Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1797-12-29 00:00:00

John McSorrell
Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1655-1
PHILADELPHIA: FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 29, 1797.
[VOLUME XII.]
Marshal's Sales.
United States, } ss. By virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias issued out of the District Court of the United States for the Pennsylvania District...
A certain other tract surveyed in the name of Mary Galtbreath, containing four hundred and one acres and allowance, &c. situated on Jones's mill run...
Fresh Raisins. A small cargo, just arrived, and now landing at Chestnut Street wharf, from the ship Virginia...
Bank of North America. The Stockholders are hereby notified, that an election for twelve Directors, for the ensuing year, will be held at the Bank on Monday...
TO BE LET. And possession given the 1st January, The House No. 107, Arch Street, Near the corner of Third Street...
United States, } ss. By virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias issued out of the District Court of the United States for the Pennsylvania District...
A certain other tract surveyed in the name of John Scott, containing four hundred and three acres and three quarters and allowance, &c. situated on the head waters of Shaver's mill run...
FOR SALE, AT WM. YOUNG'S Book Store, No. 52, Second Street, the corner of Chestnut Street, REPORT of the Committee of the House of Representatives...
Insurance Company of North America. THE Stockholders are hereby notified, that a stated meeting of the Company will be held at their office on the ninth day of January next...
Select Subscription Balls. NEW ASSEMBLY ROOM, South Fourth Street, between Chestnut and Walnut Streets. MR. FRANCIS respectfully informs the subscribers to the above Balls...
United States, } ss. By virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias issued out of the District Court of the United States for the Pennsylvania District...
A certain other tract surveyed in the name of Benjamin Lodge, containing four hundred and fourteen acres & three quarters & allowance, &c. situated on the waters of Clear run...
THE SUBSCRIBER, ONE of the late firm of FREEMAN & Co. thinks it a duty he owes to himself, to declare, that he has no wife concerned in the property above advertised by the Marshall...
Insurance Company OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. THE Stockholders are hereby notified, that an election for thirteen Directors to serve for one year, will be held at the Company's Office...
English Grammar, The second edition, with improvements, ADAPTED to the different classes of learners; with an appendix, containing rules and observations...
United States, } ss. By virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias issued out of the District Court of the United States for the Pennsylvania District...
A certain other tract surveyed in the name of Alexander Johnson, containing four hundred and five acres and a half and allowance &c. situated on the waters of Stony creek...
James C. & Samuel W. Fisher, AT THEIR STORE, No. 213, corner of Arch and Front Streets, HAVE FOR SALE, Cotton and worsted Hosiery in trunks, assorted...
NOTICE. Of the Bank of the United States, was lost on Saturday last, between the Bank of the United States and the Horse market...
English Exercises, Adapted to the Grammar lately published by Lindley Murray, consisting of exemplification of the parts of speech, instances of false orthography...
United States, } ss. By virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias issued out of the District Court of the United States for the Pennsylvania District...
FOR SALE, By BENJAMIN CLARK, No. 55, the corner of Chestnut and Front Streets, A large quantity of Clocks and Watches...
Canal Lottery---No. II. WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale, in this Lottery, at Seven Dollars, at WM. BLACKBURN'S Lottery and Brokers Office...
MUSIC. J. L. LENZ, Teacher of Vocal and instrumental Music, RETURNS his sincere thanks to the Ladies and Gentlemen, from whom he received a very liberal encouragement...
This Day is Published, BY MELL, Dobson, Carey, Campbell, Ric., and the other Booksellers, Price One Dollar and twenty-five cents, Elegantly printed on Wove paper, and Hgt. pressed...
The History of Pennsylvania, BY ROBERT PROUD, Is now in the press, and will be published, with all convenient expedition, by ZACHARIAH PAULSON, jun. No. 80, Chestnut-street, Philadelphia...
STOLEN. Out of the subscriber's office a large blue cloth cloak, half worn. The inside of the Collar is faced partly with scarlet velvet and partly with scarlet cloth...
The Constitutions. Of the several States with each other, and with that of the United States: exhibiting in Tables, the prominent features of each Constitution, and classing together their most important provisions...

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on a motion to re-consider the question for postponing the consideration of a Bill Supplemental to an Act for preventing certain crimes against the United States, passed June 5, 1794, until the first Monday in February. (Concluded from yesterday's Gazette.)
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 26.
Mr. Sewall was in favour of re-considering the question; not that he wished the business crowded upon the house; he had no objection to a fortnight, or longer, being given. Gentlemen, in their observations on this subject, had recurred to the proceedings of last Congress, which had nothing to do with the present question, and argued as if there were a law forbidding merchants to arm their vessels; whereas there was no such thing, because he never could consider executive directions as law. It was true the President of the United States had forbidden the arming of vessels, except for the East-India and African trade; but there were no regulations to prevent importations in this respect, and nothing was more easy than for vessels to clear out for those places, and to go to others, and if they did so, they were subject at present to no forfeiture. It was proper, therefore, that Congress should come to some determination on the subject, and say whether merchants had a right to arm, or not, and under what restrictions; as, at present, the whole business was improperly thrown upon the President. Whilst the business remained upon its present footing, circumstances might arise which would be very unpleasant. For instance, if a merchant were to sue a collector for carrying into effect the orders of the executive, it would be impossible for any Judge to found a decision upon those orders. Nothing, Mr. S. said, could be gathered from the proceedings of last Congress, as the present bill was intended merely to regulate a right which the merchants already possessed of arming their vessels, so as to prevent hostile aggressions. There was nothing in this measure, he said, which could give offence to our masters, even if we were colonies of France, or of Great-Britain. All that was intended was a defence against pirates, whom no country would own; for, if a restitution was asked for, on account of losses sustained by them, it would be said by France or Great-Britain, "we know them not, you ought to defend yourselves against them." As to the observation of the gentleman from Virginia, that our merchants would continue to acquiesce in the present state of things, it might be so; but he thought they had a just claim upon the United States. He believed they were generally unwilling to arm, except under the regulations of the United States; but they ought not to take advantage of this acquiescence, and say to them, without concern, "you should go to sea and run your risks as usual." Under these disadvantages, he did not think they should. As to our present situation with respect to France, he did not think it ought to be alluded to, as the proposed regulations, as had before been observed, were not intended to operate against them, or any other nation, but against the pirates committed by order of Victor Hugues, or any other marauder, who may set up his authority in that quarter of the world. So desirous were the merchants of having a defence against this description of vessels, that since they could not carry out real guns, they have lately resorted to the carrying of wooden guns, that they might at least have the appearance of defence upon their vessels. He thought to be obliged to have recourse to this practice, was derogatory to the honour of the nation.
Mr. Dana said, it was not very liberal to ascribe to the committee who reported this bill, motives which they themselves did not avow. If he did not mistake the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) he had said that this bill was calculated to mislead the passions of our citizens, and prepare them for war. The committee had not stated any thing of this kind. They had stated an evil to exist, and proposed a remedy. The depredations which had been committed upon our commerce by pirates, unauthorized by any government, were notorious; and that we had a right to defend ourselves against them, was admitted on all hands; but there was a necessity for the interference of Congress in the business, and, for this purpose, the present bill was reported. The measures proposed had been spoken of as measures of hostility; they were no such thing; he would not adopt any measures now, that he would not adopt in a state of profound peace, and the present bill was no more than a part of our general system for the regulation of the conduct of our merchants.
Mr. D. alluded to the order which had been issued by the late and present President in relation to the subject of arming, and showed the necessity there was for an interference of Congress. He did not think this question was decided the last session. But it was said, that this subject would interfere with the negotiation as now carrying on with the French republic. This was a strange argument indeed. What were the principles laid down by France with respect to this country. They say "they will respect treaties, when it is their interest to do so." He, therefore, supposed it would be as much for the interest of France to be at peace with us, if our vessels were armed, as if they were not. There was another principle. They will "respect our rights, when we know how to make them respected." Could this regulation, therefore, weaken that respect? He thought not. To postpone
the question, from such a motive, would be humiliating. It would be saying, "we dare not take any measures of defence against the marauders on our coast, lest we should give offence to a foreign power. We hoped they should not be thus influenced."
Mr. Thatcher said, he did not rise to invoke the genius of America, or any other genius. He did not believe in any genius. He wished to call the attention of the house to the question, which he thought they had forgotten; for he believed any one coming into the house, in the course of the debate, might have guessed for forty years and not found it out. The question was, whether the former vote should be re-considered. It was immaterial whether a passion for France or any other strong passion, had overruled reason and influenced the vote. It was sufficient that two or three persons had stated themselves as mistaken in their vote, to wish the question to be re-considered. If this were the question, he did not see what they had to do with the war in Europe, or with the negotiations carrying on with France; but, as it had been the practice to abandon the question, and raise other subjects, he would take the liberty of following the example which had been set, by remarking upon what had been said. [The Speaker signified to Mr. T. that, in doing so, he would be out of order, and having expressed his intention, the deviation could not be admitted.] Mr. T. however, continued to make some observations on what had fallen from the gentleman from M. Carolina (Mr. M'Dowell) as to the proposed measure having effect upon the negotiation. This, he showed, to be next to impossible, as we were expecting to hear from our negotiators every day, and they could not hear of the proceedings of congress on this subject for two months to come. The question, said he, is to arm against rovers and pirates, and surely gentlemen would not say that the Terrible Republic were a set of rovers and pirates; but they must say so, if they said this bill was against them. He believed France respected itself too much to say this bill was intended against her. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) had said there was no change in the situation of things since last session; but he believed there was this change, as it respected commerce; we were now more assured than ever, that the chief of the depredations committed upon our commerce were committed by unauthorized marauders. Mr. T. concluded with reading an extract from the President's speech, as conveying his sentiments with respect to the disadjusted affairs of Europe, the general want of morality, and religion, and the consequent uncertainty of permanent peace.
Mr. Baldwin said, if the original question had now been whether the consideration of this subject should be postponed for three or four weeks, he should have felt himself indifferent as to the issue. But it was with regret he saw the question brought back for consideration. The gentleman last up had spoken of three gentlemen having been mistaken, and wishing to change their votes. He heard but of one, as the gentleman who seconded the motion, did it only that the mover might have an opportunity of voting as he wished. He did not think, therefore, that this was a sufficient ground for re-consideration of the vote which had been taken. When the house voted upon a question, without argument, it must be supposed they voted from conviction. A motion for the re-considering of a subject was not a favorite motion; since a repetition of such motions would make it next to impossible to proceed with the public business. The question of arming or not arming, he said, would yet come before them in a variety of shapes, before the bill could be matured, that there was no necessity of arresting it in its present stage. He himself expected that when the first Monday in February was moved, some of the committee who reported the bill, would have proposed a shorter time; but, when they did not be supposed they thus argued, "We have considered the subject for four or five weeks; we will give other gentlemen the same time." And he believed, if they so judged, it was the best course which could be taken; for the longer time there was given for considering and maturing the subject, the greater probability there would be of coming to a speedy and proper decision.
Mr. J. Williams was in favour of re-considering the vote. The act of 1794, he said had been differently construed, and the sooner congress determined the true construction the better. To put off the subject for five weeks, would occasion considerable loss to the merchants, as they did not know what events might arise. If the subject was not acted upon till the first Monday in February it would be the first of March before the act was passed, and the first of April before it could be known at the extreme parts of the union. He himself was undecided whether it was right to authorize merchants to arm or not, but he did not wish the question so long postponed, he wished to have it discussed.
Mr. N. Smith said, as the reasons which influenced his vote, had not been stated by any other member, he would take the liberty of stating them. He should vote against the re-consideration, though he agreed with gentlemen who were in favour of the bill. He thought the measure a perfectly neutral one, and such as no foreign nation had a right to take umbrage at; but those gentlemen must agree with him, that it was not likely the measure would be silently adopted, or without a lengthy and full discussion. It was idle to say, that because the measure was only intended to operate against pirates, there was no occasion to introduce any foreign nation into the discussion. It was certain, that whenever the subject was discussed, our situation with respect to foreign powers, would certainly form a part of the debate, and this it was he dreaded. He believed it might do much mischief. He, therefore, differed with those gentlemen who wished to get into the dis-
cussion, and who did not seem to want an immediate decision; he should have no objection to the decision, but, he wished, for the present, to avoid the discussion. Before the session closed, he should think it necessary to decide upon a measure of this kind; but he wished to see further before the business was entered upon: he was, therefore, against re-considering the question.
Mr. Otis replied to some remarks which had been made upon what fell from him, and justified what he had before said, and the warmth which he felt on the occasion, as natural. He concluded by observing, that it was necessary to cheer the spirits of the people by a measure of this kind; to raise the expectations of the merchants, and not to drive commerce, which came mourning into that House, to despair; but if their hands were to be tied, and no protection was to be given to trade, the merchants should be informed of their determination as soon as possible; and told that, though they draw from them millions of dollars a year in support of the revenue, yet they will not attend to their grievances until within a few weeks of the close of the session, when, perhaps, sufficient time will not remain to carry any measure which may be proposed, into a law.
Mr. Pinckney said, as he was not a member of the House during the last session, he hoped he should be excused in wishing to enter into an earlier discussion of this question than other gentlemen seemed to wish. But though he was not in the House at the last session, he had observed the proceedings of it; and though some of the motions for arming were negatived, there were others of a defensive nature agreed to; such as the holding in readiness 80,000 militia, the appropriation for repairing the forts and harbours, &c. which were not thought at the time, to be at all offensive to any foreign nation; and he was of opinion with those gentlemen who believed that a law authorizing our merchants to arm their vessels, could not afford any foreign nation just cause of offence. He was not surprised that his colleague (Mr. Harper) should be of a different opinion, because he did not think so favourably of that nation, as many other gentlemen did; but he was surprised to hear gentlemen who thought more favourably of that nation, consider the measure as operating wholly against them. Surely means of self-defence could not be means of offence. Nor could gentlemen say that the French nation was the only nation which committed offences upon our trade. He had heard it said that another nation had lately captured an equal, if not a greater, number of our vessels, than they had done. Besides, as the measure was intended more against unlawful plunderers, than regular seizures, he could not conceive how it could be supposed to give offence to any particular nation, or affect any existing negotiation. The only point to be determined, then, was when the bill should be committed. He thought the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) had carried his idea too far, when he said, because this country was not prepared for war, they ought not to discuss this question. He thought there were certain times when every free nation ought to be prepared for war. He meant when the measure of injuries had arrived at such a pitch, that it could not be longer borne. In such a case a nation ought to meet the calamities of war, rather than to submit to farther oppressions. If the proposed measure, therefore, puts us in a better state for war, it was a recommendation of it, as Strength , and not Weakness , was the best preservative against war; as, if a people were prepared for war, nations would be careful how they insulted them. He wished, therefore, to put this country into that situation as soon as possible. To postpone the question so long a time as had been proposed, would be a very unusual measure. It would look like a wish to get rid of it altogether. Whatever might be the issue of the negotiation, he said, we ought to put ourselves in some posture of defence for our trade; for, whether there were peace or war in Europe, there could be no objection to the arming of our merchants in the way proposed. He hoped, therefore, the discussion would not be postponed longer than the second Monday in January.
Mr. Allen observed, that it had been asserted that there had been no change in our political situation since the last session. There was one, he said. It could not then be determined whether the decree of the 2d of March was really genuine, or whether the letter of Merlino to our Consul was really authorized by the Government of that country. Now the facts could not be doubted. — Mr. A. said, it had been intimated that the friends of this measure, would be glad to frustrate the negotiation with France. He did not believe any such intention was harboured in the House. The postponement proposed, instead of being four weeks, as it had been called, he said would be 41 days.
Mr. Harper again explained the reasons of his vote. He differed from the gentleman last up with respect to the reality of papers he mentioned. He believed they were last session generally believed to be genuine. Mr. S. Smith said, had he been present when the former vote was taken, he should have been opposed to the discussion being postponed to so distant a day; but as the house had come to a decision on the subject, he should vote against the question being re-considered. He did not consider the bill before them as giving the merchants the privilege to arm their vessels, but as restricting vessels armed from doing mischief.
He insisted upon it merchants had a right to arm by law, notwithstanding the Proclamation of the President, which he was bold to say, he considered as illegal .
The question for a re-consideration of the former vote, (which was carried 40 to 37,) was negatived 44 to 38.
THURSDAY—DECEMBER 28.
The Speaker laid before the house a letter
and report from the secretary of the Treasury, in pursuance of a resolution of the house of the 22d inst. relative to the claim of General Kosciuszko. The report states, that the accounts of the general were settled at the Treasury in 1784, when a certificate was issued to him for 12,280 dollars and 49-90ths, bearing an interest of 6 per cent from the 1st January, 1784, which was stipulated by a resolution in February following, in common with the interest due to all the foreign officers, to be paid annually at Paris; that in May 1792, monies were granted by Congress to discharge the principal and interest of those debts, at which time it was supposed that all the officers had received their interest to the 1st January, 1789; but it now appears by the banker's account at Paris, that no interest had been received by General Kosciuszko for four years, viz. from 1785 to 1789. Sufficient funds to pay the interest from 1789 to 1792, were in 1792 placed in Amsterdam, subject to the disposal of our minister at Paris, that by his direction a bill for the amount was remitted to Mr. Pinckney, in London; but pursuant to the direction of general Kosciuszko, Mr. P. wrote to the bankers at Amsterdam to remit the amount to Leipzig, or Dresden. Whether this request was complied with, is not known; general Kosciuszko says he never received it: it therefore lay subject to his disposal at Amsterdam, Leipzig or Dresden. That in September 1792, a notification was published, that provision had been made for paying the principal of the debt due to foreign officers, on application at the Treasury, after the 15th of October following, and that the interest upon their demands would cease after the last day of December in that year. That though the certificate issued to the general, is stated by him to have been lost or destroyed, yet the powers of the officers of the Treasury are competent to the payment of 12,280 dollars, 34 cents, the principal, and 2,947 dollars, 33 cents interest, for the years from 1785 to 1788, on receiving a bond of indemnification from the general; but that they cannot advance the interest supposed to have been transmitted to Leipzig or Dresden, though payment will be immediately made for any sum which may be hereafter drawn, and credited to the United States at Amsterdam; nor is it in the power of the treasury to allow any interest on the said principal, since the 1st of January 1793.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, this report was referred to a committee of the whole for Monday.
Mr. Varnum presented the petition of M. Landais, a French gentleman who served the United States at sea, during the war, praying for a settlement of a balance, which he states to be due to him.—Referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. W. Claiborne moved for the order of the day on the report upon the remonstrance and petition of the Legislature of Tennessee.
Mr. Coit hoped the subject might be deferred till to-morrow, as there was a fact referred to in the report, which he wished to have some information upon.
Upon the question being put, the motion was, however, carried, and the house accordingly resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the subject, Mr. Kittera in the chair, when the following report of the committee was read:
"That, on investigating the causes of complaint contained in the said Remonstrance and Petition, it appears, that according to the boundary line between the Cherokee tribe of Indians and the inhabitants of the said state, which was extended by the Commissioners of the United States, pursuant to the treaty of Holston, in the course of the last Summer, the settlements and habitations of a considerable number of citizens of the said state, which heretofore were supposed to be on lands to which the Indians claim was, by that treaty, extinguished, appear to be within the Indian territory. That those inhabitants had been induced to believe that the lands which they occupied were not within the Indian boundary, in consequence of the late Governor of the South Western Territory having, in pursuance of directions from the Executive of the United States, caused a temporary line to be extended, by Commissioners appointed for that purpose. By which line the settlements above mentioned were included within the lands assigned to the Territory South-West of the Ohio (now the State of Tennessee.)"
"The committee likewise find, that there are divers other citizens of the said state who occupy lands, unquestionably within the Indian territory, as designated by the said treaty, which lands they possess by virtue of titles derived from the state of N. Carolina, previous to the cession of that territory, by the said state, to the general government, one condition of which cession was, that "all entries made by, or grants to all and every person or persons whatsoever, agreeable to law, and within the limits thereby intended to be ceded to the United States, should have the same force and effect as if such cession had not been made; and that all and every right of occupancy and preemption, and every other right, reserved by any act or acts, to persons settled on and occupying lands within the limits of the lands thereby intended to be ceded as aforesaid, should continue to be in full force, in the same manner as if the cession had not been made, and as conditions upon which the said lands are ceded to the United States."
"The committee also are informed, that by the operation of the law, passed on the 10th day of May, 1796, for regulating the intercourse with the Indian tribes, which law has been carried into execution since the extension of the last line these citizens of the state of Tennessee have been compelled to abandon their habitations, and with their wives and their children were, by the late account from that country, encamped in the woods within the Tennessee line."
"The committee therefore, in consideration of the premises, recommend, for the adoption of the house, the following resolution."
"Resolved, that the sum of dollars be appropriated for the relief of such citizens of the state of Tennessee as have rights to lands within the said state, by virtue of the cession out of the state of North Carolina, and have made actual settlements thereon, and who have been deprived of the possession of the said lands by the operation of the act for regulating the intercourse with the Indian tribes. The said sum to be subject to the order of the President of the United States, to be expended under his direction, either in extinguishing the Indian claim to the above described lands, in case he shall deem it expedient to hold a treaty for that purpose, or be disposed of in such other manner as he shall deem best calculated to afford the persons herein described a temporary relief."
Mr. Coit said, the fact upon which he wanted information was that respecting the temporary line which was said to have been run. He wished to know what evidence the committee had before them on this subject.
Mr. Pinckney (the chairman of the select committee) said, that the testimony which they had received on this subject, was from the member from that district, which was corroborated by that of a member of the senate from that state, who said he had his information from the governor of the south-western territory himself. This circumstance was not particularly noticed in the application made to the secretary of war; only general information was called for, and he was silent as to this point.
Mr. Coit thought official information ought to have been had.
Mr. W. Claiborne said, he had applied to the Secretary at war on this subject, and received for answer from him, that his general report to the committee of the Senate contained all the information proper to be communicated; when, therefore, he found this information was not contained in the report, he supposed it was such as he did not think proper to communicate. The fact, he said, was well known in the state of Tennessee, and it was generally received opinion, that the line had been extended by the President. He himself was in habits of intimacy with the commissioners, and he had more than once heard the fact from them. He believed gentlemen from North-Carolina and Virginia were also acquainted with it. He did not, however, believe the fact essential. If it were a truth that there were citizens in the state of Tennessee who had been forced to abandon possessions fairly obtained from the state of N. Carolina, it was sufficient to warrant any measure which should be calculated to afford them immediate and adequate relief.
Mr. Pinckney was in hopes the testimony upon which the committee had acted, would have proved satisfactory to the gentleman from Connecticut, but he seemed to think they ought to have had official documents. If that gentleman had attended to the report of the Secretary of War, he would have seen that any farther application by them for information, would have been improper, as the Secretary there declared the business to be "of a nature exclusively executive;" and that he there gave as much information on the subject as he thought necessary. If the evidence upon which the committee had acted, was not thought sufficient, the house would, of course, call for such other as they might think proper.
Mr. Macon had no objection to any other information being obtained. It might be, however, that the information communicated by the member of the Senate, was official, as one of those gentlemen had been in an official character.
Mr. Pinckney said the member of the Senate whom he had alluded to, was Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Blount had no doubt but the information required, might be obtained from the Secretary of War; and, if the committee were to rise, he should make a motion to that effect. He had himself been told that the line in question was run, by the commissioners who ran it; and he had been shown by a gentleman who attended the running of it, the direction it took. How it happened that the Secretary of War had not mentioned it, he was at a loss to know.
Mr. Dayton (the Speaker) moved that the committee rise, in order to obtain the information required. It appeared to him that they had been premature in going into a committee of the whole. He recollected something of the line of experiment being run, and of the Indians being dissatisfied with it. He understood also, that in consequence of the dissatisfaction of the Indians, there was an additional allowance made to them. Of this, however, he was not very certain.
Mr. N. Smith hoped the committee would rise, in order that the information wanted might be obtained from the Secretary of War. He did not believe that the line of experiment was run by the direction of the Executive, because he did not think the Executive would direct any other line to be run than such as was prescribed by treaty. At the same time, he would not be understood to discredit the information given. Gentlemen did not say they knew the fact themselves, but that it was generally understood to be so. There were many things said to be understood, in that quarter, with respect to which the people ought to be undeceived. He believed this to be one of those things. He did not believe the Secretary of War had declined giving information as to this point, because it interfered with Executive business, as it was merely to know whether a certain thing had been done by Executive authority, or not. There were many things in the remonstrance and petition, with which the Executive conceived the legislature had nothing to do; but, as to the point in question, there could be no objection to giving the information required.

Mr. Harper had no objection to the committee's rising for this information, though he did not want it; because, he thought there was sufficient reason for adopting the resolution. The fact of the people's being in the distressed situation mentioned in the report, was a good reason for agreeing to it, though it should appear that the Executive did not give orders for the running of the temporary line.
Mr. Pinckney had no objection to the motion, though he did not think it necessary. It was clear the line was run by order of the Governor of the South Western Territory, and whether he had orders from the Executive to do it, was in him immaterial, as the people who were in possession of the land, supposed, of course, that the Governor was authorized to do what he did.
Mr. Nicholas did not think it material, in the present question, whether or not, the Governor had the authority of the United States for what he did. It could not be expected that the people should call upon the Governor to shew the authority by which he acted. It was the same thing to the people, whether he was or was not, duly authorized.
Mr. McDowell did not think the information required would be of any use. There could be no doubt the line of experiment was run by order of the governor, agreeably to the directions of the executive. It was also well known that Doubleday , and a party of Indians, came down to Philadelphia, to make their complaints, with respect to it, and that 5,000 dollars had been given to them by way of satisfaction. The persons who were now driven into the woods, and suffering the inclemencies of the season, had settled upon the land from which they were driven, under express titles from the state of N. Carolina, previous to the period of running this line. The only question was, whether the people had a right to little where they had done, and whether the United States had a right to remove them. He believed the distresses of these people called for immediate relief, and that justice and policy required that it should be granted.
Mr. N. Smith thought it was of importance to know whether a fact, which had been reported by the committee, was founded, or not; and that it would be very wrong to send out to the world as true, a thing which was not true. But it also appeared to him an important fact in the investigation of this subject. If these people had any claim upon the United States, it was in consequence of the United States having led them into a mistake; but if others had led them into it, it was to them they ought to look for redress. He would agree, that whatever the governor of the South Western Territory had done, in the line of his duty, the United States were bound by it; but the running of this line, except it were ordered to do it, was not a part of his duty, and they were not, therefore, bound by it. Mr. S. said, he rose principally to correct an assertion which had been made, that these persons had a claim upon the United States, from having titles to their land from the state of N. Carolina. It would be found that they did not claim protection on this ground. There were two descriptions of claims; one from persons who had a grant from N. Carolina; the other from persons who went on to a spot of ground, because they believed it to be the property of the United States, from a certain temporary line which had been run, and who were now, when the permanent line was run, obliged to remove. The latter had no real claim to the land they occupied.
Mr. Goodrich was in favor of the committee rising, that the wish for information might be obtained. Great respect was due to the testimony of the gentleman from Tennessee; but, if it should appear that no orders had been given by the executive for the running of the temporary line, it would show, that an officer of the government had proceeded that for a fact which was not so. He, therefore, thought the fact ought to be ascertained.
Mr. W. Claiborne said, he had just seen a senator who had been to the war department, and who informed him, he had seen the letter of the secretary of war to the governor of the South Western Territory, directing him to run the line of experiment, and also the governor's answer, wherein he spoke of the business having been done. He gave this information, in order to do away the supposition which gentlemen seemed to have of the truth of the testimony which had been given to the select committee on this subject.
The motion for the committee's rising was put and carried: it rose, and had leave to sit again.
Mr. Blount then proposed a resolution for the adoption of the house, calling upon the secretary of war for such information as he may be possessed of, relative to the running of the temporary line, which was agreed to.
Mr. Mason presented a petition from several inhabitants of this city, praying for the liberation from prison of Capt. W. Bell, who is confined at the suit of the United States, for duties: they speak of him as "a worthy man, a good citizen, and a valuable member of society," suffering from his having had too good an opinion of Mr. Rittenhouse, for whose debt he suffers. Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Sprague presented a petition from certain invalid pensioners of New-Hampshire, praying that their pensions might commence from the conclusion of their services, instead of from the time at which they produced the evidence of their claim. Before any order was made upon this petition the house Adjourned.
NEW-YORK, December 26. The late banishment of certain deputies from France is found to be so convenient a mode of ridding the republic of men that government does not like, that one Thiermin has undertaken, before the constitutional circle, to reduce Ostracism to a system. He has proposed a project in which he has Great Ostracism, Little Ostracism, and Departmental Ostracism.
The rapid and bold strides of the present government to force all France into submission to their measures, greatly alarm the citizens, and their measures are openly but cautiously opposed. But the press is so shackled that the opposers of the Directory dare little more than express their opinions with modest doubts and queries.
Never was a people so completely under the yoke as the French, in a state called free. All the presses are under the inspection and control of government—all civil and military officers, not of the party of the Directory, are removed—in every part of France, the military are at hand to suppress the least murmur against the measures of the present government—suspected persons are every day arrested and imprisoned.
A project is before the French legislature for reducing the interest of the national debt. The reporter maintains that it will be an advantage to the creditors as well as the public; as it will enable the state to pay them. It will relieve the Republic of an intolerable burthen, and give nerves to the state by enabling it to meet its engagements, raising the value of its paper and thus restoring credit.
The whole proposition is not before us; but from the debate we collect, that the project is, to reimburse the creditor a part of the principal by delivering to them national property valued by Creter, the reporter, at one Milliard, 394 millions. By this reduction, the nation will li-
berate a large portion of their revenues from the payment of interest and enable the state to pay the residue with punctuality; at the same time the creditor would be put in possession of a part of his capital.
Vernier defended the resolution. He stated the present interest of the debt to be 380 millions annually, and the ordinary expenses of government 300 millions—total 680 millions—assuming, he said, which, in time of peace, would be beyond the abilities of the republic. He was for the reduction of the debt.
Citizen Lecoz, Constitutional Bishop of Rennes, and the President of the council at Paris, have notified the Legislature of their taking the oath of hatred to royalty and anarchy and their attachment to the republic and the constitution of the third year. On this the Editor of the Clef du Cabinet remarks, he wishes others would do the same and put in practice the holy commands, Render to Cæsar what belongs to him and "submit to the powers that be;" asking at the same time, sarcastically, "who will dare to say the French Republic is not a power?"
The French Ministers have adopted the royal seal of doing business. It is announced in the Paris prints, that the Minister of war will give public audiences the 4th and 8th day of each decade from two o'clock till four. He will receive the representatives of the people and General Officers, the 2d and 6th day of the decade from noon till two o'clock.
The Minister of Justice gives public audiences on the 5th and 9th days from two till four. The French papers contain an anecdote of General Willot, one of the banished deputies, as follows. One of his friends condoling him on his fate, told him that transportation is a penalty against which he could at any time appeal, and that peace would set him free. Willot replied, "ah my friend, c'est la mer a boire;" It is an ocean to drink—or it is to drink the ocean.
The Paris Monitor contains some remarks in opposition to the project of exiling all the nobles. It is remarked that the measure will drive from France a large quantity of specie—and occasion great distress. Many will sell their goods and remove to foreign countries, with their capitals, others will bury their money for fear of a like fate, from whence will result a total loss of money—confidence will be extinguished, and business suffer a total stagnation.
Chenier opposed the banishment of the nobles in mass, but proposed their exclusion from all public offices. He closed his speech with these words—"Nobles and not people, are necessary to support a monarchy—a people, and not nobles, are necessary to maintain a Republic."
A writer in a French paper makes the following judicious observations. "Those who strive to revive public spirit, by harsh means know not what they will, nor what they do. Hitherto public spirit has been a sentiment of hatred for all that has existed—there ought immediately to be an attachment to that which now exists—the present object is to render the republic as dear, as the old government was odious. Such a change is not the work of a moment."
The citizens will not be attached to a system of representation; will not be reconciled to the laws, until they have been happy under them. It would be absurd to expect from them an ardent zeal, while their commerce languishes, while their fields are ill cultivated, while the rigor of circumstances shall force from some their children, from others their fortunes. But I repeat it—from this zeal is not necessary. The necessity of repose is now the general sentiment—a sentiment which alone can spare the citizens new struggles and new misfortunes.
The following is the answer of Lord Malmesbury to the note of Treilhard and Bonnier, published yesterday. I have transmitted your note to the King. My powers were neither illusory nor limited, and nothing has been omitted on my part to accelerate the negotiation, which has been retarded only by the delay of the Directory, and which is now suspended by their act only. As to what regards the renewal of conferences, I can only refer to my last note, in which I have designated with frankness and precision the only means which remain for continuing the negotiation, observing, that the King could not longer treat in an enemy's country, without an assurance of seeing respected, in the person of his plenipotentiary, the usages established among all civilized nations, in regard to public ministers, and especially those who are commissioned to labor for the re-establishment of peace.
A new periodical publication is to appear in Paris, called, the "Father of a Family," the object of which is to form the minds of youth in a free state.
Terrible bands of robbers, it is said, have arrived in Nantz and Bourdeaux from Paris; some of them are seized.
Boulay, member of the Council of Five Hundred, has made a report on the necessity of exterminating the nobles from France.
The legislature of France have just published a lengthy law laying certain taxes and imposts. We observe, among other articles, that the duty on tobacco is augmented so as to produce annually, ten millions—but is not specified.
General Buonaparte has declared, that all the goods, moveable and immovable, of the order of Malta, in the Cisalpine republic, are national property; inventories of the same are to be made and the sales to commence within a month.
Gen. Berthier has directed all the generals of divisions to lend him lists of the French officers who desire to serve with the Cisalpine troops, and one fourth in the Polish legion, are reserved for French officers.
On the 19th of August, a terrible hurricane in South-Prussia, laid whole forests and villages in ruins—it levelled more than 200,000 trees and the roads were obliterated.
The French privateer le Furet , took a valuable prize, which were driven by an English frigate on the shore, where the frigate fired away all her powder, at the privateer and her prize, without effect. After which they got off and entered Bourdeaux.
Innsbruck, October 11. There are great movements in our army of Italy; and efforts are making to prevent the errors of which the enemy profited the last campaign, and to render the Tyrol inaccessible.
Upper Rhine, October 6. Major General Pinner Prans, of Saxe-Cobourg, departed this life Sept. 18, at Cobourg, aged 67.
The review of the troops in the camp of Schwebingen, is ended, and the troops retired in their former cantonments.
Mentz, October 8. Although we calculate on peace, yet every preparation is made to renew hostilities. The principal hospital is removed from our walls into Suabia—the magazines and chancelleries of divers regiments are to be transferred to Al-
chshenbourg. Our garrison, now 18,000 strong, is to be augmented one third. In the arsenals and workshops, the activity is double.
Coblentz, October 9. The new magistracy of this city was installed yesterday. It is composed of five members, viz. citizens Burkhard, cide-cant senator—Winnen, tanner—Colling, Simon, son of the comptroller, and Reuters, merchant. The regency will enter upon their office in two days. It will consist of the two ancient councillors of the elector of Treves, of two lawyers, and citizen Dalim, bailiff of Burreffheim.
Duisburg, October 15. The advanced guard of the army of the North, under Bourdonville, is arrived at Nens, upon the left bank of the Rhine. The three columns which are to join the army of Germany, pass Guelders and the Duchy of Cleves.
The Duke of Brunswick has just arrived at the head-quarters of Observation at Minden.
The Gazette. PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 29.
The latest accounts of ship John , state, that capt. Folquier, with twenty others, are yet on board. The vessel lays on Dunk's bar, 5 miles from the Jersey shore, nearly full of water, with her broadside to the tide, the ice making a bank nearly over her every ebb. Attempts were made on Wednesday from the shore to relieve the persons on board, but without success. They were to be repeated yesterday morning, at which time, those on board were observed walking the quarter-deck, the only part of the vessel left them as a place of refuge.
The Eunice , Scaie, of Portland, from Bristol for Philadelphia, was at Nantz, Oct. 2, waiting for trial.
On Saturday last, the dwelling-house of Archibald Hamilton Rowan, Esq., on Brandywine Creek, together with all the valuable effects contained therein, was totally destroyed by fire.
A parcel of rotten hides is now lying on Windmill Island—they are in such a situation as to be extremely offensive even in this cold season—it is hoped that those whose duty it is will see their removal.
COMMUNICATION.
Whatever were the motives which influenced the majority of a certain great assembly to decide in favor of postponing the discussion of a highly important measure, it will be ascribed by the world to the fear of offending a foreign nation. Among that majority are some to whom this principle cannot be imputed; but their views will be confounded by their votes, and their adversaries will exult in every temporary schism, that secures to them the triumph of opposition which never divides. In a country like ours, it is always bad policy to join opposition, because it has heretofore prevailed in the same contest. If measures are to be accommodated to a bad precedent for the sake of preserving an appearance of consistency; the encouragement to attempt the establishment of such a precedent will be mightily increased. To support a firm and virtuous administration, against the intrigues and activity of its enemies, is a task to be accomplished only by labour, vigilance and perseverance. If it be ascertained, that the federal phalanx when once foiled will never rally, but that its members will be likely to desert and join the assailants; the onset of faction will be more impetuous, and finally irresistible. On the contrary defeat should be a new incentive to union and resistance. Men who are confident in the fitness of their own plans, should never desist until they are put into execution—Sometimes the popular outcry may be excited, and the fears and passions of men will often be roused by those who are in the practice of juggling the multitude. But the flight-of-hand which moves the mob, has not yet the command of the "French national razor." The moderation of the people leads them to acquiesce in the decisions of their government; and their good sense ultimately approves of wise measures which a sudden impulse may have prompted them at first to oppose and condemn.
At present the people are ripe for the measure of arming our merchantmen—Their representatives are not.
MR. PENNO.
To quiet the merchants who consider the attempt to prevent them from defending their own property as a violation of a constitutional right, the idea is held out that the United States will indemnify them for consequent losses. But this act of justice does not entirely satisfy the patriot who looks to the general good as well as at his personal interest and safety.
MERCATOR.
FROM A CORRESPONDENT.
The cake sellers, in order to lure the children to purchase their wares with the greater avidity, have hit upon a method of ornamenting them, not with gold leaf but a substance of copper, denominated Dutch metal . It is needlessly to add that such substances, taken into the stomach, must be highly deleterious.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
"An Enemy to NonSense" to-morrow. A Virginian "Sopbox," whose indignation bears so loud an emphasis against the American Seminaries of Learning, and whose jacobinism seems grieved at their being under the benign influence of Federalism, is recommended to transfer his incubation to the Aurora of Monsieur Bache; as the
publication of it in his Gazette would be an infringement of his prerogative. Such characters as Dr. Smith merit the eternal enmity of those base hirelings who seek aggrandizement in the disgrace and ruin of their country.
By this day's Mail.
NEW-YORK, December 28. Under the Paris head in a Rouen paper of Oct. 21, we find the following articles: Bottot, secretary of Barras, has arrived from Udine in ten days—nothing has transpired, but we have no more belief that we shall have peace with the Emperor, than with England.
A letter from general Massena, announces that hostilities are commenced by the army of Italy.
[The date of this Paris article is omitted according to an inconvenient practice in the departments, but we may suppose it two days anterior to the date of the Rouen paper, which is the 21st of October. Two days from Paris to Rouen and ten for Udine will give the 9th for the departure of the Courier from Udine,—the latest account from that place, and about the time when the armistice was to expire.]
An article from Constantinople relates a fact that appears incredible. An old Janizary of 70, with his wife, had been in the practice of collecting young persons of good flesh, and inhumanly murdering them, for the purpose of melting their fat and making a species of ointment, from the sale of which they made great profit. They were detected in the act of killing a young Armenian of 15 or 16 years old, and hung before the door of the House.
Accounts from Milan (not dated, but in a Rouen paper of the 17th Oct.) state that the equipage of the French general in chief had left that city, and the Polish legion had left Bologna to app. vah nearer to the theatre of hostilities.
ARRIVED. Ship Eliza , Allen, Jacquemel 39 Schr. John , Doggett, Bofion —
BOSTON, Dec. 22. ARRIVAL AT MARBLEHEAD. On Wednesday last arrived at Marblehead, Schooner capt. Russell , 52 days from Bourdeaux. Capt. R. had furnished himself with French papers, which probably were to the latter part of October, but lost them by falling in with three English frigates.
Rumours of the action between the Dutch and English fleets were current, but not regular or circumstantial. There was no prospect of a speedy peace, although it was not known that hostilities had actually recommenced between France and Austria. A favorable change in the personal treatment of Americans in Bourdeaux was noticeable; but it is not known to what it ought to be attributed. Cotton, Coffee and Tobacco, bore good prices at Bourdeaux.
Left at Bourdeaux, just arrived, caps. Proctor, West, Batchelder and Ober, of Salem; capt. Duley, of Baltimore. Sailed in co-capt. Brown, for N. York; capt. Jarvis, do. capt. Cunningham of Boston for Lisbon.
PITTSBURGH, December 16.
We noticed in our last, the arrival of the commander in chief of the army. We are informed that the route by which he came from the Wabash and Western Posts, was through a pathless wilderness of near 400 miles, and the severest weather of the season; he found the snow eighteen inches deep at the Tuscarawas, on Monday the 4th inst. during which day Farenheit's Thermometer stood at 6 o'clock A. M. at 3°, at noon at 4°, and at 6 o'clock P. M. at 0°.
We learn with pleasure, that the General enjoys good health, although he has lain near two months under a canvas roof—We understand also, that the discontented at Kaskaskia had been entirely quelled by the presence of Col. Sargent at that place—that tranquility reigned everywhere, and that by the last accounts from captain Guion he had reason to expect the speedy possession of the posts of Natchez—that by the General's affidavit and adroitness a temper had been produced, and a state of things established among the Indians which promises lasting and permanent peace—as the strongest proof of this, the celebrated Miami chief, Little Turtle, accompanied the General thus far on his way to visit his now acknowledged Father, the President of the United States.
NEW THEATRE.
THIS EVENING,
DECEMBER 29,
Will be Presented, the Historical Play of
COLUMBUS:
or, A WORLD DISCOVERED.
Columbus, Mr. Hardinge Doctor Dolora, Mr. Bernard
To conclude with a New additional Scene, (Written by a member of the Legislature of the United States.)
Genius of Columbus, Mr. Marshall.
With A ROUNDelay AND CHORUS.
The principal parts by Mr. Marshall, Mr. Dayley, Mr. Fox, &c.
To which will be added, the Farce of
THE LYING VALET.
Sharp, Mr. Bernard
MRS. GRATTAN,
RESPECTFULLY informs her friends and the public in general, that necessity obliges her to make this effort for the maintenance of her family; for them Mrs. G. solicits the support and patronage of a generous public, at her
SECOND CONCERT,
which will be on Tuesday next, at Mr. Richards's. Subscribers Tickets Six dollars, which admit all the unmarried ladies of L's family.
No tickets transferable.
Non-subscribers Tickets Two Dollars.
The Concert to begin at half past seven, and the Band to attend for the Ball at eight.
The Subscribers will please to send for their tickets, at No. 192 High Street.
WASHINGTON LOTTERY, No. 11.
LIST OF PRIZES AND BLANKS.
132d day's Drawing—Oct. 7.
   No. Dols. No. Dols. No. Dols. No. Dols.    147 12624 231 x 37000  977 x 13527 622 x 660  1328 383 x 26820 181  941 14149 821 23 48078  2108 597 27084 x 520  211 667 533 39246  349 782 x 604 537  759 x 794 28134 744  3870 902 701 766  4823 x 15473 29202 x 40255  5131 686 x 36451 41378  585 500 10573 20 31626 659  653 716 814 43333  717 893 x 23280 x 375  749 x 900 x 716 521  972 976 33576 699  7415 17017 x 34327 43205  567 19215 225 44218  6599 x 20836 987 x 577  10163 21724 33222 45747  288 x 232 x 758 47359  11365 22355 840 48593  391 x 24079 36484 684  519 25070 597 49714  12617 25 265 737 900    136th Day's Drawing—October 21.    1867 14562 24393 36679  3095 x 15150 827 37954  314 16046 25671 38115  557 1696 x 847 143  743 127 910 x 39368  4546 50 287 944 434  679 431 26362 x 692  793 508 543 882  1684 926 27448 x 40233  785 17990 865 x 229  901 18359 28071 727  6391 543 910 x 47001  426 x 713 965 228  503 19365 29090 x 471  822 706 192 711  7163 765 247 42763 50  608 20 840 x 436 x 43228 20  713 949 540 44032  8294 20300 x 30007 x 971  483 794 211 305  9412 x 857 31443 x 495  609 937 531 x 45191