The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-01-21 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XXXV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 21st, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, JAN. 9, 1801.
DEBATE, concluded on Mr. Gregg's motion to reduce the salaries of the Circuit Judges of the United States from 2,000 to 1600 dollars.
Mr. CHAMPLIN said the ideas of the gentleman from Tennessee, if carried into effect, would be fatal to the system contemplated by the bill. Each circuit was to be formed of three judges, who would embrace three states. The trouble and expense of the judges in the same circuit would be the same, though one of them might be appointed in a large, and another in a small state.
So far as his personal knowledge extended he was authorised in saying that the district judge of Rhode-Island, from the inadequacy of his salary, had been obliged to fly from the town to the country.
Mr. OTIS was not much surprised at the motion made, so far as it respected Kentucky, but he was greatly surprised at it, so far as it applied to other states. For his part he wished the government to hold out inducements to men of talents not broken down by the excessive fatigues of their profession, or by the debility of advanced age. He did not with the judicial corps to be an hospital for invalids. Nor did he feel a perfect reliance on the patriotism to which some gentleman had alluded. For he thought a court of justice the worst place that could be imagined for the indulgence of patriotic feelings. It ought to be filled with men, honest, sober, and independent, and so cool as to be little influenced by the impulses of patriotism.
He had been at a loss to account for the high reliance of the gentleman from Pennsylvania on the efficacy of the influences of patriotism, until he recollected that in that state a proposition had lately been made to destroy in effect all the legal decisions, books, and principles now in existence. Then indeed we might resort to patriotism, as our only remaining refuge.
Mr. NICHOLAS. The very idea of gentlemen on which rests their opposition to the present motion, furnishes in reality the strongest argument in its favor. They say that unless you give your judges salaries that will enable them to run before all the state judges, you will not make them so respectable as they ought to be: you will not place them on the ground they ought to occupy. In this event will the gentlemen say what becomes of the state judges? If the reputation of the federal judges be increased, will not that of the state judges be impaired?
As to the idea, avowed by some gentlemen, that this measure will cement and strengthen the union, Mr. Nicholas considered it as directly the reverse of the truth. Tending, as it did, to aggrandize the federal at the expence of the state courts, so far from cementing, its immediate influence would go to impair, the union. In his opinion that man respected as little the federal union who, in his zeal for the general government, overlooks the state governments, as he who alone regards, to the exclusion of the general government, the governments of the several states.
My colleague says that this government is too often considered in the light of a foreign one. Mr. Nicholas said he did not believe that the charge would be so often made unless there were some truth in it. He would ask his colleague, if immediately after having left his constituents he declared himself a new man, not their particular representative, governed by new views; he would ask him whether such sentiments did not furnish the strongest argument to convince the people that this government was foreign to their interests, foreign to their settled habits.
It appeared that the greatest compensations made to the state judges, but little
exceed 1,600 dollars; and that in other instances they did not exceed 1,000 and 800 dollars.
Mr. Nicholas thought it would be right to go over the ground, to enquire into the compensations made in the respective states, and to accommodate the salaries of the federal judges to what appeared in this view to be adequate. This will enable us to go on prosperously and harmoniously with the state governments.
Mr. H. LEE spoke with great indignation of the sentiments ascribed to him by his colleague, and declared that he never did say, he desired his colleague to prove it either in public or private, that he mistrusted the states. He always had considered the states as an essential part of the whole, necessarily benefitted by whatever promoted the general good.
Mr. BAYARD observed that the whole expense contemplated to be saved by the amendment was 4,800 dollars. The measure should not, therefore, on this ground receive opposition. There was in truth nothing to alarm in it. But few subjects could be introduced, in which the tocsin of alarm is not rung against the expenses of the federal government. Is it possible that the addition or subtraction of 400 dollars, as it respects the salaries of our judges, can affect the sovereignty or independence of the state governments?
Without amusing ourselves with fine spun theories we ought to resort to the solid motives that influence men. Patriotism, though a fine sounding word, will not sustain a family. It was a common proverb that few lawyers were born with silver spoons in their mouths. On the contrary, they were generally born in the humble spheres of life; and were incapacitated, however enthusiastic their feelings, from serving their country through pure motives of patriotism.
Besides the direct effect of this amendment, if adopted, will be to throw these offices into the hands of the aristocracy of the country. None but the rich will be able to hold them.
In fixing a compensation we ought to consider what sum will induce lawyers of the first talents to leave their practice. If this end were not accomplished, and men of small talents were placed on the bench, the bar would inevitably rule the bench instead of being ruled by it.
Mr. Bayard, coming from one of the smallest states in the union, thought himself competent to forming a just opinion of the lowest allowance to the judges that would be adequate. In the state of Delaware, a lawyer in full practice received at least 4,000 dollars; which was double the salary allowed by the bill. From this view of the subject, as well as from the other views that had been taken, he considered 2,000 dollars as only a moderate compensation.
As to the idea that the federal judges have but little business to do, he thought the fact, even if true, had no weight; as a judge was not paid so much for the actual duties he performed, as for abandoning his practice, and holding himself prepared for, and applying his talents exclusively to, the public business whenever it occurred.
The question was then put on striking out the section, and lost—ayes 40—noes 43.
MONDAY, JANUARY 19, 1801.
The petition of Griffin Taylor was presented and ordered to lie on the table.
A memorial from the merchants of Philadelphia, stating the great inconvenience which has arisen by the operation of that part of the act of 13th May 1800, which relates to a drawback on goods, &c. imported in foreign ships or vessels, was read and referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. WALN reported on the petition of Samuel Lewis, sen. that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to discharge the petitioner from imprisonment on judgment in favor of the U. S. against him, and Messrs. Waln, Grove and Imlay were appointed for that purpose; from which committee Mr. Waln presented a bill to
that effect, which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. MACON, from the committee of claims, reported against the several petitions of William Markward, Luke Broadhead, and John Berry, and the house approved the report.
Mr. NEW made report from the committee appointed to prepare a bill for regulating the grants of land, appropriated for the refugees from Canada and Nova-Scotia, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Wednesday.
Mr. New also reported a bill regulating the grants of land appropriated for the refugees from Canada and Nova-Scotia, which was read twice, and referred to the committee of the whole on Wednesday.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee on the petition of Solomon Boston, which was agreed to. The report relieves the petitioner from any further claim of the U. S. against him and directs his discharge from confinement.
The report was agreed to in the House, and Messrs. Bayard, Thatcher and Spaight appointed a committee to bring in a bill.
Mr. S. SMITH from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, presented a bill to incorporate the persons therein named, as a Mine and Metal company, which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole house on Thursday.
Mr. S. SMITH, from said Committee, presented a bill for erecting a light house on Cape Cod, which was read twice and referred to a Committee of the whole house to-morrow.
The house went into a committee of the whole on the report of a committee on the petition of F. B. Chandlear, who reported the same without amendment, to which report the house agreed; and appointed Messrs. Bayard, Foster and Linn to bring in a bill.
Resolved that Messrs. Lee, C. Goodrich, Sheafe, S. Smith, and Harper be a committee to enquire and report by bill or otherwise, into the expediency of making further provision to facilitate the communication between different parts of the United States, by means of post roads.
The house went into a committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of William Nichols, and reported it without amendment.
Ordered that the said bill be engrossed, and read a third time to-morrow.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
HAVE received by late arrivals, a general assortment of Hard ware and Ironmongery, which they offer for Sale at their Store opposite the Great Hotel.
They have also on hand
 Madeira, } Wines.  Sherry & }  Lisbon }  Cogniac Brandy.  Jamaica Spirits,  Holland Gin,  Loaf and Brown Sugar,  Tea, Coffee, &c. &c. 
Washington, Dec 18.
FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber will sell at private sale, two Three story Brick Houses, adjoining each other, 28 feet front each, by forty-feet deep, on Capitol Hill, Lot No. 6. Sq. 6 th —A fine commodious lot 61 feet front, by 196 feet deep, running back to an alley 30 feet wide, and may be occupied as one or two tenements, they are finished in a plain, but substantial manner, and built of the best materials—a credit of three, six, and nine months, on giving approved notes, negotiable at the bank of Columbia, or Baltimore—apply to Daniel Carroll, or in Baltimore to HENRY H. CARRILL.
Washington, Jan. 5, 1801.
For Sale.
TWO NEAT GIGS. Also a superior carriage Horse. Apply at Conrad and M c Mun's. January 14, 1800.
CABINET AND CHAIR MANUFACTORY.
WILSON AND HANDY.
HAVE commenced the above business at their Shop on New Jersey Avenue between the Episcopal church and Sugar House. As they are confident from the experience they have had in the principal shops in Europe and America, that they shall be able to give general satisfaction to those who will please to favour them with their custom. They have on hands, viz.
 Secretary Desks,  Portable Writing Desks,  Dressing Chests,  Card Tables, &c. 
N. B. Orders from country or city thankfully received and faithfully executed. December 30. 3tw
THE SUBSCRIBER
BEGS leave to inform the Public in general, that he has opened a Beef-steak and Oyster House, on Capitol Hill, City of Washington, in the House lately occupied by Brown and Snowden as a Printing Office, a small distance from the Capitol, where Gentlemen may be accommodated at any hour in the day or Evening, with Beef Steaks, Oysters, Sausages &c. at the shortest notice and on the most reasonable terms. Likewise the Subscriber has taken particular pains to lay in a stock of Good Liquors, and flatters himself that by paying strict attention to the business to Merit the favour of the Public in General.
WILLIAM TONKIN. December 28. Sept.
Sarah M c Karaher,
Mantua Maker and Seamstress,
RETURNS her thanks for the encouragement she has met with from the Ladies of this city, and informs them she has removed to the house of Mr. DE FRANCE, within one door of Mr. Smith's Printing-Office. She will either attend Ladies at their own houses, or take in Mantua-Making, or Plain Sewing.
City of Washington, Jan. 16, 1801.
Mantua-Making.
MRS. DEMPSEY,
FROM NEW-YORK,
BEGS leave to inform the Ladies and Public in general, that she has commenced business in the City, on the New-Jersey Avenue, five doors from Mr. Smith's Printing-Office, where she makes Ladies' Dresses on the shortest notice, and of the newest fashion.
January 16, 1801. 2w
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of Washington.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard.
WILLIAM PROUFF.
City of Washington. December 12, 1800. N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE.
THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the LITTLE HOTEL—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, ceters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post-obits, seamen's wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms.
Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary.
N. B. Herty's Abridgment of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Herty's Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered. December, 1800. twf

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
From the Morning Chronicle—Dec. 1.
The measure of hostility the Emperor of Russia has adopted towards this country, does not excite much surprise, whatever regret it may occasion. The temper of mind of that sovereign has for some time past been decidedly adverse, and perhaps we have trusted too implicitly to his caprice for a return to his moderation or to friendship. But unfortunately all kinds of motives have concurred to confirm this ill humor. Past chagrin has been joined by recent disappointment. A strange and uncouth alliance has been formed between spleen and regular policy.
The personal resentments of Paul have been inflamed by the failure of his schemes in the Mediterranean, and at a moment when he was without the pretext of a quarrel, he has revived the dormant doctrine of the armed neutrality, and in the whim of the moment he has plunged into that deep considered question of policy which had been started by the Catharines and the Benstoffs.
Yet it appears that the measure has been adopted with a discriminating severity by the Emperor's ministers. If it be madness there is method in it. The cabinet of Petersburg have laid an embargo upon our ships at a moment of all others when it could be most injurious to us. There were more British vessels in Russian ports at this time than at any moment since the coolness between the two courts arose. We can adopt no measure of hostility to punish this violence. The elements have by this time concluded an armistice of six months between the two countries. Our hostility must be suspended. Nevertheless the mischief is irretrievable, because all the ships now detained are prevented from completing their voyage. Had the measure been adopted sooner, we could have opposed it by active hostility.
It is evident, however, from the whole circumstances, that the Northern Powers are resolved to do us all the injury they can. Their active hostility indeed cannot give us a moment's uneasiness. We conceive that in the present distribution of the naval force of Europe, we could with a little increase of our maritime establishment, completely destroy the navies of the North. This confederacy having no efficient aid from France, the only power that can really give protection to the principles of the armed neutrality, must be feeble and inefficient to every purpose of annoyance. If France had a navy to balance, or nearly to balance ours, it would be a very serious affair indeed.
But, considering how feeble, exposed, and defenceless the northern powers are, in the present state of our navy, we cannot help feeling the utmost surprise to see such a moment as this pitched upon for the decision of the point by force. We are surprised to see Denmark and Sweden choose to promote this at a time when such fluctuation marks the conduct of their principal associate. We cannot help thinking that there must have been a most powerful feeling of discontent in the minds of the neutral powers, before they could at this period, when jealousy and alarm of France had become the disease of every court, have chosen to combine with France against us. Does it not prove that our conquests beget no applause, our success no sympathy, our power no friend? When such are the effects produced by our boasted acquisitions, all is not well. We may add, too, that a stronger proof of the incapacity of our rulers for foreign affairs could not be produced, than that in the face of all these obstacles and discouragements, in spite of all the motives of favor towards us, and hostility to our foes, that now exist, such a confederacy could have been formed.
If the news respecting the king of Prussia sending troops to Cuxhaven be true, it is possible, as we have already observed, that the K. of Prussia may justify it as a measure of mere precaution; and in that case it would involve no rupture with this country. The prudence and caution which characterise the cabinet of Berlin, render it improbable that it would enter precipitately into violent measures. Sweden and Denmark may be supposed to act in concert with Russia, both from previous dispositions and from the influence which the latter has over them.
The object of the confederacy must be to compel this country to recognise their claims by endeavoring to shut our commodities from the markets of Europe. Such a resolution indeed, might not have a complete success, as it is not easy to put an end to the consumption of commodities, the use of which has become habitual. But nevertheless it would doubtless embarrass our trade very considerably. All the ports of the Baltic, of Germany, in
deed of all Europe, would be shut against us. This would be the principal engine of hostility which these powers could put in motion, and doubtless it would produce some effect.
We mentioned that at the present moment we have no means of retaliation upon the Emperor of Russia. There is scarce a Russian ship in England. Those in the Mediterranean indeed might be detained, and we understand that Ministers have sent out instructions to Lord Keith on this point, but if the measures of Russia were taken with any sort of combination, these ships probably have already received orders to proceed to the Black sea, through the Bosphorus; and perhaps they may be employed there in prosecution of those views against Turkey, which are of an older standing at Petersburg, than even the Northern confederacy.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
FRIDAY, Nov. 2. CORN.
Lord Camden presented the report of the select committee appointed to enquire into the present dearth of provisions, which was read from the table. It differed from the report of the House of Commons in two particulars. In the first place, the committee stated that they had examined a number of witnesses, well acquainted with the subject, but as they had not yet concluded that examination, they forbore to state any opinion respecting the deficiency of the crop of the present year. They had, however, ascertained that in consequence of the scarcity of the former year, and the speedy approach of the seed-time, a demand was made upon that produce three months earlier than usual, which prevented the customary supplies from being hitherto brought to market. They also recommended a regulation for preventing bread being made of pure wheat, and instead of it there should be a mixture of other grain, such as barley, rye, &c.
Lord Camden then said, that after the recommendation coming from the Throne, and the Address voted by both Houses of Parliament in answer to his Majesty's Speech, it would be unnecessary for him to trespass on their time in using any arguments to impress the necessity of the regulations recommended by the committee. The remedies which appeared to them most immediately applicable, were the encouragement of importation, and the observance of economy in the consumption of grain, by which he hoped that every desirable end may speedily be accomplished, and he trusted it would have the example of their Lordships. Their tables, no doubt, would still be supplied in a manner suitable to their rank and fortune, and capable of affording all the hospitality that was usual with their ancestors; but at the same time that they may indulge themselves in every other luxury, he made no doubt, that in the present circumstances, they would cheerfully consent to abstain as much as possible from the consumption of an article, which was deemed so essentially necessary for the subsistence of the lower orders.
The report was then agreed to, and ordered to be printed.
Lord DARBLEY said, it was far from his intention to make any opposition to what had been recommended by the committee; but he must observe, that their report by no means went far enough. Under the present circumstances, he thought that much more should be done than mere recommendation, and that compulsory measures should be adopted, not only to restrain the consumption of wheat in the higher classes, but also to restrain them from other luxuries; for if it were true that the distress was so urgent, and that there was a want of hands to thresh out the grain, it may be even proper to prohibit all persons from keeping more than one male servant. He was of opinion also, that there should be a prohibition against feeding horses kept for pleasure with oats; for, on the computation, that each of those horses consumed a bushel weekly, the consumption in the whole would amount to 3 millions of quarters in a year.
A message was then sent to the Commons, acquainting them that the lords had agreed to their joint address to his majesty. After disposing of the bills upon the table, the house adjourned.
STRASBURG, Nov. 17.
The chief consul being unwilling to grant any farther delay to the court of Vienna, which is only desirous of gaining time, and is not seriously inclined to peace the rupture of the armistice has been announced in every point. But as the period at which it was to expire, was fixed at different dates; hostilities will be resumed sooner in our neighbourhood than in Bavaria. According to the notice
given by general Desselles, the armistice will expire on the 28th inst. but general Angereau is to recommence hostilities on the 22d, while the time of military operations in the Grisons is fixed on the 24th. As there was but a notice of ten days necessary in Italy, the war will be recommenced in that quarter earlier than in Germany.
One of the last Journals, the Gazette de France of the 21st. says, that the expedition prepared at Brest had put to sea, and that it had a number of troops on board. It is there asserted, that the squadron is destined for the Island of St. Domingo.
Commodore Sir Charles Hamilton will sail as soon as the wind permits, for the coast of Guinea. Several ships for Sierra Leone go under his convoy.
NEW-YORK, January 15.
The ship Three Sisters, captain Murphy, arrived here last evening from Liverpool, 38 days. She left Liverpool on the fourth day of December, and has furnished the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a file of London papers, among which is the "Courier," an evening paper of the 2d. They furnish nothing in addition to our former stock of intelligence, excepting that the town of Staade, situated near the Elbe, is occupied by five battalions of Prussian troops. "It appears to be the object of his Prussian majesty to secure the navigation both of the Elbe and Weser: he seemed resolved to seize the whole country between the two rivers, and it is expected he will also occupy Hamburg. The commercial interests of the city of London are most seriously affected by this circumstance."
"The next mail," says the Courier of the 2d December, "is expected to bring intelligence of the Prussians having entered Hamburg; and it is possible that interruption may be given to commercial transactions with that city. Prussia is looking out for accession of territory in the North of Germany, and Russia in Turkey. The Russian admiral refuses to quit the Dardanelles till Paul's maritime expenses are paid. Fleets of Russian transports, and fleets of Russian men of war are hovering about Constantinople; and it is probable that Buonaparte has planned with the court of St. Petersburg the overthrow of the Turkish empire."
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, January 21, 1801.
The President of the U. S. has nominated JOHN MARSHALL, Chief Justice of the United States.
Last evening about dusk a fire was discovered in the TREASURY DEPARTMENT. When discovered one of the rooms of the Accountant was in a full blaze. The papers in this room are said to be entirely destroyed, and those in an upper and an adjacent room, to which the flames extended, are said to be considerably injured. The fire was extinguished in about an hour and a half.
The Federalists in the city of New-York, have resolved to support Stephen Van Rensselaer, the present Lieutenant-Governor, as Governor of that State, at the next election. At the same time they passed a resolve expressing the high and grateful sense they entertain of the eminent services of the present Governor, John Jay.
The following Question has been stated to Sir JOHN NICOLL, King's Advocate, London.
"Whether British born subjects, who have been naturalized in America as citizens of the United States, within the last four to six years, can trade between North America and the French or Spanish islands and settlements in the West Indies, without subjecting their property to confiscation in a British court of Admiralty?"
ANSWER.
I know of no instance in which the court of appeals, or the high court of admiralty, has condemned property not contraband, on account of its belonging to a British subject that had been regularly admitted a citizen of America, & was bona fide resident & established as a merchant in that country; and I am of opinion, that no such decision is likely to take place.
The same question as relates to Frenchmen.
ANSWER.
The same rule would prevail in respect
to a native Frenchman, but if the removal were recent and the trade to the French colonies, and he was carrying on a trade in another branch to France, and this was the course of trade in which he had been previously engaged, the fact would be more difficult to establish, that the residence was not colorable and merely to evade the effect of hostilities.
(Signed) J. NICOLL. November 17, 1800.
Extract from a letter, dated Port-Republican, Dec. 22, 1800.
P. S. This moment an express has arrived from the Cape, which gives information, that Toussaint has laid an additional duty on imports and exports; this is to take place, I am informed, in a very short time. The duty then will be 20 per cent. on imports and 20 per cent. on exports, which in my opinion will amount to a prohibition.
Account of Flour and Indian Meal, inspected in the city of New-York, from the 1st day of January to the 31st December, 1800.
  231,303 bbls } Wheat Flour,   18,795 half bbls   9,126 bbls middlings,   24,765 bbls Rye Flour,   12,487 do. Indian Meal,   9,359 hlfs do. do. ROBERT MOTT, Inspector. 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, JAN. 20, 1801.
Mr. MACON from the committee of Claims made a report on the petition of James Clark—which was referred to a committee of the whole House and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
Sundry petitions were read and referred to committees.
Mr. BAYARD from the committee appointed for that purpose reported a bill for the relief of Solomon Boston.
An engrossed bill entitled an act for the more convenient organization of the courts of the U. States was read the third time and on the question shall this bill pass, it was decided in the affirmative. Ayes 51.—Noes 43.—as follows:
YEAS.
 Messrs. Baer, Bartlett, Bayard, Bird, J. Brown, Champlin, Cooper, Craik, Dana, J. Davenport, F. Davenport, Dennis, Dickson, Edmond, Evans, Foster, Freeman, Glenn, Goode, C. Goodrich, E. Goodrich, Griswold, Grove, Harper, Henderson, Hill, Huger, Imlay, Kittera, H. Lee, S. Lee, Morris, Otis, Page, Pinckney, Platt, Powell, J. Reed, N. Read, Rutledge, Shepard J. C. Smith, Sheafe, Tenny, Thatcher, J. C. Thomas, R. Thomas, Wadsworth, Waln, L. Williams.—51. 
NAYS.
 Messrs. Allison, Bailey, Bishop, R. Brown, Christie, Clay, Claiborne, Condit, Davis, Dawson, Dent, Eggleston, Elmen-dorf, Gallatin, Gray, Gregg, Hanna, Heister, Holmes, Jackson, Kitchell, Leib, Lyon, Linn, Macon, Muhlenberg, New, Nicholas, Nicholson, Randolph, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Spaight, Stanford, Sumter, Taliaferro, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Varnum, R. Williams.—43. 
The passage of this bill was opposed in a short speech by Mr. Gallatin.
An ingrossed bill entitled an act for the relief of W. Nichols late Marshall of Pennsylvania was taken up for a third reading.
Mr. Gregg said that when this bill was before the House yesterday there appeared a very considerable difference of opinion as to facts. He believed papers might now be obtained which were not before the committee of Claims when they reported the bill, that would enable them to make such a statement of facts as would reconcile these different opinions, and lead to a different decision from that contemplated by the bill. He would therefore move that it be committed to the committee of claims.—This motion was carried in the affirmative.
Mr. PINCKNEY from the committee appointed for the purpose reported a bill giving a right of pre-emption to certain persons for certain lands purchased from John C. Sims, between the Great and the Little Miami rivers.
A letter from the commissioners of the City of Washington addressed to the Speaker was read requesting that an apartment might be assigned in the Capitol to the Judges of the Supreme Court of the U. S. to hold their next session in.—Referred to a committee of three.
The house went into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee on the Memorial of Mathew, Paterson and others, and after some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported a resolution.

tion, the object of which is to cede to the state of South Carolina the right both of soil and jurisdiction to certain lands contiguous to the Western Boundary of that state and including the lands occupied by the petitioners.
A bill for erecting a Light House on Cape Coe on the North-westerly part of Martha's Vineyard was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow.
There has appeared from the Press of Green and English; George-Town, a pamphlet under the Title of Examinations on the Government of the Territory of Columbia, Number Five ; Being a Review of a work entitled, Enquiries into the necessity or expediency of assuming Exclusive Legislation over the District of Columbia : Respectfully submitted to the "Members of Congress"; by a private citizen of the District. This work is sold by Rapine, Conrad & Co. in the City; by Roberts, George Town; and by Bishop, Alexandria.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
No. IV.
ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.
I have shewn in my preceding remarks, that one of the probable results of a declension on the part of Congress to nominate Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency will be a dissolution of the general government.
Every citizen who cherishes a solitary spark of patriotism, or who justly estimates his own personal stake in the continuance of the union, may be rationally expected to revolt at an event so pregnant with calamity; and judging of the feelings and views of others by those which are lodged in his own breast, he will probably hesitate in ascribing to any man, or set of men, the contemplation of measures which to him appear fraught with ruin.
But it is a fact, no less true than gloomy, that the topic of separation has been discussed with a spirit of cool calculating cunning; and it has been avowed that it would be a lesser evil than the triumph of republican principles.
In these circumstances, it would betray the phrensy of unsuspicious confidence not to feel alarmed; and feeling alarmed, not to communicate that alarm to the people; not with a view to rouse their indignation and inflame their passions; but to prepare them for that crisis which may require, as they value the enjoyment of their rights and liberties, an expression of their sentiments, so unanimous, commanding and efficient, as to silence every lawless suggestion of faction.
Until the Presidential election is passed, let every citizen realize that the country is in danger. Let him with prudence and firmness avow his opinions, that it may appear to the representatives of the people that the voice of the people is unequivocal, and that that voice shall not only be heard but obeyed.
That this general impression may be produced, it becomes a duty of peculiar importance to develope the effects, that would probably follow a dissolution of the general government.
A calm view of the subject will convince every mind that reflects, that the inevitable evils will be great, and the probable ones destructive of internal harmony and external peace;—destructive, perhaps, of even our national existence.
The evils attending the want of a federal head are so correctly and forcibly stated in the Federalist , published at New-York, in 1788, that I shall rely upon them for the most conclusive conviction of the mind of every citizen that peruses them.
It is known that these papers were the joint production of Messrs. Madison, Jay and Hamilton; and that they were considered at the time they were written, and have since been viewed, as among the most correct defences of the Federal Constitution, and exposition of the grounds on which it was formed.
"A man must be far gone in Utopian speculations who can seriously doubt, that if these states should either be wholly disunited, or only united in partial confederacies, the subdivisions into which they might be thrown, would have frequent and violent contests with each other. To presume a want of motives for such contests, as an argument against their existence, would be to forget that men are ambitious, vindictive and rapacious. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent, unconnected sovereignties, situated in the same neighbourhood, would be to disregard the uniform course of human events, and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages."
The causes of hostility among nations are innumerable. There are some which have a general and almost constant operation upon the collective bodies of society: Of this description are the love of power, or the desire of pre-eminence and dominion—the jealousy of power, or the desire of equality and safety. There are others which have a more circumscribed, though an equally operative influence, within their spheres: Such are the rivalships and competitions of commerce between commercial nations. And there are others, not less numerous than either of the former, which take their origin entirely, in private passions; in the attachments, enmities, interests, hopes and fears of leading individuals in the communities of which they are members. Men of this class, whether the favourites of a king or of a people, have in too many instances abused the confidence they possessed; and assuming the pretext of some public motive, have not scrupled to sacrifice the national tranquility to personal advantage, or personal gratification.
"The celebrated Pericles, in compliance with the resentments of a prostitute, at the expence of much of the blood and treasure of his countrymen, attacked, vanquished and destroyed the city of the Samnians . The same man, stimulated by private pique against the Magrensians , another nation of Greece, or to avoid a prosecution with which he was threatened as an accomplice in a supposed theft of the statuary Phidias , or to get rid of the accusations prepared to be brought against him for dissipating the funds of the state in the purchase of the popularity, or from a combination of all these causes, was the primitive author of that famous and fatal war, distinguished in the Grecian annals by the name of the Peloponnesian war ; which, after various vicissitudes, intermissions and renewals, terminated in the ruin of the Athenian commonwealth."
"The ambitious cardinal, who was prime minister to Henry VIIIth, permitting his vanity to aspire to the triple-crown, entertained hopes of succeeding in the acquisition of the splendid prize by the influence of the emperor Charles Vth. To secure the favour and interest of this enterprising and powerful monarch, he precipitated England into a war with France, contrary to the plainest dictates of policy, and at the hazard of the safety and independence, as well of the kingdom over which he presided by his councils, as of Europe in General. For if there ever was a sovereign who bid fair to realize the project of universal monarchy it was the emperor Charles Vth. of whose intrigues Woolsey was at one the instrument and the dupe."
"The influence which the bigotry of one female,* the petulancies of another,† and the cabals of a third‡ had in the cotemporary policy, ferment and pacifications of a considerable part of Europe, are topics that have been too often dwelt upon not to be generally known."
"To multiply examples of the agency of personal considerations in the production of great national events, either foreign or domestic, according to their directions, would be an unnecessary waste of time. Those who have but a superficial acquaintance with the sources from which they are to be drawn will themselves recollect a variety of instances; and those who have a tolerable knowledge of human nature will not stand in need of such lights, to form their opinion either of the reality or extent of that agency. Perhaps however a reference, tending to illustrate the general principle, may with propriety be made to a case which has lately happened among ourselves. If Shays had not been a desperate debtor it is much to be doubted whether Massachusetts would have been plunged into a civil war."
"But notwithstanding the concurring testimony of experience, in this particular, there are still to be found visionary, or designing men, who stand ready to advocate the paradox of perpetual peace between the states, though dismembered and alienated from each other. The genius of republics (say they) is pacific; the spirit of commerce has a tendency to soften the manners of men, to extinguish those inflammable humours which have so often kindled into wars."
"Commercial republics, like ours, will never be disposed to waste themselves in ruinous contentions with each other. They will be governed by mutual interest, and will cultivate a spirit of mutual amity and concord."
"Is it now (we may ask these projec-
* Madame de Maintenon.
† Duchess of Marlborough.
‡ Madame de Pompadour.
tors in politics) the true interest of all nations to cultivate the same benevolent and philosophic spirit? If this be their true interest, have they in fact pursued it? Has it not, on the contrary, invariably been found, that momentary passions & immediate interests have a more active and imperious controul over human conduct than general or remote considerations of policy, utility or justice? Have republics in practice been less addicted to war than monarchies? Are not the former administered by men as well as the latter? Are there not aversions, predilections, rivalships and desires of unjust acquisition that affect nations as well as kings? Are not popular assemblies frequently subject to the impulses of rage, resentment, jealousy, avarice, and of other irregular and violent propensities? Is it not well known that their determinations are often governed by a few individuals, in whom they place confidence, and are of course liable to be tinctured by the passions and views of those individuals? Has commerce hitherto done any thing more than change the objects of war? Is not the love of wealth as domineering and enterprising a passion as that of power or glory? Have there not been as many wars founded upon commercial motives since that has become the prevailing system of nations, as were before occasioned by the cupidity of territory or dominion? Has not the spirit of commerce in many instances administered new incentives to the appetite both for the one and for the other? Let experience, the least fallible guide of human opinions, be appealed to for an answer to these enquiries."
"Sparta, Athens, Rome and Carthage were all republics; two of them, Athens & Carthage of the commercial kind. Yet were they as often engaged in wars, offensive and defensive, as the neighbouring monarchies of the same times. Sparta was little better than a well regulated camp; and Rome was never sated of carnage and conquest."
"From this summary of what has taken place in other countries, whose situation have borne the nearest resemblance to our own, what reason can we have to confide in those reveries, which would seduce us into an expectation of peace and cordiality between the members of the present confederacy, in a state of separation? Have we not already seen enough of the fallacy and extravagance of those idle theories which have amused us with promises of an exemption from the imperfections, the weaknesses and the evils incident to society in every shape? Is it not time to awake from the deceitful dream of a golden age, and to adopt as a practical maxim for the direction of our political conduct, that we, as well as the other inhabitants of the globe, are yet remote from the happy empire of perfect wisdom and perfect virtue?"
"Let the point of extreme depression to which our national dignity and credit have sunk—let the inconveniences felt every where from a lax and ill administration of government—let the revolt of a part of the State of North Carolina—let the menacing disturbances in Pennsylvania, and the actual insurrections and rebellions in Massachusetts declare!"
"So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those, who endeavor to lull asleep our apprehensions of discord and hostility between the states, in the event of disunion, that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics, that vicinity or nearness of situation, constitutes nations natural enemies. An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect— "NEIGHBOURING NATIONS (says he) are naturally enemies of each other, unless their common weakness forces them to league in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC, and their constitution prevents the differences that neighbourhood occasions, extinguishing that secret jealousy, which disposes all states to aggrandize themselves at the expence of their neighbours." This passage at the same time points out the EVIL and suggests the REMEDY."
ARISTIDES.
* Vide Principes des Negotiations par l'Abbe de Mably.
To RENT.
A Commodious Two Story brick dwelling house on square No. 701—the lot is well inclosed and hath every necessary out house, and is very convenient for a small family—it may be entered on immediately, the terms made known and the premises shown by applying to BENJAMIN MORE. Washington, New Jersey Avenue, December 17, 1800.
FOR SALE.
By the Subscriber, near the County wharf COLOGNE Mill-stones, of different sizes lately from Amsterdam; German, London, Blister and crowley steel; sugar in hogheads and barrels; coffee, bar and rod iron; calings; ten plate stoves complete for use, of different sizes; beef and pork, of first quality, by the barrel; fine and coarse salt; tar, turpentine and rosin; clover seed.
JESSE HOLLINGSWORTH. Baltimore, January 1, 1801.
CHEAP LUMBER.
FOR SALE,
By the Subscriber, on reasonable terms, either by large or small quantities, at his Lumber Yards, the north end of Lamberton, and at the old Sturgeon Pond, above Richards's wharf,
ASSORTED LUMBER, viz.
One and 1-4 inch, 1 1-8, and 1 do. Yellow pine heart boards—1 inch pannel, 1 1-4 do. for floors, 1 do. common, white pine do—2 do. 7 1-4 and 2 1-2 do planks, 1 do. 5-8, and 2-8 do. boards, black walnut—2 do. plank, 3 do. 1-2 do. pannel boards, bedstead sets, poplar the whole of the above are well seasoned and fit for use—Clear heart pine, and sap pine white oak, and bilhead, hemlock and white pine scantling, assorted—best kind three feet cedar shingles, dressed and undressed, do. two feet white pine do.; do. 18 inch cypress do—cedar rails—Also, white pine sawed rails—shingling and planishing laths, best kind; white oak waggon timber—sap pine planks, sap pine one inch boards, 3-4 cedar, best kind, 3-4 white pine, 3-4 sap pine, seasoned weather boards—A quantity of handsome chestnut pailings, sawed 1 by 3 inches and from 4 to 16 feet long, for garden fence, &c. A quantity of chestnut oak posts, dressed and undressed; a quantity of cherry boards, a quantity of large white oak joice, a quantity of chestnut posts—5000 feet of neat beach scantling for tool blocks—5000 feet of sycamore scantling for reditards; 2 inch white oak plank; 1 inch white oak boards, 3-4 do. do. do.—25,000 feet superior cherry boards and plank, 3,000 do. very clear 2 inch white pine plank, 3,000 do. handsome beater wood bedstead sets seasoned, 100,000 prime North Carolina shingles, a quantity of ash plank, 150 tons plaster Paris, warranted, 3,000 bushels best Virginia pit coal, 200 bushel cleans house sand
The subscriber intends, establishing a Lumber Yard at the Federal City of Washington, which he will keep regularly supplied as above—Any quantities may be agreed for by contract, deliverable, as the purchaser may will, provided that the place of delivery may be comeatable by water with a navigable vessel—Any quantity that may be ordered for shipping abroad, shall be supplied with punctuality and dispatch, agreeable to order
Gentlemen who are or may be building—as well as carpenters who may be under or may enter into contracts to build and furnish the materials, will find it well worth their attention to apply as above—Applications may be made by letter (post paid) or otherwise, to the subscriber, or let with Wm. and Anthony M. Buckley, or Benj. W. Morris and Co. merchants, Philadelphia.
Also for Sale or to Let,
A large commodious Dwelling House, with out buildings complete, and from three to seven acres of land—Two small do. with lots thereto. Also, a small Store near the river—All laying in the village of Lamberton
NATHAN COMBS.
N. B. A Screw Jack to let, that raises from 10 to 40 tons by hand—a constant supply of laister and Smith's Virginia coal. Lamberton, New Jersey, (on Del.) January 13, 1801.
RHODE ISLAND LIME.
A few hundred casks will be delivered in a good order at any landing in the City—on application to BENJ. WIN MORE, New Jersey Avenue—or William Yeaton, Alexandria. Washington, Jan. 17, 1801.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
At the Brick Store opposite BLODGET'S HOTEL.
HAVE received by the Brig UNION, Capt. Leonard, from Liverpool, a large supply of Crockery Ware. Some of which is well assorted in small cases for the country.
Also, by the same Vessel.
White Lead, ground in oil. Spanish Brown do. Red Lead, Patent yellow, &c. &c. They expect by the Roba and Betsey arrived at Norfolk, an additional Invoice of crockery and a large assortment of Glass ware. All which will be sold at the Philadelphia prices. December 28.
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690. A General Assortment of Ironmongery, cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chassing dishes, Brass, iron and Japan Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; jappanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, sad irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and crost cut Saws. 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights. Also calc beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE.
November 24th, 1800.

LETTER from a respectable citizen to a Member of Congress, on the ELECTION of a PRESIDENT.
The argument to which the design you mention in yours of the 23th resorts for defence, I understand to be this. "The constitution provides no remedy in the case of an equal division of electors, and an equal division of states, between the persons having a majority of the electors; but it inherently possesses the power of preserving itself; therefore a remedy may be provided for this case by law."
Waving for the present a consideration of the consequences of a power in the legislature, to remedy supposed defects in the constitution, let us admit it, and consider in what part of the existing case, the constitution is silent. It is not silent in ascertaining the rights bestowed by an equality of votes, and a majority of all. It expressly declares, that this event shall bestow the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. So far there is no silence, no defect, but a positive and unequivocal rule. The constitution proceeds as distinctly, to invest the states, through the organ of each state's representation in the house of congress popularly constructed, with a power of selecting one of the elected for President; whereupon the other becomes Vice-President, without the agency of this house, but under the authority of his election. Hitherto no omission, or ambiguity appears, nor any symptom of an intention, that any power should supersede the will of the people, by an exclusion of either of those elected; on the contrary the power of preference is expressly limited to those already elected. This power of preference, is clearly distinct from a right to elect, and if a dilemma arise from an equal division of states, the question is, whether principles of implication or construction, or the necessity of the case, will invest the legislature with a right to supersede the election of the people, or only with a right of prescribing some additional mode of settling a preference, which will remove the difficulty? To say "that if a dilemma occurs from the silence of the constitution in one case, that it shall invest the legislature with a power over it, where it is clear and express" would completely prostrate it at the feet of the legislature. Admitting then that the legislature could legislate at all in this case, they are bound even by the principles upon which the project is bottomed, namely, "That the constitution inherently possesses a power of preserving itself" to legislate for its preservation, by finding a mode of placing the elected of the people in the offices to which they are entitled in virtue of the constitution, nor could they, under pretence that the constitution ought to be preserved, violate it, by an exclusion direct, or indirect.
But it is a case in which the legislature cannot legislate, without destroying every principle of the constitution, and changing the whole texture of our government. The constitution bestows a right of suffrage as to this preference, neither on congress, nor any component part of congress, and as far removed beyond the reach of congress, as any other right of suffrage it does bestow. If a right of suffrage bestowed by the constitution may be taken away by the legislature, the very foundation upon which republican government is built, being removed, the whole superstructure must fall. If the states may be deprived of their suffrage in the house of representatives by a law, they may be thus deprived of their suffrage in the appointment of electors; and laws may also change or take away rights of suffrage, in the cases of choosing members of the senate, or of the house of representatives. If a law can make a President, it can also make a senate or house of representatives, and where it is competent to create, it is competent to continue. A President, who is the creature of law, ceases to be a check upon those who make the law, though by his voice in making laws, he may reimburse himself for what the people would lose by the loss of this check, by voting for himself, or by excluding a rival, who could not secure two thirds of congress, and by the chance he would have of fixing himself for life, and transmitting the office to his heirs. For if laws can be made to dispose of the Presidency, the man in possession may be said to have in his favor the whole twelve points of the law.
By the constitution, for many obvious reasons, neither the legislature, nor any component part of the legislature, are
owed an agency in the election of a President. To one house, but modified differently from its legislative form, is conceded a limited power in particular cases. This power is given to the states, and not to the union; and it would approach nearer to propriety, were the house of representatives in resolves, made by the sixteen votes of the states, existing in that house for this special purpose, to renounce or modify the power they may exercise, than that congress, to whom it is not given, and who cannot exercise it, should do so. By legislative interposition, the whole political character of the first magistrate, would be changed from that which the constitution designed it to be.
The necessity for this legislative interposition might easily be made common. The members of the house of representatives by uniting to prevent any majority, and by scattering their votes as states among the first five, without giving a majority to either, might often create this pretended necessity, as a pretext for appointing a President in a mode more pleasing to themselves, than that presented by the constitution. And if the spirit of faction and the love of power, are now strong enough to make such a precedent, there is no doubt but that they will hereafter follow it.
Admitting then the not providing a remedy for this apprehended equality of suffrage is a defect in the constitution, yet it cannot be amended by law, not only because the constitution has provided a different mode of curing its own defects, but also because such a mode of amendment would clearly reduce the constitution to the state of any other law, to be altered, abrogated, or exchanged for another, according to the will of the legislature.
But I am inclined to think that this is not a defect capable of a remedy; and that in this instance, as in many others, it was necessary to confide in the force of public opinion, for the execution of the constitution. A similar case might arise in the election of the senate. Suppose a majority of states, from a division between their two legislative branches—between the electors themselves, or from the force of some party impression, should forbear to elect senators; as a majority of states may now forbear to decide the point of preference between the Presidents elect. There is no constitutional provision for this dilemma either; and wherefore?—because it is not capable of such a provision. It would be a case proper for the tribunal of public opinion, which would either decide that the progress of the government ought to be arrested, or that these legislatures had perpetrated the most consummate act of treason against the happiness of society. It would be in fact most clearly a case of revolution; if public opinion declares in its favor, it is right; if that rejects the attempt, it is followed by a degree of execration and punishment, which constitute the only possible provision against vicious experiments, and is sufficiently awful sometimes to prevent virtuous effects.
I do not discern how either elective right could have been placed in hands entitled to more confidence, less liable to this dilemma of division, or more strongly interested to keep the wheels of government in motion. To the state legislatures is confided the entire power of choosing senators; but to the states assembled at the seat of government in a form appropriated to the object, is confided the comparatively unimportant right of preference, between persons already chosen. If the great power can be confided to the state legislatures, the less may surely be entrusted to the collected wisdom and virtue of the union. If the responsibility is so tremendous, as to be a security against the states seizing upon their power, as a weapon with which to destroy their rival (the general government) it may certainly be depended on for preventing that government from destroying itself.
As therefore public opinion must be relied upon ultimately in many instances to enforce the progress of government, its progress in this case could hardly have been confided, where there was more security, or greater responsibility; and therefore I doubt whether this pretended defect exists.
So far as to the theory of the case; but of what remedy does the dilemma admit in practice? There appears none, but repeated trials to elect constitutionally, in the course of which it must happen, that some one state, on one side or the other, will renounce an obstinacy, which must otherwise terminate in a general convention, or a dissolution of the government.
Such is the only remedy in a great number of similar cases. A division of the State legislatures in electing senators, such as actually happened in Pennsylvania, or a division in choosing a speaker of the house of representatives on every new congress, would, if obstinately persisted in, produce a sudden stop to the government. No body thought of a remedy for the case quoted, because no body conceived that any other than the force of public opinion was necessary. And when the danger and danger of dissolving all the ligaments of society, rather than obey the constitution by expressing the preference it requires, or than yield to the will of the people in that expression, are duly weighed, perhaps it will be found that no better security against the evil can be found.
This project for excluding the elect of the people from the Presidency, if it should be unfortunately persisted in, will constitute a touch-stone of principles, and draw forth the truth from the disguises of profession and nick-names, and the artifices of faction.
Whilst the republicans by this machinery were thrown into the minority, they submitted to an erroneous majority, and Virginia has patiently bended the sedition law, executed by a process so com- pendious, as excessively to increase its terrors; in the very spot where her assembly had declared it to be constitutional; but even, those who cried out loudly for the supremacy of a majority, even in a question too intricate to excite it, are endeavouring to destroy this fundamental principle, where the excitement of public opinion has been compleat, its competency unequivocal, and its decision positive.
The project will illustrate the justness of party epithets. Those who have assumed the title of "federalists," will be seen engaged in a stratagem to break the constitution—The "friends of order," will be detected in the very act of disorganizing the government—and the pretended enemies of French revolutions, will be exhibited in an attempt to substitute the will of faction for the will of the people, so that hereafter changes of men in office will be epochs of revolution. The republicans have said, "that they were the true federalists, and that their adversaries had concealed under that epithet, a system for the gradual subversion of the constitution." A project for overthrowing it at a blow, will confirm the charge of a premeditated design to destroy it.
The names of "federalists" and "friends of order," have deluded many men of property, but this project teeming with the most awful consequences to them in particular, will dissolve the charm.
A nation divided into two parties, is ever in imminent danger, lest some man or set of men, should by the help of the prejudices and resentments of one, contrive to enslave both. This has so often happened, as to have assumed the appearance of a natural consequence, and ought to be beheld, as a scowling political cloud, announcing whirl-winds, tempests and desolation. The two parties we have, Their prejudices and resentments are great—and it is hardly imaginable, that we have no men capable of making use of them. What have we to check the designs of such men, but the constitution, and if the rage of either party should countenance their leaders in breaking that, what beacon will remain to point out the designs of ambition? Suppose a man of property was asked, even by the object of his enthusiastic political confidence, to underwrite to the amount of his whole property, the success of a project, which was to commence with a breach of the constitution, and to proceed in opposition to the will of a majority; would not the proposal startle him? Yet by becoming a partisan of such a project, he thoughtlessly stakes his life as well as his property upon its success. And his chance for saving both these, will be exactly the same as in other countries, after the constitutional landmarks between right and wrong are thrown down. Faction after faction will rise up. None can long retain the support of the people, because the power of all will be illegitimate. The despot of to day may kneel to morrow to a wretch whom he had consigned to a loathsome jail. Property will change as rapidly as power, and some warrior will finally become master of every thing. And the utmost to be expected by the first violators of social order, is, to prepare the way for others still more wicked and daring, whilst all will violate the characters which preserve life, liberty, and property. Such reflections as these will finally rally up all virtuous men from the ensigns of party, under the safe standard of the constitution.
If however an enraged minority should successfully oppose for the present the voice of the people, so audibly pronounced in favor of Mr. Jefferson, it can only be from a secret enmity to the constitution, because that is able to govern his conduct, and therefore it must be that, and not him, which is the real object of their hatred. It must then be a question of revolution, which whilst it may produce the great evils I have mentioned, will almost certainly, as you observe, beget those lesser ones of destroying all property resting on credit, and of depriving Virginia and Maryland of the Seat of Government.
I sincerely believe that all good men of both parties are inimical to a revolution, and that the warmest attachments to Mr. Jefferson have grown out of a hope, that under him moderate and orderly government may be expected, which will unite parties, at present so portentous to national prosperity, and constitute the best security against usurpation in whatever form they may attempt to exalt her crest. Towards this end, they must adhere to their motto "The public will, and the supremacy of the constitution over government," to whatever individual it may apply.
In Chancery, January 3d, 1801.
ON Application to the Chancellor by petition in writing of JOHN HEPBURNE, of Charles county, praying the benefit of the "act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors" passed at the last session on the terms therein mentioned, and a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, so far as he can ascertain, the cause, on oath, being annexed to his petition and said John Hepburne, being a person known to the Chancellor to be at this time, a citizen of the United States, and of this State, and to have been such at the time of passing the said act, and the said John Hepburne, at the time of presenting his petition, having produced to the Chancellor, the assent in writing, of so many of his creditors as have due to them, the amount of two thirds of the debts due by him at the time of passing the said act, according to the list aforesaid—It is therefore adjudged and ordered that the said John Hepburne, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted once in each of three successive weeks, in some one of the Washington Newspapers, before the end of the present month, give notice to his creditors, to appear in the Chancery Office, on the twentieth day of February next, for the purpose of recommending some person to be trustee for their benefit, on the said John Hepburne, then and there taking the Oath prescribed by law for delivering up his property.
Test. SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, reg. C. C. Jan. 7. 1801. law3t.
In Chancery, December 29, 1800.
WALTER W. H. RWOOD, an insolvent of Prince George county, makes application as a trader, by petition to the Chancellor in writing, praying the benefit of an "act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors". There is annexed to his petition a schedule of his property, and a list of his creditors on oath, as by the said act is required. The Chancellor is satisfied by competent testimony, that he is at this time, and was, at the time of passing that act, a citizen of this state, and of the United States. It is therefore adjudged, and ordered that he appear before the chancellor in the chancery office, on the first day of April next, for the purpose of taking the Oath, by the said act required in presence of his creditors, and that by causing a copy of this order, to be inserted once in each of three successive weeks before the end of January next, in some newspaper of the City of Washington, he give notice to his creditors to attend on the said first day of April, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, and to lodge with the chancellor, within sixty days from the time of the last publication (if they shall think fit) their dissent to his being admitted to the benefit of the said act.
Test. SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, reg. C. C. Jan. 7. 1801. law3t.
Boarding & Lodging
MAY Be had, for six or eight Gentlemen, at the WHITE HOUSE, between the City Post-Office, and Pennsylvania Avenue. January 14th, 1801. 3t.
John Minchen.
BOOT MAKER FROM PHILADELPHIA.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Kootees, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d. gtw.
TO JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED, a number of Journeymen Shoemakers, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given.