointments of which were to be resigned into the hands of the President of the Union: A wish, perhaps, to involve this country in some destructive revolution, might influence others; for to men of no property, or to those who are so embarrassed in their circumstances, as to hope for no relief from their own labor, or the arts of peace, or who are tormented with a discontented factious heart, rebellion and confusion would yield a rich harvest: For the honor of the human race, I hope, there are but few, if any such among us; but such have been found in other nations, and we must not flatter ourselves that mankind are more perfect in our time, than they have been heretofore: An obstinate supercilious self-sufficiency, (the result of the want of proper information and candid enquiry) and a capricious ostentatious vanity of not thinking like other people, will have its weight and influence with weak minds.—Popularity also has encreased its votaries, and afforded men one more opportunity of declaiming on the danger in which the liberty of the citizen is likely to be involved, and of exhibiting their attachment to this ideal idolatry:—Nor has jealousy, which rankles in the hearts of others, had less effect in
diffusing this poison; for it is observable throughout the whole of the United States, a majority of the leaders of the opposition of our newly adopted government, are not natives of our soil; hence this pernicious quality of the mind displays itself more widely in America; for doubtless there are many among us, who being mere adventurers, and meaning to return to their native country, cannot brook that a rival nation should be possessed of advantages superior to their own: but, gentlemen, there is another sort of jealousy that agitates the soul of others; I speak of that mean invidious quality, which, sensible of its own demerits and want of worth, endeavors to establish itself a character by calumniating the conduct of others, and by finding fault with what it was not consulted to frame: we must also expect to find emissaries amongst us, who will seek to obtain a temporary favor of the people, and who by courting and adulating—their weaknesses, will ensue to themselves frequent opportunities of sowing discontent and sedition among our inhabitants. There is, gentlemen, one rank of persons unfriendly to the present views of America, who deserve our real esteem tho' we are adversaries in opinion. I mean those well intentioned ingenious citizens, who are actuated by the purest motives—the real love of their country, and its freedom. Just escaped from the galling manacles of one tyrant, they are, perhaps, too overweeningly zealous in their opposition. But the best of men will differ with the chastest intentions. Let us therefore do justice to their passionate ardor in the cause of liberty—and discriminate the licentious intemperance of a party, from the jealous integrity of a true republican. For if men have never been able to agree upon the great and solemn truths revealed to us in the Christian dispensation, what flattering hope can we foster in our bosoms, that we should be all reconciled in one political problem. Vain hope! Whilst men are possessed of different views of interest—on ambitious aggrandizement, are actuated by other principles than those of honor or philanthropy—and are encumbered with the frailness of humanity, it would be foreign to, and inconsistent with our natures, to expect a concurrence of sentiment. But as the noblest religion ever professed in this world by mankind, has thriven, and established itself under the intolerant spirit of its opponents, let us hope that the work (which future ages, I doubt not, will honor as the master-piece of political wisdom) shall thrive also under the auspices and moderation of its present champions, and the persecution of its enemies. The learned and ingenious author of the Federalist, gentlemen, justly observes:— “That a dangerous ambition oftener lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people, than under the forbidding appearance of enthusiasm for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism, than the latter—and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career, by paying an obsequious court to the people—commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants.”—Since, therefore, there are so many evil and mischievous principles meditating against us, and but one which is truly honorable, how much ought we to be upon our guard to disappoint or resist a secret adversary. It is said, that a settled train of correspondence was very early established in this business, and that it still continues to flow uninterruptedly from its impure source. When such means are adopted, where shall we find wisdom enough to detect, and prudence sufficient to defend us from its evil machinations. Let us, however exert ourselves, trusting that Providence never will abandon those, whom it has been pleased to divert from the crooked paths of speculation, private dishonor, and national infamy, into the high road leading to dignity, virtue, and honor; and that this will be the consequence of our having happily adopted the Constitution, and of our continuing to persevere (I hope successfully) to maintain it unsoiled and unimpaired, against the struggle of our opponents, I could easily demonstrate to you. This will probably be the subject of another charge, and at a future day. For the present I will quit this topic, which is so truly dear and interesting to us all—I mean the welfare of our country—and apologizing for having withdrawn so much of your time from the particular official duties of the station you now appear in, I will proceed briefly to lay before you some of the more general principles which must guide your present decisions.
[Having pointed out as usual the common duties of the grand jury, he proceeded as follows.]
At the same time that you are empowered to examine witnesses against the prisoner, and none

for him, I must inculcate upon you the propriety, and necessity of your listening to no other sort of evidence than that which is delivered to you by persons in your presence. Hard indeed is the method of trial before your tribunal, disgusting in some measure to your minds and contrary to the rules of law in other courts; where no decision is made, no verdict formed, until the testimony of both parties has been submitted to those sitting in judgement. But if you were to attend to written evidence, it would be placing those criminated, in a situation infinitely more harsh, and would favor of a kind of persecution unknown to the free-men of this country: for no man shall be charged, or convicted of having committed any crime or offence, without having those who accuse him brought face to face. The substitution therefore of written evidence instead of personal testimony, would be an innovation of dangerous tendency, and might be made the legal tool of oppression to the citizen when it can be in no wise justified by policy or necessity. Should a man be found guilty before you of any offence whatever, upon this kind of testimony, you brand him with a stigma, which perhaps he may never have an opportunity of wiping off. For should not his accusers appear before the petit jury at his trial, there is no method of acquittal for him from the charge, which our law points out. True it is the court will discharge him; but how will he come forth to his fellow-citizens? Marked as a base flagitious character; and as one who only escaped the punishment he justly merited for his crimes, by the negligence or perhaps misfortune of his accuser. I mention this, gentlemen, to you, because it is proper you should be well informed upon a point so favorable to an impartial trial; and it is with the more confidence that I have dwelt so long on this idea, because the judges of the court are unanimously of the opinion I have now given you. Perhaps it would be sufficient that I should add no other reason than what I have already submitted to your consideration. But it is also a maxim adopted by one of the best authors who has written on the criminal law, that a prisoner has a right to challenge a grand juror. This, it is true, has not been recognized by the practice of this court, but I confess I should feel inclined, if a prisoner should object to one of you, to uphold the objection, and support the prisoner's right to challenge: More innovations have crept into the proceedings of your body than this alone; for formerly the evidence for the prisoner, as well as against him, used to be heard by you. But this has been discontinued, and the benefit of it, I fear, irretrievably lost to the unfortunate prisoners. Precedents increase precedents; and innovations multiply innovations. The rule of law, gentlemen, in this case is very clear, and has long been understood by professional men in the manner I have now explained it to you.
Let us not then permit a doctrine of so alarming a nature, as that of written evidence, to be adopted by us in our criminal courts. If, therefore, there should be any written documents, of the guilt of those who are to be tried, amongst the papers and indictments delivered to you, you will repudiate them as useless and disgraceful to your tribunal, unless the court should authorise you to proceed thereon. For although it is laid down in some very good authorities, that written evidence may be read in case of the death of a witness, I doubt whether it would be suffered to be done in a criminal cause, affecting the life, or even the character, of a fellow creature. There is, gentlemen, one act of the Assembly of this State, entitled, "An act for the better ordering and governing of negroes and other slaves," passed the 10th day of May, 1740, which is especially directed to be given you in charge: and although the reasons may not exist at present, which made it necessary at that time, yet, in obedience to the law of my country I must remind you of it. I hope, therefore, that you will give it an attentive perusal, and if there should appear to you any defects in the policy of it; or that the law is too harsh and severe upon that unfortunate race of mankind, that you will soften off its rigorous effects; and that you will shew to the world, that having obtained your own liberty, you well know how to prize it, and that you are truly sensible how dear it is to mankind, by extending to the coloured people in our State as much indulgence as their unhappy subordinate situation will admit of.
[The recent and very important Commotions in France appear to arrest the attention of all ranks of citizens: We have given French and English accounts of these transactions: The detail in our last Saturday's paper, republished in the Daily Gazette of Monday, originally appeared in the London Oracle: The author very pointedly alludes to Mons. Calonne, now an exile in England, as a prime agent in the late attempt to defeat the views of the National Assembly. The following account has not yet appeared in the papers of this city, and tho' in substance similar to those already published, contains some new articles of information:]
PARISIAN INTELLIGENCE.
PARIS, Oct. 6.
ON Monday morning the general alarm of the people as to the intentions of the Court, and a scarcity of bread, brought on a gradual insurrection in every quarter of Paris. The women
particularly, flocking in the most riotous manner to the place de Louis XIV—they were armed with stronger weapons than they could wield, and as they advanced, pressed every woman they met with in to their service.
The Marquis de la Fayette and Mons. Baillie, the Mayor, spent the morning in a sort of distraction, as to the measures they should pursue. The troops determined for them, and particularly the Gardes Francaises, who insisted on the Marquis heading them to Versailles, or taking the alternative of the lanterns. A sufficient guard was then ordered for the defence of the city—the rest of the troops, about 20,000—about 10,000 of the armed Bourgeois, who had before offered to be a part of the militia, and as many of the dreadful mob of July as could join them, armed with pitch-forks, scythes, hooks, and iron in all shapes, on clubs of all sizes, intermixed with women, who appeared more savage than the men, in all, amounting from 40,000 to 60,000 people, marched off in exact order, with drums and colours, for Versailles, where they arrived about half past nine at night. But the women, who had assembled in the morning, had reached Versailles many hours before them, and assisted by some of the Versailles inhabitants, had stormed the Palace Gates, called for bread, and insisted on the Life Guards taking the National Cockade.
The whole Royal Family began to be alarmed for their personal safety. The Life Guard fired on the women, who became furious, and, assisted as they were, victorious. Five young Noblemen were immediately sacrificed to their vengeance—one run thro the body—one hung—a third cut to pieces—and two beheaded. The Marquis de la Fayette came in time to save the lives of about twenty others.
Tuesday morning many of the mob returned from Versailles. The heads of the two officers of the Gardes du Corps were borne on pikes through the streets of Paris; and couriers, who had taken the first horses they could find, announced the approach of the whole Royal Family. The troops that preceded them, began to enter Paris about two o'clock, and the line was so extended with women and club-men, that it was half past seven when their Majesties arrived at the Hotel de Ville. What passed there has not transpired: They slept in the apartments at the Thuilleries, and are to remain there.
The Flemish regiment was divided among the troops, about twenty of the Gardes du Corps, the King's household, &c.
About ten at night, proclamations appeared to assure the people, that his Majesty had received the parisians with great kindness; that the Gardes du Corps had taken the oath of fidelity—had agreed to serve as the other officers, and to be assisted by other officers in their attendance on the Court; and that his Majesty had signed the articles of the Constitution.
The greater part of the Gardes du Corps have fled.—Several women were wounded and one killed.
OCT. 7. The transactions of the last two days in the capital are so important, and have followed each other so rapidly, that it is difficult for any one on the spot to consider them as he would wish to do, or to apprehend the extent of the good or bad consequences they may bring after them. Immediate causes, the influence of individuals in the capital, or of the machinations of the Court, all seem inapplicable and inadequate, when compared with the magnitude of what has happened: It requires a great knowledge of the French character, and of the human heart; a reference must be made to a long system of slavery and of cruel police suddenly removed; a knowledge must be had of what miserable beings millions of men in this country are, and of what all men may be, in order to account for the manner in which great points are secured in the country, to feel the necessity of their being secured, or at all reconciled to the means made use of. The Parisians will be long before they recover from their surprise at the sudden rising of many thousand women, who have at one time absolutely wanted bread, assembling as by instinct from the remotest corners of the city—taking possession of the residence of Majesty—conquering the Body Guard, and committing acts of mad barbarity on those who compose it, forcing themselves into the Assembly of the nation, joining themselves into the no, to the deliberations of its members; disputing at the very chair, and personally with the Chairman, (the Bishop de Langres, who was the temporary President) on the means of reducing the price of bread and salt, and of filling the Paris market; at seeing these women followed by an army of 30,000 troops, and 10,000 wretched vicious ruffians, who long tired of their existence, full of resentment against something, and eager to employ it against any thing, were desirous of distinguishing themselves, by butchering the Court; at beholding the most cruel and ghastly of this mob, bringing the heads of men in the prime of youth and beauty, who censurable as they might have been, as part of the most impious, cruel, insolent corps in the nation, were perhaps entitled to indulgence from the manner in which they had been brought up, and as be-
ing the sworn defenders of his Majesty's person at seeing his Majesty and all the Royal Family, on the notice of a few hours, leaving their common mansion, and coming to a place in which they never yet slept—in knowing that amidst all the confusion, his Majesty signed the articles of the Constitution, that the National Assembly determined on removing to Paris, and that the whole began and ended in thirty-six hours.
The detail of any of these facts, will perhaps never be seen in its full extent. The approach of the Royal Family to the capital, may be said to be the most engaging, the most varied, the grandest, and the one that afforded the most reflection, that excited the tenderest sentiments, that struck most forcibly the imagination, and that most forcibly shocked it by as odd a conjunction of pleasing and disgusting objects, of Majesty in fetters, of sober and becoming liberty, and of indecent riot, as ever were brought together. The points of many bayonets bore loaves of bread, and almost every musket a branch of victory. The club-men in bodies between the troops carried whole limbs of trees, and in general had thrown away their clubs and poles for them; Never did Birmam Wood come better to Dunstane. The women mixed with all, covered with ribbands and flowers—heading the different companies, and riding on the cannon. His Majesty's Swiss forming a double line on each side the road, left a clear space between them; the Royal Family were guarded by mixed troops, seven a breast on each side of the carriage, the rabble were entirely kept off, the King and Queen appeared in good spirits, and the cry Vive la Reine sometimes was heard with those of the cry of Vive le Roi, Vive la Nation! The Thuilleries palace has been surrounded the whole day, their Majesties shewed themselves often at the windows, and never without repeated plaudits from the people.
LETTER from M. de la Ville Roux, to the Citizens of l'Orient, dated Paris, Oct. 12, 1789.
GENTLEMEN,
BY the postscript of my last letter, I informed you of the invitation the King had given to the National Assembly of naming commissioners to choose a proper place for them to continue their proceedings in. Our commissioners seem by their report to have fixed on the Menage des Thuilleries.
Our removal to Paris, which was voted on Friday evening, appears to be an establishment, dangerous to the personal safety of the members; and some members have demanded in speaking of injuries they have personally suffered, that the National Assembly should renew their debates on the sacredness of the persons of the Assembly—That libels, incendiary writings and mobs, should be proscribed. These members insisted that this motion should be considered previous to the proceedings on the order of the day, notwithstanding which it was postponed to the evening; and the Bishop d'Autun, having obtained liberty to speak, proposed his motion, which he had previously announced, on the finances. It was heard with attention, and highly applauded. This plan of finance proposes to seize upon the goods of the clergy, whose revenues amount to 150,000,000 livres; and that the National Assembly should take their debts upon itself. That they should allow 100,000,000 livres annually to the ecclesiastics; and to the curates 1200 livres a year, payable quarterly in advance, besides a maintenance. This appropriation to have preference to every other, and to be augmented every ten years, if necessary, according to the price of bread. In a few years the people, benefited by the motion will see, that the deficit will disappear.—That great part of the rents and annuities will be extinguished. The charges of the judicature and finance will be reimbursed.—That the tithes, which will be converted into cash, will be abolished, to the benefit of landholders.—That the remains of the salt tax will be totally abolished.—That there will remain, without that part of the annuities which will not be abolished, a revenue of 35,000,000 livres, to be appropriated to a sinking fund: From which it results, that before many years France will not have occasion to raise more than 350 or 400,000,000 livres, per annum. A bishop only could have struck this mighty stroke.
It has been decided, that there was no occasion to discuss the motion on the subject of the sacredness of the persons of the National Assembly. This wise conduct has been justified by the address which the city of Paris have sent by their deputies, by which in manifesting to the Assembly the joy which the resolution of the Assembly to continue its sittings at Paris has occasioned, it assures them of protection, respect and personal safety.
PARIS, October 15.
THE KING'S PROCLAMATION.
THE King has issued a proclamation, setting forth, that lest the faithful inhabitants of his provinces should hear with concern the circumstances that have induced him to take up his residence at Paris, he had thought it his duty to make known to them, that being informed of the march of the national militia from Paris, and their desiring to obtain the honor of offering as his guard, it would have been easy for him to go to any other place than Paris; but fearing that such a resolution might be the cause of much trouble, and confiding

PROLOGUE,
Spoken by Mr. WIGNELL, on Mrs. MORRIS's Night, before a Comick Sketch, called The World as it goes ; or The Picture Exhibition —delivered by Mr. WIGNELL, soon after the burning of Mr. D's balloon.
THAT all the world's a stage, sweet SHAKESPEARE sung, And by that thought, full many a sweet tale hung, Of war, and death, and love: The simple maid, By man's false lures, to ruin's gulph betray'd; Of kings and queens, and crowns, and witty fools, All nature's book display'd, uncheck'd by rules, Those genius-damping shackles, forg'd in Grecian schools. With mind unbounded, and with eagle eye, Ev'n hidden things the favor'd Bard could spy; Trace the nice windings of the human heart, And search the seal'd-up secrets, of each part, Then fly beyond the bourne of mortal ken, And study sprites, when he'd exhausted men.
This simile I trust, will change full soon, And worldly acts, be each—like a balloon; Some fill, some fail, some rise, and others fall, Some, soaring high, forget this dirty ball, Till bursting in a blaze, they lose life, schemes and all.
Others again will bustle, stir, and puff, To scrape together aerostatic stuff, Perhaps in luck, they fill the great machine, Should some curst chance or other intervene, While panting thousands, gape, and gaze, and choak, The bubble bursts, and all is lost in smoke.
Once, this blest land, not many years ago, Rais'd a Balloon, a grand and gallant show, Which nations gaz'd at, as all nations know; 'Twas form'd of privileges, rights and law, And fill'd with patriotism instead of gas; The wondrous fabric rose, majestic! high! And spite of brittish ballast, reach'd the sky; There proudly hangs aloft—a shining frame, From which e'en Europe takes the gen'rous flame, Shakes off her shackles, greatly dares be free, Raise a Balloon, like us beyond the sea, Fill it with all that's good, and call it LIBERTY.
This night a small Balloon invites your eyes; I can't pretend to say that it will rise; I'll do the best I can to make it go; But then it's charg'd with wit, and that's oft false you know: Howe'er the wits which we shall use to night, Are rarified, and fit for merry flight, STEVENS, PILON, and FOOTZ that wagging wight. I go for ballast, and I freely own, I fear I'm weight enough to keep it down; Howe'er I go, cheer'd by this pleasing thought, (All other aids I value not a groat) Tis your applause keeps my Balloon afloat.
[Going—Returns.]
But stop.—Egad a mighty pretty joke, I had forgot the main I was t'have spoke. From her I come, whose humble wish to please, Has oft been here repaid: While now she fees This brilliant show collected here again, Her grateful feelings render language vain; Her thanks she promises by acts to show, And [bell rings]—Coming Mr. Prompter—I must go, For our Balloon is full, and I go up you know.
NEW-YORK.
Our accounts from France are inveloped in uncertainty. Though there is no doubt of a decided majority of the people in favor of the National Assembly, yet it is evident that a great spirit of fermentation is in existence among them.—Fraud, ambition and wealth, have too often proved equal to defeating the best devised plans in favor of liberty and justice. Neither too much, nor too little, should be the motto of patriotism: This will point out the golden moment of making sure the glory, prosperity, and happiness of a country. Danger to the liberties of the people, in all revolutions, arises from the natural pride of the human heart. It has too often occurred, to escape the notice of the most cursory observer, that violent partizans are generally impatient of controul: This is the first symptom of a despotic temper, and commonly appears after a series of wheedling arts, have imposed on the judgements of the people, and insured an ascendancy in their confidence. By degrees, the weight of party is ascertained, and from that moment the voice of reason, prudence and common sense are despised, and every demand is made with an arbitrary tone; justice, honor, and personal rights are sacrificed for the good of the people, pretendedly; but, in reality, the establishment of power in the hands of a majority, who are moulded, controuled and directed by a demagogue, is the prime object. It is too much the case that in contemplating the rights of mankind at large, those of individuals are often considered as grievances—hence those who are distinguished by pre-eminence, are viewed with a jealous and envious eye: In all revolutions, attention to certain distinctions, appears to be a desideratum in politics.
THE GUEST. No. III.
"The Mole, that has no window for the sun, Finds yet a light that leads to genial love."
A GREAT part of mankind are held in bondage to one absurd custom or another—but perhaps a more ridiculous and mischievous deviation from the laws of nature and reason, never obtained, than the celibacy of the Clergy. This is a trite subject of declamation; but all that has been written, or could be urged against it, would have proved ineffectual, had not the rays of political knowledge recently opened the eyes of mankind to their true interest. There is now a fair prospect that this intolerable yoke will be taken off the Clergy of the Roman Catholic Church; and the door of honorable love, and connubial joys, be opened to them in common with their fellow men. "Marriage is honorable in all:" It is an institution wise, politic, and benevolent in itself—and leads to all the tender charities that knit the family of mankind in the happiest unities of love, concord, and peace.
When I behold a well regulated, happy family, the object inspires the most pleasing temptations and reflections: I cast my thoughts back to the period when the parents of a lovely progeny first commenced the acquaintance that has proved the origin of so many agreeable circumstances—Happy moments of love, honor, and mutual confidence!—How refined and delightful the sweet intercourse of kindred minds! Their mutual attractions cemented by the sacred bonds of wedlock, have gathered strength with advancing years—and their last setting sun shall go down in peace. When this connection is founded on proper principles, it is not subject to those perturbations and depredations of spirits, which render the marriage state a jest to the thoughtless libertine, and make the timid waver and doubt, till time extinguishing the best passions in the human heart—creates an indifference either to pleasing, or being pleased. The cares of life in every state are many—in the married state they are divided, as they increase—and the pleasures of life are doubled—the mind retains its natural softness and generous sympathy; and having a variety of objects to engage its attention, those objects interest its feelings, and animate its exertions till its felicity consists, in living to the happiness of its connections, and of mankind. Society derives its best security from the attachments which originate in the ties of Family—fathers, mothers, and children are the surest and best pledges of fidelity to the Commonwealth—to those endearing appellations nothing is indifferent, that has reference to the peace, and prosperity, the misfortune, or misery of their country; but the voluntary exiles from the temple of Hymen, while they violate the laws of reason and society, in passing thro life in the solitary walks of bachelorism, lose by degrees the best affections—they contract a temper of insensibility to the happiness or infelicity of their fellow creatures—and from neglecting and being neglected by the best part of our species, they acquire a morose and censorious disposition—and making war with the world by their contempt for its maxims and customs, they always come off second best.
NEW-YORK, DECEMBER 9.
A gentleman from Marietta, who left this city yesterday, on his way to Boston, furnished the Editor with the following account:
About eight weeks since, two brothers, by the name of Johnson, one 12, the other 9 years old, were playing on the western bank of Short Creek, about twelve miles from Wheeling, skipping stones in the water—At a distance they discovered two men, who appeared to be settlers, being dressed with coats and hats: These men, to amuse and deceive the children (as the event shewed) engaged in the same sport, advancing towards the boys, till by degrees they got so near, that the children discovered them to be Indians; but it was then too late to make their escape: The Indians seized and carried them six miles into the woods, where they made a fire, and took up their lodging for the night; their rifles and tomahawks they rested against a tree, and then laid down, each indian with a boy on his arm: The children as may be supposed kept awake—the oldest began to move, and finding his indian found a sleep, by degrees, disengaged himself, and went to the fire, which had then got low, and stirred it up; the indian not waking, he whispered to his brother, who likewise crept away, and both of them went to the fire. The oldest boy then observed to his brother, "I think we can kill these indians, and get away from them"—the youngest agreed in the proposal of attempting it: The oldest then took one of the rifles, and placed the muzzle, which he rested on a small stick, that he found for the purpose, close to the head of one of the indians, and committing the execution of this part of the business to his brother, ordered him to pull trigger at the moment he saw him strike the other indian with one of the tomahawks: The oldest gave the signal; the youngest pulled trigger—the rifle shot away the lower part of the indian's face, and left him senseless; he then told his brother to lay on, for he had done for him; after which he snatched up the gun and ran; the boy with the tomahawk gave the stroke with the wrong end, the indian started on his feet—the boy found the mistake, and turning the tomahawk in his hand, gave him another blow, which brought him to the ground; he repeated his strokes till he had dispatched him, and then made the best of his way after his brother. When the boys had found the path which they recollected to have travelled before, the oldest fixed his hat on a bush, as a directory to find the scene of action the next day. The tomahawked indian was found near the place where the boys had left him: The other was not there; but was track'd by his blood, and altho' so weakened by his wounds, that he could not raise his rifle to fire at his pursuers (two men) they suffered him to escape; but it is supposed he must have died of his wounds. These two indians were sent out to reconnoitre the best place for an attack, which was to have been made by a body of warriors, waiting in the neighborhood.—The gentleman who gives this account, saw, and conversed with the two children, about six weeks since.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States has been pleased to appoint the HON. WILLIAM DRAYTON Judge of the Federal Court for South-Carolina District, vice the HON. THOMAS PINCKNEY resigned—also the HON. CYRUS GRIFFIN, Judge of the Federal Court for Virginia District, vice the HON. EDMUND PENDLETON, resigned.
His Excellency the Vice President of the United States returned to this city last week, from his late visit to his seat in Braintree, Massachusetts.
There was no mail from the southward of the Patowmac received at the post office on Saturday last, which may in some measure account for the failure of official dispatches to government respecting the ratification of the Constitution by the State of North-Carolina.
The weather is remarkably mild for the season, the harbor is full of shipping, and business is pursued with the greatest convenience. The price of wood rather falls than rises—a great benefit to the poor. Our country friends who mean to avail themselves of the present rates, must push in their supplies as soon as possible.
On Monday evening there was very large and respectable company at the Theatre.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Tuesday. Ship N. St. M. de Patrounco, Cawello, Lisbon, 42 days. Schooner Polly, Crovice, Cape Francois. Brig Polly, Hill, Montego Bay, 42 days. Sloop Rebecca, March, Bermuda, 20 days.
in the sentiments which he had a right to expect from all his subjects without distinction, he had come to reside in Paris, where he received the most respectful testimonies of love and fidelity from the inhabitants of that good city. That he is certain they will never attempt, in any manner, to influence the free determination of their sovereign; and, from the midst of them, announces to all the inhabitants of his provinces that when the National Assembly shall have terminated the grand work of restoring the public welfare, he will put in execution a plan, which he has long since formed of visiting all his provinces to inquire what good he can do in each, and to prove that they were all equally dear to him. That he flatters himself this declaration, on his part, will engage all the inhabitants of his provinces to second the labors of the National Assembly, in order that France, under the protection of a happy constitution, may enjoy that peace and tranquility, of which an unhappy division has long deprived it.
This proclamation is dated October 9, and under signed DE SAINT PRIEST.
Paris (Oct. 16th) was again tolerably quiet, and things went on as usual; the mob seemed perfectly contented with the situation of the royal family, whose escape was so much the object of their apprehensions. Their Majesties had another levee of the foreign ministers on Wednesday last, but the King spoke but little, and looked desponding and melancholly. The court was but thinly attended, and had much the appearance of a dumb show.
In the affray at Versailles on the 6th of October, about 50 of the Parisian troops and mob were killed, and 80 of the King's guards cut to pieces. The massacre would have been much more terrible, had it not been for his majesty's orders.
LONDON.
The Queen of France owes the preservation of her life to the gallant Marquis de la Fayette.
There is no nation on earth better informed of political events than the French, at the present day. The deputies of all the cities correspond daily with their constituents; and on the arrival of their letters, they are immediately published by the committees of correspondence.
UNITED STATES.
GEORGE-TOWN, NOVEMBER 25.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman at St. Augustine, East-Florida, to his friend in this town, dated October 20, 1789.
"The report of the proceedings between the Commissioners of Congress and M'Gillivray, reached this place three days after the business was finished; but as the Spaniards are exceedingly cautious towards strangers, they take care to keep the result of that day a profound secret; 20 Chiefs of the upper and lower Creek nations arrived here a few days after the treaty on Rock-Landing broke up; they frequently wait in a body on Governor ZESPEDIES, who entertains them at his own house, and suffers no one except an Interpreter to be present;—it is whispered that the reason of M'Gillivray's not entering into a treaty with the Commissioners was, that the terms offered by Congress, would, (if accepted of) infringe on the treaty existing between his Catholic Majesty, and the Creek nation; that such a treaty exists is beyond all doubt, for the King of Spain, ever since the recovery of the Floridas, had paid an annual tribute of 8000 dollars to the Indians bordering on the Provinces; they are regularly supplied with cloathing, arms, and ammunition, out of the King's Magazine here and in Pensacola.
"Trifling as this present affair may appear to some, I can assure you, from my own observations, a personal knowledge of Mr. M'Gillivray—the Indians—the extent and situation of their country,—the weak state of our Southern Frontiers, &c.
"That the next step Congress takes in the business will be of importance to the United States.—
"I have the greatest reverence and opinion of the wisdom of our leaders, but am apt to think that the sword instead of the olive branch, will be their result at last—and therefore a speedy application of the former might save lives and money."
BALTIMORE, Nov. 25.
Extract of a letter from Annapolis, to a gentleman in this town, dated 21st Nov. 1789.
The Amendments recommended by Congress, were unanimously adopted by our House on Wednesday last.
PHILADELPHIA, December 3.
In the General Assembly on Monday, the committee of the whole went into the further consideration of the first and second amendment proposed to be added to the constitution of the United States. A variety of opinions prevailing as to both these articles, it was deemed most proper, that the consideration of them should be postponed, that the members might have further time to reflect on them. The committee therefore rose, reported progress and asked and obtained leave to sit again. As the session is nearly drawing to a close, it is conjectured that nothing will finally be determined in this business, until the House meet again, which will probably be sometime in February next.