Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-05-27 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. XIII. From SATURDAY, MAY 23, to WEDNESDAY, MAY 27, 1789. PRICE SIX PENCE.
[We are happy to lay before our readers the sentiments contained in the following No. of the TABLET, on the business of Smuggling, or defrauding Government of the Revenue—and doubt not their meeting the approbation of every friend to the United States.]
THE TABLET.—No. XIII.
"There is no kind of dishonesty into which good people are more easily and frequently fall, than that of defrauding government of its revenues by smuggling, or encouraging smugglers by buying their goods."
WHEN a nation is beginning its political existence, it has the same occasion to form good habits, as an individual when he is entering into life. It is not only requisite, that suitable laws should be enacted, and enforced with penalties; but it will have an admirable effect, if the people will enter into associations and take measures among themselves, for co-operating with the views of government. By manifesting their zeal and patriotism in this way, they may produce a moral controul over the actions of men, and lead them into a disposition to observe legal institutions. The inefficacy of associations will be urged as an argument against such an experiment. But one should not decide too hastily in this matter. If the execution of the laws rested wholly on that footing, their operation would be feeble indeed; so on the other hand, where obedience is expected only by the rigor of penalties, the law will be evaded, and its object defeated. It is of importance that government should engage different passions of the human mind, in its service. Fear of punishment is one very powerful restraint from disobedience. But it will not do alone. Men, who pretend that an appeal to the fears of people is the best, or the only method of making them virtuous citizens, must either be ignorant of human nature, or take a pleasure in degrading it. In a free government, and more especially in its first organization, no individual will have reason to fear the laws, unless the bulk of the people love and regard them. When a man can violate a law without any compunction of conscience, or injury to his character, there is nothing more certain, than that he can elude punishment. If he saves his character, he preserves his friends, and does not counteract the wishes of the community. There are so many, who are tacitly his accomplices, that it is difficult to find unbiased testimony, for supporting a prosecution.
It will be alledged, that men, who have principle enough to associate in favour of collecting the revenue, will be honest enough to oppose smuggling, without any such association. There is some fallacy, I think, in such a suggestion. Many people annex the idea of infamy to the discoverer of a fraud, committed on the public revenue. This will prevent many persons, who are disposed to pay the duties punctually, from complaining of others, whom they know to be dishonest in this respect. It is evident, that if a number of worthy persons entered into an agreement to discountenance smuggling, the objection of infamy against informing, would be removed. If no other reason could be assigned for associating against smugglers; this would be a striking one, that such a measure would check confederacies in favour of smuggling. The principal complaint against voluntary combinations is, that their force and observance are of short duration. It is unquestionably true, that they have a temporary effect, in favor of the object intended. In the present instance nothing more is required. If the laws can have a favorable introduction, they will derive some energy from that very circumstance. The power of habit is universally felt and acknowledged. It has even a stronger influence, in producing obedience to the laws, than a fear of punishment, where the penalties are rigorous, and exactly inflicted. Both these causes united give a peculiar efficacy to government. They will, by their natural progress, create that additional tie, that is imposed by a sense of duty, and a regard to character.
Why have mankind in general discovered a stronger inclination to defraud the public, than individuals? It is probably owing in some degree, to their being able to do it, with less stinging of conscience and less loss of reputation. But why do not the character and the conscience of a man require him to be honest to the public, as well as to individuals? It is, no doubt, because people have not been accustomed to feel so strong an obligation in the one case, as the other. But why do we practically make this distinction, when there is no intrinsic difference? The most obvious reason is, that men in the common intercourse of life find a greater inconvenience, in countenancing dishonesty in private, than in public transac-
tions. This circumstance induces a common consent, in favor of the practice of private justice; and fixes a stigma upon the violators of it. It seems then that common consent, or to give it another name, public opinion is one powerful tie, that holds men to their private duty. The same cause, did it equally exist in public affairs, would operate no less powerfully. It must have an existence, before it can have an application or an effect.
Has the public opinion, in times past, been in favor of rendering to government, what was due to it? In many instances the reverse has been the case, and people have, without any feelings of shame or remorse, evaded public obligations. If government has been generally defrauded, the fact itself proves, that the common consent of mankind was not withheld from it: For had the public mind been opposed to the fraud, it could not well have happened, or at any rate, would have been detected and punished. It requires a considerable degree of force to counteract the current of popular sentiment. Few violators of the rules of private honor and justice escape reproach, if they do punishment.
There is no natural propensity in merchants to defraud the public of its revenues, any more than there is to deceive their customers, in the weight and measure of goods. The reason, as was before suggested, why they are honest in one case and not in the other, is that their reputation, their interest and their conscience do not equally require it, in both cases. One feels a confidence that his banker, though he is not strictly watched, will render an exact account of the cash committed to his care. Government would have the same security, that justice would take place in public affairs, if the habits and feelings of the people were equally favorable to public honesty. The trader durst not impose on his customers, if he wished to do so, because he knows he will sustain a greater inconvenience, in the loss of custom, than he gains benefit, by a particular deception. I once more repeat, that if it would equally hurt his character to cheat or injure the public, he would be equally restrained from doing it.
As the influence of public opinion is known to be so forcible; and as the honor and prosperity of our country require, that the laws and regulations should have a good beginning, it is worth while to bestow some pains, in predisposing the people to give their aid and countenance, in carrying into effect the measures of government. Many persons pretend that such a determination already exists. It seems not to be questioned, even by any refractory individual, but that a revenue must be raised, and that it must proceed from imposts and excises. The current of opinion, it will be said, is now sufficiently in favor of such a system. But let us not be deceived. Those, who set their hearts at rest, in this stage of the business, are in a delusion. The public discernment has suggested the eligibility of an impost; but still the public temper is not sufficiently rouzed into indignation against smugglers, and other defrauders. Men may be led by reflection to judge with propriety of a measure, before they feel a disposition to exert themselves, in favor of its execution. In some cases, a change of principles precedes a change of manners; and men think of a subject a great while, before they act upon it, at all. The first difficulty is surmounted. We are in a right way of thinking; and it only remains, that we take an honest, spirited way of acting. Let us not only give the laws a kind reception, but suffer them, and even aid them to proceed, with vigor and success.
When the system is ripened into a proper state of maturity, the temptation to defraud the public treasury will become weaker and weaker. Our opposition to the collection of impost under the British government, was occasioned in part, by circumstances resulting from the case, and which no longer have an existence. Men do not transgress till they are often tempted; and they will not be tempted to do wrong, when the balance of motives is in favor of doing right. It should be a leading object of legislative care to destroy, or rather counteract the temptation to fraud, by increasing the causes, that induce men to think, an honest conduct is the most eligible. In proportion, as men have been habituated to any vicious practice; or, as they will derive advantage by indulging the vice, should the restraints be multiplied to prevent it. Before this can well be effected, it should be known, what reasons originally operated, in establishing the habit; and whether the same causes still continue. For it must be observed, that we do not always relinquish a practice, precisely when the circumstance, that led to it, is removed. Our having been accustomed to it, becomes of itself a reason for its continuance. If we apply these reasonings to our present situation, with respect to the collection of the revenue, it
will lead us into the following enquiry. What causes formerly induced us to connive at frauds on the public revenue? Are these causes now in operation?—We shall find they are not wholly taken away. The impositions were then unconstitutional. That objection to the payment of the duties now ceases. But there are established causes, that render the collection of public monies, in all situations, a little precarious and difficult. The origin of the evil is not to be traced to any natural desire in men to cheat the government, merely for the sake of cheating it. It results from temptations, that are suggested by the practicability and safety of the thing. Our desire to gain advantages over the public treasury is not counteracted, by so many causes, as restrain us from overreaching private persons. The inclination of people to promote their own interest is the same, in both cases. From this view of the subject, I hope the remarks, that have been offered in support of associations, in the present crisis of affairs, will not be deemed uninteresting or foreign from the point. I persuade myself also, that a few observations, that will convey some hints to the Legislature respecting their proceedings, will not have too great an appearance of presumption.
The penalties, annexed to revenue laws, should be of such a nature, as will fix a disgrace upon the characters, on whom they are inflicted. There is an aptitude in certain punishments to restrain certain crimes. Great rigor does not produce the effect, that is proposed. This is apt to mitigate the abhorrence against the offence, and soften it down into pity towards the offender. The human mind is so constituted, that different affections counteract each other. There is an habitual temper of revenge, in many minds, against government for its severity. This can only be controuled by exciting, in an higher degree, a detestation against crimes. Excessive lines, long imprisonments, & severe corporeal punishments, indicate a very depraved state of society. The laws should appeal to the feelings of men, in such a manner as to induce a sense of shame, for the consequences of the punishment, no less than a lively fear of enduring the pains of it. This end may partly be promoted by stigmatizing offenders, in the title of the laws, by epithets that imply odium and infamy. Men involuntarily associate their ideas; and words, that have usually conveyed an opprobrious meaning, will continue to make similar impressions. I do not entertain a doubt, that great utility may be derived, from couching the laws against smuggling, in a contemptuous language.
The defrauders of the public should likewise be debarred, from holding any office, or performing any service, that implied confidence or respect. Such an exclusion would stamp ideas of indignity on the public mind, against those who evade the payment of duties. If they were prohibited from serving on jury; or if their oaths were rendered invalid, it would have great effect in restraining the practice of smuggling. The receivers of smuggled goods should have a share, in the disgrace and punishment. Indeed the whole regulations, that relate to the collection of the revenue, should carry the marks of legislative disapprobation of every species of collusion. The contempt of government, expressed in a pointed manner, will be more efficacious than its resentment.
It would much contribute to excite general derision against public dishonesty, if the law should direct a Register to be published annually, containing the names of all, who had been detected in smuggling, or that any way advised or aided, in defrauding the revenue. The minds of men are differently wrought upon; and by diversifying the punishment and frowns of government, the feelings of most people will be interested in observing the laws.
In my next number, the subject shall be resumed and placed in another point of view.
EXTRACT FROM "AMERICAN ESSAYS."
On the SUBJECT of COMMERCE.
THE whale and cod fisheries have been long in a declining state; they are our natural, principal, and best nurseries for seamen, and the most certain source and support of our naval strength; an object of the last importance to all commercial countries, and in which the United States are all equally interested.
That we could afford to undersell the French and English at every market, supposing a trade for our cod-fish equally safe and free, cannot be controverted. The English consume very little of their Newfoundland fish, almost all being carried from America directly to other markets in Europe; and if, as is generally supposed, there is no friendship in trade among individuals of the

same nation, much less can it be expected among different nations, necessarily of opposite interests, and naturally jealous of each other's prosperity and growing greatness; it is, therefore, clearly for the interest of France and England, for political as well as commercial purposes, secretly to foment and nourish, if possible, an eternal enmity between the United States of America and the Barbary Powers , and to shut us out from all direct intercourse and communication with the immense trade of the Mediterranean; that they may check our growth, and continue the carriers of our fish, tobacco, wheat, naval stores, and other American produce; these probable difficulties, or intrigues, will require all our art, address and management effectually to counteract. The trade of the Mediterranean, and of those countries bordering thereon, is of vast importance to the United States, perhaps not inferior to any other object that now presents; Italy is a vast and fertile field for commercial speculations, supposed to contain at least twenty millions of inhabitants; the French and English know by long experience the sweets of that trade; and it is probable they are not ignorant of our abilities to rival them, and every other nation, not only by carrying our productions cheaper to every market, but as carriers for other nations, if our vessels could navigate with equal safety; and it is well known that one immediate effect would be the total ruin of their Newfoundland fisheries and settlements.
Every man in the least acquainted with trade, and of its importance to America, cannot but be convinced of the innumerable advantages arising from a permanent uninterrupted peace with all the powers on those inhospitable Barbary shores; and as some of the most powerful Princes in Europe do now condescend, through policy, to pay an annual tribute to those nations, it can be thought no disgrace or degradation in the United States of America, in their present infant state, to stoop to buy their friendship, which, though it should cost us dear, yet commercially considered, it can hardly be purchased too dear; nor can this important business be negotiated too soon, or too secretly. And while this momentous object occupies the mind, it is impossible not to feel for the distressed situation of some of our fellow-citizens now in slavery in Algiers ; their sufferings, supplications, and past services are loud, and will, I hope, prove irresistible calls on the justice and humanity of their country.
With innumerable advantages peculiar to our country, and which may be said in some respects to hold all other nations dependent, it is hoped that our trade will soon be relieved, and that we may e'er long make a more important and respectable figure in the commercial world. It is unnecessary at this time to note all the present productions of the United States, with those which might be transplanted with ease and advantage, and made capital articles of export; suffice it therefore only to enumerate some of the principal articles now in our possession for use and exportation—Whale-fins and oil, spermaceti oil and candles, cod-fish and liver oil, lintseed and lintseed oil, pickled salmon, shad, mackerel, herrings, and other pickled fish, pot and pearl ashes, beef, pork, butter, cheese, flax, hemp, masts, timber, and all other kinds of wood or lumber, with the almost exclusive possession of that invaluable tree called the LIVE OAK, which seems to have been ordained by Heaven for the sole use of the American navy, as almost every attempt to transplant it to foreign countries has proved unsuccessful. Tar, pitch, turpentine, rosin, bees and myrtle wax, tallow, silk, cotton, sheeps wool, hides, skins, furs, grain and pulse of all kinds, hops, iron, saltpetre, sassafras, sarsaparilla, ginsang, snake-root, pink-root, with a great variety of other roots, abounding in South-Carolina and Georgia, that possess most astonishing medicinal virtues, and which would prove a most important and valuable acquisition to the Materia Medica ; tobacco, rice, and indigo; yet with all these advantages, in almost all our commercial enterprises, our present portion is in general little more than fruitless toil, loss, insult, and contempt.
Hic vivimus ambitiosa
Paupertate omnes. Juv. Sat.
As revenue is the main-spring, without which no power on earth can put the most perfect political machine in motion; so Commerce , situated and circumstanced as we are, must be the principal source of revenue; but it cannot be expected that our dejected commerce can instantly revive, or that new projects, however wisely planned, will immediately be sufficiently productive to answer all the demands of Government: The fruits of commerce are necessarily progressive, and while we are waiting on her various operations, it will be both wise and necessary to bear heavy burthens for a short time, and to strain every nerve, in order to furnish Government with sufficient means to carry into effect those prudent and salutary measures, on which the success of our future hopes and prospects must materially depend.
And as a stimulus to our immediate and strenuous exertions, and punctual obedience to the revenue laws, in order that full scope and power may be given to Government to set every engine
at work; let every citizen of the United States consider, that abstracted from the common benefits of a public revenue, which will ultimately be produced by a well regulated and flourishing commerce, there are other blessings flowing therefrom, which are necessarily diffusive, and which constantly communicate a large portion of their happy influence and effects to every individual in the community.—In great commercial States, individuals of every rank are continually rising from obscurity into light, and from small beginnings frequently become rich, and riches invariably carry with them a proportionate degree of influence, which cannot be gained by one, without taking away, or diminishing in some degree the influence of others; this continual rotation of property and influence naturally produces frequent rotations of civil officers, or rulers; the idle and absurd dreams of the divine origin, or exclusive right of particular names, or families, to preference, or pre-eminence, which swayed the superstitious sons of Greece and Rome , no longer bias or infatuate mankind; every man feels his own individual consequence, and with a laudable emulation asserts his equal natural rights and pretensions; detached from the narrow views and servile ideas of hereditary claims to public favors or honors; his enlarged mind is more nobly directed to the aggrandizement of his country; and he acknowledges no just claim but merit. Thus Commerce naturally tends to correct the evils common in States not commercial, where particular opulent families often enjoy, for many successive generations, the exclusive possession of riches; and though they do not always inherit the virtues or abilities by which their ancestors justly acquired pre-eminence, yet they continue to possess exclusively, unjustly, and often by violence, every post of honor, profit and power in the State, and thereby hold every subordinate class of their fellow-citizens, or fellow-men, in a state of absolute dependence and servility—but where Commerce flourishes, such a state of vassalage cannot exist; no citizen is necessarily confined to a particular employer; he is always free to pursue his own inclination and interests; he can give ample scope to aspiring genius; and is sure to reap the just reward of his labour: Though he may be a servant, he cannot be a slave; and while he obeys the laws of his country, he may defy the power, or the weakness of any master.
Where Commerce flourishes, arts, agriculture, and manufactures will also flourish; the weak are protected; genius encouraged; revenue sufficient; peace preferable, because most profitable; the people quiet, because constantly employed, and well paid; war amply equipt, and vigorously pursued when necessary; and Government liberally supported. E. C.
(To be continued.)
"SALEM, May 19, 1789.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Congress to his friend in this town, May 11.
"Much will depend on gentlemen in the commercial line, for supporting the public measures. You justly observe, that an impost appears almost the only practicable method of raising monies, for the exigencies of government. Therefore, if the duties are laid so low that they will fall far short of those exigencies, in case the whole should be collected, how is the deficiency to be supplied? The duties which have been agreed to by the House of Representatives, according to the highest estimate that has been made, will not much exceed two millions of dollars; and the supplies necessary for the current expenses of the year and the annual interest of the national debt, will amount to about 2,800,000 dollars. One great object which the States had in view, in instituting the new government, was the advancement of justice, and support of publick credit: If these objects are not attained, they will be disappointed. The duties imposed will be paid by the consumers; so that the tax will not be borne by the merchants; they will consider the duties as part of the prime cost of the goods, and make their profits on that as well as on the purchase money. Nor do I think the burthen will be very sensibly felt by the people—the payment will be gradual, as they shall have occasion to consume the goods. The temptations to smuggle will not be so great as heretofore, in proportion to the amount of the duties: Under the British government, it was thought a virtue to evade payment in this country, because they were unconstitutionally imposed, by Parliament. The duties that have been laid under the State governments were unequal, some States laying them higher than others, which was an embarrassment to commerce—and the monies raised were only for the benefit of the State where they were collected—which operated inequitably when the goods were consumed in other States: But now the duties will be equal in all the States; they will be laid by the Representatives of the people, and be applied for the benefit of all, to support the government which they have established, and to pay the interest of the debt incurred for establishing their liberties and independence. These considerations, I trust, will have sufficient weight with every honest and virtuous citizen, to induce him cheerfully to pay the duties. Much attention has been paid to equalize them upon the several articles, so that the citizens of one State, or one branch of commerce, may not be burthened more than another. There has been considerable debate upon the article of Molasses; and it would doubtless have been rated lower, were not so great a proportion of it distilled into rum. As it affects the distilleries, it is supposed that that branch will be not burthened more than other branches, or the proportion between imported rum and N. England rum be much altered, and what alteration is made will be in favour of N. E. rum. I suppose the duty on molasses consumed in substance should have been about 4 cents per gallon, to make it equal to salt, in proportion to the value of each article. But molasses, tho' a very useful article, is not quite so necessary as salt; so that if the people reduce the consumption of it one gallon in six, it will not cost them more than if no duty had been laid on it; but if we consider the extra duty above 4 cents, and lessen the consumption 1 gallon in 18, it will remedy the evil, and not lessen the profit of the importer, for he will make his advance on the duty as well as on the prime cost. The duties on articles imported from the British W. Indies will be only in British bottoms, and the importer must pay them in the first instance, and probably must bear a part of them ultimately. The importation of dutied articles will be from foreign countries, and consequently in pretty large vessels; so that the collection may be more easily secured than in small boats and coasting vessels."
EXTRACTS.
[As it must excite the attention of Farmers, and Country Traders, they being immediately interested, and the public good connected with it, we publish the following information (received from a gentleman lately returned from the Eastindies) respecting the sale of Butter in that country.]
From THOMAS'S MASSACHUSETTS SPY, &c.
LARGE quantities of Butter, exported from this State to the Eastindies were sold as low as 4 coppers pr. lb. owing to the following errors, and inattention in putting up that article, viz.—not working out the buttermilk—putting large quantities of salt between the layers—salting it with coarse dark unsuitable salt—not soaking the kegs with strong brine before the Butter is put in, by which reason that next to the wood is much injured, some kegs made of sappy unsift timber, and butter of different complexions put down indiscriminately, which exceedingly injures the appearance.
It is of the utmost consequence to have our Butter and Beef superior in quality (as they soon will be in quantity) to that of Ireland, otherwise we shall be deprived of foreign markets, or when exported, must be sold, as above, to a great loss. If the following directions be attended to, they will soon establish the reputation of our Butter, and raise its value.
Let the Butter be made while the milk or cream remain sweet; the buttermilk entirely worked out; a quantity of clean, white, fine salt, sufficient to keep it perfectly sweet, worked into it; pickled, without any salt between the layers, into kegs that will contain six or eight gallons, made of white oak timber, free from sap, tight and full bound; let the kegs be well soaked with strong brine, and then tarred, before the butter is packed; and endeavor to fill each keg, as near as possible, with butter of one complexion.
It would be best to have all Butter put up at the dairies, soon after it is churned and prepared for packing; but as a considerable part is carried in lumps to the country shopkeepers, and soon becomes rancid, if suffered to lay exposed to the air in their shops (which is too frequently the case)—much therefore depends on their attention to pack it immediately, observing the above directions, and depositing it afterwards in cool cellars.
AN OLD SIMILIE EXAMINED.
"THE world has been long amused with a trite and hacknied comparison between the life of man, and that of States; in which it is pretended that they both proceed in the same irrevocable manner; from infancy to maturity, from maturity to death: A comparison, perhaps, as groundless as it is common. The human body contains, in its very texture, the seeds of certain dissolution. That is, though you set aside all the possible accidents arising from intemperance, from the influence of the elements, the climate, and every other external and contingent cause, the human frame itself, after a certain period, would grow into rigidity; the fluids would decrease, the solids accumulate, the arteries stiff, the blood flagrant, and the wheels of life stand still.
But in societies, of whatever kind, there seems no such necessary or essential tendency to dissolution. The human body is naturally mortal; the political, only to by accident: Internal disorders or diseases may arise; external violence may attack or overpower; but these causes, though always to be expected, are wholly incidental: the first is precisely of the same nature as intemperance, the second as the influence of the external elements, on the human body. But there appears nothing in the internal constitution of any state, that tends inevitably to dissolution, analogous to those causes in the human frame, which lead to certain death.
This observation seems confirmed by history: where you see States, which, after being sunk in corruption and debility, have been brought back to the vigor of their first principles: but you must have recourse to Fables, for medicated old age, restored to infancy or youth."
ON THE USE OF TEA.
"TEA appears, from the best experiments, to produce sedative effects upon the nerves, diminishing their energy, and the tone of the muscular fibres, and inducing a considerable degree, both of sensibility and irritability, upon the whole system. It also promotes the thinner evacuations very powerfully, and diminishes the flesh and bulk of those who use it. These effects tend to impair the strength, and promote the other consequences of it upon the nervous system above described. Hence the use of Tea has been found very agreeable to the studious, especially those engaged in the composition of works of genius and imagination; and hence it is emphatically stiled the poet's friend. But, on the other hand, I believe that, at least with us, it has had the effect of enfeebling and enervating the bodies of our people, and of introducing several disorders that arise from laxity and debility; and has been still of worse consequence in making way for the use of spirituous liquors, which are often taken to relieve that depression which Tea occasions.
"From these effects of Tea, I cannot but think that its consequences on the whole, have been highly prejudicial. It evidently injures the health, and, by the consequences last mentioned, tends to corrupt the morals of the people; and, in my opinion, by the effect it produces upon the nerves, contributes to abate courage, vigour, and steadiness of mind; circumstances surely of themselves sufficient to discredit its use, with those who are engaged in any situation of life that requires exertion and resolution. Perhaps, however, in the hot climates of China and India, the use of this liquor may not be so prejudicial as in the colder ones: It may there tend to abate the weariness occasioned by heat, and, as a grateful diluent, promote the thinner evacuations; which possibly may, by causing it to pass off quickly, counteract, in some measure, its bad effects. But the noxious qualities of this plant are not unknown even in its native countries. The Japanese are subject to the diabetes, and to consumptive disorders, resembling the atrophy, from its use; and the Chinese, it is said, are so sensible of these consequences, that they rarely drink green tea at all, which is the most remarkable for these effects. Perhaps the diminutive stature, and cowardly, and at the same time acute and tricking disposition of the Chinese, may be owing, in no small degree, to the use of this vegetable."
COFFEE.—A SCRAP.
"WHEN Coffee was first introduced among the Arabians, a scruple arose among the devout (perhaps from feeling its exhilarating quality) whether it was not forbidden by the Alchoran, under the article of wine. A council of Mahometan Divines was called upon the occasion, who luckily decreed for the legality of its use.
ON THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE FEDERAL TREASURY.
[The Observations contained in the following Speculation relate to so important a subject, as to justify their appearance in our paper, although published yesterday in the Daily Advertiser.]
I believe it may safely be laid down as a maxim, that in proportion as obscurity and uncertainty prevail in the administration of a government, it will be more or less corrupt, weak and despotic: But this observation is more particularly applicable to the management of the Finances of a State. To place our reliance, in affairs of this nature, on the innate probity of any man or body of men, would certainly argue a want of an accurate knowledge of the human character. It is pride, ambition, the dread of the loss of reputation, and a variety of other selfish and interested motives, which impel the far greater part of mankind to a due performance of their duty. Nay, these motives not only deter us from doing wrong, but they are, in fact, the most powerful stimuli to

the vigorous exertions of every faculty. It is the great principle of responsibility on which we must chiefly depend. It is evident-ly, therefore, much safer to place a single man at the head of this (and, indeed, of every other department) than to place it in the hands of a board.
In order to prevent the possibility of veiling in obscurity the operations and true state of the treasury, I would suggest an organization somewhat on the following plan.
That the Superintendent of Finance should have no agency whatever in the business of receipts and expenditures.
That there be a treasurer-general, in the nature simply of a cashier, whose business should be confined solely to receipts and expenditures.
That all receipts at the treasury be registered in the auditor's office; from which office also should issue all warrants for money.
That the auditor open distinct accounts for receipts and expenditures on the respective funds, which may have been appropriated by Congress to different purposes. These accounts to be posted up every day.
It is obvious, that by a system of organization, on a plan similar to the above, Congress would, at all times, be possessed of an exact and true knowledge of the real state of the treasury.
The Superintendent of Finance, and indeed, the heads of all the great departments, should be admitted to a seat in the house of representatives, and in the senate; and to the privilege of delivering their sentiments freely on all matters in debate relative to their several departments. New-York, May 23.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, MAY 25, 1789.
This being the day assigned to take up the subject of Amendments—Mr. Madison observed, that various reasons induced him to propose a distant day, when he gave notice that on the fourth Monday of May he should move for the House to go into a committee of the whole on this business—and as some of the reasons still existed, he would propose that the consideration of Amendments, agreeably to the fifth article of the Constitution, be entered upon this day fortnight.
Mr. GOODHUE, agreeably to notice given on Wednesday last, introduced a resolution upon the subject of compensation proper to be made to the respective branches of the Legislature—in which THE PRESIDENT, THE VICE-PRESIDENT, the Senate and House of Representatives, were severally mentioned.
Mr. WHITE proposed THE SPEAKER'S name should be inserted.
Mr. PAGE proposed that the resolution should be referred to the consideration of the committee of the whole House.
The House accordingly voted itself into a committee of the whole, on the state of the Union.
Mr. TRUMBULL in the chair.
Mr. GOODHUE'S resolution was then read;—the first article, respecting the compensation to the President, Mr. LAWRENCE proposed should be compleated by filling the blank with Twenty-Five Thousand Dollars. This would make the article read thus:— Resolved, That Twenty-Five Thousand Dollars per annum, be the compensation allowed THE PRESIDENT, during the time for which he is elected.
Mr. LAWRENCE observed, that this sum was not mentioned as the result of any accurate calculations, but merely for the consideration of the committee.
A variety of observations were made upon this motion, which turned principally upon this point—whether the sum to be voted on account of the President, should include the allowance for his Household, Secretaries, &c.—or whether special provision should be made for the latter purposes independent of the former.—No decision was made upon the subject—when the committee rose.
Mr. CLYMER then moved, that a special committee should now be appointed by the House, to take this important business into consideration—which was voted in the affirmative—and a committee appointed accordingly.
The report of the committee on the Jersey elections, was then read, and acceded to.
Mr. WADSWORTH presented the bill on tonnage—which was read for the first time.
Mr. FITZSIMONS introduced a petition from the shipwrights of Philadelphia. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, MAY 26.
The bill laying duties on tonnage was read the second time.
On motion of Mr. WHITE, voted, That this bill be referred to the committee of the whole—and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
Mr. SCOTT gave notice, that on to-morrow he should move for leave to bring in a bill, for the establishing a land office, for the sale of lands in the western territory.
Mr. PAGE after some introductory observations, on the ineligibility of electing committees by ballot—moved, that so much of the rule of the House which prescribed that mode, should be repealed.
Mr. WHITE proposed, that all committees should be appointed by the Speaker, except when the House might order otherwise.
Mr. LAWRENCE moved, that a committee should be appointed to determine on a mode.
Mr. LEE objected to the appointment of a committee, as there was at that moment no special business before them, he thought the present time the best to take the sense of the House.
Mr. LAWRENCE withdrew his motion.
Mr. SMITH proposed an amendment to Mr. WHITE's motion by adding, unless five members call for a ballot.
Mr. PAGE was opposed to all balloting for committees—he thought the mode highly exceptionable, as it might be rendered subservient to the purposes of intrigue—he hoped (he said) never to see another committee chosen in that House by ballot.
Mr. BURKE moved for a postponement of the motion, which being put, was carried in the affirmative.
Mr. SMITH of South-Carolina, gave notice, that on to-morrow he should move for a committee to bring in a bill on the subject of bankruptcy.
Mr. SYLVESTER of the committee, appointed to confer with a committee of the Senate, on the subject of news-papers, and for receiving proposals for performing the public printing, reported, by which it is proposed, that the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House, should be empowered to make the necessary contract.
Adjourned.
From papers brought in the ship Montgomery , Capt. BUNYAN, from LONDON, we have obtained the subsequent
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE,
WARSAW, Feb. 12. Count Stanislaus Potocki's plan for raising some national cavalry was passed in the sixth session. This body will be composed of 30,000 men, each company of 150. It has been resolved, that the Tartars who inhabit Lithuania shall be admitted into this corps, as they have (though Musselmans) always behaved like good citizens.
March 4. Letters from Moldavia and Wallachia advise, that the Turks are assembling on the frontiers in great bodies.
VIENNA, Feb. 28. They write from Trieste, that the crew of a vessel arrived there from the Archipelago, informed them, that a large ship, sent by order of the Porte to Napoli, in the Morea, to procure corn, had been obliged to quit the coast of that peninsula, the inhabitants of which had risen on account of the great want they were in of that article themselves. Other circumstances seem to confirm the scarcity of corn felt in many parts of Turkey; and the Governors of the Archipelago will meet with the greatest difficulties in executing the orders they have received relative to furnishing provisions for the Ottoman armies in Servia and Bosnia.
PARIS, March 2. The Dutch demand of us the payment of 10,000,000 livres to the Americans under our guarantee; but we have a much larger account against them, which is the expense we were at in protecting their possessions in India.
HAGUE, March 17. On the 13th instant the Council of State pronounced his final sentence against the famous Rhinegrave of Salm, and Col. Vanderborch, by which they are declared guilty of high treason, and banished forever from the seven Provinces and the confines of the generality, under pain of death if found therein, besides which they are to pay all costs.
CONSTANTINOPLE, Jan. 21. A report has been circulated these few days past, that the Sublime Porte intended to restore liberty to the Russian Ambassador, who languishes in confinement in the seven towers.
LONDON, March 27. The French Ambassador has just received letters from his court, in which their Most Christian Majesties express their warmest congratulations upon the recovery of our Most Gracious Sovereign, and desire that his Excellency will show every possible respect and joy upon the ensuing occasion; and that the expense may be no object of consideration, they have ordered it to be placed to their Majesties. On this information the Count de Luzerne waited upon lady Harcourt, and requested her ladyship to acquaint their Majesties of the intention of his Court.
DOMESTIC ARTICLES.
PHILADELPHIA, May 23. Yesterday Mrs. WASHINGTON arrived here from Mount-Vernon. This truly respectable personage was met by a number of the principal ladies and gentlemen of this city (among whom were the President of the State, and the Speaker of the General Assembly) a little beyond Derby. At Gray's Ferry, the partook of an elegant cold collation, and from thence was escorted to the residence of Mrs. (ROBERT) MORRIS, in Market-street, by the troops of light-horse, commanded by Captains Miles and Bingham. Her arrival, which was about 2 o'clock P. M. was announced by the ringing of bells, and a discharge of thirteen guns from the park of artillery, under the direction of Captain Fisher.
We hear that Mrs. WASHINGTON intends to favor her female friends in this city with her company till Monday morning, when she will proceed to join her beloved and justly revered consort at New-York, the PRESIDENT of the United States.
NEW-YORK, MAY 27, 1789,
A Correspondent observes, that the dispatch and harmony, with which the national representatives adopted the outlines of principles, for regulating the great executive departments, is a favourable presage, not only of wisdom and unanimity in that House, but also of energy and success in the general administration of the government.—For it can hardly be doubted, that when there is a Union of sentiment among so many enlightened and virtuous statesmen, that the measures adopted, will in all respects be calculated to answer the end proposed. The more we consider that part of the resolution, that gives the President of the United States the sole power of removing officers, without the process of impeachment, the more reason have we to anticipate advantage from its operation; for setting aside all expectations from the talents and virtues of the present supreme magistrate, there is in the natural reason of things, a preference in favour of that mode of removal.
Another Correspondent observes, that the publication of the debates of Congress, has already begun to diffuse national ideas; and that while it familiarizes the minds of the people to the new system of government, it gradually disseminates principles of legislative wisdom and integrity. Great advantages will be derived from having it in the power of the rising patriots, and legislators of our country, to take up a system of practical legislation from the beginning, and observe the regular gradations of a young nation growing into opulence, contentment and power.
Married on Thursday the 14th inst. at Shrewsbury, in New-Jersey, the Rev. Jedidiah Morse, of Charlestown, in Massachusetts, to Miss Breece.
IMPROVEMENTS IN AGRICULTURE.
On Saturday last, General WASHINGTON went to see the curious agricultural improvements and newly-invented farming utensils at the seat of the Baron POLNITZ, in the neighbourhood of this city. Among the former is the cultivation of madder, woad, and several kinds of artificial grass. Among the latter are Winlaw's threshing machine, several ploughs constructed for different purposes and many other instruments of husbandry. The Baron Polnitz made experiments to shew the effects of different ploughs, some of which he held himself, for the sake of giving more precision in the result. General Washington discovered great satisfaction in viewing the experiments, particularly of a machine made by the Baron Polnitz, for ascertaining the exact force which must be applied to a plough, under any circumstances, in drawing it through any kind of soil. The General was also so well convinced of the utility of the Horse-Hoe, for weeding vegetables, &c. that he has ordered one to be made, upon the principle of the Baron's, for the purpose of sending it to Mount-Vernon, in Virginia.
The Editor will endeavor to obtain a particular description of the Horse-Hoe for a future paper.
The hour of the President's Levee having been altered from two to three o'clock, in order to accommodate official characters, yesterday the company which attended it was uncommonly numerous and respectable.
The LADY OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES is expected to arrive in this city, on Wednesday or Thursday of this week.
This morning at 5 o'clock, THE PRESIDENT set off in his barge, to meet Mrs. WASHINGTON at Elizabeth-Town Point.
A correspondent, who was present when the House of Representatives of the United States was in committee of the whole, on the subject of a provision for THE PRESIDENT, &c. was pleased to find that no ideas could have been more just in regard to the actual and future circumstances of the public, as well as to the prudence and dignity of the Supreme Magistrate, than those which were expressed by the Hon. Mr. GERRY.
The great principles of religion, honor, and public spirit, are the only effectual checks to the encroachments of arbitrary power—the only permanent foundation for the perpetuating public freedom, and happiness: Without these, government will not receive the steady and manly support of the people; but torn by factions, resulting from the want of honesty, and a proper sense of the blessings of liberty under equal laws, a government of force is the fatal consequence.
First impressions are generally allowed to be the strongest.—How important then, that they should be made and received under the influence of right principles—Upon all great public occasions, the attention of the people should be excited by the displays of wisdom, judgment and an evident concern for their best interests, for impressions made when the faculties are on the stretch to learn, to wonder and admire, are more general and more lasting than those received in the common course of events.—The late august spectacle in the inauguration of THE PRESIDENT, followed by an address, which comes so feelingly home to the bosom of every American, have made impressions which never can be effaced—and their happy effects will be realized by ages yet unborn.
"Factions and feuds may overturn a State," "Which UNION renders flourishing and great."
Want of principle is the common source of faction—The reigning administration, may at any time, denominate the opposition to their measures, a faction: but the discerning eye of the public generally makes a just discrimination between their real friends, and unprincipled demagogues.—It must be acknowledged, however, that when the body of the people become careless of their freedom and government, and pay no attention to either, but as the words may advance one party, and depress another, the way is prepared for a subversion of the republic; and the change of a free constitution for any other, involves the loss of freedom.
A general application to study—an investigation of the great principles of legislation—the genius of our national constitution—its relations, dependencies; its intimate connection with those of the several States—a general idea of the great commercial interest of the union as a nation—and a competent knowledge of those of the individual governments—an acquaintance with history, the great examples it affords—a love to the maxims of a generous and upright policy—and decided patriotism, to inspire a public confidence in his administrations—These form some of the outlines of the character which we trust is destined to preside over the finances of the Union.
ARRIVALS.
PHILADELPHIA.
May 22, Ship Pr. Wm. Henry, Codd, Barcelona, 46 days. Brig Walker, Clodd, Cadiz, 42 days. Schooner Tryal, Venneman, St. Thomas, 19 days. Sloop Adventure, Holmes, Virginia, 5 days. May 23, Sloop Pomona, Steel, St. Croix, 20 days. May 24, Brig Charleston, Garmen, Charleston, 9 days.
NEW-YORK.
Saturday, Sloop Cynthia, Bowell, St. Bartholomew, 14 days. Sloop Hawk, Parker, Turks-Island, 14 days. Sunday, Brig Aurora, Tweed, Liverpool, 56 days. Ship Montgomery, Bunyan, London, 68 days. Monday, Ship Hollist, Columbus, Cadiz, 53 days. Tuesday, Schooner N. Y. Packet, Barnard, Boston, 3 days. Sloop Rambler, Peterson, R. Island, 2 days.
Arrived at Boston, the snow — Capt. Burroughs, from the Isle of France, in upwards of one hundred days passage.
Errata.—In the story of Honefeth and Constantia, for "commu-nicate" read commiserate—and for "the unfeeling wound," read, the insulting wound.

LETTER.
THE RIGHT GOVERNMENT of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
Marchmont Nedham lays it down as a fundamental principle, and an undeniable rule, "that the people, that is, such as shall be successively chosen to represent the people, are the best keepers of their own liberties, and that for many reasons: First, because they never think of usurping over other men's rights, but mind which way to preserve their own."
Our first attention should be turned to the proposition itself. "The people are the best keepers of their own liberties." But who are the people? "Such as shall be successively chosen to represent them."—Here is a confusion both of words and ideas, which, though it may pass with the generality of readers in a fugitive pamphlet, or with a majority of auditors in a popular harangue, ought, for that very reason, to be as carefully avoided in politics as it is in philosophy or mathematics. If by the people is meant the whole body of a great nation, it should never be forgotten, that they can never act, consult or reason together, because they cannot march five hundred miles, nor spare the time, nor find a space to meet: and therefore the proposition, that they are the best keepers of their own liberties, is not true. They are the worst conceivable; they are no keepers at all: They can neither act, judge, think, or will, as a body politic or corporation. If by the people is meant all the inhabitants of a single city, they are not in a general assembly, at all times, the best keepers of their own liberties, nor perhaps at any time, unless you separate from them the executive and judicial power, and temper their authority in legislation with the mature councils of the one and the few. If it is meant by the people, as our author explains himself, a representative assembly, "such as shall be successively chosen to represent the people," they are not still the best keepers of the people's liberties, or their own, if you give them all the power, legislative, executive, and judicial: they would invade the liberties of the people, at least the majority of them would invade the liberties of the minority, sooner and oftener than an absolute monarchy, such as that of France, Spain, or Russia, or than a well checked aristocracy, like Venice, Bern, or Holland. An excellent writer has said, somewhat incautiously, that "a people will never oppress themselves, or invade their own rights." This compliment, if applied to human nature, or to mankind, or to any nation or people in being or in memory, is more than has been merited. If it should be admitted, that a people will not unanimously agree to oppress themselves, it is as much as is ever, and more than is always, true. All kinds of experience shew, that greater numbers of individuals do oppress great numbers of other individuals; that parties often, if not always, oppress other parties; and majorities almost universally minorities. All that this observation can mean then, consistently with any colour of fact, is, that the people will never unanimously agree to oppress themselves: but if one party agrees to oppress another, or the majority the minority, the people still oppress themselves, for one part of them oppress another.—"The people never think of usurping over other men's rights." What can this mean? Does it mean that the people never unanimously think of usurping over other men's rights? This would be trifling, for there would, by the supposition, be no other men's rights to usurp. But if the people never jointly, nor severally, think of usurping the rights of others, what occasion can there be for any government at all? Are there no robberies, burglaries, murders, adulteries, thefts, nor cheats? Is not every crime an usurpation over other men's rights? Is not a great part, I will not say the greatest part, of men detected every day in some disposition or other, stronger or weaker, more or less, to usurp over other men's rights? There are some few, indeed, whose whole lives and conversations show, that in every thought, word, and action, they conscientiously respect the rights of others: there is a larger body still, who, in the general tenor of their thoughts and actions, discover similar principles and feelings, yet frequently err. If we should extend our candour so far as to own that the majority of men are generally under the dominion of benevolence and good intentions, yet it must be confessed that a vast majority frequently transgress; and, what is more directly to the point, not only a majority, but almost all, confine their benevolence to their families, relations, personal friends, parish, village, city, county, province, and that very few indeed extend it impartially to the whole community.—Now grant but this truth, and the question is decided: If a majority are capable of preferring their own private interest, or that of their families, counties, and party, to that of the nation collectively, some provision must be made in the constitution, in favour of justice, to compel all to respect the common right, the public good,
the universal law, in preference to all private and partial considerations.
The proposition of our author then should be reversed, and it should have been said, that they mind so much their own, that they never think enough of others. Suppose a nation, rich and poor, high and low, ten millions in number, all assembled together; not more than one or two millions will have lands, houses, or any personal property: If we take into the account the women and children, or even if we leave them out of the question, a great majority of every nation is wholly destitute of property, except a small quantity of clothes, and a few trifles of other moveables. Would Mr. Nedham be responsible that, if all were to be decided by a vote of the majority, the eight or nine millions who have no property, would not think of usurping over the rights of the one or two millions who have? Property is surely a right of mankind as really as liberty. Perhaps, at first, prejudice, habit, shame, or fear, principle or religion, would restrain the poor from attacking the rich, and the idle from usurping on the industrious; but the time would not be long before courage and enterprize would come, and pretexts be invented by degrees, to countenance the majority in dividing all the property among them, or at least in sharing it equally with its present possessors. Debts would be abolished first; taxes laid heavy on the rich, and not at all on the others; and at last a downright equal division of every thing be demanded, and voted. What would be the consequence of this? The idle, the vicious, the intemperate, would rush into the utmost extravagance of debauchery, sell and spend all their share, and then demand a new division of those who purchased from them. The moment the idea is admitted into society, that property is not as sacred as the laws of God, and that there is not a force of law and public justice to protect it, anarchy and tyranny commence. If "THOU SHALT NOT COVET," and "THOU SHALT NOT STEAL," were not commandments of Heaven, they must be made inviolable precepts in every society before it can be civilized or made free. If the first part of the proposition, viz. that "the people never think of usurping over other men's rights," cannot be admitted, is the second, viz. that "they mind which way to preserve their own," better founded?—There is in every nation and people under Heaven a large proportion of persons who take no rational and prudent precautions to preserve what they have, much less to acquire more. Indolence is the natural character of man to such a degree, that nothing but the necessities of hunger, thirst, and other wants equally pressing, can stimulate him to action, until education is introduced in civilized societies, and the strongest motives of ambition to excel in arts, trades, and professions, are established in the minds of all men: Until this emulation is introduced, the lazy savage holds property in too little estimation to give himself trouble for the preservation or acquisition of it. In societies the most cultivated and polished, vanity, fashion, and folly, prevail over every thought of ways to preserve their own: They seem rather chiefly to study what means of luxury, dissipation and extravagance, they can invent to get rid of it. "The case is far otherwise among Kings and grandees," says our author, "as all nations in the world have felt to some purpose;" that is, in other words, Kings and grandees think of usurping over other men's rights, but do not mind which way to preserve their own. It is very easy to flatter the democratical portion of society, by making such distinctions between them and the monarchical and aristocratical; but flattery is as base an artifice, and as pernicious a vice, when offered to the people, as when given to the others. There is no reason to believe the one much honester or wiser than the other; they are all of the same clay, their minds and bodies are alike. The two latter have more knowledge and sagacity derived from education, and more advantages for acquiring wisdom and virtue. As to usurping others rights, they are all three equally guilty, when unlimited in power: No wise man will trust either with an opportunity; and every judicious legislator will set all three to watch and controul each other. We may appeal to every page of history we have hitherto turned over, for proofs irrefragable, that the people, when they have been unchecked, have been as unjust, tyrannical, brutal, barbarous, and cruel, as any King or Senate possessed of uncontroulable power: The majority has eternally, and without one exception, usurped over the rights of the minority. "They naturally move," says Nedham, "within the circle of domination, as in their proper centre." When writers on legislation have recourse to poetry, their images may be beautiful, but they prove nothing. This however, has neither the merit of a brilliant figure, nor of a convincing argument: The populace, the rabble, the canaille, move as naturally in the circle of domination, whenever they dare, as the Nobles or a King; nay, although it may give pain, truth and experience force us to add, that even the middling people, when uncontrouled, have moved in the same circle, and have not only tyrannized over all above and all below, but the majority among themselves has tyrannized
over the minority. "And count it no less fecundity than wisdom and policy, to brave it over the people." Declaratory flourishes, although they may furnish a mob with watch-words, afford no reasonable conviction to the understanding. What is meant by braving it? In the history of Holland you will see the people braving it over the De Witts; and in that of Florence, Siena, Bologna, Pistoia, and the rest, over many others. "Cæsar, Crassus, and another, made a contract with each other, that nothing should be done without the concurrence of all three; Societatem inter se, nequid ageretur in republica, quod displaceat illis, e tribus. " Nedham could not have selected a less fortunate example for his purpose, since there never was a more arrant creature of the people than Cæsar; no, not even Catiline, Wat Tyler, Massianello, or Shafe. The people created Cæsar on the ruins of the Senate, and on purpose to usurp over the rights of others. But this example, among innumerable others, is very apposite for our purpose.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEOUS.
[London.] It is thought that Dr. WILLIS will not retire from town, as it is expected there may be great occasion for his abilities for the relief of several members of the opposition, whose heads are not strong enough to bear the shock caused by a late recovery.
Two bodies of French forces are expected to march into Flanders, orders having been received at Bruxelles to prepare barracks for them; they are to possess themselves of the garrisons of Ostend and Nieuport.
The Speaker applied to SIR JOSHUA to have his portrait drawn, adorned with the official robes, but expressed his fears at the difficulty which must arise in doing proper justice to the wig.—Sir Joshua replied, "be not alarmed, Mr. Grenville, for I assure you there is nothing in that!"
THE FATE OF GENIUS.—Many a wise head, and many a worthy heart, are doomed to ache with the pressure of human sufferings, living in misery, and dying in obscurity and want, while the dulier worms of mortality fatten on the marrow of prosperity, living to themselves alone, with minds incapable of expanding, and forbidden by sordid principles to do good and benefit mankind.—The following short, but melancholly list, proves the justness of a remark which wounds sensibility:
Plautus turned a mill; Terence was a slave; Bæthius died in a gaol; Paolo Borghere had 14 different trades, yet starved with them all; Tasso was often distressed for five shillings; Bentivoglio was refused admission into an hospital he had himself erected; Cervantes died of hunger; Camoens ended his days in an alms-house; and Vangelus left his body to the surgeons, to pay his debts, as far as it would go!
[Pittsburg, Penn. May 2.] Died on the 28th ult. THOMAS HUTCHINS, Esq. formerly a Captain in the British army, and late Geographer-General to the United States. His illness had been of some months continuance. It was not such as to give him great pain, being a gradual failing of the nerves, and an almost insensible waste of the constitution. He was in a country where he had been early known, and to which he had a particular attachment; in the house of his particular friend, John Ormsby. He was daily visited during his indisposition by those of this place, and by gentlemen occasionally resident or passing through from different parts of the continent. His funeral was attended by a considerable concourse of people, and the service read at his obsequies, by Mr. Heckenwelder, a Moravian clergyman, accidentally present, and who had long known the deceased.
His merit is well known; a man greatly amiable; and integrity his predominant quality.—He gave a proof of this which few have it in their power to give, viz. relinquishing his commission, worth 1500l. for the sake of America, his native country, and lying some time in irons before he was able to make his escape from the dungeon in England.
His map early laid the foundation of American geography, and his services since his appointment under the United States, have been universally acknowledged.
He has measured much earth, but a small space now contains him.
By a gentleman who arrived here a few days ago from Sanfursky, we are informed, that news was brought there before he left it, of five parties of Indians, of different tribes, preparing to go to war; it is said they intend for the frontiers of Kentucky and the Ohio, to watch for boats coming down that river. This information, we hope, will shew the necessity to those going down the river, of being well prepared, as much danger is undoubtedly to be apprehended.
Complete sets from the beginning, of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, may at any time be obtained by those who chuse to subscribe for that publication, at the Editor's Office, No. 9, Maiden-Lane.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the OSWEGO-MARKET, NEW-YORK.