Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-06-17 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XIX.]
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 17, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XIX.
“Sensible men as well as others oftener have occasion to repent of saying too much than too little.”
THOUGH I place a new motto at the head of this number, yet I am continuing my last speculation rather than introducing a new one. There is such a diversity of appearances in human life, that the most diligent enquirer after truth may come to a stand in his researches. He will say to himself, I may as well remain idle, as perplex my mind with enquiries, which cannot terminate in a satisfactory solution. This difficulty peculiarly attends the case now under consideration. It has been shewn that in some instances obvious advantages result from a cold, reserved deportment; while on other occasions, the success of a man seems to have originated in an open, unrestrained communication of his thoughts. I will dilate a little upon the circumstances that attend such a difference of behavior, and leave the reader to draw his own conclusions. He will recollect, that in this paper, I am remarking upon characters that deserve some eminence for their abilities.
The different views men entertain of applause and influence lead them to strike upon different expedients for promoting their reputation. One man has an ardour of spirits that thirsts constantly after fresh drafts of flattery; and like a dram-drinker, he has a spark that always wants quenching. This induces him to captivate attention wherever he falls into company; and he had rather be gratified with momentary applause, than to acquire that which may be durable, if the acquisition will subject him to a temporary self-denial. The character the reverse of this gains slowly upon the admiration of others; but he holds fast what he does gain: He never loses any part of the influence he obtains; and encreases the veneration of the world by appearing very indifferent about it.
While one man is ambitious of exciting admiration by the brilliancy of his wit, and the gaiety and elegance of his conversation; another avoids those methods of allurements, and only wishes to be respected for solidity of judgment, and for a sparing, but pertinent, communication of his sentiments. If one were asked which of these characters were most desirable, he may reply that each of them may be most desirable to different men, whose taste and views run in a different direction. The person of reserve, who seldom speaks at all, and never but when he can say something judicious and singularly adapted to the subject, has more weight and influence in society than he who always speaks, and often wanders from the real merits of the question. It frequently happens that men of the most active powers of oratory are dazzled by their own lustre, and make many unimportant or erroneous remarks merely for the sake of displaying their eloquence. Those who fall into the practice of speaking a great deal may be certain they will let drop many things that are neither just or interesting. Every error in opinion, and every false or improbable assertion will bring a man into disrepute, and render his judgment as well as veracity liable to suspicion. By this means, when he makes an observation that is judicious, it does not receive that credit which it deserves, or that it would receive, if he had been accustomed to speak with precaution. It is true the fascination of oratory, in many instances, gives a popularity to speeches beyond what they merit; but no substantial or permanent influence can result from such captivations of applause. Men guarded in their conversation establish a more beneficial influence; their word is equivalent to truth, and their opinions are cited as authority to direct the conduct of others. Upon the whole, a sensible man, if he talks a great deal may often be applauded; if he talks but little, he will always be respected.
N. B. In TABLET No. XVIII, the sixth paragraph, eleventh line, for “ misdeemeanor ” read demeanor .
AS SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
[Continued from No. XVII.]
AS method and system, in conducting the common concerns of private life, are attended with every advantage, and found to assist greatly in the attainment of the objects we have in view, this argument applies with additional force to the vast and important concerns involved in the economy of a nation. These being various and complicated in their nature, and indefinite in their number, without order and system, would be peculiarly liable to derangement and confusion. Hence arises the propriety of establishing the great executive departments of government, of defining their appropriate powers, and the
objects of their attention and management. As, affairs relative to revenue and national income to a financier—military matters to a secretary at war—foreign affairs to a person specially appointed—domestic concerns to their peculiar department—to a marine board the interest of a navy, &c. Upon the requisite qualifications for these several offices and on the objects of their commission, I venture a few general observations. In a financier we hope to find a critical acquaintance with mankind, and the various things which govern the heart—a knowledge of the history of foreign nations—with a more particular information of that of his own country—the genius of its inhabitants—different interests of the community—the various sources from which to derive an income to the public—the practical philosopher, and profound mathematician—acquainted with the operation and fluctuation of money in a State, and with the means of extending and equalizing its circulation to common benefit; and in general, with a capacity to economize public expenditures, and by other means to establish and support national credit and consequence. The mechanical business of the department of treasury or finance will be to keep a fair and accurate statement of the national debts and credits, and so contracted as to avoid embarrassment, prevent error, and detect fraud. In the war-office we are led to look for a person of ability and information, acquired by a long experience in martial pursuits, a disciplinarian, and well acquainted with the economy of a camp and military tactics—capable of directing to the best means for preserving the health of the soldiery, of supplying them with necessaries, of supporting garrisons and forts, and pursuing every mode for his country's defence, with propriety, and economy; his attention to method will enable him (whenever called upon for that purpose by government) to present a full and accurate estimate upon every subject comprised within his department.
To direct the concerns of the marine, will require an early and uniform education in naval pursuits; with ability to improve upon the information thus acquired—an acquaintance with the best mode for obtaining good timber, &c. for the building of ships and all the necessaries for compleating them; also with the means to be pursued for encouraging the increase of seamen—the least expensive mode for supplying them, and most efficacious method for preserving their valuable lives, &c. in this department will be kept accurate registers of the men employed in the navy—estimates of their supplies and general expenditures, and upon a report of which to the supreme executive, will receive warrants on the treasury for their disbursement.
The person filling the office for foreign affairs with a knowledge of his own country, should possess a general acquaintance with the history of other nations—be able to develop the arcana of their politics, commercial pursuits, and readily see into their connection with probable effects upon those of his own country; and while corresponding with our public officers and agents abroad on these subjects, should be fully capable of rendering this information subservient to her best interests.
The department of domestic affairs, land-office, national bank, &c. will be duly attended to in a future paper.
(To be continued.)
MESSAGE of the Governor of Massachusetts to both branches of the Legislature of that Commonwealth.
Gentlemen of the SENATE, and
Gentlemen of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
I AM happy in congratulating you upon the return of this anniversary, established by our free and excellent constitution.
In a free Commonwealth, extensive enough for the great purposes of civil government and national defence, the sentiments and feelings of the people can be understood and consulted, in no other way, than through a representation sufficiently numerous and frequently appointed: The clear and absolute possession of this privilege, with the certain right of transmitting it inviolate to posterity, will be considered by the good citizens of this State as a full compensation for their late glorious and arduous struggle for freedom.
As my fellow citizens have seen fit to honor me with the office of Chief Magistrate, it affords me great satisfaction to find that they have committed their Legislative concerns to men, who so well understand and can so ably execute the important trust: And feeling myself well assured that the discussion of the public business will be attended with candor and unanimity. I shall readily concur in those measures which shall be by you proposed for the general good of the government, and the happiness of our constituents: And may
the great Author of mercies so bless our endeavors as that we, and the people of the Commonwealth, may rejoice in the continuance of his divine favors, bestowed upon a free and enlightened nation.
Since the adjournment of the late General Court, a new and important era has commenced; the government of the United States of America has been completely organized—at the head of our infant nation is placed, by the united voice of his country, One, who from his piety, wisdom and ability, is evidently designed by Heaven to unite the affections of all his fellow citizens, and thus united, to lead them to national glory and felicity.
From the characters which form the two branches of Congress, we must possess the highest confidence in that assembly, and are lead to anticipate from their measures, the blessings of that security and dignity, which at all times are the result of national wisdom, integrity and justice; and I believe that the good people of the great confederated Republic, may assure themselves that the principles upon which the revolution was supported will so forcibly insinuate themselves into all the measures of that august Legislature, that no place will be opened to those ideas of monarchy and despotism, which have long scourged other parts of the world.
But it ought ever to be remembered, that no form of government, or mode of administration, can make a vicious people happy, and that therefore, the public felicity will in a great measure depend upon the exercise of the social and private virtues, by the people of this extensive republic.
That this Commonwealth, which constitutes so important a part of the general government, may increase its own internal prosperity, while it promotes that of the Union, we ought to support and encourage the means of learning, and all institutions for the education of the rising generation; an equal distribution of intelligence being as necessary to a free government, as laws for an equal distribution of property.
Our wise and magnanimous ancestors, impressed with this idea, were very liberal and careful in the establishment of institutions for this purpose; among which, that of our University in Cambridge, and that of Grammar Schools in our towns, were very important: Every necessary attention will certainly be paid to the former, and I cannot but earnestly recommend to your inquiry, the reason why the latter is so much neglected in the State: Should any new laws be wanted in this matter, you cannot do your country a more essential service, than provide them.
Notwithstanding the just expectations we have from the government of the United States, yet the honor and credit of the several States are of vast importance to the citizens of them. In this State we have accumulated in the course of the late war, a very heavy debt; individuals of the community have loaned their property to support their distressed country.—The resources of the Commonwealth, are as well known to you, gentlemen, as they are to me, and I feel myself assured of your serious attention to measures directed to the support of public credit, and the establishment of public justice.
Pursuant to a resolution passed by the Legislature in their late session, the Sheriffs of the several counties have been called upon to return, and settle the executions which have been committed to them against defective collectors of public taxes: A state of their settlements I have directed the treasurer to lay before you.
I shall communicate to you such matters, from time to time, as I may find to be necessary for the interest of government, but am very happy to inform you, that from a state of external and internal peace and quietness, no business is likely to call for your attention but the common and ordinary concerns of supporting government.
JOHN HANCOCK.
Boston, June 8, 1789.
A T A L K,
Lately sent by the Commissioners of Indian affairs in the Southern Department to the Creeks correspondent.
To the Head Men, Chiefs, and Warriors of the Creek Nation.
WE last year appointed a time and place for holding a treaty with you to establish a lasting peace between you and us, that we might again become as one people; you all know the reasons why it was not held at that time.
We now send you this talk, inviting you to a treaty on your bank of the Oconee river, at the Rock Landing. We wished to meet you at that place on the eighth of June, but, as that day is so near at hand, you might not all get notice. We therefore shall expect to meet you on the 20th of June.

We have changed the place of meeting from that of last year; so that none of you should have reason to complain: It is your own ground, and on that land we wish to renew our former trade and friendships, and to remove every thing that has blinded the path between you and us.
We are now governed by a President, who is like the old King over the Great Water. He commands all the Warriors of the Thirteen Great Fires. He will have regard to the welfare of all the Indians; and when peace shall be established, he will be your father, and you will be his children, so that none shall dare to do you harm.
We know that lands have been the cause of dispute between you and the white people; but we now tell you that we want no new grants; our object is to make a peace, and to unite us all under our Great Chief Warrior and President, who is the Father and Protector of all the white people. Attend to what we say.
Our traders are very rich, and have houses full of such goods as you were used to get in former days; it is our wish that you should trade with them and they with you, in strict friendship.
Our brother George Galphin will carry you this talk; listen to him, he will tell you nothing but truth from us. Send us your answer by him.
ANDREW PICKENS, } Commissioners of the United States H. OSBORNE. } for Indian Affairs in the Southern Department. April 20, 1789. [A true copy from the original.]
CHARACTER OF THE NEAPOLITAN.
From Sherlock's Letters.
Travellers are often mistaken in judging of the Italian, especially the Neapolitan. They think he has no sense, because he wants ideas. A man can have but few ideas when he has never been out of his own country, and when he has read nothing; but examine the Neapolitan on all the subjects with which he is acquainted, and you will see whether he wants natural capacity. He resembles the soil of his own country: a field well tilled in Naples produces the most plentiful crops; neglected, it yields but briars and thistles. It is the same with the genius of the inhabitants; cultivated, it is capable of every thing; untilled, it produces only folly and vice.
ON MRS. SIDDONS.
A CELEBRATED ACTRESS IN LONDON.
WHAT art thou! Thou who canst steal soft pity's tender breast, and at thy feign'd revenge, teach her to greet the agonizing groan, and eye the reeking dagger with a smile!
Thou, who canst soothe the rooted anguish of the smarting soul, and turn its trickling streams to bathe thy painted wounds!
Thou, who canst arrest the callous thief*—suspend his pilfering rage—teach him to feel—and drop an honest tear on thy fictitious grief!
Thou, who canst wring the Stoic's stubborn heart, and force the maiden tear!
Thou, who canst melt the Miser's flinty soul, and make him weep and give!
What art thou! the dazzling meteor of a flinted day! A splendid transient wonder! great, but confin'd; and where unseer, unknown; for alas! thine is a trackless path, where no vestige can direct to trace thy glory: The unseer Beauty feebly thrills in story; and as when radiant Phœbus disappears, the pale-face Moon comes forth, and faintly cheers us for the loss of day—so some less brilliant light, not risen, or now lost in thy superior blaze, when SIDDONS sets, shall glitter in its turn, the idol glory of a darker hour. E. C.
* It was said that a thief was so much affected with Mrs. Siddon's acting, that he was detected in the act of picking a pocket, by neglecting to withdraw his hand.
ON SCANDAL.
"Hæret lateri lethalis Arundo."
AGAINST Slander there is no defence. Hell cannot boast so foul a fiend; nor man deplore so fell a foe: It stabs with a word—with a nod—with a shrug—with a look—with a smile: It is the pestilence walking in darkness, spreading contagion far and wide, which the most wary traveller cannot avoid: It is the heart-searching dagger of the dark Assassins: It is the poisoned arrow, whose wound is incurable: It is the mortal sting of the deadly adder: MURDER is its employment: INNOCENCE it's prey—and RUIN its sport. E. C.
LAW and PHYSIC.
IT has been a subject of enquiry, how it comes to pass that the professions of law and physic appear to have preserved a decided pre-eminence of all others, in all the variation of principles and manners, that have obtained among mankind?—This may be accounted for from this consideration, viz: That their object is the security of the health and property of individuals. The most selfish and effeminate of mankind will always be more attentive to the preservation of those, in proportion as they are less attentive to the public welfare, and lost to all generous affections and regards.
AN EXTRACT.
To a Young Gentleman—dissuading him from poetical pursuits.
AND would'st thou then in tasks of verse engage?
Throbs thy young bosom with poetic rage?
Oh, trust th' experience'd; trust me, dearest boy,
The walks of Pindus seldom lead to joy.
In those green paths, while yet 'tis morning play;
Cull the wild flowers that rise along the way;
In chasing butterflies consume thy prime,
Adorn thy temples with the shoots of rhyme:
A while thou may'st, if thus thy fancy leads
But range not long in those enchanting meads.
To grave pursuits and serious tasks retire,
Ere manhood rises to meridian fire;
Lest thou should'st see (the noon in trifling past,) Thy sun descend in poverty at last.
Yet Wisdom's voice, thy soul did wisdom sway,
Would'st thou turn thy self-deluding way;
Not one short moment given to youthful heat,
One pause of dalliance, in the Muses' seat:
Within their bowers a thousand demons bide,
A thousand snakes within their flow'rets hide.
A plastic God informs the Poet's mind,
He makes the beauteous which he does not find,
Displays th' ideal paradise around,
And smiles the barren heath to fairy ground;
His Midas' hands ennobled objects hold,
And feel and touch the meanest dross to gold.
Ah fatal gift, what comfort canst thou bring?
Less to the Bard than to the Lydian king.
Attendant Fancy, from the wilds of air,
Convoes the smiling families of Fair,
The beauteous elves that o'er creation rove,
Delightful children of almighty Love:
Prompt at her call, the bright ideas throng,
And rush profusely through the bloomy song.
At Fancy's side, the young-cy'd Passions stand,
Sweet blushing boys, in form, a cherub band;
The foul expands, to lodge the smiling train,
Ah, little fearful of the future pain!
Beneath his wings each veils a barbed dart,
Till deep it quivers in the bleeding heart,
Then marks, with cruel pride, his guilty skill,
And flutters round, in wantonness of ill.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
SATURDAY, JUNE 13, 1789.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to regulate the collection of the revenue.
Mr. TRUMBULL in the chair.
The bill this day received such further discussion, as to ascertain the general sentiment of the committee; agreeably to this, several amendments were introduced. Many observations were made respecting the most eligible mode of realizing the duties into the public treasury, in cases of bonds, insolvency, and non-payments: But previous to any decision, Mr. FITZSIMONS moved, that the committee should rise—and that the bill with the amendments should be referred to a select committee, who should report a new bill.—This motion was adopted, and Messieurs GOODHUE, FITZSIMONS, LAURANCE, BURKE, LIVERMORE, SHERMAN and JACKSON were elected.
Mr. GERRY proposed a resolution, that it should be a standing order of the House in future, always to adjourn from Friday to Monday—laid on the table.
Mr. LEONARD proposed a resolution, that the constitution, should be prefixed to the first volume of the laws to be printed—laid on the table.
Adjourned until Monday.
MONDAY, JUNE 15.
Mr. BROWN, member from Virginia, and Mr. SEDGWICK, member from Massachusetts, appeared in the House, had the oath prescribed by the Constitution administered to them, and took their seats.
Upon motion of Mr. GOODHUE it was voted, that two members be added to the committee appointed to bring in a new bill to regulate the collection of the Impost throughout the United States.—Mr. SMITH of Maryland, and Mr. PARKER of Virginia were accordingly appointed.
Mr. SCOTT, from the Committee to consider the state of the unappropriated lands in the western territory, reported—this report contained a very particular geographical account of that country.
Voted, that this report be referred to a committee of the whole upon the state of the Union.
The House then proceeded to the consideration of the amendments, which had been proposed by the Senate, to the bill for imposing duties on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the United States.
The enacting stile of the bill, viz. THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, was amended by the Senate, by proposing to insert "THE SENATE AND REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES"—this amendment was non-concurred.
That clause of the bill which made a discrimination between States and Kingdoms in alliance with the United States, and those which are not, with respect to the duty on distilled spirits; the Senate proposed should be struck out—A recapitulation of arguments used in the former progress of the bill on both sides of the question, with little variation took place—the result was, non-concurrence with the Senate.
The following amendments proposed by the Senate, were also non-concurred by the House, viz.
A reduction of the duty on spirits of Jamaica proof from 15 to 10 cents—on other spirits from 12 to 8 cents.
The amendment which provides for the reduction of the duty on the following articles was acceded to, viz.
Molasses from 5 to 2 1-2 cents. All Wines except Madeira 15 to 10 cents. The next amendments were to reduce the duties, on the following articles, viz.
Madeira Wine from 25 to 18 cents. Beer, Ale or Porter in casks, from 8 to 5 cents. Cider, Beer, Ale or Porter in bottles, 25 to 16 cents. Cables from 75 to 60 cents. Tarred Cordage from 75 to 60 cents. Twine or Pack Thread from 200 to 150 cents. On Coal per bushel from 3 to 1 cent. —These reductions were non-concurred.
The Senate introduced the article Indigo, with a duty of 16 cents per pound—this the House concurred in.
The next amendment was to add to the following paragraph respecting Teas, viz. On all Teas imported from China or India in ships built within the United States, and belonging to a citizen or citizens thereof—this clause, viz. "or in ships or vessels built in foreign countries, and on the 16th of May last the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, and so continuing until the time of importation."
This was agreed to.
The next amendment was to enhance the duty on all Green Teas other than Hyson, imported as aforesaid from 10 to 12 cents per pound.—Agreed to.
The next amendment was to strike out the following clause—
On all Teas imported from any country other than China or India, in any ship or vessel, whatsoever, or from China or India in any ship or vessel, which is not wholly the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, as follows:
On Bohea Tea, per pound 10 cents. On all Souchong or other Black Teas 15. On all Hyson Teas, 30. On all Green Teas, 18 and to substitute—
"On teas imported from Europe in ships or vessels built in the United States, and wholly belonging to a citizen or citizens thereof, or in ships built in foreign countries, and on the 16th of May last the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, and so continuing till the time of importation, to wit:
On Bohea Tea, pr. lb. 8 cents. On Souchong, or other black Teas, 13. On Hyson Teas, 26. On other Green Teas, 16. "On Teas imported in any other manner, Bohea Tea, pr. lb. 15. Souchong, or other black Teas, 22. Hyson Teas, 45. Other green Teas, 27.
The following clause was proposed by the Senate—"On all other goods, wares, and merchandise imported in ships or vessels not built within the United States, and not wholly the property of a citizen or citizens thereof, or in vessels built in foreign countries, and on the 16th of May last the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, and so continuing till the time of importation, twelve and an half pr. cent. ad valorem." This was adopted.
The next amendment was to insert, "On gunpowder, and paints ground in oil," ten pr. cent. ad valorem.—Adopted.
Another amendment was to enhance the duty on gold, silver, and plated ware, from seven and an half pr. cent. to 10 pr. cent. and to add there to gold and silver lace, and gold and silver leaf—this was agreed to.
There were several other amendments to raise the duties on articles enumerated, from seven and an half pr. cent. to ten pr. cent.—which were non-concurred.
A general concurrence with the Senate in their amendments to the bill, was urged by several gentlemen—They observed, that much time had already been expended in the discussion of the subject—that further delay would be sacrificing the revenue—that there was danger of our losing the benefit of the fall importations—that the high duties which had been voted by the House, were contrary to the opinion of a large minority; having been carried by a very small majority—to the minority, was now added, the almost unanimous voice of the Senate, therefore to reject the amendments of the Senate was hazarding the fate of the present bill.—The sentiment in favor of low duties, was sanctioned by the invariable experience of the commercial world—they were always

productive of greater revenue than high duties, as the latter held out a powerful temptation to evade the laws: The public voice it was contended, was in opposition to high duties, and accounts received from mercantile characters in various parts of the Union, confirmed the truth of this observation: That as the operation and success of the laws, in the first instance, must depend upon the general opinion of their eligibility, it was rash to risk the popularity of the government in a case where no risk was necessary: That the duty on spirits, in particular, was beyond all precedent, and would undoubtedly be evaded, as it was a premium to smuggle.
On the other hand it was said, that the duties were in general conformable to the sentiments of the people—particularly on distilled spirits—that on bulky articles, high duties could be realized with some degree of certainty—that the probable amount of the proposed duties would fall short of the exigencies of the Union—the proposed deduction in some cases would curtail it 50 per cent.—that it yet remained to be ascertained whether high duties in many cases could not be collected with as great facility as low—the prompt collection of both being matter of speculation at present—that it was conceded on all hands that a revenue must be obtained, or the country be ruined.—Direct taxes could not be thought of; and even the excise would be unpopular—That the opinion of respectable commercial characters was in favor of the proposed duties: particularly the duty on spirits, agreeably to their ideas could be easily collected, even if it had been set at a higher rate.
JUNE 16, 1789.
House met agreeably to adjournment. A motion was made by Mr. WHITE, and adopted, that seats be provided for such members of the Senate as please to attend the debates, within the bar of the House. The House then proceeded to consider the remainder of the amendments proposed by the Senate to the Impost Bill—when the following being read, were acceded to.—viz. To insert Playing Cards at a duty of 10 cents pr. pack. Cotton, at 3 cents, pr. lb. To allow a drawback on Brandy and Geneva, exported from the United States.
After the words “exported out of the limits of the United States” to add the following, viz. as settled by the late treaty of peace. To strike out the sentence which provided for allowing a drawback of 5 cents, pr. gallon, on Spirits, distilled from Molasses in the United States, and exported out of the same.
The discount of 10 per cent on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported in vessels built in the United States, and owned by a citizen, or citizens thereof, was extended to goods, &c. imported in vessels not built in the United States, but which were owned by a citizen, or citizens thereof, on the 16th May last, and continued to till the time of the importation of such goods.
The House did not concur in the time fixed by the Senate for this act to be in force, viz. The first of July next—and substituted the first of August.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the bill for the establishing an executive department, to be denominated the department of foreign affairs.
Mr. WHITE proposed that this clause “To be removable by the President of the United States” should be struck out.
This brought on an interesting debate, which continued till near half after three o'clock, when the committee rose, and the House adjourned.
A sketch of this debate in our next.
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES.
LONDON, MARCH 17. His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales met with very considerable indignity from the crowd on Tuesday night last, in going from Carleton-house to the Opera, and was more than once obliged to hold up his stick in his defence. His Royal Highness had, in a manner, anticipated what might happen, and therefore very prudently went on foot. We sincerely hope that the Prince will not consider this event as any want of respect of the public at large for his person and character.
The Duke of York having heard what his brother had related of his adventure in reaching the opera-house, was prudent enough to avoid any disagreeable consequences in going home; for hearing the mob cry out “Pitt for ever,” on his getting into the street, and feeling himself jostled about, he, with a spirited exertion, forced himself through the crowd back again, and reached the house, where he pulled off his hat, which enabled him to make his second retreat successful.
DUBLIN, MARCH 21.
CONTRASTS.
The Pool of Siloam, at Jerusalem, so celebrated in Jewish story—now a Tan Pit.
The superb columns which once graced the Temple of Diana, now placed at one of the gates of the Saraglio, inverted. The gardens of Nero, formerly watered with the blood of the first Christians, butchered by that inhuman tyrant—now adorned with a temple which far outshines the ancient glories of the capitol, and dedicated to the service of the same persecuted religion.
Greece, once the native land of liberty, the birth-place of genius, the school of heroes and patriots.—Greece, in whose hemisphere the sun of science flamed with unusual splendor, for upwards of 700 years, now the land of ignorance, superstition, and the most abject slavery; religion and politics united to fetter both the mind and the body, to repress injury, and inspire a sovereign contempt for every book except the Koran.
HALIFAX, MAY 16. Sir Richard Hughes is appointed Admiral on this station, in the room of Sir Charles Douglas.
VIRGINIA, June 11. We have received so much pleasure and information from a late publication by Mr. MORSE, giving a geographical description of the United States, that presuming on the growing passion for American manufactures of every denomination, we cannot refrain from recommending it to the notice of such of our countrymen, as begin to set a proper estimate on the knowledge of their own country, its manners and habits.—Most of the information hitherto given respecting America, has been derived from the partial and prejudiced accounts of foreigners, little acquainted with the natural curiosities of our country or people.—Hence, it is no wonder that both should be liable to gross misrepresentations, and the genius of the people so much debased, in the opinion of the literati in Europe, as to have furnished a subject of philosophical inquiry to their most eloquent writers.—We are told by historians, that on the first discovery of America, the Spaniards were considered by the natives as beings of superior order to themselves; that their frighted imaginations exalted them even into Gods.—Fanciful and accidental distinctions
of superiority have often given birth to the most unjust claims. It appears, that the pride and arrogance of Europe, availing itself of this first impression on an unfortunate race, would willingly believe it founded in nature, and by an easy transition, extend the degrading comparison to those descended from themselves.—Such a delusion inculcated on infant minds, would no doubt facilitate their schemes of tyranny towards us. As it is time our youth should be weaned of their predilections of every sort in favor of Europe, and its manners, we must hope that a book, whose object is to make them intimately acquainted with their country, and the abundant materials of future greatness showered on it by Providence, cannot fail meeting with the patronage of those entrusted with their care.
GEORGE-TOWN, (Patowmack) JUNE 4.
Extract of a letter from a farmer in Washington-county, on Patowmack, to a gentleman of the Patowmack company, dated May 20, 1789.
Living near the banks of this river, and viewing yesterday thirteen long loaded boats, and seven this morning, pass down under full sail, with colours flying and various music, in joyous train and good order: Under such pleasing prospects, permit me to offer my sincere and grateful thanks, as a just tribute, due to so noble an undertaking, in establishing the navigation at present upwards of 150 miles above tide-water, through a rich and fertile country—which, from its various useful branches, draws the produce into the main channel, from 40 to 50 miles on each side, exclusive of the near and convenient communication it has with the Ohio, which in all human probability will bring on commercial connexions, that will unite a tie of lasting interest and friendship. The advantage of carriage in the present infant state of the river, already saves from 250 to 300. on the flour I annually export: compare this with the community in general—what will it be when fully accomplished? And it must lead us into many pleasing reflections on your laudable undertaking. Long may you all live to receive toll—particularly your leading members who have for many years used their exertion and influence to bring it on.”
PHILADELPHIA, JUNE 13.
IMPROVEMENTS IN THE POLITE ARTS.
Extract of a letter from London to a gentleman in this city.
I am now engaged in a work that will cost more than one hundred thousand pounds; have now at least forty pictures finished, some of which cost 500 guineas each, many 300 to 200. Am now building a gallery in Pall-Mall, in order to shew the pictures to the best advantage: It will cost above five thousand pounds—is nearly completed, and will be opened this spring. The front is of stone, ornamented with three statues in a large niche of 11 feet high and 10 broad—In the middle is a fine figure 7 feet high of Shakespear seated upon a pedestal, on his right hand a beautiful female figure, representing Poetry, with the tragic and comic masks upon her head, a lyre in one hand, the other crowning Shakespear with a crown of laurel. On his left hand Painting represented likewise by a beautiful female figure, in her left hand a pallet and pencils, the other presenting Shakespear to the public. Shakespear has his left hand on the shoulder of Painting, as if in treating her to exert her utmost abilities to represent his works to the greatest advantage.”
Extract of a letter from New-York, dated June 5.
Respecting two of the three great departments or Secretary-ships, little has been said, as a general supposition prevails that the present incumbents will be continued. The other is much more a topic of conversation and conjecture. The eyes of many would be turned towards Mr. Morris if it was not thought incompatible with his Senatorship; but if this objection did not exist, there would be others raised which would require attention from other circumstances if not from their merits. There are prejudices against as well as for him. Three persons have been a good deal talked of: Mr. Osgood, Mr. Pettit, and Mr. Hamilton. Which of these would be the most proper, or whether either of them, I do not undertake to determine, as I have but little personal knowledge of them.
The first is deemed what is commonly called a good sort of a man, but it is thought that a sphere of less extent would be more suitable for him.
The second is supposed to understand the subjects which belong to the Treasury department better than either of the others. His talents and his integrity are well spoken of by many; but I find others, especially some from Pennsylvania, do not seem to like his political opinions and conduct, though they will allow him merit and understanding in other respects. If he must be in Office they would rather see him one of the Judges or a Commissioner of the Customs than Financier. This perhaps may be accounted for from your state politicians, as he is said to be not of the party with your members now in Congress.
The third is certainly a man of considerable talents for his years and experience; but it is thought that his present qualifications are better adapted to the law department than that of the treasury. He has obtained a high degree of popularity in this city, and if he has skill to manage it properly, his consequence must increase. But when the pulse of party beats so high as it has lately done, the tide of popularity is liable to great changes. At present the people of this city think no office too high for him, and hence he is the most talked of among us for the head of the treasury.
The appointment of the judges is also a matter of great expectation. We are told your State expect to furnish a chief. What your reasons are for this expectation I shall not now enquire; but this I can tell you, that some of you think more highly of the man you propose than the people of other States do. Perhaps you will make a like remark respecting our popular character; but remember he is yet but in the morning of life, and has not been long enough above the horizon to have extended his rays so far as one that has reached if not passed his zenith.”
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Lebanon, to his friend in this town, dated May 24.
The extraordinary cures performed by the Rev. Mr. William Stoy, minister of the German congregation in this town, on persons bit by mad dogs, will no doubt remove your anxiety for the recovery of your friend. He has saved the lives of at least 300 persons within these four years past, 60 of whom were cured since Christmas last; some of them were brought with all the symptoms of the horrid disorder; in particular a Mr. B——, a reputable merchant from New-York, come to this town last fall, in the height of the hydrophobia, and in fact raving mad—the medicines had the most miraculous effect; it restored him to his senses in the small space of twenty-four hours. This perhaps will appear fabulous to some, but the fact can be proved by thousands, who saw the unfortunate object before and since the experiment took place. Mr. Stoy is about laying his discovery before Congress, on condition of being allowed a reward.”
BOSTON, JUNE 9.
On Thursday 28th ult. arrived at Providence, the brig Ranger, Capt. Bahoon, from a whaling voyage, with 500 barrels of oil.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 17, 1789.
Extract of a letter from Boston, dated June 6, 1789.
The period is at hand, when the appointment of officers for the executive branch of Government will commence. We all have perfect confidence in the judgment and impartiality of our illustrious President. If in any instance it is supposed better men might be appointed, it should not occasion complaint; because we are led to believe, that the candidates for office must produce unequivocal credentials of their merit. No difficulty is apprehended from appointment of characters who are not meritorious; but our only fear is, that some modest men, who are eminently deserving, will not offer themselves as candidates, merely because they are unwilling to be seen in procuring testimonials in
their own favour.—Under such circumstances, is it not rather criminal for men, who have reason to believe their services will be useful, and who should not doubt the success of an application, to hold themselves aloof, and by that means keep back their abilities from promoting the public good?”
While we suffer our lands to lie waste and useless, which ought to be appropriated as sheep-walks—while we cut off the prospect of a large and plentiful supply of wool, by killing the lambs, to pamper our appetites—while we neglect the railing of hemp and flax, and spend our time idly, and in unavailing complaints; say, are we taking the necessary steps to establish a solid independence, or to raise and support our national character?
While we feel ourselves dependent on any foreign country for the very cloaths that we wear, can it be said that we are an independent people.
The rage of the present day appears to be experiment—and in the opinion of many persons very improperly, considering the particular circumstances of the Union. Every new project is attended with some surprize, suspension, and relaxation of the human faculties, till the result is known: at a time when every nerve ought to be on the stretch to retrieve our circumstances, by pursuing those objects which a happy and successful experience has taught us, will conduce to the general interest—I say at such a time to be wandering in the unexplored regions of experiment, either in enacting laws that shall have a sumptuary operation, or a temporary influence in favor of particular manufactures, is foregoing the certain advantages of Revenue for the uncertain and unproductive effects of a system of Projects.
That a Revenue may be derived from the Impost, trade must be encouraged: That our own manufactures may be promoted, prohibitions must be laid upon foreign articles: That these may be made compatible in a series of years, is perhaps true; but it may require consideration whether a brisk Commerce, and a productive Revenue, will be the IMMEDIATE consequence of an attempt to promote trade and manufactures at the present moment.
To incapacity and demerit is generally added insolence—Every low minded fellow looks upon the man of genius, capacity, and virtue, as his natural enemy. He regards him with an evil eye; and hence undermines or defames him, as one who thwarts his views, questions his title, and endangers his expectations. He must have had little experience in the world, who has not among every order, met with flagrant characters of this kind, and instances of this truth.”
Let it be impressed on the mind of every American, that honest industry, simplicity, frugality and sobriety, with all the social and moral virtues, alone constitute the sacred palladium of our liberties—with these, we never can be enslaved: without them, we must cease to be free—nay, bereft of these we should be too abject—too vile, to retain a relish for heaven-born freedom.”
A motion lately made in the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, to petition Congress to take up the subject of Amendments, fell to the ground, for want of an auxiliary to support it.
Saturday afternoon arrived from Philadelphia, the Lady and Son of the Hon. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBURGH, Speaker of the Hon. House of Representatives of the United States, escorted by Col. Melcher.
His Excellency JOHN SULLIVAN is chosen President of the State of New-Hampshire.
The Legislature of the State of New-York, is, by Proclamation of His Excellency the Governor, to meet at the city of Albany on Monday the 6th day of July next.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
  Sunday. Brig Resolution, Jenkins, Dublin. 66 days.   Schooner Charlotte, Townsend, Island of } 20 days.   St. Johns, Gulph of St. Lawrence. }   Sloop Nabby, Smith, Baltimore. 11 days.   Monday. Schooner Experiment, Smith, Baltimore. 9 days.   Sloop Matilda, Burke, St. Croix. 19 days.   Sloop Peggy, Little, Curraoa. 17 days.   Sloop San Souci, Crozier, Petersburg, Virginia. 4 days.   Tuesday. Ship Jenny, Thompson, Canton.   Brig Tom, Hand, Glasgow. 71 days. 
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
  JUNE 17, 1789.   Jamaica Spirits, 5/6.   Antigua Rum, 5/.   St. Croix, do. 4/8.   Country, do. 2/8. a 2/11.   Molasses, 2/3. a 2/3.   Brandy, 5/6. a 5/9.   Geneva, 5/.   Do. in cases, 29/.   Muscovado Sugar, 56/ a 72/.   Loaf, do. 1/3.   Lump, do. 1/18.   Pepper, 2/8.   Pimento, 1/9. a 2/.   Chocolate, 1/2.   Cocoa, 75/ a 80/.   Coffee, 1/8. a 1/9.   Indigo, (Carolina) 4/ a 6/.   Rice, 22/6. a 23/.   Superfine Flour, 46/.   Common do. 42/6. a 43/.   Rye do. 26/ a 27/.   Indian Meal, 18/.   Rye, 4/9. pr. bush.   Corn, (Southern) 3/9.   Do. (Northern) 4/3. a 4/6.   Beef, first quality, 48/ a 50/.   — Second quality, 41/6.   Pork, first quality, 81/6.   — Second quality, 76/6.   Lard, 3d. pr. lb.   Butter, 7d. a 8d.   Hams, 6 3/4. a 7d. 

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
The next year, 371 dissensions were renewed with more acrimony than ever. Manlius, whose spirit was not accustomed to humiliation, was exasperated at his imprisonment, Cossus having not dared to proceed with the decision of Cincinnatus against Melius, and even the senate having been compelled to give way to the discontent of the people, was animated to attempt a reformation of the constitution. "How long," said he to the people, "will you be ignorant of your own strength, of which nature has not thought fit that beasts themselves should be ignorant? Count your number, and that of your adversaries; shew the war, and you will have peace: Let them see that you are prepared, and they will immediately grant what you ask; determine to be bold in undertaking, or resolve to suffer the utmost injuries. How long will you fix your eyes upon me? Must I repeat the fate of Cassius and Melius? I hope the gods will avert such a misfortune from me: But those gods will not descend from heaven to defend me. You must remove the danger from me. Shall your resistance to the senate always end in submission to the yoke? That disposition is not natural to you; it is the habit of suffering them to ride you, which they have made their right and inheritance. Why are you so courageous against your enemies abroad, and so soft and timorous in defence of your liberty at home? Yet you have hitherto always obtained what you demanded. It is now time to undertake greater things. You will find less difficulty in giving the senators a master, than it has cost you to defend yourselves against them, while they have had the power and the will to lord it over you. Dictators and consuls must be abolished, if you would have the people raise their heads. Unite with me; prevent debtors from the rigours of those odious laws. I declare myself the patron and protector of the people; if you are for exalting your chief by any more splendid title, or illustrious dignity, you will only augment his power for your support, and to obtain your desires.—Ego me patronum profiteor plebis: vos, si, quo insigni magis imperii honorificae nomine vestrum appellabitis ducem, eo utemini potentiore ad obtinenda ea quae vultis." Liv. This is a manifest intention of introducing a balance of three branches.
In this oration are all the principles of the English constitution. The authority and power of the people to demolish one form of government and erect another, according to their own judgment or will is clearly asserted. The necessity of abolishing the dictators and consuls, and giving to one chief magistrate the power to controul the senate, and protect the people, is pointed out. The senate is not proposed to be abolished, nor the assemblies of the people, nor their tribunes; but the abolition of cruel debtors laws, and redress of the people's grievances, is to be the consequence. The aristocracy was at that time a cruel tyranny; the people felt it; Manlius acknowledged it: Both saw the necessity of new modelling the constitution, and introducing the three branches of Romulus and Lycurgus, with better and clearer limitations; and both were desirous of attempting it.
[To be continued.]
AN ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES: Written by a citizen of Philadelphia, in 1783.
[Continued from our last.]
IV. This mode of taxation, saves the whole sum of the tax to the States, while at the same time it mends the habits and health of the people: For 'tis plain, that if the consumption of such imported goods is lessened by the tax, a less quantity will be imported, and of course a less sum of money need be sent abroad to pay the first cost of these goods; and this excess of money which is thus saved from going abroad, (from whence it would never return,) is paid by the tax into the public treasury, from whence it issues on the public service, and is directly thrown into circulation again through the States, and of course becomes a clear saving, or balance of increase of the circulating medium, and consequently of realized wealth in the country; whilst at the same time, the people are better served and accommodated by the reduced consumption, than they could have been by the excessive one.
V. It appears from what has been just now observed, that this mode of taxation naturally increases the circulating of the States, and every one knows what a spring, what vigor this gives to every kind of business in the country, whether of husbandry, mechanic arts, or trade. There is no comparison between the advantages of carrying on any sort of business, in a country where cash circulates freely, and in a country where cash is scarce. In the one case, every kind of business will flourish, and industry has every sort of encouragement and motive for exertion; in the other, all business must be sadly embarrassed, and of course make but a feeble and slow progress.
We can scarce form a conception, what a different face these two circumstances will give a country in a short time; in the one case, buildings rise, husbandry improves, arts and manufactures flourish, the country is alive, every part of it abounding with industry, profits and delight; the other can produce little more than languishment, decay, dullness and fruitless anxiety, disappointment and wretchedness.
VI. The tax I propose, will operate in a way of general equality, justice, and due proportion. A tax on general consumptions, can not fail to bring the burden in due proportion on individuals, because every one will pay in proportion to his consumption; and the presumption is, that the man who spends most, is best able to spend. If this proposition admits of exceptions, they are generally in favor of the economist, the careful penurious man, and against the prodigal, who dissipates his estate, and will operate as a strong check upon him if he is not past all considerations of interest. If this is the case with him, the sooner his estate is run through the better it is, both for himself and the public, for when this happens, he must either die or work for his living, and of course do some good in the world, or at least cease doing hurt; he will then no longer be able to set an example of idleness, extravagance and dissoluteness, and draw other gay spirits into his pernicious practises, and if his constitution shall happen to outlast his estate, he may by temperance enjoy some good degree of health, and his adversities may perhaps bring on serious reflections, sincere repentance and amendment of life, and if his fortune is desperate in this world, he may at least find strong inducements to prepare for the next; so that he is in no sense injured by the tax, but may by prudence derive great benefits from it: Besides, I am of opinion, that government ought to leave every man master of his own estate, and permit him to judge for himself how fast and in what way he will spend it; he knows well what tax he pays on every expenditure, and every part of it is subject to his own free choice, and if his career of dissipation can not be restrained, it is as well for him, and much better for the public, that he should give part of his wealth to the public treasury, than waste the whole of it in luxuries and pleasures; so that I do not see that he has in this case the least ground of complaint of injury or oppression; besides I think that there is a kind of justice in framing the public institutions in such a manner, that a man cannot spend a dollar in luxury and dissipation, which is hurtful to the public, but he must at the same time pay another dollar into the public treasury, to make thereby some compensation for the injury which the public receives from his luxury.
And as to the niggard, the penurious man, who does not spend his money in proportion to his wealth, and of course does not pay his share of tax; it is observable that even his very penury enures to the benefit of the community, for what he does not spend he saves, and thereby enriches himself, and of course adds to the wealth of the community, for the wealth of the community is always the aggregate of the wealth of every individual which composes it; this ought therefore to be a favored case, as the community eventually gains more by a shilling saved, than it could by a shilling consumed and lost, though the consumer should pay six-pence into the public treasury. In fine, the tax on this principle is carved out of the expenditures of the nation, not indeed all expenditures indiscriminately, but is so calculated as to fall heaviest on those expenditures which are the most general indexes of wealth, and are usually made by the rich who are the best able to bear them, and the few exceptions which may be supposed to take place, will generally operate in favor of virtue and economy, and against vice and dissipation; and where it falls heaviest, and becomes most burdensome, 'tis designed, and does actually tend, to correct that very vicious taste and corrupt habit, which is the true cause of the burden, and which 'tis always in the power of the sufferer to ease himself of, whenever he pleases.
Point out any other mode of taxing, if you can, that finds its way so surely to the wealth of individuals, and apportions itself thereto so equitably, that no subject can be burdened beyond his due proportion, without having a full remedy always in his own power; yea, a sure, easy and excellent remedy, because a man may always avail himself of it, without the expence and trouble of a law-suit, or being subjected to any body's decisions, opinions or caprices, but his own.
VII. This mode of taxing will make the quantity and time of the tax depend on the free choice of the man who pays it. If a man has a mind to drink a bowl of punch or bottle of wine with his friend, or buy a silk gown for his daughter, he knows very well how much tax is incorporated with the purchase, and adopts and pays it with cheerfulness and good humor; a humor very different from the irritated sensibility of a man, who sees an awful collector enter upon him with his warrant of plenary powers to defraught his goods, or arrest his person, for a tax which perhaps he abhors
either from religious scruples, or an opinion that he is rated beyond his due proportion, or because he is not at that time in condition to pay it—the good humor of the subject is of great consequence in any government. When people have their own way and choice in a matter, they will bear great burdens with little complaint; but when matters are forced on them contrary to their humor, they will make great complaints on small occasions, and the public peace is often destroyed much more by the manner of doing, than by the thing done. [To be continued.]
This Day is published, (Price 2/6)
And to be sold by BERRY & ROGERS, Hanover-Square, by ROBERT HODGE, Corner of King and Queen-Street, and by the EDITOR hereof;
T W E N T Y - S I X
L E T T E R S,
UPON INTERESTING SUBJECTS,
RESPECTING THE REVOLUTION OF AMERICA.
Written in Holland in the Year M,DCC,LXXX.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN ADAMS, WHILE HE WAS SOLE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE, AND A TREATY OF COMMERCE, WITH GREAT-BRITAIN.
Never before published.
PLAN Of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES. (A NATIONAL PAPER.)
Published at the seat of the FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and to comprise, as fully as possible, the following Objects, viz.
 I. EARLY and authentic Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS—its LAWS, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS, communicated so as to form an HISTORY of the TRANSACTIONS of the FEDERAL LEGISLATURE, and the NEW CONSTITUTION.  II. IMPARTIAL Sketches of the DEBATES of CONGRESS.  III. ESSAYS upon the great subjects of Government in general, and the Federal Legislature in particular; also upon the national and local Rights of the AMERICAN CITIZENS, as founded upon the Federal or State Constitutions; also upon every other Subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion.  IV. A SERIES of PARAGRAPHS, calculated to catch the "LIVING MANNERS AS THEY RISE," and to point the public attention to Objects that have an important reference to domestic, social, and public happiness.  V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions—religious and moral Objects—Improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY—their foreign Treaties, Alliances, Connections, &c.  VI. Every Species of INTELLIGENCE, which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political INTERESTS of the AMERICAN REPUBLIC.  VII. A CHAIN of DOMESTIC OCCURRENCES, collected through the Medium of an extensive Correspondence with the respective States.  VIII. A SERIES of FOREIGN ARTICLES of INTELLIGENCE, so connected, as to form a general Idea of public Affairs in the eastern Hemisphere.  IX. The STATE of the NATIONAL FUNDS; also of the INDIVIDUAL GOVERNMENTS—Courses of Exchange—Prices Current, &c. 
CONDITIONS.
I. THE GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES shall be printed with the same Letter, and on the same Paper as this publication.
II. It shall be published every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY, and delivered, as may be directed, to every Subscriber in the city, on those days.
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Will be received in all the capital towns upon the Continent; also at the City Coffee-House, and at No. 9, Maiden-Lane, near the Oswego-Market, New-York.
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POSTSCRIPT.—A large impression of every number will be struck off—so that Subscribers may always be accommodated with complete Sets.
To the PUBLIC.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLIC CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Mediums of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, and are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interlaced, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however, VARIOUS the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all good MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, established upon NATIONAL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRINCIPLES—which shall take up the promised Articles, upon a COMPETENT PLAN, is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with public approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this Publication is determined to leave no avenue of information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of Persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the public's humble servant, JOHN FENNO.
New-York, April 15, 1789.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, New-York.—[3dol. pr. an.]