National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-01-05 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 20 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, January 5, 1793.
[Total No. 124.]
Substance of the debate in the House of Representatives of the United States, on Friday December 28, relative to the Reduction of the Military establishment.
MR. STEELE, agreeably to notice, called up his motion, which is in the following words:—Resolved, that a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill, to reduce the military establishment of the United States to regiments or corps consisting each of noncommissioned officers, privates, and musicians, with such proportion of commissioned officers, as the President may think proper to continue in service; and to repeal so much of an act passed the 5th of March, 1792, intitled "An act for making further & more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States." as may contravene this intention."
Mr. Steele declared he did not rise to say much on this motion. The opinions of members must be made up from observations on facts that have come within their own knowledge, therefore, what he could advance, he did not suppose, would change their opinions. The house is in possession of the motion, and every member stands responsible to his constituents, and to his own conscience for the part he shall act upon it.
He prefaced some observations on the nature of governments in the progress of their administration. Time brings abuses into most, and he never was so sanguine, he said, as to expect, that the Federal government would be exempt from them. But when abuses did creep in to the administration of a government, silence he considered as criminal, and a quiet acquiescence worse:—a free people, however, were inescapable of seeing them without remonstrating, and the people of America possessed enough of the true spirit of freemen, not to suffer the progress of a ruinous war system, or to bear the burden imposed upon them to support expensive projects of ambition without remonstrating. The people of the United States are peaceful, they are attached from education and habit to regularity and peace; he was sorry, he said, that part of our administration did not appear to be guided by the same spirit. Chimerical projects had been set on foot without regard to the public opinion;—armies had been raised and maintained without affording protection to the frontiers, and the expence of this system had justly roused the indignation of our citizens. The motto of a republic should be, 'Economy and peace.' With these cardinal qualities, any nation may be happy, without them no government can be tolerable. He should proceed, he said, to enquire how far they had dictated the measures of our government. For this purpose he turned to the appropriations, for the purpose of defraying the expences of the Indian war. He read some notes, taken from the existing laws of appropriation and the estimate presented for the ensuing year, from which it appeared, That
  For 1789 237,000 dols. were appropriated for the war dep. 20,000   90, 181,792 20,000   91, 702,885 74 cents 20,000   92, 1,205,949 76 25,000   93, 1,173,719 50,000 
Making a total of 3,534,347 : 20 c, for the support of the system since the establishment of this young government. He invited the house to take notice of this enormous sum,—the public, he said, had done so already:—and this money had been or was to be appropriated without scarcely enquiring how former appropriations had been applied. He hoped the house would do something to check this growing evil; if they did not, he should invite him, he said, the secretary at war himself, to take a retrospect for twenty years into the history of the frontier, and enquire into the expence of defending it when the defence was entrusted to each
individual state, and to compare that expence with what has already been incurred under the present system: It would be difficult, he said, to point out and justify the causes of their material difference. There was no good reason why so expensive a system as that now pursued should be necessary; and if the expences of the war department could not be reduced, the country, he conceived would not be able to bear them.
His motion was intended, and his motives in making it, were, to afford effectual protection to the frontier, to diminish the expence at present incurred for that object, and apply the savings to the reduction of the public debt. He was firmly of opinion that if an economical system was pursued, the defence of the frontiers could be effected and a sinking fund established that would begin to operate four or five years sooner than was at present contemplated by the secretary of the treasury, and that without any additional tax. He could not approve of any sinking fund that must be entirely supported by new taxes,—much less of one which was to depend solely on loans.
He next turned to the mode of warfare adopted since the establishment of the federal government against the Indians. The history of the frontier from Braddock's defeat to the present day amply proved, that regular armies are improper for that kind of war. If this history had been attended to and the fate of that commander had been considered and placed to its true cause, three millions of dollars and many valuable lives might have been saved to the United States. A regular army is an expensive machine, and in its operations unwieldy and tardy, composed of men without the necessary enterprize, constitution and activity to combat a savage foe, accustomed to fatigue and fighting for their all.
He quoted a passage from a communication from the secretary of war himself to the house, to shew the opinion he entertained of the enemy. Their subtlety and activity, and our ignorance of the country and mode of warfare. The house he said, had not sufficiently attended to the inadequateness of regular armies in opposition to such an enemy, as demonstrated by experience, and that pernicious facility of borrowing had induced to pass with two little difficulty appropriation on appropriation, to pursue it. If taxes had been demanded to make these provisions perhaps the legislature, he suggested, would have been more cautious how they proceeded.
He again adverted to the mode of warfare which regular armies necessitated;—one expedition can only be effected in one year, and indeed, it had been found, that even one could not be accomplished this year, but one expedition could afford no effectual protection to the frontier. Besides the motions of a regular army are easily watched and known,—Indians well knowing when to expect their enemy, will collect in full force, and beat us as they have done, and will do again, if the same system is pursued.
He was of opinion that if such a measure would be admissible on principles of benevolence and policy, that the Indian war might be farmed to the state of Kentucky, and completely terminated, for one half of the sum now about to be appropriated to support the present futile system. He appealed for the justice of the position to those gentlemen acquainted with the feelings and habits of the people of that state. Upon the success of his motion he conceived the success of the war depended. Regular troops could never fight in the woods. If the system is not changed the war will be a seven or a ten years' war. Active and enterprising frontier militia alone were equal to opposing Indians.
In his motion, as offered, there was, he said, a blank for the number of regiments to remain on foot. He should propose, at a proper time, he intimated, to fill this blank up with two, which would give 2120 privates, regulars, quite enough, even if the President should think it necessary to garrison all the posts which have been established for the protection of the frontiers.
He enumerated these posts as follows: Fayette, Hamilton, Stuben, Knox, Tammany, Telfair, Harmar, Franklin, Jefferson, St. Clair, Marietta, Massachusetts, Matthews and Knoxville.
Abandoning the system of active expeditions by regular troops and giving to each of these an equal portion of the 2120 men, composing the two regiments, each post would be protected by 152 privates. This number would be quite sufficient and greater than that now defending some of those posts: But he wished it left discretionary with the President to distribute them.
He stated, that the only objection of the secretary at war even to employing the militia in this war, was the expence. He wished to refute that objection and went into a reasoning of some length on the subject. Regular troops, when enlisted must be paid, clothed, &c during the whole time of their enlistment, whether in actual service or not; the militia, tho' more expensive while on foot, yet being on the spot, executing an expedition in forty or fifty days, then returning to their homes and immediately on their return being out of pay, would be found in the end much less expensive as well as much more effectual. Five expeditions, he computed, could be made in each year, by a militia on or near the frontier, and 30,000 dollars he set down as sufficient to pay the expence of each of these expeditions.
To give an idea of the expence of regular troops and to shew the alarming progress of expence on this score since the establishment of the new government, he gave the following items from appropriation laws past and reports of estimates of what will be necessary for the ensuing year. Contingencies for the war department.
  For 1790 including expresses, &c. 3,000   91 5,000   92 20,000   estimate for 93 50,000 
  Quarter Master's department.   Appropriations for 1790 15,000   91 25,000   92 50,000   estimate for 93 100,000 
  Hospital Department.   Appropriations for 1790 1,000   91 1,635.20   92 6,000   estimate for 93 25,000 
  Ordnance Department.   Appropriations for 1790 7,646.66   91 6,303.66   92 7,204.64   estimate for 93 23,835.64 
The provision for the last mentioned department, he conceived, bore a very ludicrous appearance. He considered it as absurd to attempt fighting Indians with artillery. Not all the artillery of Europe would avail against such a foe. He could not see that either reason or policy would warrant an appropriation of upwards of 23,000 dollars in the present session for the purchase of artillery for such a war. And added that it seem'd strange, that the ordnance procured by the United States to carry on the British war had not been sufficient to defend the frontier garrisons, without calling upon the government to appropriate in four years the sum of 44,988 dollars for this purpose.
He next turned to the pay, subsistence and cloathing of the troops. He premised on this head, that it was well worth considering, whether those articles kept up an exact proportion with the encrease of the troops, in the items he should give; they certainly should, he conceived. If the proportion of the sums latterly appropriated according to estimates for these articles proved greater, there must be, he contended, abuse somewhere, and it certainly is the duty of the House of Representatives to examine where the blame lies.
   Pay of the troops Subsistence.     Approp. 1790 59,028 42,552   91 74,916 59,787   92 102,686 119,688   Estim. for 93 304,308 312,567.75   Cloathing. Total.   24,440 126,020   23,772.80 158,475.80   48,000 270,374   112,000 728,875  
He was at some loss to account for the want of proportion in the items above stated, compared with the number of troops employed,—perhaps more officers were under pay than the public service required,—these things deserve thorough investigation.
He proceeded to show what would be saved to the United States by a change of system. He shewed by a quotation from a report of the secretary of the treasury, that it was the opinion of that officer, that the current service of the ensuing year would probably require the whole of the revenue; but that he contemplates a valuable surplus for the redemption of the debt, should a termination be put to the Indian war. He made some observations on the importance of redeeming the public debt, as speedily as possible, and complimented the secretary of the treasury, in respect to the disposition he had shewn on this subject.
He was of opinion, that with peace and economy the resources of the country would be sufficient to accomplish its total redemption in ten years, by purchases and regular installment payments. Under the present system of warfare, a beginning cannot be made without levying a new tax, and a new tax cannot be granted, until the abuses of the war department are considered and corrected.
He proceeded to shew the economical effect of the reduction he proposed on our finances, by comparing the appropriation of '92 with the estimate for 1793, for the war department.
  Contingent Expences, As settled at the treasury,   1792, 10,229   Per estimate 1793, 50,000   Difference 39,771 
  Quarter Master's Department,   1792, 50,000   1793, 100,000   Difference 50,000 
  Hospital Department.   1792, 6,000   1793, 25,000   Difference 19,000 
  Forage for Cavalry, &c.   1792, 4,152   1793, 44,856   Difference 40,704 
Ordnance Department. The whole provision for this department he conceived might go out, however, to pursue his plan, he took the difference.
  1792, 7,204.64c.   1793, 23,835.64c.   Difference 16,631 
  Pay, Subsistence and Cloathing.   1792, 270,374   1793, 728,875   Difference 458,501   Total saved 624,607 dols. 

This was the annual saving he proposed. In his calculation, he remarked, he neglected the bounty held out to the 1600 men yet to be enlisted. As he was counting by tens and hundreds of thousands, this sum he did not think worth attending to.
He concluded, that the decision of this question would speak the sense of the house in regard to the existing system, and whether there was in the government a serious desire to obtain permanent peace, to defend the frontier effectually, and to provide, without resorting to new taxes or loans, for the regular and speedy reduction of the public debt. An object which seems to be highly desired by the secretary of the treasury, and all other disinterested citizens throughout the Union.
(To be continued.)
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
NAMUR, October 11.
The army under General Clairfayt have paid dear for their attempts against France. These troops have undergone the greatest possible distress: they were 4 days without eating—at last they killed and eat their horses, and if a truce had not been made, they must all have surrendered; out of 6000 cavalry, which composed this army, not above 400 will return; the rest are all either killed, taken, or the horses eaten! The remains of General Clairfayt's army have already passed the French frontier.
Hague, October 16. The various successes of the French in Germany and Savoy, occasion a good deal of consternation in this country, and government is afraid, lest patriotism should again rear its head. Dumourier's threat of taking up his winter-quarters at Brussels, occasions a prodigious alarm, because the people here well know that it would be only a step to proceed thence to Holland. Government consequently pursue vigorous measures against all those who are suspected of favoring patriotic ideas, and the States of Holland have lately issued an order on this subject.
Brussels, Oct. 17. We hear from the provinces of Namur and Luxemburgh, that the army of their royal highnesses Monsieur and the duke d'Artois, is disbanded, as well as that under the command of the duke de Bourbon—the individuals of which these armies were composed are in the greatest distress, wandering and dispersed, without knowing where to go, or what is to become of them; many without money; others selling their horses, watches, and even their clothes. We have seen some of them with no other covering than a blanket. A great many have got only the shirt upon their backs, and are wading through thick and thin with half a pair of shoes. All these poor unfortunate men have got their discharges in their pockets, and anxiously desire to return to their native country. It is to be hoped that the French will shew themselves a generous nation in this instance; and that their humanity will lead them to forgive a suppliant enemy.
Lisle, Oct. 10. The fire of the enemy ceased on the morning of the 6th, but they did not abandon the villages of Fives, Hellemmes, Anappe, and other places in the neighbourhood till the 8th.
They began their entrenchments on Tuesday, Sept. 25. Nothing could be more beautiful or better disposed than their works, and every one who has seen them is astonished that they were able to form them in so short a space of time. The batteries rose one above another in gradation, at the distance of 100 paces from each other, and they were so strong, that 15,000 men could not have dislodged the Austrians. The loss which they have occasioned to this city is estimated at six millions of livres.
Vienna, Oct. 6. The police of Vienna redoubles its utmost attention to watch foreigners as well as the subjects of the Emperor, who may be infected with the spirit of liberty.
According to the observations which have been some time making, it has been discovered, that those citizens whose attachment to the country was most depended upon, are the declared enemies of monarchical government, and have every where endeavoured to make proselytes to this opinion. It is found that persons of all classes and conditions are in these clubs; it is feared therefore, that the tempest, which must burst upon them, will be the more dreadful.
Rome, Sept. 29. In this place, the friends of the French are more numerous than can be imagined, and the people want nothing but a leader to crush the Papal authority, and rescue themselves from superstition and oppression.
Four thousand men were last week raised, and ordered to the banks of the Tyber. They desired to know for what purpose they were embodied, but their requisition was denied. However, having come to the knowledge that they were to embark for the purpose of assisting the Austrians to fight against the liberties of France, these citizen soldiers to a man laid down their arms, and fold their regimentals to the Jews.
The statue of St. Peter, in St. Peter's church, has been stripped of the gorgeous and
costly apparel, in which the Saint is annually dressed, in compliment to the birthday of his holiness the Pope. He now appears in deep mourning, lamenting the misfortunes of Louis!—The Pope and his Cardinals have put on sack-cloth and ashes, and the statue of Pasquin is covered daily with satirical poems against his holiness and his friends, which in days of yore would have been by the ignorant pronounced—blasphemous!
His holiness, the Pope, has issued abundance of plenary indulgences, and promising eternal happiness, to all those who shall be killed in fighting against the republic of France.
Londonderry, Oct. 30. The following is a brief sketch of the present posture of affairs on the continent:—A continuation of the success of the French arms in Piedmont, Savoy, and Switzerland—The Prussians evacuate Verdun by capitulation, and are quitting the French territory totally; it is generally thought, that the king of Prussia has made a separate peace for himself, leaving the Austrians to shift for themselves—The king of Spain has given up going into the unprofitable contest; General Cuffino makes heavy contributions on the Ecclesiastical princes on the banks of the Rhine—Gen. Dumourier, at the head of 50,000 men, preparing to march to Brussels, there to plant the tree of liberty, and to revenge the republic for the burning of the houses at Lille—Strong symptoms of discontent and revolt among the people in the Netherlands, Germany and Italy; the seeds of liberty are springing fast up even under the holy walls of the Vatican! At Paris, a difference of opinion exists between the Convention and the people of the capital (spirited on by the Jacobins) respecting the embodying a protecting guard from the 83 departments—The majority of the Convention apparently inclined to lenient measures with the unfortunate Louis the Last.
Strasbourg, Oct. 10. The people of this city have formally interred Louis the 16th, as the last of his crowned race. The coffin was followed by a vast number of fictitious princes and capuchins, barons, and Franciscans, gentlemen, and doctors of the Sorbonne, knights of the red and blue ribbons, doctors of the law, &c. &c. besides 20,000 male and female citizens, and a band of music playing the Dead March and the tune of Ca ira.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
TO THE NOBLESSE AND COURTIER OF THE UNITED STATES.
WANTED against the 21st of February, a person who is well skilled in the trade of verifying, and who is willing to offer up his talents to government as a Poet Laureat . As this is somewhat of a new-trade in the United States, and the person offering himself may be awkward in the duties which he is called to perform, it is intended to write to the poet laureat of his Britannic majesty for a few lessons. One thing, however, will be certainly required, a dexterity in composing birth-day odes , soaring above this clod for models for the characters laureated. To compare an officer of government to any thing on this earth, would be an anti-hyperbole, unsuited to the majesty of the subject. It will not be mal-apropos for the poet, in order to render himself the more acceptable, to have an intimate knowledge of the causes of decline of all the republics which have preceded us, that he may celebrate those causes as favorable to American prosperity. The ignorance of Americans will render this tale highly pleasing—To give a more perfect accommodation to this almost new appointment , certain monarchical prettinesses must be highly extolled, such as levees, drawing-rooms, stately nods instead of shaking hands, titles of office, seclusion from the people , &c. It may be needless to mention certain other trifling collateral duties, but that the poet may be acquainted with the whole circle of requisites, it may not be amiss to hint, that occasional strokes of ridicule at equality; the absurdity that the vulgar , namely, the people, should presume to think and judge for themselves; the great benefit of rank and distinction ; the abomination of equality supposing that the officers of government ought to level themselves with the people, by visiting them, inviting them to their tables, &c. may be introduced by way of epistle to the poem. It is a wretched and mad opinion that some high flying republicans maintain, that officers of government ought to deport themselves as the equals of the people: it is founded in human nature, that when men are exalted above their fellows, they should feel a consequence, exercise an insolence, and observe a stately superiority over those who have advanced them; for by equalizing themselves with the mobocracy, they diminish that reverence and submission , which ought necessarily to be annexed to every important office. The majesty of the people is a ridiculous solecism—it ought to be the majesty of the officers of government , "stuck o'er with titles and hung round with strings." As the objects are sketched which are to engage the attention of the poet, it only remains to mention, that the person who can render this essential service will be well provided for by government either at home or abroad.
Dec. 31.
From the American Daily Advertiser.
MR. DUNLAP, HAPPENING to be at the House of Representatives the other day, when the bill was debated, for taking the money appropriated to the French debt, and applying it to the bank; and the motion for striking out two million and putting in 200,000, the actual sum due the bank, was lost by the vote of the Chair, I could not but clearly see the force of what has been often said, respecting the tendency of the bank to influence the government, and the opportunity the members of the bank, being also members of the government, would have to forward the interest (including their own) of that powerful institution. For it was clear on that occasion (and may be the same on all such-like occasions) that if the members of the bank (who were doubtless voting in a matter of their own interest) had not voted, or if they had been divided in their votes as much as other uninterested members, that the question would have been very otherwise decided. This appears to me a most serious matter, and that calls loudly on the public attention. The idea of changing any appropriations, strikes disagreeably; but to take money intended for our allies, who lent us in our day of trial—at the crisis when the fate of their own glorious cause of liberty is depending, was horrible to the feelings of an American heart; and I do not believe would have been thought of for any other purpose (short of self-preservation) other than to serve the bank; and therefore, it demonstrates the mighty and truly-alarming influence the bank has already got over the government.
An honest Republican.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Dec. 31.
A petition was presented and read, from the corporation of Rhode-Island college, praying compensation for rent, and damages done to the said college, which, in the time of the war, was occupied by the French and American troops as a hospital & barracks—Also, a petition of Isaiah Thomas , printer, of Massachusetts, praying that the duty on printing types, imported from Europe, may be remitted; and that certain bonds by him given to the collector of Boston district for the payment of such duties, may be cancelled—Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, to examine and report thereon.
A memorial was read, from the officers of the late Massachusetts line of the army, in behalf of themselves and the soldiers, praying compensation for arrears of pay, on the depreciated certificates granted them for services, &c.—Laid on the table.
The engrossed bill for ascertaining the fees "demandable in cases of admiralty proceedings," and "for amending the act for the regulation of seamen in the merchants' service," was read the third time, passed, and sent to the Senate for concurrence.
Mr. Williamson reported a bill to amend an act for establishing a mint, and regulating the copper coins of the United States—Read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
The House then proceeded to consider the report of the committee on "the petition of several of the inhabitants of Post St. Vincennes, on the Wabash, to be re-released from the expences of re-surveying their lands," and on "the letter from the Governor of the N. W. territory on the same subject." The report was favorable to the petitioners—and a bill was ordered to be brought in enacting "that the lands of the petitioners who had made settlements previous to 1783, should be re-surveyed at the expence of the United States."
Mr. Goodhue, from the committee, presented a bill relative to claims against the United States, not barred by any act of limitation, and which have not been already adjusted—Read twice, and made the order of the day for next Thursday.
On renewal of a motion for that purpose by Mr. White, a committee was appointed to bring in a bill "to establish the judicial courts of the United States," in respect to taking bail in criminal cases.
A message was received from the President of the United States, notifying his having approved and signed the "act for registering and recording ships or vessels."
The House then, in committee of the whole, took into consideration the bill making appropriations for 1793—Some amendments were made—and progress reported.—On motion, the committee of the whole was discharged, and the bill re-committed to the original committee.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis, communicating a letter (signed by about 150 of the citizens of Tou-louse, in France) to the Congress of the United States, denouncing M. de la Fayette.
On motion of Mr. Grove, a resolution passed the House, that the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of State, and the Secretary at War, be directed to lay before the House, lists of the several persons
employed in the offices of their respective departments, with the salaries allowed to each.
The House, in committee of the whole, proceeded to consider the report of the committee on the petitions of a number of persons praying to be placed on the pension list—Rose without coming to a decision, to take the same into consideration again to-morrow.
TUESDAY, Jan. 1.
A petition from Samuel Lindsay, praying compensation for services rendered as lieutenant in the late army, was read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury—Also, a memorial from Nicholas Reib, praying compensation for services, &c.—Referred to the Secretary at War.
Mr. White brought in a bill to explain the act for establishing judicial courts, and taking bail in criminal cases—Read twice, and made the order of the day for next Friday.
The House, in committee of the whole, took up the copper-coinage bill—several amendments were made and agreed to, and the bill ordered to be engrossed. The weight of a cent is fixed at eight penny-weight sixteen grains. In the course of the debate on this bill, Mr. Boudinot moved that instead of the figure of Liberty, hitherto exhibited on specimens of American coin, should be substituted that of Columbus, the original discoverer of America—On putting the question, this motion was negatived.
In committee of the whole, the House proceeded to consider the report of a select committee, respecting invalids—Several amendments were agreed to, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill accordingly.
The bill for compensating Udney Hay, for a claim of interest, was also taken up in the committee of the whole—reported without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The bill for settling the claims of Lewis Garranger, for services, &c. was, after being amended, ordered to be engrossed.
The report of the committee, during the last session, on the petition of John Tucker, was considered. The sum then reported was struck out, and a committee appointed to report a bill, with a blank for the sum to be allowed.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 2.
Several petitions were reported on, and the reports laid on the table.—The following engrossed bills were read a third time and passed—1st. For settling the accounts of Lewis Garranger—2d. To amend the act for establishing a copper-coinage—and 3d. A bill to allow the payment of interest due to Udney Hay, &c.
Mr. Sedgwick reported a bill for compensating John Tucker—Read twice, and made one of the orders of the day for to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Gerry, the several petitions of the officers of the army were referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
A message was received from the Secretary of State, containing a list of the persons employed in his department, and the salaries received by each, communicated pursuant to a resolution of the House on Monday last.
The House, in committee of the whole, proceeded to consider Mr. Steele's motion for reducing the military establishment of the U. States; debate was had thereon till the hour of adjournment; progress was then reported, the committee to sit again on the same subject.
The House, in committee discussed the bill for compensating the widows and orphans of persons killed by the Indians while under the sanction of flags of truce.—The committee rose without coming to a decision.
THURSDAY, Jan. 3.
The petition of Charles King, praying to be placed on the pension list, was read, and laid on the table.
Mr. W. Smith, of the committee appointed, reported a bill to regulate claims to invalid pensions—Read twice, and committed for to-morrow.
A letter was read from the Secretary at War, enclosing a list of the several persons employed in the department of war, with the salaries allowed to each.—Laid on the table.
The report of a select committee on the petition of Joseph Henderson, was referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
The House then went into committee of the whole on the bill making compensation to the widows and orphans of persons bearing flags of truce to the Indians, Mr. Dayton in the chair, and having made several amendments to it, rose and reported. The House ordered that the amendments lie on the table.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. White in the chair, on the motion to reduce the military establishment of the United States.—After some time spent therein, the committee reported progress, and asked leave to sit again.

PHILADELPHIA.
JANUARY 5.
A correspondent observes, that it would seem bad policy to reduce the present army establishment, before the conclusion of something like a firm and general peace with the Indians. Disarming any part of our war establishment before that period will leave us at the mercy of the savages, to settle matters upon their own terms—It has always been a European maxim, to make peace with the sword in your hand.—Our frontier is becoming so thickly settled that the Indians now find it easier to get a living by plunder than by hunting; and they will not fail to prefer the first of these modes, if they are not restrained by a certainty of punishment from a superior force.
On Thursday, afternoon, a number of the friends of equality and of the French revolution, Americans and French, assembled at Oeller's hotel, to commemorate the glorious successes of the republican armies of France over the despots of Prussia and Austria. Fifteen toasts, truly republican, were drank at the entertainment provided on this occasion.
Extract of a letter from Columbia, South-Carolina; Dec. 9, 1792.
"The electors of President and Vice-President have voted for the present gentlemen in office. Major Butler is re-elected to the Senate of the United States. The gentlemen in nomination were Governor Pinckney and Major Butler; the former had eight votes, the latter one hundred and eighteen;—a pretty strong evidence of the sentiments of this country of Major Butler's public conduct.—There is no man possesses the esteem and confidence of his fellow-citizens more highly than Major Butler."
Decree of the National Legislative Assembly of France.
Sep. 5. 1792.
1. The importation of every kind of tobacco in the leaf is to be permitted, from and after the first day of October next, on paying 10 livres the quintal for the tobaccos which are subject to the duty of 13 livres 15 sous: 12 livres 10 sous for those which pay 25 livres: and 15 livres for all others, except those in segars, which shall pay 25 livres. The duties of 10 livres and 12 livres 10 sous shall be levied as well on the tobacco which shall be imported, reckoning from the above date, as on those which shall then be in Entrepot. The tobaccos of the Levant shall be admitted in bales; those of Amersfort, in hampers, and those of the Colonies in bundles.
2. Leaf tobacco imported by sea, shall have the right of entrepot eighteen months. They may even pass, by a continuation of entrepot from one port to another. They shall pay the duty on the actual weight, and only at the expiration of the time of entrepot, or when they shall be taken from thence for national consumption. The whole on condition that the ware houses shall only be in the ports, furnished by the merchants at their own expense, and of which the regie shall have a key.
3. Manufactured tobacco which shall be sold in consequence of seizure, shall be subject to a duty of 15 livres per quintal.
4. Tobaccos seized from persons unknown, and not reclaimed, may be sold three days after notice, to the solicitor of the corporation, and advertising the decree of confiscation: the nett proceeds of the sales shall be paid immediately to the persons seizing, and divided according to the rules established, or to be established.
5. Where several seizures of tobacco shall be separately made from persons unknown, within the jurisdiction of the same district-tribunal, and the value of each parcel seized shall not exceed 50 livres, the regie may demand confiscation by a single petition, which shall contain the estimate of each parcel of the tobacco, and a decision shall be issued on the said petition by one and the same judgment.
6. The resolutions, in the two preceding articles shall be executed, in respect to all seizures made from persons unknown, of things which shall not have been reclaimed.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Fenwick, consul of the United States at Bordeaux, to the Secretary of State, dated September 28.
"THE crops of grain have proved much less than was expected in all the southern departments of France, and considerable foreign supplies will be wanting. Mr. Cathalan, vice consul of Marseilles is now here, encouraged by the citizens of that place and the prospect of the scarcity of grain to come as far as this, and go even to America in order to buy and procure supplies of wheat and flour, but the uncertainty of the times has deterred him from going on to America. We shall also want much in this, and the neighbouring departments, and I presume the prices will be high."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Vanderhorst, consul of the United States at Bristol, to the Secretary of State, dated October 10.
A very uncommon wet harvest-time here, has done much injury to the crops of grain, which were before very promising; corn in consequence has considerably advanced in price, and it is expected, will still be higher, so that there is at present, no doubt among our merchants in this place, but the ports of this kingdom, will in the course of next month, be opened, for the admission of foreign grain of all sorts—indeed so confident are they of this that many of them have already sent large orders abroad for the purchasing of corn.
The triumph of Liberty is now, in a great measure, complete. The invaders of France are every where retreating before the victorious armies of that republic. It is no longer in the power of Europe to bring about a counter-revolution. We behold the French nation assume a firm character and republican manners. We see order return, and diffuse the spirit of liberty; their resources encrease, and their armies are tenacious of discipline. Unanimity and connection mark their measures of defence; and the confidence of the whole people in the National Convention, gives energy to their power, and success to their operations. Had a king formed no part of their original constitution, it may now be discovered, that the functions of its offices would never have been perverted.—Even the friends of monarchy are now convinced, that the second revolution was unavoidable, and that there was no alternative on the 10th of August between freedom and slavery.
On the 14th of October, a citizen of Paris presented to the National Convention, a child, in whose eyes, Nature had imprinted the perfect representation of a Dial ; for whose future maintenance (being blind) the convention ordered competent provision to be made.
Some there are who complain that no original poetical composition appears at present in the United States, but merely the old Liberty Maje hashed over and over again. Whatever truth there may be in this observation, it would not be amiss for these sticklers for novelty likewise to contemplate the want of originality in their friends and patrons, in framing certain political systems for this country; the authors of which, altho' cried up for such wonderful head-pieces by the speculators, seem to have been more intent upon studying and plundering from the British statute book, than puzzling their brains, with invention, or even with improvement on invention .—What a striking resemblance do we at present exhibit, in several particulars, to the machinery of a certain European insular government!—insomuch, that were any American patriot or soldier, who fell during the war, to rise from his grave, and come among us at this hour, he might well cry out, with the surprized Scotchman, on another occasion,
"This is nae mine ain hoose, "I ken by the rigging o't!"
[From Newbern (N.C.) December 11.]
The circuit court of the United States was opened here on the 30th of November, and continued open from day to day until Tuesday the 11th inst. when it was adjourned by the district judge until the 1st of June next:—No business of any kind was done, owing to the absence of the circuit or associate justices—The jurors attended with great punctuality and patience the whole time, although this is a very busy and important season with the planter and farmer. Mr. Johnston, one of the associate justices, had held the courts in South-Carolina and Georgia, and was taken ill at Augusta, and his letter, authorizing the adjournment of the court, was not received until Monday the 10th. Several pirates have been for many months confined here in a loathsome dungeon, praying for their execution as a tender mercy compared with their present confinement—and two persons, who were only so unfortunate as to be the witnesses of their crimes, not being able to give security for their appearance, are confined in a manner not much more comfortable. These poor wretches are now doomed to suffer the inclemencies of the winter in a situation already shocking to humanity. The accidental interruptions of the federal courts since their institution in this state, and the entire loss of this term, have brought them into some disrepute, both with the suitors and the people. The judicial system was so defective, both in point of principle and arrangement, and so awkward and unwieldy in its operation, that the second session of Congress saw the necessity of an entire alteration; they modestly avoided the work themselves, as if it had been a task beyond their strength, notwithstanding the number of professional gentlemen in both houses, and ordered the attorney-general, in the Congressional style, a sort of Secretary of the law department ; to report the necessary amendments;—an elaborate folio pamphlet appeared at the next session, and the people expected the business would have been immediately taken up, but another
of their secretaries made a report on a project infinitely more interesting—(to individuals); and this elegant piece of refinement and obscurity, the report of the secretary at law, was immediately consigned to oblivion; and the great object of the administration of justice, and the reputation of the national government, were equally forgotten and neglected.
[From the Boston Independent Chronicle.]
"Congratulations to the public, that none who are stiled antifederalists , or, to express their meaning more clearly, that none who had objections to the adoption of the new constitution, are elected or appointed to any places in the administration thereof, have not a very conciliatory appearance; the hopes also of certain high-toned federalists, publicly expressed, that this class will ever be excluded from any of the honors or emoluments, any of the trusts or profits of this government, which is said to hold forth its blessings equally to every class of citizens, creates a disgust that, sooner or later, will be felt by the designing and ambitious, and which already causes the servile abettors of power, party and intrigue, to tremble.
It is well known, that while the constitution was in agitation, there were at least seven-eighths of the whole mass of the people opposed to it. It is well known, that many gentlemen of uniform principles, and acknowledged integrity, opposed the adoption, in its present form, without first pruning those excrescences, which, at a future period, when the principles of freedom may not be so active as at present: when the fire of liberty may be a little deadened, might endanger the happiness, if not destroy the independence of the country. It is well known, that the acceptance of it, was effected by fraud, dissimulation, artifice and intrigue, if not by corruption. It is well known, that the large minorities of the several conventions, and the larger majorities of the people abroad, submitted, in the decision of the conventions, to that maxim in politics: "that the majority should govern," that they acquiesced in this nominal, imaginary majority, with a magnanimity and generosity, that did infinite honor to this enlightened nation. It is well known, that history does not record an instance of such a numerous class of citizens, many of them respectable from birth, education, merit and abilities, so peaceably, and with so little murmur, submitting to, and tolerating such a torrent of obloquy, as has been constantly thrown upon them, merely for a difference in opinions, upon one of the greatest questions, that almost ever agitated a people; which was thrown open to debate, and in which it was almost impossible for them to have agreed. It is well known, that the antifederalists , so termed, were in general, as well convinced of the necessity of a firm energetic system of government, both for the honor and happiness of the country, as any class of men; but they could not be convinced of the necessity of the violent haste, with which this form was obtruded on the people, for the gratification of the ambition and avarice of certain high-toned aristocrats. It is well known, that the opposers of the adoption of the new government (unless previously amended) have been as good citizens, and would go as far to support the system, as any of its most zealous advocates. They have long enough submitted to this invidious treatment; their patience is nearly exhausted. They have hitherto considered it as the ebullition of party, and the insolence of triumph. They have seen themselves studiously excluded from any places of honor or emolument. They have seen that the glorious boast of freemen, that "every man is eligible," is not applicable to them; and I believe their resentment only waits for this principle of disfranchisement to be as openly avowed by the Legislative, as it has been by the Executive, to burst forth in complaint—and perhaps more than complaint. And be assured, the awakened wrongs, and the active resentments of a hundred thousand men are not easily done away, or alleviated."
MR. FRENEAU,
PLEASE to give the two following letters a place in your paper, and you will oblige
Your humble servant, JAMES BLANCHARD. Phila. Jan. 4 1793.
SIR,
I RECEIVED your's of November 15, a few days since—Your information by Capt. Donald was true respecting both your and Gen. Hull's circular letters.—The Cincinnati, as a society, voted against taking up the consideration, but had nothing against the merits of the memorial of Gen. Hull, as officers. A number of our leading characters, from fortunate circumstances, kept their certificates, and perhaps purchased some in addition, and feel themselves very comfortable. The officers of inferior ranks have mostly moved out of the state, or by marriage or business got into tolerable circumstances. It is said our members of Congress, at least two of
them, viz. Boudinot and Dayton, have made money by speculation—As for my own part, thank God, I am able to live by the sweat of my brow: almost all my certificates I sold at about 3/4 for 20/—throwing in the interest. I thought from the disposition of the officers, at their last meeting, that it would be difficult to obtain a meeting of one half on the subject—my business requiring my constant attention, induced me to lay aside any thoughts on the subject—I have at the same time no doubt but about one half of our officers, were they collected, would join with you and the rest of our brethren, in asserting claims founded in perfect justice.
I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, J. N. CUMMING. New-Ark, Dec. 5, 1792,
Philadelphia, Dec. 19, 1792.
SIR, I RECEIVED your favor of the 5th instant, and wrote you a few lines in answer; but on a second reading, I beg leave to inform you, that I lament your senior officers declining to come forward in behalf of those of inferior rank and the soldiery, who have not ability to come forward for themselves.
Notwithstanding those gentlemen have been so fortunate as to retain their own certificates, and perhaps to make an addition, the remnant petitioned for would not affect their purchases, but do justice to their private stock.
With regard to your members, Captain Dayton was not in Congress when the funding law passed, and cast his bread upon the waters with other speculators—But Mr. Boudinot was in Congress, and having a large sum in fictitious certificates, had an opportunity to fund a large sum of debt for a small sum in specie.
The representatives from the Eastern States are endeavoring to persuade the agents that are here, that they will see the fallacy of their application; for the representatives of the states of Virginia and Georgia do not mean, by advocating the cause of the army, that they should receive any payments, but to bring on a division, in hopes to overthrow the government.
This would be an unpopular doctrine in Virginia, as they have the fullest confidence in the justice and ability of their members.
The farmers in the southern states conceive they have been swindled out of their certificates by the New-England speculators.—This belief has been corroborated on the information of a letter from Mr. Amasa Learned, a member from Connecticut, in the beginning of the last session to Mr. Jedidiah Leeds, of Richmond, soliciting him to be an agent in Virginia (either on commissions, or as a partner) for the purpose of purchasing the deferred and state debts; advising that those certificates could be purchased at a low rate, and that the Secretary of the Treasury was bringing forward a plan to make the whole debt at 6 per cent. stock, which was then selling at 25 shillings in the pound. But Mr. Leeds doubted the propriety of the transaction, and declined the concern.
At present I can form no conjecture of the sequel—Col. Hamilton, notwithstanding his appointment in the continental army, secured to himself a place from danger, and was indulged two years previous to the treaty of peace, to be absent on his private concerns, and in the advantages of speculation: since he has been Secretary of the Treasury, he is against any payments, except the depreciated paper which the army have received, that netted them only one eighth of the sum stipulated in specie for their monthly wages: And the President, notwithstanding his pathetic promises in general orders, at New-Windsor (That a country rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude)—is now silent.
The writings for public information on the funding system are nearly finished, and a part are sent to the counties of Berkshire and Hampshire, in Massachusetts.
I am, Sir, most respectfully, Your humble servant, JAMES BLANCHARD. To Col. F. N. Cumming—Newark
PRICE OF STOCKS.
 National Bank Stock 36  N. American 35  Six per cents. 21  Deferred, 12 1/2  Three per cents. 12 1/2 
A FEW COPIES OF THE TRANSACTIONS
Of the Society instituted in the State of New-York, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANUFACTURES, May be had at this Office. [Price HALF a DOLLAR.] Jan. 5.

THIRD DECLARATION of the DUKE OF BRUNSWICK.
[Read to the French National Convention by M. Brissot.]
WHEN their majesties the Emperor and the King of Prussia, in confiding to me the command of the armies which these two allied sovereigns have caused to march into France...
[M. Brissot here observed, that the only answer he should make to this manifesto, was that General Dumourier had it printed and distributed in his army; the good effects of which were found in the increased courage and provoked indignation of the soldiers.]
Such atrocious acts, of which nations in the least degree civilized have not yet shown an example, were nevertheless not the extreme bounds which the audacity of certain factious men, who had contrived to render the people of Paris the blind instruments of their will, had set to their guilty ambition.
The suppression of all the king's functions, which had been referred to him by that very constitution, which had been so long cried up as the vow of the whole nation, was the last crime of the national assembly, which has brought upon France the two dreadful scourges of war and anarchy. [Fresh murmurs.]
[M. Brissot—I request silence, if it be only thro' pity.]
To perpetuate these evils, there remained but one step to be taken, which could be dictated only by that mad spirit, the fatal fore-runner of the fall of empires, which has seized upon those men who distinguish themselves by the rise of deputies of the nation, chosen to confirm its rights and happiness, upon the most substantial basis.
This proceeding at which the enemies of France alone should rejoice, if they supposed that it could have a lasting effect, is in direct opposition to the firm resolution, which their majesties the emperor and the king of Prussia have taken, and from which those two allied sovereigns will never depart, to restore to his most Christian majesty, his liberty, safety, and royal dignity, or to wreak a just and signal vengeance on those who shall dare any longer to violate or infringe upon them.
For these reasons, the under-signed declares to the French nation in general, and to each particular individual, that their majesties the emperor and the king of Prussia, invariably attached to the principle of not meddling in the interior government of France (a peal of laughter) persist nevertheless to require, that his most Christian majesty, together with all the royal family, shall be immediately set at liberty by those who presume to keep them imprisoned.
If the French nation has not entirely lost sight of its true interests, and if, free in its resolutions, it is desirous of putting a stop quickly to all the calamities of a war, which exposes so many provinces to all the evils attendant upon the march of an army, it will not delay an instant in declaring its opinion in favor of the peremptory demands which I make in the name of their majesties the emperor and the king of Prussia; and which, in case of a refusal, will inevitably draw down upon this kingdom, hitherto so flourishing, new and more terrible disasters.
The part which the French nation may take, in consequence of this declaration, will either extinguish or perpetuate the
fatal effects of a calamitous war, by removing, in the suppression of royalty, the means of re-establishing and keeping up the ancient connexion between France and the powers of Europe; or may open the way by negotiation, to the restoration of peace, order, and tranquility, which those who call themselves the depositaries of the national will, are the most interested to render as prompt as it is necessary to the kingdom.
Charles F. Duke of Brunswick Lunenberg. Head-Quarters, at Hans, Sept. 28, 1792.
EXTRACT.
[From the Federal Gazette.]
That the arms of republican France should have been so soon, and so completely successful, is truly astonishing; and while it affords a reasonable prospect of a happy issue to the revolution, it must fill the mind of every thinking creature with adoration for that Being, to whom alone such signal successes can be ascribed.
That the success of the French revolution, is of infinite consequence to the peace and happiness of the United States, no person who has seen the combination in favor of monarchical principles amongst us will doubt. Had monarchy, or in other words, had tyranny prevailed over the Rights of Man in France, the advocates for this execrated system would have become bold and open.
It is worthy of remark, that from the ever to be remembered 10th of August, French affairs have changed their aspect: having on that glorious day rid themselves of the bauble of royalty, and totally deprived their former tyrant of the power of doing mischief, from that moment the nation began to feel her power; from that moment they had confidence in their generals; their armies became disciplined; system took place; plans were concerted, and unlike what had happened before, those plans have been executed.
The monarchy men amongst us, which by the bye, amongst what are called the higher circles, are not a few, will now, it is to be hoped, be assured that their fairy prospects are at an end; that the success of republican principles in France, has determined the question against them. It is hoped that they will submit with a good grace to their disappointment, and that they will be convinced, that however "unfit the people are to govern themselves," they are resolved to make the attempt, and to keep the thing at trial a few years longer.
That a very considerable majority of the people of the United States think with me, as to the importance of the late successes of our friends in France, is demonstrated by the eagerness with which the information is sought for, and the joy expressed from every quarter—and with but a few exceptions from the "better kind" of people, may be said to be universal. Impressed with this idea, I would beg leave to ask, if it would not be right and proper for the citizens of the United States, to express in some public manner, their sentiments, upon the retreat of the agent of the despot from the FRENCH REPUBLIC, and the accompanying successes of that magnanimous people.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Date, Bar. (Barometer), Ther. (Thermometer), Wind, Weather. Rows for Tuesday through Monday.
PRICE CURRENT.
Table with 3 columns: Item, Dollars, Cents. Lists prices for various goods like Ashes, Bacon, Beef, Beer, Beans, Brandy, Butter, Cheese, Chocolate, Coal, Codfish, Coffee, Copperas, Cordage, Cotton, Flax, Flour, Gin, Ginseng, Grain, Hams, Hemp, Hides, Hops, Honey, Indigo, Iron, Irons, Lard, Leather, Molasses, Mustard, Nails, Oil, Pepper, Pimento, Pitch, Porter, Pork, Rice, Rum, Saltpetre, Salt, Snake root, Snuff, Soap, Starch, Sugar, Tallow, Tar, Tea, Tobacco, Turpentine, Wine.
Philadelphia & New-York
STAGES.
BY WAY OF BURLINGTON, BORDENTON, & SOUTH-AMBOY.
WILL start from Samuel Cooper's Ferry, opposite to Philadelphia, every Sunday and Wednesday morning, during the winter season, and arrive at South-Amboy on Monday, and Thursday evenings...
The Stage boats will leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, so as to meet the Stages from Philadelphia at Amboy, to proceed for Philadelphia next day. All Baggage belonging to passengers to be at their own risk.
All Goods forwarded by the Stages on bill, to be under the particular care of the Proprietors of the Stages; but not warranted against robbery or damage—And all entering, clearing and permits, to be paid by the owners of goods.
Price of a passage from Cooper's ferry to New-York, 25 c. of Goods, to pay the price of a passage. All Way passengers, 3d per mile.
AMOS HUTCHIN, } For Burlington & Nicholas Schenck, } ton line. VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, } For Bordentown and DAVID WILLIAMSON, } ton line. December 24, 1792. [raw.ew.]
NOTICE.
ALL persons having demands against the estate of Godfrey Vandern, late of Bucks County, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly authenticated, in order for settlement—And those who are indebted to said estate to make immediate payment, to JOHN HOUGH, Administrator. Bucks County, Dec. 28, 1792. 4t.1aw
WANTS EMPLOYMENT.
Either in a Dry-good or Grocery store—A young man that is acquainted with both; and can be well recommended—Enquire of the Printer.
CHARLES BITTERS,
No. 120, South Market, near Fourth-Street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured by Lot Merkel, A large and general assortment of Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices. Nov. 24. 2awtf
THE SYSTEM OF
Short-Hand,
Used by Mr. Lloyd, in taking down the Debates of Congress.
A SYSTEM so easy, that any man, of ordinary capacity, may clearly comprehend it in half an hour, and soon practice it, in its fullest extent, without any further instruction, than what will be conveyed in a few pages, the whole ART being comprised in eighteen simple characters, without any of those perplexing, arbitrary marks, with which the learners of other systems are obliged to burden their memory, and embarrass their practice.
Price, to Subscribers, One Dollar: to Non-Subscribers, a Dollar and half. Subscriptions received by Messrs. Rice, Book-sellers, Market-street, and by JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pearl-street, Half a Dollar to be paid at the time of subscribing.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, Nov. 20th, 1792. THE stockholders of the bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the bye-laws the stockholders of the said bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Thursday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors. JOHN KEAN, Cashier. t. J. 5.
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette.
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO 209, HIGH-STREET
NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
THE person who borrowed a SILVER WATCH last August from a person near this city with the letters M. T. (initials of the owners name) in cypher, on the outside case, the number 4452, is desired to return it to the printer of this paper, or he will be advertised in a manner that will be disgraceful to himself. 4t. 2aw