Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-01-30 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXXIV.]
SATURDAY JANUARY 30, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXXIV.
(Continued from the last Number.)
"Every situation in life has pleasures and pains peculiar to itself; but the most unfeigned fountain of happiness is open alike to all men."
THE happiest man I ever knew was a person who every day of his life formed delusive expectations, and never once succeeded in a plan he undertook. To miscarry in a most material point of business made slight impressions on him, because his anticipations were always awake, and his mind was more habituated to indulge new prospects, than to repine at past misfortunes. His neighbors viewed him with a mixture of ridicule and pity. Such bitter disappointments, they supposed must make him unhappy, and such unreasonable hopes could not but expose him to derision. In short his misfortunes produced complaint from every body but himself, and he was miserable in every estimation but his own. From this run of remarks I would infer that we are too apt to exaggerate imaginary evils, and to suppose people more unhappy in many respects, than they really are.
It is a question that deserves enquiry, whether we generally anticipate more pleasure from any object than it affords when we possess it? The common opinion of mankind is, that the imagination overates approaching scenes of gratification. We should not two hastily adopt such an opinion. The reverse more usually happens, and we derive more happiness from gratifying our wishes than was expected. People form their ideas on this subject, by examining their feelings when the enjoyment is over; and comparing the sensations of satiety with the impulses of hope, they give the preference to the latter. But the fact is, the enjoyments of the scene itself was more delightful than either.
We should make a distinction between the pleasures of sense and those of the imagination. The gratification of natural appetites never affords less delight than we anticipate. A man pinched with hunger or cold, does not exaggerate, in his imagination, the pleasure he derives in being relieved from his distress. A traveller, performing a journey in rough, tempestuous weather, consoles himself with the prospect of meeting at night with a commodious inn, where he will find a warm room and comfortable refreshment. He mitigates no doubt the tedious hours of the day, in looking forward to the pleasing scenes of the evening; but I appeal to his fellow traveller, whether his spirits are not more brisk, when he is enjoying those comforts, than while he was anticipating them.
Artificial sources of pleasure, however may often prove delusive. Men who flatter themselves that a superb house, elegant gardens, a carriage and livery servants will add essentially to their happiness, are under the influence of a mistake. Their anticipations are too lively, and the object when they attain it, will not yield the delight that was imagined. There is no reason in nature, why a person should feel any exquisite satisfaction in riding in a chariot to church; and gratifications of this kind soon lose their relish.
Providence has so managed the causes that contribute to happiness, that all classes of people may attain a proportion. To relieve the wants and gratify the desires which nature has formed, afford more genuine and universal satisfaction than can well be created by the allurements of caprice and fancy. The appearance of the sun, when it has been, several days, hidden in the clouds, has afforded more real delight to the human race, than all the elegance and splendor that artifice can devise. Refreshing showers after the earth has long been parched with drought has yielded more pleasing sensations, than can be enjoyed by all the gratifications that wealth can purchase or power command.
Mankind should not indulge a temper of complaint. Happiness is dealt out in more equal portions, and depends more on causes within our reach, than is commonly supposed. It cannot be material, whether imaginary objects of pleasure are greatest in anticipation or in possession. Whatever delight they afford is so much clear gain. We should make the most of our situation, and not repine because it is not different.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE REPUBLICAN.
No. -11.
EVERY society of men must be restrained by some coercive regulations; and every form of government must be founded on certain general maxims. According to the celebrated Montes-
quieu , Fear is the spring of action in a Despotic form; Honour in a Monarchy, and Virtue in a Republic. This is a plausible theory; but like many others, though beautiful on paper, it is utterly fallacious in practice. Human nature is so selfish and corrupt, that the legislator who depends on virtue alone for the support of a Republican system, builds upon a foundation of sand. More permanent and operative principles are necessary. The common participation of all denominations of citizens in the honours, emoluments and burthens of society; as equal a distribution of property, as the abilities and exertions of individuals will permit; and above all a general diffusion of knowledge among the body of the people, are main pillars in the edifice of a lasting republic. A people well instructed in their rights, are necessarily furnished with the means of preserving them. Their liberties cannot be taken from them, without the absurd supposition of their own consent, which would be a kind of political suicide. Mankind have been too long governed or rather enslaved by means of their hopes, their fears and other passions. But we have reason to be thankful that experience has effected a happy change of measures. In this enlightened age and country the laws begin, as they ought, to be addressed to the sober reason of the subjects. To fit them for such a rational government, every useful branch of knowledge should be encouraged by our federal and state legislatures. The President's recommendation of this subject, in his late official speech to Congress, is worthy of that great friend to the rights of mankind. He urges a legislative patronage of education with his usual candour and discernment. His reasons appear to be altogether satisfactory; and I trust will meet with the concurrence of both houses of Congress, as well as the hearty approbation of the public. As the President did not think proper to descend to particulars, they are left to the good sense of the senators and representatives. To encourage literature, without interfering so far as to controul and shackle it, would be an undertaking becoming our national rulers. With deference I would suggest the propriety of founding a federal professorship of history, government and jurisprudence in each of the universities of the United States. The professors might be appointed either by the President of the United States, or by the trustees of the respective universities, as should be judged most proper. Their lectures might explain the general rights and liberties of men; the history of ancient and modern times, especially of our own country, and more particularly the grand American revolution, including the rise and progress of the various political establishments in the several states and the general confederacy. As the pupils annually retire from the universities, mix with the mass of citizens, and many of them engage in the instruction of subordinate schools or other useful employments, they will carry their knowledge with them into life, and diffuse it far and wide among all ranks of people. And thus the whole community will receive a salutary influence from such institutions. Surely the salaries which would be necessary to engage competent professors, would be money expended to the advantage of the public.
EXTRACT,
From Governor Hancock's speech to the Legislature of the State of Massachusetts. January 19, 1790.
IT would be very extraordinary if we, as a nation, should remain exempted from those foreign or domestic troubles, with which other nations are frequently visited. Notwithstanding a general Government is well established by the free consent of the people, we are to continue to support our own government, with unabating anxiety for its welfare and prosperity: Indeed, the general Government of the United States is founded in an assemblage of Republican Governments; and it depends essentially on these, not only for its dignity and energy, but for its very existence in the form it now possesses; therefore, whatever is done to support the Commonwealth, has a tendency to advance the interest and honor of all the States. Hence we are called upon in an especial manner, to maintain an equal and regular system of revenue and taxation, to support the faith, and to perform the engagements of our Republic; to arm and cause our Militia to be disciplined according to the mode which shall be provided by Congress; and to see that they are officered with men, who are capable of making the greatest progress in the art military, and who delight in the freedom and happiness of their country. A well regulated and disciplined Militia, is at all times a good objection to the introduction of that bane of all free governments—a standing Army.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 27, 1790.
THE order of the day for the consideration of the bill for giving effect to the laws of the United States in the state of North-Carolina, was taken up, and the bill passed to be enacted.
The bill for the remission or mitigation of fines, forfeitures and penalties in certain cases, was read the second time. Ordered, that it be referred to a committee of the whole house, to be taken into consideration on Wednesday next, and that 100 copies be printed.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to provide the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations; the motion before the committee yesterday, for striking out of Mr. Lee's proposed amendment, the words, "by and with the advice and consent of the senate," was again read.
Mr. Jackson objected to the principle of the bill, as tending to establish arbitrary power—as divesting the senate of their prerogative—as relinquishing the controul of the House over the Treasury of the United States. Besides, he contended that it is the duty of the House to fix the salaries, and this he conceived the legislature fully competent to. The disposal of the public money is a trust committed to us, nor can we constitutionally divest ourselves of it.
Mr. Boudinot was opposed to the amendment, and in favor of striking out the words, and contended that the bill went to make all those provisions as fully as the nature of the case would permit, which gentlemen appeared so earnestly to contend for.
The bill empowers the President to draw out of the public treasury a specified sum, it has also determined a point beyond which the salaries shall not extend; all the power proposed to be vested in the President, is to reduce the salaries, and to dispose of the appropriation to the best advantage. This cannot be considered an extraordinary or unconstitutional trust; it is agreeable to the uniform usage of the House in making appropriations where any trust is reposed. It is easy to foresee insuperable difficulties in associating the senate with the President in this business.
Mr. Scott asked whether the question was of a legislative or executive nature—for his part he thought it of a legislative nature; and therefore granting any power to appropriate the public money for purposes where the house could not ascertain the quantum necessary, was acting contrary to the constitution. It was improper he said that either the President or senate, or both, should expend money for any services, the amount of which could not be fixed by law. He was therefore wholly opposed to the principle of the bill, and moved that the committee should rise, for the purpose of introducing a motion in the house to re-commit it.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that if a discretionary power cannot be lodged with any person to determine what sums shall be paid for particular services, it is difficult to conceive how the public business can be carried on. He was sure he said, there was nothing in the Constitution against the delegation of such a power—and in fact constant experience was directly opposed to the position.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) pursuing the idea of Mr. Sedgwick adverted to the circumstance of voting 20,000 dollars the last session for the Indian business—it is true the compensations of the Commissioners was fixed—but their allowance, absorbed but a small proportion of the sum committed in trust to the President and Senate of the United States.
Mr. Lawrance opposed the motion for the committee's rising—he wished the committee to come to a decision of the question, whether the Senate should be associated with the President in this business or not—he adverted to the constant practice of the House in respect to the heads of departments, who from the necessity of the case are constantly trusted with appropriations which it is true they may not exceed, but without particularly specifying the sums they shall pay for certain services.—He wished the gentleman would withdraw his motion.
Mr. Boudinot was likewise opposed to the rising of the committee, and enlarged upon the ideas suggested by Mr. Lawrance, and Mr. Smith.
Mr. Scott defended his motion,—he said that services performed in the public offices are known and open to examination; but that might not be the case with the present business; that as the bill stands it militates against the constitution; that consideration would influence him not to withdraw his motion for the rising of the committee.

The motion for the committee's rising was negatived.
The motion for striking out of the proposed amendment the words "by and with the advice and consent of the senate," was put and carried in the affirmative.
The question then was, on the proposed amendment without the words "by and with the advice and consent of the senate," the vote being taken the amendment was not adopted.
Mr. Lawrance proposed an additional clause for limiting the duration of the bill to the term of three years, and from thence to the end of the next session of Congress thereafter.
It was moved that the clause which enjoins that the accounts of expenditures be rendered under oath, should be struck out.
Mr. Sedgwick was in favor of retaining the words;—there could no injury arise from their being retained in the bill; they may conduce to the public satisfaction.—In the disposition of public monies, cases will frequently occur in which a confidence in the integrity of public officers, may be all the satisfaction the people may receive in the disposal of their money. It is not to be expected that the formality of an oath is to be attended to, the idea meant to be conveyed is that the accounts are rendered under the impression of such a solemnity.
Mr. Huntington, Mr. Wadsworth and Mr. Ames were severally in favor of the motion for striking out the words.—It was observed that they involved an absurdity, except gentlemen supposed it necessary that the President should take his oath of office de novo .
The words respecting the oath were struck out.
A motion of Mr. Madison's, that the President cause a regular statement of the account of expenditures to be laid before Congress, occasioned some further conversation—This motion was adopted.
The whole paragraph as thus amended, was then agreed to.
The motion for the limitation of the bill was next discussed—It was moved that three be struck out before "years" and two inserted—This motion obtained.
The clause thus amended was adopted.
The committee then rose reported the bill with amendments—to which the House acceded—and ordered that the bill be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Lee called the attention of the House to the petition of Mr. Dobbyn—and after some observations on the policy of encouraging the emigration of foreigners, and the population of the unappropriated territory of the United States, moved that the petition of Mr. Dobbyn be referred to the Secretary of the Treasury—that he may make provision in the plan which he is directed to report to the House, for cases similar to that of the petitioner—Mr. Madison and Mr. Page supported this motion.
Mr. Sherman moved that the latter part of the motion should be struck out, and that if the petition is referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, it should be by way of information.
It was said that there is an impropriety in restraining the Secretary to any particular object, in forming the plan in contemplation, as it must be calculated on general principles, the House having special reference to the subject of revenue in committing the business to him—It was further said that the propriety of the Legislature of the United States holding out encouragement to individuals of foreign States, to emigrate to this country may be doubted.
Mr. Sherman's motion was adopted, and the petition referred to the Secretary of the Treasury for his information.
Mr. Sherman presented a petition from the President and Fellows of Yale College, stating that they had imported a philosophical apparatus for that College, the impost duties of which they had paid; and suggested to Congress whether, as books and scientific instruments for the use of seminaries of learning could not come under the denomination of negotiable articles of merchandise, it would not tend to encourage science, were such articles exempted from duties, and praying that the amount of the duties paid on said apparatus, may be remitted for the use of said college.
Mr. Ames presented the petition of John Wait, praying relief under losses sustained by taking certificates for supplies from soldiers who afterwards deserted—Read and laid on the table.
The House took up the resolution laid on the table yesterday by Mr. Smith (S. C.) respecting the unfinished business at the end of a session.
Some debate ensued, but the House adjourned without coming to any decision on the motion.
In our last, Mr. HARTLEY's observation on Adjournments and Prorogations, was mistated: His ideas are expressed in the following, viz.—"After speaking of a former motion he had offered upon this subject—He made a distinction between Prorogation and Adjournment in England: The first was the act of the first Magistrate, the King, and all unfinished business was dismissed by it. But on the last, which was some times the concurrent act of the several branches of the Legislature, at other times the act of one or both Houses of Parliament, the business is preserved in the same state it was left, and need not be taken up de novo ."
THURSDAY, JANUARY 23.
The bill for making compensation to persons employed in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, was brought in, engrossed, and read the third time.
Mr. Sherman moved, that the bill should lie on the table. He thought the sum of forty thousand dollars too much for the purposes specified in the bill, and that the house had no measure at present whereby they could ascertain the sums necessary to be appropriated.
This motion was carried in the affirmative.
This being the day assigned by the house for taking up the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury relative to a provision for the support of the public credit—Mr. Ames introduced the business by saying, that he apprehended, sufficient time had not yet been allowed for the members to prepare themselves for the discussion of a subject of such intricacy and magnitude—he therefore moved that the order of the day be postponed to next Monday week.
Mr. Jackson—This report, Sir, refers to matters of the highest importance, which ought not to be hastily taken up.—There appears to be two great objects in view—One of them is to destroy all idea of discrimination between the original creditors, and the speculators in securities—the other is to make a general provision for the State debts. I was formerly in the same opinion with the Secretary respecting the first—but I am now almost a convert to a contrary opinion; and this in consequence of the speculations I have seen carried on since the report made its appearance, which are now so extended as would make even a Hastings blush.—Since the publication of this report three vessels have sailed from this place for the southward with large sums in specie, to purchase up the public securities of the States of North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia.—With respect to the consolidation of the State debts, some of the States may be against it—at least I think it necessary that we should know the sentiments of the State Legislatures, as well as those of the individual citizens on the subject. Without this information we shall be going on in the dark—and as this information cannot be gained by Monday week, we shall then be as much in the dark as at present. I therefore wish that the consideration of the business may be put off to the first of May, by which time there is a probability of our obtaining some degree of information.
Mr. Boudinot acknowledged that a great number of speculators were injurious to the community. But the object of the report is to lessen the number, by appreciating and fixing the value of the public debt; therefore the sooner that is accomplished, the better. He was not for deferring it to a distant day.
Mr. Stone said the business was entirely new, and that the success of it would much depend upon unanimity. He confessed he wanted to know the opinion of the continent upon it. If it would bring money, he said, in to the treasury, he should be for adopting it immediately; but as he did not expect that, he should be for postponing it for some time.
Mr. Sherman made some observations on the debts of the States, and of the United States—as for collecting the opinions of the people at large, there would probably be, he said, as many opinions as persons. He wished to take up the matter as speedily as possible.
Mr. Hartley was against postponing.
Mr. Sedgwick said, that some delay was necessary for understanding the subject properly. But to prevent speculation and a corruption of morals, he wished to enter upon it speedily.
Mr. Gerry said he was in favor of a postponement, tho' not for so long a time as the gentleman from Georgia proposed—but as the subject was of such magnitude, and all the States now in the Union were so deeply interested, he supposed it best to wait for the North Carolina delegation.
With respect to preventing speculations in the funds, it cannot be supposed, said he, that taking up the business at the present moment will conduce to that object—and if it would I cannot see what advantage would accrue to the public.—I do not conceive that speculating in the funds ought to be considered in an unfavorable point of light.—While the country has a debt, it will be speculated in—I believe there never was a country which had a debt, in which speculations did not obtain—and indeed they are so far from being injurious, that they prove a great convenience—by giving a currency to property which would otherwise lay dormant.—No debts in short can be contracted, but upon terms that must prove ruinous to the debtors, except on a principle of negotiation—In this view it may be said, that the evils which would have been derived from the great debt of this country, have been in a great measure alleviated. He then adverted to the speculations of foreigners—and, referring to the debt of Great Britain, said that in the last war the Dutch were supposed to be proprietors in the English funds, to the amount of forty millions sterling—this was not considered as a disadvantage, on the other hand it was supposed to be a great source of emolument to the nation—and at the moment of peace, the enor-
mous debt of the nation, which had increased an hundred million—was one cause of the greatest influx of specie that had ever been known. He concluded his observations by wishing the consideration of the report might be postponed till the representation from North Carolina should arrive.
Mr. Jackson in support of the motion for postponement, enlarged fully on the pernicious consequences of the speculation in the public securities—and traced those consequences through a variety of channels, he pathetically described the situation of the officers and soldiers of the late army, who had been obliged through necessity to part with the certificates for a trifling consideration.—He lamented the speculations that had taken place in consequence of the promulgation of the Secretary's plan, & regretted that Congress was not now situated on the Susquehanna or Potomack, where the deliberations on the subject might have been kept secret, as he thought that the evils of speculation owed their rise in a great measure from Congress' holding their sessions in a populous city.—He thought that Congress should suspend all consideration of an assumption of the State debts, till the sense of the several Legislatures on the subject was known—and at any rate he hoped that Congress would at present confine their deliberations to that part of the debt called final settlements or the domestic debt of the United States.—He concluded by moving that the consideration of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury be postponed to April.
Mr. Boudinot reprobated the idea of a postponement to so distant a day. He touched on the subject of speculation, and said, that it might be carried too far, and it might be confined to too narrow limits—but with respect to the idea at large, it was impossible to prevent it—that the only way to restrain, or bring within proper bounds this spirit, is for Congress to come to some determination respecting the debt, by which means it will acquire a permanency. The House by their resolution the last session have solemnly pledged themselves to pay early attention to the business, and to do something for the public creditors.
Mr. Page was for taking up the business immediately, and reminded the house of that part of the President's speech which related to public credit. As for secrecy with regard to the report he had no idea of it. He was for openness and decision. He said, that if so distant a day should be fixed on, he should move that the house adjourn, and the members go home. It is an illusive idea to think of deferring it—we are bound to begin the business immediately. Would the gentleman from Georgia consult his constituents upon every bill that is about to be passed?
Mr. Senev moved that the consideration of the report should be postponed to the first Monday in March. The subject, said he, is of great magnitude—it requires time to make up a judgment upon it—The Legislature may derive information from the discussion it may receive in conversation, and in the public prints—The gentleman's idea of an adjournment appears quite unnecessary—there is a great variety of business before the house, to employ their attention—mean time the public expectation will suffer no disappointment, as the business will be in train agreeable to the resolution of the House the last session, on which the report of the Secretary of the Treasury is founded—Nor do I conceive that any time will be lost, as the members will be more fully prepared to meet the business.
The question was now put on the first Monday in March, and lost.
Monday week, was then proposed, which was carried.
A message from the President of the United States by his Secretary, communicating the act of Rhode Island for calling a convention—also a letter from the Governor of that State to the President, respecting a further suspension of the collection act, &c.
These papers were referred to a committee consisting of Mr. Benson, Mr. Brown, and Mr. Cole.
Mr. Burke from the committee appointed, brought in a bill for securing to authors and proprietors, the exclusive right to their writings.
Mr. Burke also presented to the house a motion, that it be an instruction to the committee appointed to bring in a bill for encouraging manufactures, to add a clause respecting the securing to inventors, the right to their discoveries.
This was agreed to.
Mr. Smith's motion which was under consideration yesterday was resumed.
Some observations were made relative to its being a joint business of both Houses.—Mr. Smith, agreeable to this suggestion proposed that the resolution should be amended so as to comprize this idea.
Mr. Livermore objected to the resolution in its present form, he conceived that a strict adherence to any such rule could not be maintained, as a great variety of matters must necessarily be continued from one session to another, he instanced petitions, and business referred to special committees, which might require a whole recess for its consideration.—He adverted to the practice of Congress, and of other legislative bodies—which

he thought was defensible.—On the 21st. of Sept. last, the present Congress passed a resolution, by virtue of which the Secretary of the Treasury, had laid before the House, a plan pursuant to that vote—if such a rule as that now proposed, had existed—the House could not take that report into consideration; but we have taken it up agreeable to customary usage.—He concluded by observing that if a rule must be adopted, the one proposed is not competent to the design, but must be enlarged and proper exceptions made.
Mr. White proposed that proper exceptions might be made—but contended there is a necessity for adopting some rule.
Mr. Hartley said that as the House could not be supposed to be prepared to make the necessary exceptions, he moved that the resolution should lie on the table.
Mr. Sedgwick seconded the motion, which being put, it was carried in the affirmative.
Mr. White moved that a committee be appointed to enquire into the measures taken by Congress in the State of Virginia, respecting the lands reserved for the use of the officers and soldiers of the said State on Continental and State establishments, in the cession made by the said State to the United States, of the territory north-west of the river Ohio, and to report the same to this House.
Mr. White, Mr. Muhlenberg and Mr. Seney, were appointed.
The report of the Secretary at War, on the petition of Capt. Charles Markley, was taken into consideration.
This report states that he was entitled to half pay for life, agreeable to the time of his leaving the public service, but that there are two resolves of Congress which appear to contravene his claim.
It was moved that the House should accept this report.
This motion was opposed, as it would be informal to accept specifically, the report of an executive officer. Such reports are considered as matter of information to the House, on which they are to ground a subsequent act or resolution.
Mr. Gerry observed that it appeared to him from the Secretary's report, that this officer is entitled to his half pay. He therefore moved that the report should be accepted; and that the House should come to a resolution, that the two resolves of Congress referred to in the report do not apply to the case of the petitioner.
The resolves were then read.
Mr. Sedgwick suggested the propriety of appointing a committee to report a system for ascertaining the claims of individuals against the United States, and of the United States against individuals. He proposed that this committee should consist of ten members. The adoption of such a system might save a great deal of time and public expence.
Some observations were made on this proposition. It was then ordered that the report of the Secretary at War should lie on the table.
Adjourned.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 29.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Treasurer of the United States, enclosing accounts of expenditures and disbursements, pursuant to orders of Congress, to the 31st Dec. last, which were read, and referred to a select committee, consisting of Mr. Smith, (S. C.) Mr. Moore, Mr. Smith, (M.) Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Van Ransellaer.
A message from the Senate was received by their Secretary, informing the House that the Senate has passed a bill for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States—in which they request the concurrence of the House.—He then delivered in the bill and withdrew.
Mr. Gerry presented a petition of Aaron Putnam of Medford in the State of Massachusetts—stating that he had invented a mode of distilling spirits, which is different from any that had come to his knowledge, and he presumed is entirely new; and praying that the benefit of his discovery may be secured to him—Referred to the committee appointed to bring in a bill for securing to inventors the right of their discoveries.
A memorial of Roger Alden, was read and referred to a committee consisting of Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Baldwin, and Mr. Benson.
On motion of Mr. Thatcher the petition from the inhabitants of the town of Portland was read a second time, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury for his information, who is directed to report thereon to the House.
The bill brought down from the Senate was read.
Mr. Livermore moved that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for the appropriation of such sum or sums of money as may be necessary for the civil list, and the incidental charges of the present year.
This motion was adopted, and Mr. Livermore, Mr. Sylvester and Mr. Lee, were appointed.
Mr. Sedgwick, after some introductory observations relative to the power of Congress to regulate the exports of the United States, proposed the following resolution, viz.
That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill or bills to encourage the exports of the United States, and to guard against frauds in the same. Laid on the table.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) introduced a resolution to this purport, that the Judges of the Supreme Court be directed to report to the House a plan for regulating the processes in the Federal Courts, and the fees to the Clerks of the same.
Laid on the table.
A motion to take up for a third reading the bill providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, was after a short discussion negatived.
The House then adjourned till Monday 11 o'Clock A. M.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 30.
“What is every body's business is no body's business”—And where every body is worthy of blame, guilt can be affixed to no body.—The exigencies of our country gave rise to the expedient of paper money—When that had done its office, it passed away, by mutual consent, like the baseless fabric of a vision.—Not so the exigencies of our country; they were too substantial.—A second expedient became necessary—it was adopted in a new species of paper.—But this would have been still-born, had the animating principles of negotiation and hope of future payment been wanting—nor would all the paper of the United States have purchased the soldier a biktet, had not a dependence on the country called into circulation the specie of the SPECULATORS.
Hence the first speculators in public securities, who were generally monied men , must be considered as the props of the infant credit of the United States—as they undoubtedly were decided friends to the revolution, who embarked their ALL on the issue of the contest. COMMON SENSE.
Extract of a letter from Boston, Jan. 16.
“I never expected that the domestic debt of the United States would be funded at a higher interest than four per cent. nor could I suppose that in making provision for the debts contracted during the late war, and which are the price of the greatest and the happiest revolution that ever marked the page of history, the debts of the several States would be placed in a less favorable situation, than that commonly denominated the continental debt—but this will certainly be the case, if the great sources of revenue are diverted into a channel from whence the debts of the several states are to derive no advantage. It is to the general government that the state creditors must now look, as to their only resource—and surely their claims are as well founded, as those of any description of creditors whatever.
I am sensible that many persons have entertained hopes of receiving six per cent. interest, on their securities, and this is particularly the idea of those, who are clamorous for a discrimination between the original holders and those who have bought public paper. These persons say that government cannot consistently pay them a less interest than that expressed on the face of the promise; but at the same time, they can very clearly discover the justice of a violation of the same promise, expressed in the same terms, which happens to be in the hands of some of their neighbors!! Self love strangely blinds people to their own interest—for it is very evident that a violation of the public faith in one instance, would assuredly lead to a violation in the other.
I have said above, that 4 per cent. is the highest at which I ever expected that government would fund the debt. My reasons are many, but waving particulars I shall mention only two. First, This sum is about the average of the general expectation of the creditors; and as the Congress of the United States have proposed to lay the foundation of the government in JUSTICE, they will invariably consider in all their deliberations, that two parties perfectly equal, exist in all public contracts—and therefore they will undoubtedly pay attention to the general sentiment—but secondly, I consider 4 per cent. within compass of the ability of the United States. The creditors very well know that it will be in vain to expect an interest beyond this ability—and tho' 4 per cent. will be less than the original stipulation, yet realizing this diminished rate, will induce a most cordial reliance on a future indemnification for a temporary loss.”
The question whether the seat of the Honorable Jonathan Jackson in the Senate of Massachusetts, is vacated by his federal appointment as Marshal of that district, was determined in the negative by the Senators of that State, the 21st instant.
Extract of a letter from Long-Island to the Editor, hereof.
“I am exceedingly gratified with the Boston plan of Education with which you have lately favoured us. Nothing can more radically promote the best interests of society than such attentions from a united public. The efforts of a thousand individuals to inculcate useful knowledge, may probably be less productive, than the labours
of a very few in this compacted system. It will contribute greatly to the conveniency of tuition, and much more to its success. The principal advantages will spring from the foundation—the discipline and the manners of the children, which can scarcely fail to be established by such arrangements; these are of the utmost consequence, tho' too generally neglected. The system does not strike me as perfect; it will undoubtedly admit of considerable improvements; but, were there much more room for these, I should think the adoption of such a system far preferable to that chance medley of education which continues to be borne with, almost throughout the continent—and I do most heartily wish to see such wise examples followed, wherever some plan of the kind has not already been adopted.”
Last Thursday arrived in this City from North-Carolina the Hon. SAMUEL JOHNSTON, Senator of the United States from that Republic.
Hon. BENJAMIN HAWKINS, the other Senator arrived some days since.
ADVERTISEMENT.
At the Auction Room of Messrs SMITH and BRADFORD, No. 20, Wall Street, will be disposed of, at public sale, on Friday Evening the 5th of February, a large and very valuable assortment of BOOKS—consisting of History, Divinity, Law, Physic, Poetry, Novels, Miscellany, &c. &c.—Catalogues will be delivered a few days previous to the sale. New-York, Jan. 1790.
NOTIFICATION.
ALL persons who have not accounted for the expenditures of public money and stores, received from HUGH HUGHES, either in the capacity of Commissary of Military Stores, Assistant and Deputy Quarter Master General to the army of the United States, or Deputy Quarter Master for the State of New-York, &c. or Deputy Quarter Master for the Eastern and Main Army, are requested, by the said Hughes, to exhibit their accounts and vouchers, properly stated, as early as possible, to the auditor of the Treasury of the United States, in the city of New-York, that a final settlement of the same may be made.
The Executors, or Administrators, to the estates of any of the persons first mentioned, will be pleased to attend to this notification.
N. B. The Printers in the different States in the Union, will render an essential service to the public by inserting this in their newspapers.
WAR-OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Invalid Pensioners of the United States, residing within the States respectively, that one moiety of their annual pension, commencing on the fifth day of March last, will be paid at the places and by the persons herein after mentioned, on the fifth day of March ensuing, and that the second moiety of the said annual pension will be paid at the same places and by the same persons, on the fifth day of June ensuing.
   The States, Places, and persons by whom the pensions will be paid.     New-Hampshire, Portsmouth, Joseph Whipple.   Massachusetts, Boston, Benjamin Lincoln.   Rhode-Island, Providence, Jeremiah Olney.   Connecticut, New-London, Jedidiah Huntington.   New-York, New-York, John Lamb.   New-Jersey, Perth-Amboy, John Halsey.   Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Sharp Delany.   Delaware, Wilmington, George Bush.   Maryland, Baltimore, Otho H. Williams,   Virginia, B. Hundred, William Heth,   North-Carolina, Hillsborough, John Haywood.   South-Carolina, Charleston, George Abbott Hall.   Georgia, Savannah, John Habersham.  
January the 28th, 1790. By order of the President of the United States. H. KNOX, Secretary for the Department of War.
IN order to prevent unsuccessful applications, the following information is re published, respecting the vouchers which will be required.
“THE returns which have been or shall be made to the Secretary for the Department of War by the several States of the pensions which have been granted, and paid by them respectively will together with the vouchers herein required, be considered as the evidence whereon the payments are to be made.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state specifying that the person possessing it, is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2dly. An affidavit agreeably to the following form: to wit—A. B. came before me one of the Justices for the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited.)
That he served in (regiment or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an Invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney must, besides the certificate and oath before recited, produce a special letter of attorney agreeable to the following form,
I A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney to receive in my behalf of (the first or second moiety) of my annual pension, as an Invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, One thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, this
Signed and sealed in the presence of
Acknowledged before me Applications of executors or administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the Invalid died, whose pension they may claim.
By Command of the President of the United States of America. H. KNOX, Secretary for the Department of War, War-Office, October 13. 1789.
The Printers throughout the United States are requested to insert the above information, for the benefit of the unfortunate invalids, who have suffered severely in the cause of their country.

REPORT
Of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Jan. 9, 1790.
[CONTINUATION.]
BUT though many of the original holders sold from necessity, it does not follow, that this was the case with all of them. It may well be supposed, that some of them did it either through want of confidence in an eventual provision, or from the allurements of some profitable speculation. How shall these different classes be discriminated from each other? How shall it be ascertained, in any case, that the money, which the original holder obtained for his security, was not more beneficial to him, than if he had held it to the present time, to avail himself of the provision which shall be made? How shall it be known, whether if the purchaser had employed his money in some other way, he would not be in a better situation, than by having applied it in the purchase of securities, though he should now receive their full amount? And if neither of these things can be known, how shall it be determined whether a discrimination, independent of the breach of contract, would not do a real injury to purchasers; and if it included a compensation to the primitive proprietors, would not give them an advantage, to which they had no equitable pretension.
It may well be imagined, also, that there are not wanting instances, in which individuals, urged by a present necessity, parted with the securities received by them from the public, and shortly after replaced them with others, as an indemnity for their first loss. Shall they be deprived of the indemnity which they have endeavored to secure by so provident an arrangement?
Questions of this sort, on a close inspection, multiply themselves without end, and demonstrate the injustice of a discrimination, even on the most subtle calculations of equity, abstracted from the obligation of contract.
The difficulties too of regulating the details of a plan for that purpose, which would have even the semblance of equity, would be found immense. It may well be doubted whether they would not be insurmountable, and replete with such absurd, as well as inequitable consequences, as to disgust even the proposers of the measure.
As a specimen of its capricious operation, it will be sufficient to notice the effect it would have upon two persons, who may be supposed two years ago to have purchased, each, securities at three shillings in the pound, and one of them to retain those bought by him, till the discrimination should take place; the other to have parted with those bought by him, within a month past, at nine shillings. The former, who had had most confidence in the government, would in this case only receive at the rate of three shillings and the interest; while the latter, who had had less confidence would receive for what cost him the same money at the rate of nine shillings, and his representative, standing in his place, would be entitled to a like rate.
The impolicy of a discrimination results from two considerations; one, that it proceeds upon a principle destructive of that quality of the public debt, or the stock of the nation, which is essential to its capacity for answering the purposes of money—that is the security of transfer; the other, that as well on this account, as because it includes a breach of faith, it renders property in the funds less valuable; consequently induces lenders to demand a higher premium for what they lend, and produces every other inconvenience of a bad state of public credit.
It will be perceived at first sight, that the transferable quality of stock is essential to its operation as money, and that this depends on the idea of complete security to the transferee, and a firm persuasion, that no distinction can in any circumstances be made between him and the original proprietor.
The precedent of an invasion of this fundamental principle, would of course tend to deprive the community of an advantage, with which no temporary saving could bear the least comparison.
And it will as readily be perceived, that the same cause would operate a diminution of the value of stock in the hands of the first, as well as every other holder. The price, which any man, who should incline to purchase, would be willing to give for it, would be in a compound ratio to the immediate profit it afforded, and to the chance of the continuance of his profit. If there was supposed to be any hazard of the latter, the risk would be taken into the calculation, and either there would be no purchase at all, or it would be at a proportionably less price.
For this diminution of the value of stock, every person, who should be about to lend to the government, would demand a compensation; and would add to the actual difference, between the nominal and the market value, an equivalent for the chance of greater decrease; which, in a precarious state of public credit, is always to be taken into the account.
Every compensation of this sort, it is evident, would be an absolute loss to the government.
In the preceding discussion of the impolicy of a discrimination, the injurious tendency of it to those, who continue to be the holders of the securities, they received from the government, has been explained. Nothing need be added, on this head, except that this is an additional and interesting light, in which the injustice of the measure may be seen. It would not only divest present proprietors by purchase, of the rights they had acquired under the sanction of public faith, but it would depreciate the property of the remaining original holders.
It is equally unnecessary to add any thing to what has been already said to demonstrate the fatal influence, which the principle of discrimination would have on the public credit.
But there is still a point in view in which it will appear perhaps even more exceptional, than in either of the former. It would be repugnant to an express provision of the constitution of the United States. This provision is, that "all debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of that Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under it, as under the Confederation," which amounts to a constitutional ratification of the contracts respecting the debt, in the state in which they existed under the confederation. And resorting to that standard, there can be no doubt, that the rights of assignees and original holders, must be considered as equal.
In exploding thus fully the principle of discrimination, the Secretary is happy in reflecting, that he is only the advocate of what has been already sanctioned by the formal and express authority of the government of the Union, in these emphatic terms—"The remaining class of creditors (say Congress in their circular address to the States, of the 26th of April, 1783) is composed, partly of such of our fellow citizens as originally lent to the public the use of their funds, or partly of those, whose property has been either advanced or assumed for the public service. To discriminate the merits of these several descriptions of creditors, would be a task equally unnecessary and invidious. If the voice of humanity plead more loudly in favor of some than of others, the voice of policy, no less than of justice, pleads in favor of all. A wise nation will never permit those who relieve the wants of their country, or who rely most on its faith, its firmness, and its resources, when either of them is distressed, to suffer by the event."
The Secretary, concluding that a discrimination, between the different classes of creditors of the United States, cannot with propriety be made, proceeds to examine whether a difference ought to be permitted to remain between them, and another description of public creditors—Those of the States individually.
The Secretary, after mature reflection on this point, entertains a full conviction, that an assumption of the debts of the particular States by the Union, and a like provision for them, as for those of the Union, will be a measure of sound policy and substantial justice.
It would, in the opinion of the Secretary, contribute, in an eminent degree, to an orderly, stable and satisfactory arrangement of the national finances.
Admitting, as ought to be the case, that a provision must be made in some way or other for the entire debt; it will follow, that no greater revenues will be required, whether that provision be made wholly by the United States, or partly by them, and partly by the States separately.
The principal question then must be, whether such a provision cannot be more conveniently and effectually made by one general plan issuing from one authority, than by different plans originating in different authorities.
In the first place there can be no competition for resources; in the last, there must be such a competition. The consequences of this, without the greatest caution on both sides, might be interfering regulations, and thence collision and confusion. Particular branches of industry might also be oppressed by it. The most productive objects of revenue are not numerous. Either these must be wholly engrossed by one side, which might lessen the efficacy of the provisions by the other; or both must have recourse to the same objects in different modes, which might occasion an accumulation upon them, beyond what they could properly bear. If this should not happen, the caution requisite to avoiding it, would prevent the revenue's deriving the full benefit of each object. The danger of interference and of excess would be apt to impose restraints very unfriendly to the complete command of those resources, which are the most convenient: and to compel the having recourse to others, less eligible in themselves, and less agreeable to the community.
The difficulty of an effectual command of the public resources, in case of separate provisions for the debt, may be seen in another and perhaps more striking light. It would naturally happen that different States, from local considerations, would in some instances have recourse to different objects, in others, to the same objects, in different degrees, for procuring the funds of which they stood in need. It is easy to conceive how this diversity would affect the aggregate revenue of the country. By the supposition, articles which yielded a full supply in some states, would yield nothing, or an insufficient product, in others. And hence the public revenue would not derive the full benefit of those articles, from state regulations. Neither could the deficiencies be made good by those of the union. It is a provision of the national constitution, that "all duties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." And as the general government would be under a necessity from motives of policy, of paying regard to the duty, which may have been previously imposed upon any article, though but in a single state, it would be constrained, either to refrain wholly from any further imposition, upon such article, where it had been already rated as high as was proper, or to confine itself to the difference between the existing rate, and what the article would reasonably bear. Thus the pre-occupancy of an article by a single state, would tend to arrest or abridge the impositions of the union on that article. And as it is supposable, that a great variety of articles might be placed in this situation, by dissimilar arrangements of the particular states, it is evident, that the aggregate revenue of the country would be likely to be very materially contracted by the plan of separate provisions.
If all the public creditors receive their dues from one source, distributed with an equal hand, their interest will be the same. And having the same interests, they will unite in the support of the fiscal arrangements of the government: As these, too, can be made with more convenience, where there is no competition: These circumstances combined will insure to the revenue laws a more ready and more satisfactory execution.
If on the contrary there are distinct provisions, there will be distinct interests, drawing different ways. That union and concert of views, among the creditors, which in every government is of great importance to their security, and to that of public credit, will not only not exist, but will be likely to give place to mutual jealousy and opposition. And from this cause, the operation of the systems which may be adopted, both by the particular States, and by the Union, with relation to their respective debts, will be in danger of being counteracted.
There are several reasons, which render it probable, that the situation of the state creditors would be worse, than that of the creditors of the Union, if there be not a national assumption of the state debts. Of these it will be sufficient to mention two; one, that a principal branch of revenue is exclusively vested in the Union; the other, that a state must always be checked in the imposition of taxes on articles of consumption, from the want of power to extend the same regulation to the other states, and from the tendency of partial duties to injure its industry and commerce. Should the state creditors stand upon a less eligible footing than the others, it is unnatural to expect they would see with pleasure a provision for them. The influence which their dissatisfaction might have, could not but operate injuriously, both for the creditors, and the credit, of the United States.
Hence it is even the interest of the creditors of the Union, that those of the individual States should be comprehended in a general provision. Any attempt to secure to the former either exclusive or peculiar advantages, would materially hazard their interests.
Neither would it be just, that one class of the public creditors should be more favored than the other. The objects for which both descriptions of the debt were contracted, are in the main the same. Indeed a great part of the particular debts of the States has arisen from assumptions by them on account of the Union. And it is most equitable, that there should be the same measure of retribution for all.
There is an objection, however, to an assumption of the state debts, which deserves particular notice. It may be supposed, that it would increase the difficulty of an equitable settlement between them and the United States.
The principles of that settlement, whenever they shall be discussed, will require all the moderation and wisdom of the government. In the opinion of the Secretary, that discussion, till further lights are obtained, would be premature.
All therefore which he would now think advisable on the point in question, would be, that the amount of the debts assumed and provided for, should be charged to the respective states, to abide an eventual arrangement. This, the United States, as assignees to the creditors, would have an indisputable right to do.
But as it might be a satisfaction to the House to have before them some plan for the liquidation of accounts between the union and its members, which, including the assumption of the state debts, would consist with equity: The Secretary will submit in this place such thoughts on the subject, as have occurred to his own mind, or been suggested to him, most compatible, in his judgment, with the end proposed.
Let each state be charged with all the money advanced to it out of the treasury of the United States, liquidated according to the specie value, at the time of each advance, with interest at six per cent.
Let it also be charged with the amount, in specie value, of all its securities which shall be assumed, with the interest upon them to the time, when interest shall become payable by the United States.
Let it be credited for all monies paid and articles furnished to the United States, and for all other expenditures during the war, either towards general or particular defence, whether authorized, or unauthorized by the United States; the whole liquidated to specie value, and bearing an interest of six per cent. from the several times at which the several payments, advances and expenditures accrued.
And let all sums of continental money now in the treasuries of the respective states, which shall be paid into the treasury of the United States, be credited at specie value.
Upon a statement of the accounts according to these principles, there can be little doubt, that balances would appear in favor of all the States, against the United States.
To equalize the contributions of the states, let each be then charged with its proportion of the aggregate of those balances, according to some equitable ratio, to be devised for that purpose.
If the contributions should be found disproportionate, the result
of this adjustment would be, that some states would be creditors, some debtors to the union.
Should this be the case, as it will be attended with less inconvenience for the United States, to have to pay balances to, than to receive them from the particular states, it may perhaps, be practicable to effect the former by a second process, in the nature of a transfer of the amount of the debts of debtor states, to the credit of creditor states, observing the ratio by which the first apportionment shall have been made. This, whilst it would destroy the balances due from the former, would increase those due to the latter. These to be provided for by the United States, at a reasonable interest, but not to be transferable.
The expediency of this second process must depend on a knowledge of the result of the first. If the inequalities should be too great, the arrangement may be impracticable, without unduly increasing the debt of the United States. But it is not likely, that this would be the case. It is also to be remarked, that though this second process might not, upon the principle of apportionment, bring the thing to the point aimed at, yet it may approach so nearly to it, as to avoid essentially the embarrassment, of having considerable balances to collect from any of the states.
The whole of this arrangement to be under the superintendence of commissioners, vested with equitable discretion, and final authority.
The operation of the plan is exemplified in the schedule A.
SPECULATION.
Says JOE to JEM, this speculation, Will prove the ruin of the nation. Gods! that these fellows thus should thrive, When you and I can scarcely live.
Says JEM to JOE, this speculation, Has sav'd the credit of the nation; For when fate stop'd the new emission, Their cash preserv'd us from perdition.
ANECDOE.
SOON after the commencement of the peace, the Master of an American vessel, in London, fell in company with some sharps, who urged him very much to join them in drinking a bottle or two of porter. He, not aware of their policy, consented to go to a public house; where, after they had all drank very freely, they dropt off, one by one, till at last the Yankee was left quite alone. The innkeeper coming in, says to him,—"What! are you left alone?"—"Yes," replied the other. The innkeeper observed to him, that he supposed he was not much acquainted with "our English blades."—"I am not," replied the American. "Well," said the innkeeper, "the reckoning falls on you."—"Does it!" replied the other, affecting surprize, and clapping his hand into his pocket as if to pay it—but, pausing, he says, "Well, if this be the case, give me another bottle before I go." The innkeeper stepped out to get it. In the mean time the American wrote upon the table—"I leave you AMERICAN HANDLES for your ENGLISH BLADES"—and walked off in his turn.
This day published,
THE REPORT of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the House of Representatives, relative to a provision for the support of the Public Credit of the United States, in conformity to a resolution of the twenty-first of Sept. 1789.
Published by authority.
Printed by FRANCIS CHILDS, and JOHN SWAIN—and sold at their Office, No. 190, Water-Street; sold also by Berry and Rogers. New-York, Jan. 1790.
WILLIAM TAYLOR,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles:    BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4  HUMHUMS,    Jackonet do.  Long Cloths,    Hankerchiefs, of various kinds,  Cassas,    Chintzes,  Seerfuckers,    Ginghams,  Boglapores.  
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS.
With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
JANUARY 9, 1790.
t. f.
BOSTON STAGE.
THE subscriber informs the public, that having contracted to carry the public mail in the stage from New-York to Boston, for the year 1790—commencing January the first to go twice a week till the first of May, and three times a week from first May to first November, and to employ a person to go thro' with the mail to take Care of it. He engages that this conductor shall transact all private business committed to him with fidelity at a reasonable Commission—he will carry bundles, money, newspapers, &c. And may be seen every Wednesday and Saturday Evening in New-York, at Fraunces' Tavern, in Boston at the subscribers House, in Hartford at Frederick Bull's, Coffee House.
Four active men are now engaged as Conductors, who have given bonds for the faithful discharge of their trust.
January, 1790.
LEVI PEASE.
The Boston, Albany, and Philadelphia Stages now put up at Fraunces' Tavern, Cortlandt-Street, where passengers will please to apply.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Gazette of the United States circulates in every part of the Union—being honored by Subscribers in Georgia, South and North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, New-York, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, and District of Maine, Canada, Europe, and the West Indies. This extensive circulation renders it a proper vehicle for ADVERTISEMENTS of a general, commercial and governmental import:—By the particular desire and advice, therefore, of a number of its patrons, this paper will be open for the reception of advertisements of the above description; which as they will convey intelligence of an interesting nature, the Editor hopes their insertion will meet the approbation of his friends in general. Should the number at any time amount to more than a page in the Gazette, they will be given in a Supplement. JOHN FENNO.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. pr. an.]