Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-12-22 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, MARKET-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 68, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1790.
[Whole No. 172.]
R O M E.
THE reports spread abroad in foreign countries, of pretended disturbances, which have obliged his Holiness and several of the Cardinals to leave this city are destitute of foundation. Every thing is in the most perfect tranquility, which so well suits the speculative life we lead. Poor Cagliostro is more closely guarded than ever. It must be believed that he is detained for some capital crime, for he is confined within five iron doors, guarded by eight armed men. What a reverse of fortune! The Capuchin, his fellow-sufferer, is closely examined, and it is assured that their sentence will speedily be pronounced.
C O N S T A N T I N O P L E.
The particulars relative to the action in the Black Sea are not yet received. The heights of Caffra were before them. The Captain Pacha had with him a fleet of 55 vessels—10 caravellers, 5 frigates, 10 kirlangichars, and 30 cannoniers. The action was so far in favor of the Turks, that the Russians lost four frigates, and the Turks have lost not even one.—The battle lasted seven hours.
That there must have been some severe work, is however certain, for the Admiral's ship of the Turkish Squadron received 80 shots, through her sides; nevertheless, preserving all her rigging unimpaired, she got sheltered in the fleet.
V I E N N A, Sept. 5.
Accounts from Wallachia mention, that the Grand Vizier had actually crossed the Danube with 30,000 men, but that when the second column were ordered to follow, they absolutely refused it, and in consequence a regular battle ensued, in which 1000 men were killed. The Grand Vizier has thereby been compelled to recross the river, and the corps under the Prince of Cobourg and General Suwarow, which marched on the 16th of August to receive him, will consequently lose their errand. The Russians are all now in motion, in four divisions.
The first, of 10,000 men, under General Suwarow, with the Prince of Saxe Cobourg; the second, under Prince Repnin; the third, under Prince Gallitzin, is to undertake the siege of Ismael; and the fourth under Prince Potemkin is 36,000, in the neighborhood of Bender.
L I V E R P O O L, October 2.
A Hint to Tradesmen. —A man in business who dwelt in Dublin lately, finding it impossible to get in his book debts, advertised them to be sold by Auction, pledging himself at the same time to prove each debt for the purchaser: the alarm which this excited was such, that in less than a week not a single debt was to be found uncrossed in the books of the Advertiser! Probatur est.
Last week one Watson, who had been reaping in a field at Hanham, near Bristol, being much fatigued, he lay down and fell asleep under a hedge, when a viper, or some other venomous creature, bit him under one of his eyes, which caused his head to swell in a very extraordinary manner, and of which he died in a few days after, though the best medical advices had been obtained.
On Tuesday last, some workmen employed in removing a large hedge bank, upon the estate of John J. Atherton, Esq. at Walton-Hall, near this town, they discovered an earthen mug, containing upwards of a thousand pieces of silver, and one piece of gold, wrapped up in a leather bag. It is supposed they were concealed there during the Parliament Wars, as none of them are of a later date than King Charles the First, there are many of Queen Elizabeth, and a few of Philip and Mary.
L O N D O N, September 30.
Tuesday night, at ten o'clock, the Remains of his late Royal Highness Henry Frederick, Duke of Cumberland, &c. were privately interred in the chapel of King Henry VII. at Westminster. The service was read by the Dean of Westminster: after which Garter King at Arms proclaimed his Royal Highness's Stile, which concluded the ceremony. During the procession, which began at nine, from the Prince's Chamber, minute guns were fired; and St. Paul's, and other churches, tolled minute bells. The procession, with the different preparations previously made, are estimated at the expence of 5000l.
A gentleman, desirous of improving the breed of sheep, lately purchased a Ram from a gentleman, in Leicestershire, for which he gave 300 guineas.
On Saturday night there was a general sweep below Bridge, and scarce a ship in the river but was honored by a visit from a Lieutenant in the impress service.
The King of Hungary has resigned the Duchy of Tuscany to his son, in virtue of a treaty signed by him for that purpose, in case he should succeed to the Throne of Hungary.
The Assembly of the National Parisian Guards on the 13th decreed, That they would go into mourning eight days for all the citizen soldiers who died for their country in the affair of Nancy.
C O N G R E S S.
H O U S E O F R E P R E S E N T A T I V E S.
Sketch of the Debates on the MILITIA BILL.
THURSDAY, Dec. 16.
MR. PARKER observed, the clause which enacts that every man in the United States shall "provide himself" with military accoutrements, would be found impracticable, as it must be well known that there are many persons who are so poor that it is impossible they should comply with the law: He conceived therefore, that provision should be made for arming such persons at the expence of the United States. He then gave notice that in the course of the discussion of the bill, he should move an amendment to this purpose.
Mr. Gilman observed, that obliging persons to turn out in the militia till they were fifty years of age, agreeable to the bill, would be found unnecessary and inconvenient—and is, said he, contrary to the practice of the several States—few, if any, requiring militia duties to be performed after the age of forty-five. He moved therefore that fifty be struck out, and forty-five inserted.
Mr. Vining objected to the motion: He observed that a great proportion of our citizens, especially those at the eastward and northward, were as capable of military services at fifty as at any period: Many in the ranks of the late Continental army, were he believed fifty and upwards, who were as good soldiers as any in the service—He thought the alteration unnecessary.
Mr. Gilman replied, that he conceived the general practice of the States, which was found on experience to be the best, was a sufficient answer to the gentleman last speaking, and would sanction the adoption of the amendment he proposed.
Mr. Lawrance said that by the laws of the State of New-York, persons above 45 years of age are not enrolled to do duty in the militia—and he thought that 50 was a period too late in life to be subject to military hardships, if it could be avoided.
Mr. Williamson was in favor of the motion—Tho' he had seen men in the field who were advanced in life, it had not been without pain—He thought from 16 to 18 too early a period—Many at that tender age fell sacrifices to sickness and fatigue.
Mr. Gilman's motion being put was carried in the affirmative.
Mr. Fitzsimons suggested to the consideration of the committee, whether it would be the most eligible mode to subject all the citizens from 18 to 45 years of age, without exception, to turn out as soldiers. A much smaller number would in his opinion answer all the purposes of a militia. He thought the active militia might be comprised within a much smaller number, to be proportioned to the citizens of each State. The militia law of Pennsylvania had been of this general complexion, and had never compensated in its operation for the uneasiness it had excited, and the tax and grievance it had been to the people.
Mr. Boudinot said, that the idea now suggested was debated in the committee—and they could not agree upon any other mode than that proposed in the bill. He very much disapproved the idea of making a soldier of every man between 18 and 45 years of age—there is a manifest impropriety in the measure—and he wished some gentleman would propose an alteration.
Mr. Lawrance said that the idea of the gentleman from Pennsylvania struck at the principle of the bill—but as the hint may be not unworthy of consideration, he proposed that he should form a motion, and reduce it to writing.
Mr. Fitzsimons apologised for engrossing the time of the committee, especially as he had not prepared an amendment to that part of the bill to which he objected, not having contemplated the subject sufficiently—but on perusing the bill it had been forcibly impressed on his mind, that subjecting the whole body of the people to be drawn out four or five times a year, was a great and unnecessary tax on the community—that it could not conduce, either to the acquisition of military knowledge, or the advancement of morals. As far as the whole body of the people are necessary to the general defence, they ought to be armed; but the law ought not to require more than is necessary—for that would be a just cause of complaint.
Mr. Wadsworth said, that it appeared to him the gentleman's objection went only to that part of the bill which points out the number of days to be devoted to training the militia—as he had conceded that all from 18 to 45 ought to be armed.
Mr. Jackson said that he was of opinion that the people of America would never consent to be deprived of the privilege of carrying arms—Tho' it may prove burthensome to some individuals to be obliged to arm themselves, yet it would not be so considered when the advantages were justly estimated. Original institutions of this nature are highly important: The Swiss cantons owed their emancipation to their militia establishment—The English cities rendered themselves formidable to the Barons, by putting arms into the hands of their militia—and when the militia united with the Barons, they extorted Magna Charta from King John—In France we recently see the same salutary effects from arming the militia—In England, the militia has of late been neglected—the consequence is a standing army—In Ireland we have seen the good effects of arming the militia, in the noble efforts they have made to emancipate their country. If we neglect the militia, a standing army must be introduced; but if the idea suggested by the gentleman from Pennsylvania is adopted, certain classes must be drawn out, and kept for months together—which would prove as great a burthen as a standing army: None of the States he observed, have adopted such a plan—In Georgia the militia service has been as strict, as is contemplated by the bill—but they have never complained: In a republic every man ought to be a soldier, and prepared to resist tyranny and usurpation, as well as invasion—and to prevent the greatest of all evils a standing army.—Mankind have been divided into three classes, Shepherds, Husbandmen, and Artificers—of which the last make the worst militia; but as the arts and sciences are the sources of great wealth to the community, which may excite the jealousy and avarice of neighbors, this class ought to be peculiarly qualified to defend themselves and repel invasions—and as this country is rising fast in manufactures, the arts and sciences—and from her fertile soil may expect great affluence, she ought to be able to protect that and her liberties from within herself.
Mr. Parker here introduced his motion, to amend the bill by a proviso, that persons who shall make it appear that they are not able to equip themselves, shall be furnished at the expence of the United States.
Mr. Wadsworth objected to this amendment: He said it would empower the officers to create an enormous charge against the United States: He said he had read almost all the militia laws of the several States, and had found no such provision in one of them—there is not a considerable number of such persons in any of the States—and rather than have this proviso inserted, he would prefer a clause to excuse them altogether.
Mr. Parker said, that in Virginia there is a law, which provides that poor persons, not able to arm themselves, should be equipped at the expence of the State. In every State there are doubtless many such persons, who ought to be provided for by the general government—and if they are not, the law is rendered impracticable—as you require more than is possible for them to perform—As to excusing such poor persons from military duty, they would be found in cases of emergency, very useful to defend those, who do not chuse to risk their own persons.

Mr. Huntington said if the gentleman would vary his motion, so that the expence should be incurred by the State, he did not know but he should agree to it. There is one State (said he) in which every person is obliged to provide himself with arms and accoutrements—and no difficulty has resulted from the law—Penalties on default are exacted and collected—but this proposition will produce great inequalities—it will excite jealousies and discord between the governments—but if left to the States the officers will be more exact to prevent impositions on the particular State from which they receive their appointments.
Mr. Parker agreed to alter his motion agreeable to Mr. Huntington's idea.
Mr. Boudinot said that there did not appear to be any necessity for the amendment, as the bill makes provision for excepting persons who are unable to purchase arms, in case the state legislatures chuse to make such exceptions.
Mr. Giles said he was opposed to the motion on principle; but if that was not the case he should object to it in its present form as it was not full enough: He did not suppose that it was intended that the United States should make a present of the arms thus furnished—but the motion does not provide for their return, when not in use. His principal objection to the motion however arose from its being an improper interference with the authority of the state governments: They may, or may not comply with the law—if they should not, it would prove nugatory—and render the authority of the United States, contemptible. For these reasons, and others which had been advanced, he thought the amendment improper.
Mr. Bloodworth observed that as the militia was to be organized and disciplined under the authority of the United States, and to be employed for the general defence, whenever and wherever Congress should direct, it appeared but reasonable that those who were benefited by them, should be at the expence of arming them.
Mr. Sherman said it appeared to him, that by the Constitution, the United States were to be put to no expence about the militia, except when called into actual service. The clause is not so explicit as might have been wished; but it will be difficult to fix the construction mentioned by the gentleman from North Carolina. What relates to arming and disciplining means nothing more than a general regulation in respect to the arms and accoutrements—There are so few free men in the United States who are not able to provide themselves arms and accoutrements, that any provision on the part of the United States is unnecessary and improper: He had no doubt that the people if left to themselves would provide such arms as are necessary, without inconvenience or complaint; but if they are furnished by the United States, the public Arsenals would soon be exhausted—and experience shews, that public property of this kind, from the careless manner in which many persons use it, is soon lost—The expence and inconvenience would, in his opinion, far overbalance any good that would be derived from such a provision.
Mr. Vining observed, that the greatest objection against the motion is, that it stops short in the regulation of the business: No provision, it is said, is made for the return of the arms to the public—and it gives a discretionary power to the officers to dispose of the property of the United States; but he conceived these difficulties were not beyond the reach of remedies; the wisdom of the house, he doubted not, would devise such as were adequate to the object. He asked by what means minors were to provide themselves with the requisite articles? Many of them are apprentices: If you put arms into their hands they will make good soldiers; but how are they to procure them? It is said, if they are supplied by the United States the property will be lost; if this is provided against, every objection may be obviated. He then offered an addition to the motion, providing for the return of the arms to the commanding officer.
The Chairman then stated the motion with the amendment.
Mr. Tucker observed, that the motion in its present form, differed from the original proposed by the gentleman from Virginia. He conceived the gentleman had no right to alter it, nor could it be done without a vote of the committee. He preferred the motion in its original state—for the United States may without doubt, furnish the arms—but he very much questioned their right to call on the individual States to do it.
Mr. Williamson was in favour of the question's being taken with the amendment admitted by Mr. Parker. He wished to know whether Congress meant to tax the individual states in this unusual manner. Perhaps as they had assumed the state debts upon this principle, or rather without any principle, they might think they had a right to call upon them to furnish quotas in proportion, this would be getting something for something—and not like the other measure, losing something for nothing.
Mr. Vining said he could not understand what
was meant by saying that the amendment was dictating to the states: What is the whole bill but dictating—a law that affects every individual, touches the whole community. With respect to the constitutionality of the measure, there can be no doubt—every grant of power to Congress necessarily implies a conveyance of every incidental power requisite to carry the grant into effect.
Mr. Wadsworth apologized for detaining the attention of the committee a moment, while he asked the gentlemen who favored the motion, what was the extent of their wishes?—The motion at first appeared to be in favor of poor men, who are unable to purchase a firelock; but now it seems, minors and apprentices are to be provided for—is there a man in this house who would wish to see so large a proportion of the community, perhaps one-third, armed by the United States, and liable to be disarmed by them? Nothing would tend more to excite suspicion, and rouse a jealousy dangerous to the union. With respect to apprentices, every man knew that they were liable to this tax, and they were taken under the idea of being provided for by their masters—as to minors, their parents or guardians would prefer furnishing them with arms themselves, to depending on the United States when they knew they were liable to having them reclaimed.
The question on Mr. Parker's motion was lost. On motion of Mr. Heister, a proviso was added to the section in the following words—"That every citizen so enrolled, and providing himself with the arms and accoutrements required as aforesaid, shall hold the same exempt from all executions, or suits for debt, or for the payment of taxes."
Mr. Fitzsimons moved to strike out the words "provide himself," and insert "shall be provided."
This motion was objected to by Messrs Boudinot, Huntington, Jackson, Partridge, Vining and Madison.—It was said that it would be destructive of the bill, as it would leave it optional with the states, or individuals, whether the militia should be armed or not.
This motion was lost by a great majority.—The second section comprizes the characters that are to be exempted from enrollment or militia duty.
Mr. Madison moved to strike out that part which related to members of Congress, their officers and servants, attending either house—and to insert "members of the Senate and house of Representatives whilst travelling to, attending at, or returning from the sessions of Congress."—He saw no reason for a total exemption from militia service—exceptions in favor of the framers of laws ought not to be extended beyond what is evidently necessary.—The members of Congress during the recess are at liberty to pursue their ordinary avocations, and may participate in the duties and exercises of their fellow citizens.—They ought to bear a part in the burdens they lay on others, which may check an abuse of the powers with which they are vested.
Mr. Jackson observed that this alteration might interfere with the public interest—in cases of alarm or invasion, the members might be called to a great distance in the militia at the moment when their presence was required to attend the session of the legislature. It would be well therefore to consider whether their services in the militia would be of equal importance to the public interest, as their services in Congress.
Mr. Boudinot objected to the amendment—not that he would exempt Members of Congress from burdens imposed on their fellow-citizens—but the motion he conceived was inconsistent with this very idea. The bill provides that exents shall pay a certain equivalent; it would be unjust to impose this equivalent, and compel the Members of Congress to turn out in the militia. He concluded by saying that he conceived the independence of the legislature was connected with this exemption.
Mr. Wadsworth said that he thought there was no necessity to exempt Members of Congress: If the Constitution did not grant them such a privilege, he doubted whether they could assume it by an act of their own: He was therefore for leaving this matter to the discretion of the state legislatures—no inconvenience would result if this was done.
Mr. Hartley was in favor of the exemptions being specified by act of Congress; and he conceived they had the plainest directions to follow, in the universal practice of all the state legislatures—and this practice was founded in the reason of things, the incompatibility of the duties; they are distinct in their natures, and cannot be exercised together.
Mr. Madison supported his motion, he considered it as important that the governors and the governed should feel their mutual relation to each other; on this principle he thought that no exemption should be allowed, except in cases where an attendance on militia duty, was incompatible with the performance of other duties; for these reasons he wished that the whole clause should be struck out—in cases of difficulty a court
martial would be competent to doing justice to the parties.
Mr. Giles followed Mr. Madison in a similar train of reasoning in respect to rulers sympathizing with the ruled in all public burthens; he adverted to the different plans of organizing the militia which had been contemplated by the committee, and the reasons which induced them to adopt that in the bill; with respect to the plan of selecting particular classes to form a militia, it could not in his opinion be done, but by inlistments, which was a mode that the freemen of America revolted from. He said that no insuperable difficulties would result from rendering all liable to be called upon. Should the clause be struck out, the equivalent mentioned in another part of the bill will be unnecessary, and the article may be expunged. He concluded by saying, that if it was thought proper that the Members of Congress should be exempted, it would be best that the exemptions should be made by the state legislatures.
Mr. Sherman said it was the practice of the several States to exempt their own legislatures, and the other descriptions of persons mentioned in the clause: He conceived a seat in the federal legislature, would equally entitle to an exemption: He was opposed to the amendment, tho he would agree to strike out the whole, and leave the business to the state legislatures.
Mr. Jackson observed that leaving the exemptions from militia duty, to the discretion of the state legislatures might be productive of great inequalities; besides it would not comport with the idea of the bill in the grand object of uniformity:—Some states might make great exceptions, others none at all—this would make the burthen very unequal on the whole, which would be palpably unjust.—The example of the state legislatures is sufficient said he to shew that some exemptions are agreeable to the ideas of the people—and the independence of the legislature being essentially concerned leave no room to doubt the propriety of the measure—he informed the committee that when they came to the clause specifying the sum proposed as an equivalent for personal service, he should move for an alteration.
Mr. Hartley observed that the constitution declares that the persons of members shall be privileged from arrest during their attendance on Congress—in going to and returning from the session; with a special reference to the independence of the legislature—he conceived that it would counteract the spirit of the constitution to render the members liable to be called on to discharge duties incompatible in their nature—on this principle also it would be in the power of a designing president, should such a character ever be elected, to prevent the members assembling by calling out individuals to attend military duties at the moment when their attendance would be necessary in Congress.—The states individually, as well as the parliament of Great-Britain have set us a good example in this respect.
Mr. Boudinot, agreed in sentiment with Mr. Hartley, that the independence of the members was an important object.—The ideas of the gentlemen from Virginia [Mr. Madison and Mr. Giles] that legislators ought to participate in the burthens imposed on others, ought never to be lost sight of—but in the present instance, the doctrine would be carried into practice—for at the end of every two years, the Members would revert to the mass of citizens, and feel in common with others the influence of the laws.—The business of legislation is more arduous and momentous than any other—and ought not to be impeded, or rendered liable to be frustrated by any other. This he thought would be the case by adopting the amendment.
Mr. Madison supposed nothing would be risked by the amendment, as the Constitution had sufficiently secured the independence of the members—He had not anticipated so much debate on the motion—He was satisfied in his own mind of its propriety—The possible cases which had been stated, did not in his opinion justify the violation of the great principle he had mentioned; but to simplify the question he would withdraw his motion, so far as only to propose to strike out from the exemptions, "the members of Congress."
Mr. Tucker said that it appeared to him that some general ideas on the subject of exemptions should be incorporated in the bill. If the committee descend to particulars they will find it extremely difficult to make such distinctions as are proper. He was opposed to leaving the exemptions to be made by the state governments—It might create difficulties, as some States might exempt their members, and others might not—These partial exemptions would be attended with great inconveniences; the Members may be necessarily engaged in making their arrangements to attend their duty in Congress, previous to the time of setting out for the seat of government, and be interrupted by being called to the field to attend militia duty. The number of persons it will be found eligible to exempt, will not be so great, as to render the defence of the United States precarious for want of their personal services in the militia. He concluded by observing that the

principle of uniformity, and the competency of the federal legislature to making adequate provision in the case, point out the impropriety of leaving the business to the state legislatures.
Mr. Smith pursued the idea of Mr. Tucker, and observed, that to be consistent, the motion ought to go farther, and extend to exempting Ministers of the Gospel, only while engaged in preaching—The School-Master, while teaching—The Miller while attending his Mill, &c. In short it ought to be so particular as to amount to no exemption at all.
Mr. White spoke in favor of the motion: The Constitution, said he, has sufficiently defined the privileges of the Members. With respect to the State officers, he was in favor of leaving them to be exempted by the state legislatures—nor was he apprehensive they would abuse the power by exempting half their citizens, as this would only increase the burthen on the other half.
Mr. Jackson said he must be still opposed to the motion from this interesting consideration, if no other existed—That it might in its operation deprive 30000 citizens of their vote in the national legislature.
Mr. Vining added a few observations in favor of the motion—and then the question being taken, it was negatived 24 to 18.
FRIDAY, Dec. 17.
The subject of exemptions was this day further discussed—the propriety of vesting the power in the state legislatures, so far as it respects the legislative, executive and judicial officers of the particular states, was alternately advocated and opposed:—It was finally determined that the several exemptions should be particularized in the bill.
Mr. Seney, moved to add to the exemptions, “persons authorized and received to teach or preach the gospel by the societies of which they are respectively members.”—This was agreed to.
Mr. Jackson proposed to add public printers and pilots . The question on the former was negatived:—On the latter agreed to.
Mr. Boudinot proposed to add all such as now do, or may hereafter bear a commission in the militia.—Agreed.
This finished the discussion of the second section.
Mr. Jackson touched on the subject of penalties, for neglecting militia duty, and the equivalent to be paid by the exempt; but as this will probably occasion considerable debate when the 16th section comes under consideration, we reserve ourselves to that occasion.
The third section being read, Mr. Fitzsimons moved an amendment, by which the power of arranging the militia in divisions, brigades, &c. is to be vested in the President of the United States, instead of the respective governors of the states.
This motion occasioned some debate; it was finally carried in the affirmative.
The clause giving rank to aids-de-camp was struck out—and “to be taken from the line” added.
MONDAY, Dec. 20.
Mr. Stone took his seat this day. A bill to continue in force for the term of five years, an act entitled an act, declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of the states of Rhode-Island, Maryland and Georgia, was brought in engrossed, read a third time, and passed.
A bill supplementary to an act making further provision for the debts of the United States, was read a second, and ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.
Mr. Benfou, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported the following bills, viz.
A bill declaring the officer who, in case of the death, removal, or disability of the President or Vice-President, shall exercise the office of President.
A bill for determining the respective times when the electors for a President and Vice-President shall be chosen, and the time when they shall give their votes.
A bill directing the mode in which the lists of the votes for President and Vice-President shall be transmitted to the seat of the government of the United States; all which were read a first time.
Mr. Partridge presented the petition of Barnabas Lucas, read, and referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Huntington presented the petition of William Robinson, respecting a lost certificate; read and referred to the committee appointed to bring in a bill directing the mode in which the evidences of the public debt shall be renewed.
Mr. Gerry presented the petition of John Miller Russell, praying the remission of the new duty on a quantity of hemp by him imported; read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Fitzsimons presented a petition from a number of the merchants and traders of Philadelphia, praying for the erection of additional piers at Chester, in the river Delaware; read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Gerry laid the following motion on the table, That the Secretary of State be directed to procure and keep in his office, all Charters, Patents, and Documents, which respect the jurisdictional and territorial rights of the respective States.
Mr. Smith laid the following motion on the table; That provision be made for erecting a Beacon at the entrance of the port of Georgetown, South-Carolina; read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
In committee of the whole on the Militia Bill. Progress was made in the discussion as far as the 8th section.
TUESDAY, Dec. 21.
The bill supplementary to an act making provision for the debts of the United States, was read the third time and passed.
The three bills reported by Mr. Benfou yesterday, were read the second time, and made the order of the day for Monday next.—100 copies of each of these bills were ordered to be printed for the use of the House.
Mr. Fitzsimons presented a memorial from the Trustees of Wilmington College, which was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.—Also a Memorial and remonstrance from a committee of a number of the creditors of the United States in Philadelphia.
Mr. Seney presented a petition from R. Ford, a mariner, wounded in the service of the United States, referred to the Secretary of war.
Mr. Seney of the committee appointed on the petition of sundry inhabitants of Baltimore, praying for the establishment of an health office, brought in a report, which was in favor of the
petition—and recommendary of a similar institution in every port where they are wanted.
This report being accepted by the house, a committee of five was appointed to prepare and bring in a bill accordingly.
Mr. Williamson gave notice that he should tomorrow move for a committee to bring in a bill to prevent invalid pensioners from transferring the right to their pensions, before they become due.
A report from the commissioners appointed the last session to superintend the purchase of the public debt, was communicated to the house by the Speaker, by which it appears, that the Treasurer of the United States, pursuant to orders received from the commissioners, has purchased the sum of two hundred seventy-eight thousand six hundred and eighty-seven dollars; for which, the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand two hundred and thirty-nine dollars, in specie, has been paid.
In committee of the whole on the Militia Bill. The committee finished the discussion this day—and the Chairman reported the same to the House with sundry amendments.
It was ordered that it should lie on the table. Adjourned.
BALTIMORE, Dec. 14.
The legislature of this state, now in session at Annapolis, have passed an act to repeal certain parts of an act, entitled, “an act to prevent disabled and superannuated slaves being set free, or the manumission of slaves, by any last will or testament, and of a supplementary act thereto, and for certain other purposes.” It may be necessary, on this occasion, to mention that the act prohibits, (under the penalty of three hundred pounds) the forcible and fraudulent transportation or carrying out of this state, any free Negro or Mulatto—or the selling, or causing to be sold, or otherwise disposed of, out of this state, as a slave for life, any Negro or Mulatto, entitled to freedom at a certain age.
Philadelphia, Dec. 22.
The wisdom and policy of the law passed last session of Congress, appointing Commissioners to superintend the negotiation of a Loan, and to invest the unappropriated monies in the Treasury in the public debt, while sold in the public market under par, are now most apparently made manifest, in that rapid appreciation, which has done more for the public creditors in a few months than they anticipated for many years.
Congress is now deeply immersed in public business—the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, and those which are expected from the other heads of departments, will probably open a very extensive field of discussion—but that patriotism which has preponderated in the councils of the union, will we doubt not unite the legislature in giving all possible dispatch to the important objects of their deliberation.
The fluctuation of our counsels previous to the adoption of the New Constitution, unhinged the public mind, weakened all confidence in the government, and almost annihilated the credit of the United States: A solemn lesson to the present government, that measures adopted after due deliberation, should be inflexibly supported: On this firmness and stability our respectability, our union and credit, our all depend.
Yesterday, between the hours of twelve and one, his Excellency THOMAS MIFFLIN was proclaimed Governor of this Commonwealth, with the usual ceremonies.
The public testimonials of joy exhibited on this occasion, demonstrate the general satisfaction of the citizens on the elevation of this distinguished character to the Chair of Government.
By the Massachusetts Spy of the 9th inst. it appears that the Hon. Artemas Ward is elected Member of the House of Representatives of the United States, for Worcester District, by a very small majority.
By the Cumberland Gazette it appears, that the Hon. GEORGE THATCHER is re-elected a Member of the House of Representatives of the United States for the District of Maine.
Extracts of letters from Cape-Francois of the 6th and 8th of November, to a gentleman in this city.
“In my last, I mentioned that the Assembly had advised the Editor of La Gazette du Jour , to forbear publishing any thing concerning the insurrection here, which indeed was true: but I was not then apprised of the true motives of the house. It appears that a majority of that house are Aristocrats —indeed it is certainly so—and have consequently passed an edict, prohibiting the publishing of the grounds and progress of the revolution, or anything concerning it. This Edict you will see in the Gazette of to day, which I have enclosed.
“There are but few people here who relish the Edict, regarding it merely as if a cock had crowed.
“Since writing my letter of the 6th instant, the insurrection of the Mulattoes has nearly been put an end to: And yesterday the greater part of the volunteers returned, having left a few to watch the motions of the few remaining rebels, who are about 400, the rest having dispersed, and with them their leader, whose name is Oge, not Ojay, as I before wrote it, who has fled to St. Jago, in the Spanish part of the island. A reward of 1000 joes has been offered by the government so apprehending him. Thus has a dangerous insurrection been quelled by the spirited exertions of the volunteers.
In our last, among the names of the Senators, whose times expire in March next, we inserted Mr. Hawkins, which is a mistake, as he drew the class for six years.
We hear that a Resolution is now pending before the Senate of the United States, to the following purport—“That it would be dangerous and inexpedient to make any alterations in the Funding System passed the last session of Congress.”
APPOINTMENTS.
THE President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, has been pleased to make the following appointments.
ROBERT MORRIS, to be Judge of the District of New-Jersey, in place of David Brearly, deceased.
JOHN HETH, of Virginia, Ensign in the troops of the United States, in place of Richard Archer, who has declined his appointment.
JOHN SITGREAVES, Judge of the District of North-Carolina, in place of John Stokes, deceased.
WILLIAM HILL, Attorney for the United States in the district of North-Carolina, in place of John Sitgreaves.
ZACHARIAH ROWLAND, Surveyor of the port of Richmond, in the State of Virginia, in place of Corbin Braxton, who has resigned his appointment. And
JEREMIAH NICOLS, Collector of the port of Chester, in the state of Maryland, in the place of John Scott, deceased.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17/6.—18/ pr. £. or 90 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 8/6.—9/ or 45 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 8/.—8/6. 42 1/2 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 15/6. 77 1/2 do.   Indents 8/6.—9/ 45 do.   State debts 9/6.—10/ 50 do.  
TREASURY DEPARTMENT.
DECEMBER 13, 1799.
In obedience to the Order of the House of Representatives of the ninth day of August last, requiring the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and report, on this day, such further provision as may, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the public credit—the said Secretary Respectfully Reports,
THAT the object which appears to be most immediately essential to the further support of public credit, in pursuance of the plan adopted during the last session of Congress, is, the establishment of proper and sufficient funds, for paying the interest which will begin to accrue after the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, on the amount of the debts of the several states, assumed by the United States; having regard at the same time, to be probable, or estimated deficiency in those already established, as they respect the original debt of the union.
In order to this, it is necessary, in the first place, to take a view of the sums requisite for those purposes.
   Dolls. Cts.     The amount which has been assumed of the state debts, is 21,500,000   The sum of annual interest upon that amount, which, according to the terms of the proposed loan, will begin to accrue after the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, is 788,933 38   The estimated deficiency, in the funds already established, as they respect the original debt of the United States, is 38,291 49   Making together, 826,624 73  
For the procuring which sum, the reiterated reflections of the Secretary have suggested nothing so eligible and unexceptionable, in his judgment, as a further duty on foreign distilled spirits, and a duty on spirits distilled within the United States, to be collected in the mode delineated in the plan of a bill which forms a part of his report to the House of Representatives, of the ninth day of January last.
Under this impression, he begs leave, with all deference, to propose to the consideration of the house—
That the following additions be made to the duties on spirits imported from foreign countries, which are specified in the act making further provision for the payment of the debts of the United States, namely,
 On those of the first class of proof therein mentioned, per gallon, eight cents.  On those of the second class, per gallon, eight and a half cents.  On those of the third class, per gallon, nine cents.  On those of the fourth class, per gallon, ten cents.  On those of the fifth class, per gallon, ten cents.  On those of the sixth class, per gallon, fifteen cents. 
And that the following duties be laid on spirits distilled within the United States, namely:
 If from Molasses, sugar, or other foreign materials, and of the said first class of proof, per gallon, eleven cents.  of the said second class of proof, per gallon, twelve cents.  of the said third class of proof, per gallon, thirteen cents.  of the said fourth class of proof, per gallon, fifteen cents.  of the said fifth class of proof, per gallon, twenty cents.  of the said sixth class of proof, per gallon, thirty cents. 
If from materials of the growth or production of the United States, distilled within any city, town or village, and of the said first class of proof, per gallon, nine cents.
 of the said second class of proof, per gallon, ten cents.  of the said third class of proof, per gallon, eleven cents.  of the said fourth class of proof, per gallon, thirteen cents.  of the said fifth class of proof, per gallon, seventeen cents.  of the said sixth class of proof, per gallon, twenty cents. 
And upon each still employed in distilling spirits from the like materials in any other place than a city, town or village, in lieu of the rates above mentioned, the yearly sum of sixty cents for every gallon English wine measure of the capacity of such still including its head; exempting nevertheless all such stills, within a certain defined dimension, as are used essentially for domestic purposes of their respective proprietors.
The product of these several duties (which correspond in their rates with those proposed in the report above referred to, of the ninth of January last) may, upon as good grounds as the nature of the case will admit, prior to an experiment, be computed at eight hundred and seventy seven thousand five hundred dollars; the particulars of which computation are contained in the statement which accompanies this report.
This computed product exceeds the sum which has been stated as necessary to be provided, by fifty thousand eight hundred and seventy-five dollars, and twenty-seven cents; an excess, which if it should be realized by the actual product, may be beneficially applied towards increasing the sinking fund.
The Secretary has been encouraged to renew the proposition of these duties, in the same form in which they were before submitted, from a belief, founded on circumstances which appeared in the different discussions of the subject, that collateral considerations, which were afterwards obviated, rather than objections to the measure itself, prevented its adoption during the last session; from the impracticability which he conceives to exist, of devising any substitute equally conducive to the ease and interest of the community; and from an opinion that the extension of the plan of collection, which it contemplates to the duties already imposed on wines and distilled spirits, is necessary to a well grounded reliance on their efficacy and productiveness. (To be continued.)

Further particulars relative to Gen. HARMAR's Expedition against the Hostile Indians. (Continued from our last.)
GENERAL ORDERS.
Camp at the Miami Village, October 18, 1790.
THE General is much mortified at the undisciplined behaviour of many of the men in the army, who make it a practice to straggle from the camp in search of plunder. He in the most positive terms forbids this practice in future, and the guards will be answerable to prevent it. No party is to go beyond the line of centinels, without a commissioned officer, who, if of the militia, will apply to Col. Hardin for his orders: the regular troops will apply to the General. All the plunder that may hereafter be collected will be equally distributed among the army; the kettles and every other article already taken is to be collected by the commanding officers of battalions, and to be delivered to-morrow morning to M. Billi, the Quarter-Master, that a fair distribution may take place.
The rolls are to be called at troop and retreat beating and every man is to be reported. The General expects that these rolls will be pointedly attended to: they are to be read to the troops this evening.
The army is to march to-morrow morning early for their new encampment, at Chillicothe, about two miles from hence.
JOS. HARMAR, Brig. Gen.
GENERAL ORDERS.
Camp at Chillicothe, one of the Shawnee towns, on the Omeo River, Oct. 20. The party under the command of Capt. Strong is ordered to burn and destroy every house and wigwam in this village, together with all the corn &c. which he can collect.
A party of 100 men (militia) properly officered, under the command of Col. Hardin, is to burn and destroy effectually, this afternoon, Pickaway-town, with all the corn, &c. which he can find in it and its vicinity.
The cause of the detachment being worsted yesterday, was entirely owing to the shameful, cowardly conduct of the militia, who ran away and threw down their arms, without firing scarcely a single gun. In returning to Fort-Washington, if any officer or men shall presume to quit their ranks, or not march in the form they are ordered, the General will most assuredly order the artillery to fire on them. He hopes the check they received yesterday will make them in future obedient to orders.
JOS. HARMAR, Brig. Gen.
GENERAL ORDERS.
Camp at Chillicothe, October 21, 1790.
The army, having completely effected the object for which they were ordered, viz. a total destruction of the Maumee towns, as they are generally called, with the vast abundance of corn and vegetables, &c. in them and their vicinity, are now to commence their march, and to return to Fort-Washington.
The General was in fond hopes, that he should be able to break up the Wheat towns on his return: but the weak state of the pack-horses, and several other circumstances, conspire to render it impracticable at present.
The general is to beat at nine: the Assembly at half past nine; and the whole army to take up the line of march, precisely at 10 this morning.
It is not improbable but the Savages will attempt to harass the army on its return, particularly the rear and flanks. It is therefore incumbent upon every officer to attend to the duties of his station, and by no means to quit their ranks, or create the least confusion; but on the contrary, to keep silence and good order: otherwise the artillery, (agreeably to the orders of yesterday) shall certainly be ordered to fire upon such men, as are so lost to every principle of honor, as to run away in the time of danger.
The cattle and pack-horses are to be kept up in the most compact order: and the officer commanding the rear battalion, is to be responsible with the field-officer of the day, that these orders are strictly carried into execution. Such horses, as Mr. Caldwell may absolutely stand in need of, are to be taken from the mounted militia not attached to Major Fontaine's corps, for public service. If these should be found insufficient, the remainder must come from Major Fontaine's corps.
(Signed) JOS. HARMAR, Brig. Gen.
GENERAL ORDERS.
Camp, 8 miles from the ruins of the Maumee towns, on the return to Fort-Washington, October 22, 1790.
The army is to remain at the present encampment, until further orders.
After-Orders.
The General is exceedingly pleased with the behaviour of the militia, in the action of this morning. They have laid very many of the enemy dead upon the spot. Although our loss is great, still it is inconsiderable, in comparison to the slaughter made among the savages. Every account agrees, that upwards of one hundred warriors fell in the battle: it is not more than man for man, and we can afford them two for one. The resolution, and firm determined conduct of the militia this morning, has effectually retrieved their character in the opinion of the general: he now knows that they can and will fight.
The loss of Major Wylllys (with so many of the federal troops) and Major Fontaine, two gallant officers, he sincerely and deeply laments; but it is the fortune of war.
The General begs Colonel Hardin and Major McMullan, and Major Hall, of Lieut. Col. Commandant Trotter's regiment, together with the officers and privates of the militia under their command, to accept their thanks for the bravery displayed by them upon this occasion.
The army is to march to-morrow morning at 8 o'clock precisely. (Signed) JOS. HARMAR, B. G.
GENERAL ORDERS.
Camp about 2 miles from the ruins of the Miami towns, on the return to Fort-Washington, October 23, 1790.
The General did not know in time last evening of the good conduct of Brigade-Major Orby, in rallying a party of the militia and firing upon the savages; whereby he destroyed several of them, otherwise he should then have returned him his thanks. He now begs him to accept them for his cool and gallant behaviour at that time.
Although the enemy were so sorely galled in the action of yesterday, they may still take it into their heads to hover about our encampment. The General therefore orders, that the same vigilance and caution, which has hitherto taken place with the guards, must constantly be observed; to which the field officer of the day is to pay the strictest attention.
The wounded militia are all to be collected into one place; Dr. Allison and Dr. Carmichael are to attend them, dress them, and give every necessary direction concerning them.
The army is to march to-morrow morning, at 8 o'clock precisely. JOS. HARMAR, B. G.
Note.—From the date of the last order of the 23d Oct. until the return of the troops to Fort Washington, the orders exhibit only the common details and business of the troops, no enemy having been seen after the action of the 22d of October.
ADVERTISEMENT.
WHEREAS a certain WILLIAM TUFF, of Salem County, State of New-Jersey, has two nine pound notes of hand, given by Samuel Hollinshead, jun. and by certain information, it appears that my name as a security for the same is added to those notes, unknown to me. I hereby forbid any person or persons from taking any assignment of them from him; for I am determined not to answer those notes, or any assignment of them, as I know nothing of their dealings, nor will I answer for the same. REUBEN ROBINSON.
Cumberland County, Nov. 30, 1790.
PROPOSALS, BY JOHN TRUMBULL, FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, TWO PRINTS,
From original Pictures painted by himself; One representing the DEATH of General WARREN, at the Battle of Bunker's-Hill. The other, the DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, in the Attack of Quebec.
IN the battle of Bunker's-Hill, the following Portraits are introduced—
American. Major General WARREN, PUTNAM. British. Gen. SIR WILLIAM HOWE, SIR HENRY CLINTON, Lieut. Col. JOHN SMALL, Major PITCAIRN, and Lieut. PITCAIRN. In the Attack of Quebec, are seen— General MONTGOMERY, Colonel THOMPSON, Major MACPHERSON, and Capt. CHEESMAN.
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
The prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, Three Guineas for each print; one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed. SUBSCRIPTIONS are received in this city by Joseph Anthony, jun. Goldsmith and Jeweller, No. 76, Market-Street.
These prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American Revolution.
No period of the history of man, is more interesting than that in which we have lived. The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must ever remain dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. History will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which it is written must be understood—the language of painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expence, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success:—That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor; and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec, are—
* The DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, * BATTLE AT TRENTON, * BATTLE OF PRINCETOWN, SURRENDER OF GENERAL BURGOYNE, TREATY WITH FRANCE, BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS, * SURRENDER OF YORK-TOWN, TREATY OF PEACE, EVACUATION OF NEW-YORK, RESIGNATION OF GENERAL WASHINGTON, THE ARCH AT TRENTON, INAUGURATION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
Each picture will contain portraits of the principal characters who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with stars, are considerably advanced; and the prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers.
December 14.
PURSUANT to a Resolve or act of Congress of the 10th day of May, 1780, relative to the destruction of Loan-Office Certificates by accident; notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that on the 26th of December 1788, the house occupied by WILLIAM HASELTON, of the Delaware State, took fire and was consumed, in which was lodged a number of Loan-Office certificates as pr. list below, all which were destroyed by the said fire: Therefore if any person, hath any objection why the said Certificates should not be renewed, agreeable to the resolves of Congress, they must make them before the expiration of three months, from the date hereof.
Invoice of Loan-Office Certificates destroyed in the house of Wm. Haselton on the above date.
Table with 3 columns: Date, Amount, Name. Rows: 1788, October 24, 4873, 4874, 6356 of 500 dollars each. favor of JAMES HASELTON. one of 140 dollars, ELIZABETH HASELTON, Administratrix of JAMES HASELTON, deceased. Philadelphia, Nov. 26, 1790.
PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 7, 1790.
AS the partnership of JOHN DUNLAP and DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE will expire on the first day of JANUARY, 1791, DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE proposes to publish a Newspaper, entitled
The Mail, and New Daily Advertiser.
(To be continued every Evening, Sundays excepted.)
THE MAIL shall be printed with an elegant new Type, procured for this particular purpose, on Paper, equal in size and quality to any of the Newspapers of Europe or America—And the Subscriber engages that no Means shall be spared to render the MAIL and NEW DAILY ADVERTISER in other respects worthy of the Public Patronage, which he now respectfully solicits.
The Price of the MAIL will be Eight Dollars pr. annum, to be paid at the end of the Year: And Advertisements will be received on such moderate Terms as to prove satisfactory to those who may be pleased to favor the Printer with their Commands in that line.
Subscriptions are thankfully received at No. 48, Market-Street, by D. C. CLAYPOOLE.
Ebenezer Hazard,
At No. 128, in Second Street, between Race and Vine Streets, BUYS AND SELLS ALL KINDS OF
PUBLIC SECURITIES.
N. B. Persons having Business to transact at the Public Offices, may be assisted, or have their Business done for them (without the trouble and expence of a personal attendance) on very moderate Terms. November 29.
PLAN OF THE Gazette of the United States: (A NATIONAL PAPER.)
Published at the Seat of the NATIONAL GOVERNMENT, Comprising
I. EARLY and authentic accounts of the Proceedings of Congress—Its Laws, Acts, and Resolutions, communicated so as to form an history of the transactions of the national government. II. Impartial Sketches of the Debates of Congress. III. Essays on the great subjects of Government; also upon the local and national rights of the American citizens, as founded upon the national or state Constitutions; and upon every other subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion. IV. A series of Paragraphs, calculated to catch the "living manners as they rise," and to point the public attention to objects that have an important reference to domestic, social and public happiness. V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions; religious and moral objects; improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY; their foreign treaties, alliances, connections, &c. VI. Every species of Intelligence which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political interests of the American nation. VII. A chain of Domestic Occurrences. VIII. A series of foreign articles of Intelligence. IX. The state of the Funds; Courses of Exchange; Prices Current.
CONDITIONS.
Published every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY.
The price to subscribers, (exclusive of postage) THREE DOLLARS per annum.
The first semi-annual payment to be made at the time of subscribing: The second at the end of the year.
SUBSCRIPTIONS
Will be received in all the capital towns upon the Continent; also at No. 69, Market-Street, between Second and Third Streets, Philadelphia.
To the PUBLIC.
AT this important crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the union of the States—to extend and protect their commerce—to explore and arrange the national funds—to restore and establish the public credit—will require the energies of the patriots and sages of our country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the mediums of knowledge and information.
AMERICA, from this period begins her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—the wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the empires, states, and kingdoms, which have had their day upon the great theatre of time, and are now no more, suggest the most important mementos—these, with the rapid series of events, in which our country has been involved, have taught the enlightened citizens of the United States, that freedom and government—liberty and laws, are inseparable.
This conviction led to the adoption of the new constitution; for however various the sentiments, respecting the merits of this system, all good MEN are agreed in the necessity of an efficient federal government.
A paper, therefore, established upon national, independent, and impartial principles—which shall take up the premised articles, upon a competent plan, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with public approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this publication is determined to leave no avenue of information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the public's humble servant, THE EDITOR. April 15, 1790.
THIS publication commenced with the present government of the United States:—Its principal objects are comprised in the above plan; they have been thus far attended to, according to the best abilities of the Editor—and that they are deemed interesting, has been evinced by the general approbation which the paper has received, and the extensive circulation it has obtained: It shall be the aim of the Editor to keep up the spirit of his plan—every communication conducive to that point, will be gratefully received.—Freedom, Government, Union and Peace constitute the happiness of every country—the United States in a particular manner, have all their present enjoyments, and future hopes, suspended on the preservation of these essential pillars of human felicity: In an ardent wish to promote these great objects, the "Gazette of the United States" originated—to these it has been—and shall be sedulously devoted; and while it continues an impartial vehicle to the public of governmental transactions, and interesting information on the most important subjects, the Editor cannot fail of public encouragement.
Agreeable to the original design, the publication is now commenced in Philadelphia, the seat of government for the United States.—The patronage of the citizens of this metropolis is hereby solicited:—Those who may wish to form a judgment of the work, are respectfully informed that the first volume (from April 1789, to April 1790) may be inspected at the house of the Editor, No. 69, Market-Street.
The second volume commenced in April last: The Editor can supply the numbers complete from that period—which contain the laws of the second session of Congress—and the debates and proceedings of the house of Representatives, during four months of the session.
Among the innumerable blessings derived to the people of the United States from the present general government, there is none productive of happier effects than that spirit of UNIVERSAL CITIZENSHIP which has in a great measure eradicated party and local distinctions, and now forms a great national feature in the American character.—The Editor, therefore, with confidence, takes his station in the capital of the United States, being fully persuaded, that in proportion to his merits, he will receive the patronage of the public. JOHN FENNO.