Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-10-17 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
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[No. 40, of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1792.
[Whole No. 363.]
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The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ATTEMPTS in different shapes have been made to repel the charges which have been brought against the Secretary of State. The defence of him however in the quarter in which he has been principally assailed, has hitherto gone no further than a mere shew of defending him. I speak as to his improper connection with the Editor of the National Gazette. But a more serious and more plausible effort has been made to obviate the impression which arises from his having been originally an objector to the present constitution of the United States.
For this purpose several letters said to have been written by Mr. Jefferson, while in Europe, have been communicated. How far they are genuine letters, or mere fabrications; how far they may have been altered or mutilated is liable from the manner of their appearance to question and doubt. It is observable also that the extract of a letter of the 6th July, contained in the American Daily Advertiser of the 10th inst. though it seems to be intended as part of the one which is mentioned in the debates of the Virginia convention, does not answer to the description given of it by Mr. Pendleton, who professes to have seen it. For Mr. Pendleton expressly states with regard to that letter, that Mr. Jefferson, after having declared his with respecting the issue of the deliberations upon the constitution proceeds to enumerate the amendments which he wishes to be secured. The extract, which is published, speaks only of a bill of rights, as the essential amendment to be obtained by the rejection of four States—which by no means satisfies the latitude of Mr. Pendleton's expressions.
Such nevertheless, as it is, it affords an additional confirmation of that part of the American's statement, which represents Mr. Jefferson as having advised the people of Virginia to adopt or not upon a contingency.
It happens likewise that the letters which have been communicated tend to confirm the only parts of the American's statement of the sentiments and conduct of Mr. Jefferson, in relation to the constitution which remained to be supported; namely, that he was opposed to it in some of its most important features, and at first went so far as to discountenance its adoption. By this understanding without previous amendments.
From the first of those letters, dated "Paris the 20th December, 1787," it appears that Mr. Jefferson among other topics of objection, "disliked, and greatly disliked the abandonment of the principle of rotation in office, and most particularly in the case of President;" from which the inference is clear, that he would have wished the principle of rotation to have extended not only to the executive, but to the other branches of the government, to the Senate at least, as is explained by a subsequent letter. This objection goes to the structure of the government in a very important article; and while it justifies the assertion, that Mr. Jefferson was opposed to the constitution, in some of its most important features, it is a specimen of the visionary system of politics of its author. Had it been confined to the office of chief magistrate, it might have pretended not only to plausibility, but to a degree of weight and respectability. By being extended to other branches of the government, it assumes a different character, and evinces a mind prone to projects, which are incompatible with the principles of stable and systematic government; disposed to multiply the outworks, and leave the citadel weak and tottering.
But the fall not the merit of the objection is the material point. In this particular, it comes fully up to the suggestion which has been made. It now only remains to see how far it is proved, that Mr. Jefferson at first discountenanced the adoption of the constitution in its primitive form.
Of this a person acquainted with the manner of that gentleman, and with the force of terms, will find sufficient evidence in the following passage: "I do not pretend to decide, what would be the best method of procuring the establishment of the manifold-good things in the constitution, and of getting rid of the bad: whether by adopting it in hopes of future amendment; or after it has been duly weighed and canvassed by the people; after seeing the parts they generally dislike, and those they generally approve to say to them; "we see now what you wish—send together your deputies again—let them frame a constitution for you; omitting what you have condemned, and establishing the powers you approve."
Mr. Jefferson did not explicitly decide which of these two modes was best; and while it is clear, that he had not determined in favor of an adoption without previous amendments, it is not difficult to infer from the terms of expression employed, that he preferred the last of the two modes; a recurrence to a second convention. The faintness of the phrase "in hopes of future amendment," and the emphatical method of displaying the alternative are sufficient indications of the preference he entertained.
The pains which he takes in the same letter to remove the alarm naturally inspired, by the insurrection which had happened in Massachu-
setts, are an additional illustration of the same bias. It is not easy to understand what other object his comments on that circumstance could have, but to obviate the anxiety which it was calculated to inspire, for an adoption of the constitution, without a previous experiment to amend it.
It is not possible to avoid remarking, by the way, that these comments afford a curious, and characteristic sample of logic and calculation. One rebellion in fifteen States, in the course of eleven years is but one for each State in a century and a half: while France, it seems had had three insurrections in three years. In the latter instance the subdivisions of the entire nation are confounded in one mass; in the former they are the ground of calculation. And thus a miserable sophism is gravely made a basis of political consolation and conduct. Not according to the data stated, it was as true that the United States had had one rebellion in eleven years, endangering their common safety and welfare, as that France had had three insurrections in three years.
Thus it appears from the very documents produced in explanation of Mr. Jefferson's that he in fact discountenanced in the first instance the adoption of the constitution, favoring the idea of an attempt at previous amendments by a second convention; which is the only part of the allegations of the American that remained to be established.
As to those letters of Mr. Jefferson, which are subsequent to his knowledge of the ratification of the constitution by the requisite number of States—they prove nothing, but that Mr. Jefferson was willing to play the politician.
They can at best only be received as acts of submission to the opinion of the majority, which he professes to believe infallible—resigning to it with all possible humility, not only his conduct, but his judgment.
It will be remarked, that there appears to have been no want of versatility in his opinions. They kept pace tolerably well with the progress of the business, and were quite as accommodating as circumstances seemed to require. On the 31st July, 1788, when the adoption of the constitution was known, the various and weighty objections of March, 1787, had resolved themselves into the simple want of a bill of rights; in November following, on the strength of the authority of three States (overruling in that instance, the maxim of implicit deference for the opinion of a majority) that lately solitary defect acquires a companion, in a revival of the objection to the perpetual re-eligibility of the President. And another convention, which appeared no very alarming expedient, while the entire constitution was in jeopardy became an object to be deprecated, when partial amendments to an already established constitution were alone in question.
From the fluctuations of sentiment which appear in the letters that have been published, it is natural to infer, that had the whole of Mr. Jefferson's correspondence on the subject been given to the public, much greater diversities would have been discovered.
In the preface to the publication of the letters under consideration, the question is put, "wherein was the merit or offence of a favorable or unfavorable opinion of the constitution, and to whom rendered?"
It is a sufficient answer to this question, as it relates to the present discussion, to say, that the intimation which was given of Mr. Jefferson's dislike of the constitution, in the first instance, was evidently not intended as the imputation of a positive crime, but as one link in a chain of evidence tending to prove that the National Gazette was conducted under his auspices, and in conformity to his views.
After viewing the Editor of that paper was in his pay, and had been taken into it some short time previous to the commencement of the publication, the inference resulting from the circumstance, of that paper being a political engine, in his hands, is endeavored to be corroborated, first by the suggestion that Mr. Jefferson had originally serious objections to the constitution; (secondly by the further suggestion, that he has disapproved of most of the important measures adopted in the course of the administration of the government.
In this light, and with this special reference were those suggestions made; and certainly, as far as they are founded in fact, the argument they afford is, fair and forcible. A correspondence of the principles and opinions of Mr. Jefferson, with the complexion of a paper, the conductor of which is in the regular pay of his department, is surely a strong confirmation of the conclusion—that the paper is conducted under his influence, and agreeably to his views.
Nothing but a known opposition of sentiment on the part of Mr. Jefferson to the doctrines inculcated in the National Gazette, could obviate the inference deducible from his ascertained and very extraordinary connection with it. A coincidence of sentiments is a direct and irrefragable confirmation of that inference.
An effort scarcely plausible has been made by another Aristides* to explain away the turpi-
* The total dissimilarity of style and manner, leaves no doubt that the writer of the first piece signed "Aristides" is a different person from the writer of the last. The forces are well marshalled.
tude of the advice, which was given respecting the French debt. It is represented that a company of adventurers, speculators had offered to purchase the debt at a discount, foreseeing the delay of payment, calculating the probable loss, and willing to encounter the hazard. The terms employed by Mr. Jefferson refute this species of apology. His words are, "If there is a danger of the public payments not being punctual, I submit whether it may not be better, that the discount which would then arise, should be transferred from a part, of whose good will we have so much need, to the benefit of a private company."
He plainly takes it for granted, that discount would arise, from the want of an adequate provision, and proposes that they should be transferred to the benefit of individuals. This he could not have taken for granted, if in his conception, the purchasers had calculated on delay and loss.
The true construction then is, that the company expected to purchase at an under value, from the probability, that the court of France might be willing to raise a sum of money on this fund, at a sacrifice—imposing that the United States, in order to her friendly influence might be less inclined to press the reimbursement; not that they calculated on material delay, or neglect, when the transfer should be made to them. They probably made a very different calculation, (to wit) that as it would be ruinous to the credit of the United States to neglect any part of its debt, which was contracted there with individuals, from the impossibility of one part being distinguishable from another in the public apprehension; this consideration would stimulate to exertions to provide for it. And so it is evident from his own words that Mr. Jefferson understood it.
But the persons who offered to purchase, were speculators; the cry of speculation as usual is raised; and this with some people is the panacea, the universal cure for fraud and breach of faith.
It is true, as alleged, that Mr. Jefferson mentioned an alternative, the obtaining of money by new loans to reimburse the court of France; but this is not mentioned in any way that derogates from, or waves the advice given in the first instance. He merely presents an alternative, in case the first idea should be disapproved.
It may be added that the advice respecting the transfer of the debt was little more honorable to the United States, as it regarded the court of France, than as it respected the Dutch company. What a blemish on our national character that a debt of so sacred a nature should have been transferred at so considerable a loss to so meritorious a creditor!
A still less plausible effort has been made to vindicate the National Gazette from the charge of being a paper devoted to the calumniating and depreciating the government of the United States. No original performance in defence of the government, or its measures, has, it is said, been refused by the Editor of that paper. A few publications of that tendency have appeared in it; principally, if not wholly since the public detection of the situation of its conductor.
What a wretched apology! Because the partiality has not been to daring and unprecedented, as to extend to a refusal of original publications in defence of the government, a paper which industriously copies every inflammatory publication against it that appears in any part of the United States, and carefully avoids every answer which is given to them, even when specially handed to the Editor for the purpose, is not to be accounted a malicious and pernicious engine of detraction and calumny towards the government!
But happily here no proof nor argument is necessary. The true character and tendency of the paper may be left to the evidence of every reader's senses and feelings. And Aristides, as often as he looks over that paper, must blush, if he can blush, at the assertion, "that it has abounded since its commencement with publications in favor of the measures of the government."
Deception, however artfully veiled, seldom fails to betray some unfound part. Aristides assures us, that Mr. Jefferson "has actually refused in any instance to mark a single paragraph, which appeared in the foreign prints for republication in the National Gazette. On what ground was such an application to Mr. Jefferson made, if he was not considered as the patron of the paper? What printer would make a similar application to the head of any other department? I verily believe none.—And I consider the circumstance stated as a confirmation of the relation of PATRON and CLIENT, between the Secretary of State, and the Editor of the National Gazette.
The refusal, if it happened, is one of those little under plots, with which the most intriguing man in the United States is at no loss, to keep out of sight the main design of the drama. CATULLUS.
UNIVERSITY of PENNSYLVANIA, OCTOBER 12, 1792. THE Medical Lectures will begin on Thursday, the first of November.

Foreign Affairs.
PARIS, August 14.
THIS capital is now, after six days of tumult, in a state of peace. The populace no longer fill the streets and the crowd round the National Assembly is no greater than usual; even the forlorn Thuilleries has almost ceased to be an object of curiosity.
Nothing transpires concerning the conduct of the king and queen in their new habitation, the temple, and indeed there is very little enquiry concerning them. They are lodged in an upper suite of apartments, the height of which as a security against escape, doubtless made a considerable part of their recommendation.
The executive power, in the mean time, begins to acquire somewhat of form and consistency. The National Assembly have decreed, that a National Council shall sit, for the exercise of this power, each member of which shall, in his turn, fill the President's chair; that all proceedings shall be in the name of the nation; and that their seal shall impress only the figure of liberty, with a suitable inscription.
The Assembly determined, that the King's residence should be at the Temple; to which he should be conducted the next day.
AUGUST 15.
The troops took their appointed posts at two o'clock, and the King with his family arrived in perfect safety at the temple, of which a report was instantly made by M. Pétion to the Assembly.
At the places where the statues of former Kings had been demolished, the crowd was greatest; and at each of these the populace, remembering how much the glories of these monarchs had impoverished the nation, and what desolation their cruelties had spread among families, expressed their joy upon the altered state of events with shouts, which might otherwise have been spared to a subdued individual.
La Fayette is declared a traitor to his country, and every individual is invited to shoot him, if he cannot be brought alive to the bar of the National Assembly; he has declared himself for the constitutional King, consequently against the Assembly, that have invaded every article of the constitution.—He is at present said to be under the walls of Sedan, with fifteen thousand men, and supported by the whole country, where he is adored.
The schomer Dumourier is appointed in his room.
The globe, which as an emblem of royalty was placed over the principal gate that led to the Thuilleries, has been pulled down; and the busts of Messrs. La Fayette, Bailly and Neckar, which were placed in the hall of the Assembly, have been treated with the same indignity.
AUGUST 18.
The state prisons are filled with prisoners.—The number of those detained in the Abbaye only, on account of the affair of the 10th, amounts to a hundred and thirty-four persons.
The Commons, who are made answerable for the security of the king's person, are taking new precautions to ensure their important charge—They permit no persons to remain with him but such as are absolutely necessary. They are making a ditch all around the building where he is imprisoned; and besides the exterior guard, the interior is composed of fifty men, who for the twenty-four hours they are on duty, cannot stir out of the wall, and who are maintained at the public charge. Each battalion of the national guard furnishes 25 in rotation.
AUGUST 20.
Yesterday, in consequence of suspicions and discoveries, all the queen's attendants were removed from the temple to the commons-house, from which after undergoing an examination, they were conducted to the hotel de la force.
Forty Savoyards have deserted from the army of the king of Sardinia, and presented themselves with their arms and baggage, to one of the French generals.
M. Gouvion, the excellent patriot and friend to Gen. La Fayette, had three brothers, the eldest was killed at Nancy, in defence of the law; and the second, after having fought with distinction on the plains of America, after having served honorably in the National Assembly, and merited the esteem of all good men, ended his glorious career in the battle of Griffo-wel. We learn that his surviving brother, who is a Captain of Artillery, is now with M. La Fayette in the capacity of an Aid-de-Camp.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, AUGUST 9.
A letter from M. Jolivet, a member, was read—It set forth, that he had been yesterday at M. Vaublanc's house. He saw several people at the door—To learn what was going forward, he walked up and down the Rue St. Honore. As he passed by the Jacobins, he perceived a prodigious crowd in the yard. He went into the crowd; and learning that the Jacobins were going to relate several recent events, he stepped into the hall. He heard the following question agitated:
"How shall the names of those members of the National Assembly who are sold to the Civil List, and voted for La Fayette, be made known through the kingdom?"
Then M. Monteaux de Montreal, a member of the National Assembly, President of the Jacobin Club, put the question thus:
"Let those who wish to pass to the order of the day, on the motion of posting up the names of the members sold to the Civil List, and who voted for La Fayette, stand up."
M. Merlin interrupted the Secretary; and declared that M. Jolivet is an infamous liar.
M. Girardin asked and obtained leave to speak. He said, he had been struck near the National Assembly.
M. Merlin asked him on what part of his body. M. Girardin answered with disdain—behind to be sure, where vile assassins strike; but he declared he had not been touched by any citizen of Paris.
M. Vaublanc, M. La Fayette's friend and advocate, ran to the tribune—My house, said he, was besieged; the villains not finding me at home, asked for my wife and my children; their heads, said they, would sit well on a pike until mine was placed on one—my family escaped by means of a ladder; but I shall never perjure myself, I shall vote as I think.—I voted for La Fayette yesterday; to-day I will vote for his King and mine.—Let us leave this wicked town, where liberty is no more. No doubt, continued he, there are few in this House of M. Kersaint's disposition, few who think that the matter before us is not sufficiently important. He concluded with moving, that the Attorney General should be summoned to the bar to declare what measures he had adopted to maintain good order.—He added with moving, that the confederates should slay no longer in the capital.
M. Lagrevole wished the Mayor of Paris to be sent for also, that he might declare whether or not he could answer for the safety of the National Assembly.
M. Choudieux was convinced, that since the National Assembly had absolved the factious soldier, they were no longer capable of governing the state.
The Assembly decreed, that the Mayor of Paris, and the Attorney General of the Department, should come to the bar.
The Attorney-General came to the bar.—He declared, that the General Council were informed, that several members of the Assembly had been insulted and struck;—that at midnight (Thursday) the alarm-bell was to be rung to assemble all the citizens, in order to invest the Palace of the Thuilleries.
AUGUST 15.
M. Merlin.—"I announce to the Assembly, that, perhaps, at this moment, the trenches are open before Thionville. The Prussians and Austrians are masters of the post of Rodemack. My father informs me, that all his fellow citizens will lose their lives on the ramparts rather than give up the town—[applauses.]—
The Committee of safety have more than 400 letters in their possession, which prove that the plan and time of this attack were known in Paris, and that Paris is the focus of the conspiracy of Coblentz. I request, therefore, that the wives and children of the Emigrants, as well as the family of Louis XVI. be detained as hostages.—Decreed.—[Applauses.]
A list was ordered to be printed of all the members who were present on the tenth, and of the hour at which they severally took the oaths, together with the motives assigned by those who were absent, and sent the same in writing.
M. Bazire read some papers found in an escruitoire of the King's, which contain a statement of the expences of the King of France's household at Coblentz.
One of them is a letter from M. de Poix, who remits to the King an account of the payments made to his four companies of Gardes-du-Corps, since the 1st of July, 1791. M. de Poix remarks with what alacrity he has executed his Majesty's wishes on an object so interesting to his heart.
Another letter is dated Coblentz, 7th Oct. 1791, without signature, the anonymous writer gives an account of the military chest, and of the sums he has received for the four companies. The Assembly ordered the papers to be printed, and sent into the eighty-three departments.
The author of a third letter, dated 31st January, 1792, seems to have in view the reinstatements of the Parliaments and the restoration of the orders.
The reporter of the Extraordinary Commission informed the Assembly that the King's Civil List, had been consumed in keeping in pay a vast number of writers, the names and objects of whose writings he gave a list of. While this was reading, the Assembly interrupted him by pronouncing the following decree in a transport of rage!—The Assembly decrees, that the fathers, the mothers, the wives, and children of Emigrants shall be put in a state of arrest, and be kept as hostages for the ills which the Emigrants will produce in France.
Soon after, a decree of accusation passed against Mss. Barnave, Alexander Lameth, and Mss. Duport, Duport, Bertrand, Duportail, and M. Montmorin.
AUGUST 16.
M. Merlin announced, that the Prussians had been driven from the town of Sierck by Marshal Luckner: That the enemy while in possession of the town, had committed great excesses; that they had been committed by an emigrant who marked out certain victims, and the houses to be burnt and pillaged; but that this man had been taken, and is now in the prison of Thionville.
M. Merlin requested that a severe law might be passed against the internal Emigrants, who pointed out to the enemy those citizens on whom they wished them to exercise their vengeance, and those traitors to their country whom they ought to spare.
The Assembly said, that laws existed for punishing that traitor, but charged the Committee of Legislation to propose more severe ones for such as might in future commit the like crimes.
M. Montmorin's papers were seized and he himself ordered to be arrested, but he had quitted Paris with his wife and children some days before.
AUGUST 17.
The citizens came up with an address, complaining of the slow proceedings of the Tribunals in judging the Prisoners of State. They said that if the Swiss officers in particular were not speedily brought to trial, there would be a new insurrection; that the tocsin was ready to be rung. But the object of this petition had been obviated by a decree, which the Assembly had just made for the formation of a new jury, taken from the Electoral Corps; and it was published soon after in all quarters of Paris.
A letter from Mareschal Luckner was read; it contained nothing relative to the events of the 10th. The Mareschal announces, that the towns of the frontier, are on the point of being besieged, and that the loss is so great on the assignats, that he desires the soldiers pay may either be
in money, or if continued in assignats, that it may be increased.
A letter from a Volunteer in the army of La Fayette, informed the Assembly, that the greatest pains were taken in that army to give an odious and to heat the soldiers minds against the Assembly.
But a letter from General Dumourier was more agreeable. He protests in it that he will always remain faithful to the sovereignty of the people. This letter is ordered to be printed, and sent to the departments.
M. Vergnaud read a letter from Valenciennes, which accompanied one from Sedan, which gave the alarming intelligence that the ASSEMBLY'S COMMISSIONERS were ARRESTED in that City. A Courier arrived at the end of the sitting, which confirmed this intelligence.
AUGUST 18.
A letter was read from the home minister, announcing that the arrest of the Commissioners from the Assembly at Sedan having evidently shown the influence of the generals, the provisional executive council, had recalled M. la Fayette, and given the command he held to Dumourier.
An address was read from the commonality at Rheims, stating that the three commissioners had been arrested at Sedan, and that the life of M. Kersaint had been in danger. The city and garrison having taken the oath of fidelity to the king, a proposition was made to march to Paris; the volunteers alone objected to it. The Mayor declared he would lose his life in defence of the constitutional authority of the king.
M. Merlin informed the Assembly that he had received a letter from Sedan, announcing that the troops had taken the oath to be faithful to the nation, the law, and the king; and that the city of Sedan is in an open state of counter-revolution. The assembly decreed, that the mayor and council general of Sedan should be arrested, and that the lives of the citizens should be answerable for the safety of the three commissioners whom they had arrested. Several charges were brought against M. Deitrich, mayor of Strasbourg, who was ordered to be brought before the assembly.
An address was read from the department of the upper Rhine to their fellow-citizens, exhorting them to remain faithful to the constitution, the king, and the assembly.
M. Francois gave an account of the funeral ceremony in honor of the slain federates of Marseilles.
A seal has been placed on the papers of M. Roderer, procureur syndic of the department. He is accused of being a friend to the king, and of favoring his views.
LONDON, August 13.
Through the thick mist of party, it needs "a Dragon Watch with unenchanted eye" to discern any thing truly. They who reprobate the present disorders in France, are fied the enemies of Freedom. They who defend them, the enemies of all governments. Alas! confusion of ideas is alone to blame in this apparent diversity; and without mutual concession, the fair front of Political truth can never be discovered. Efficient government, equally admitted by all parties in the fact to be necessary, is by all, at present, denied there to exist.
The present reign of the Jacobins, and the delusion of the common people of France, is not unprecedented in their history. The fair provinces of that kingdom in the time of their Fifth Charles, were devastated by an infamous rabble, stiled a Jacquerie (somewhat near Jacobin) whose first principle was a hatred of Nobles, and whose object was the extermination of the superior orders. Then, however, a body of ever-illustrious knights issued from the castle of Meaulx, and discomfited this host of destroyers.—The days of Chivalry, however, are no more.
Every feeling of humanity revolts from the idea of the provinces of France pouring out their Myriads to the very gates of Paris, and aiding the destructive alterations of party within. So in the enfeebled state of the once glorious Rome, when inter-

nal convulsion rendered her a ready prey, "the distant Legions took the alarm, and gave away the Empire."
AUGUST 23.
It is mentioned in an article from Warsaw, that the Polish troops have refused to submit to the Russians; and that on hearing this intelligence, the King went to the house of M. Bulkahow, to inculcate his wish that the Russians might contrive to avoid them; when M. de Bulkahow is said to have answered in the following terms:— "The soldiers of my Sovereign are not to be diverted from their determined course, and death will be the consequence to every one who shall dare to oppose them."
Copy of a letter circulating in the Camp of LA FAYETTE, the EX-GENERAL, as he is termed in Paris, which, though not signed by him, is universally understood to have his sanction.
"SOLDIER CITIZENS,
"It is not to be dissembled, that the Constitution, which you have sworn to maintain, is no more. The Marseillois, and a troop of factious insurgents, have besieged the palace of the Thuilleris. The National Guards and the Swiss Guards have made a vigorous resistance, but wanting ammunition, they were obliged to surrender.
"M. D'Affry, his Aides de Camp, and his whole family, have been massacred.
"The King, the Queen, and the Royal Family, took refuge in the National Assembly; the insurgents followed them, and forced them to decree the suspension of the King, which was done to save his life.
"Citizens, you have no longer Representatives; the National Assembly is in slavery; your armies are without commanders.
"Petion reigns; the savage Danton and his satellites are masters:— therefore, soldiers, choose whether you will re-establish the Heir to the Crown on the Throne, or you will have Petion for King.
The eloquent M. Clermont de Tonnerre perished, mistaken for the Prince de Poix, in the massacre of the Swiss Guards.
DUBLIN, August 23.
ROYAL FAMILY OF FRANCE.
The following particulars respecting the Royal Family of France, during the dreadful scenes which lately disgraced Paris, have not yet been communicated to the public.
The King, Queen, and their children, were thrust into the President's room, adjoining to the Assembly.— This room had in it only a few bare forms, upon which they lay during the nights of Friday and Saturday.
For the first twelve hours of their confinement, not a soul went near them, nor had they any kind of refreshment. At length one of the door-keepers went and purchased, out of his own pocket, a few biscuits and a bottle of wine, which he brought to them.
The feelings of the unhappy Monarch, and his consort, it is almost impossible to imagine—in the momentary dread of insult and outrage, and if spared from the butchering hands of the savages who were demolishing the Palace, with the horrid prospect of seeing their children perish for want! Such accumulation of misery history cannot parallel!
The King and his family are now in close custody in the Temple of the Palace, formerly belonging to the Duke of Orleans, and their keepers are the mob.
In addition to the horrid excesses already detailed, the mob have broke into all the prisons at Orleans, and massacred the unfortunate prisoners in cold blood.
Domestic Articles.
TRENTON, (N. J.) Oct. 10.
On Tuesday the 2d inst. the circuit court of the United States in and for New-Jersey district, was opened at this place, before the hon. William Cushing, and the hon. Robert Morris, Esquires; and continued sitting until Saturday last, when it adjourned, after trying several causes, and investigating and adjudging upon the claims of a number of invalid applicants.
ELIZABETH-TOWN, Oct. 10.
By the report of a committee of five, of the Society for promoting useful Manufactures in this state, chosen agreeably to the charter, it appeared that there had been paid in by subscribers, in full of the first payment, and in part of the second, 160,200 dol. 93 c.
That there had been expended for the purchase of lands on the Great-Falls, for the site of the town, a grist and saw mill, 14,139 87
For machinery, materials, & implements of manufacturing, 7,500
For horses, oxen, carts and waggons, 720
Laid out for sundry materials for building, paying salaries, laborers wages to the 1st Oct. and incidental expenses, 12,545 43
Vested in bills of exchange, and sent to Europe on account of the Society, which have been noted for non-acceptance, & in jeopardy, tho' a probability of saving, perhaps 50 per cent. 50,000
In the hands of Mr. Duer, the late Governor, unaccounted for, 10,000
In cash and deferred stock of the United States, 65,295 63
160,200 93
That the Directors have established the seat of the Manufactory at the town of Paterson, at the foot of the Great-Falls, where they are proceeding to establish the Cotton Manufactory and the Printing and Staining of Calico:— That there are near 200 hands employed in carrying on the buildings and other works:— That the committee have recommended the speedy appointment of an able superintendant, and have directed the next annual meeting of the Society to be held at the Court-house in New-Ark:— That the new Directors are to meet next Friday at the town of Paterson, for electing a Governor and Deputy Governor.
PROVIDENCE, October 6.
At the annual meeting of the Stockholders of the Providence Bank on Monday last, the directors for the last year were unanimously re-elected, excepting Mr. Nicholas Brown, who resigned, and nominated Mr. George Benon, who was also unanimously elected;— and at a meeting of the directors in the evening, the same gentlemen were chosen President and Officers of the Bank that filled those places the last year.
We learn, by a gentleman who was at Bellows's Falls, in Walpole, on Connecticut River, the 21st ultimo, that the river was so contracted at that place, by the late severe drought, that all the water passed within the space of 12 feet wide and 2 1/2 deep. The river banks at the place where he measured them were 250 feet from one to the other, and 25 feet deep, and generally run full of water.
BOSTON, October 8.
We are well assured that the number of persons who have lately had the Small-Pox in this town, by inoculation and the natural way, amount to nine thousand, three hundred eighty-four—of whom not more than one hundred ninety-eight have died; notwithstanding reports to the contrary.
Of the above number, one thousand and thirty-eight were from the country.
Philadelphia, Oct. 17.
A merchant of this city, has received from his correspondent in Charleston (by the Georgia Packet just arrived here,) a letter dated the 5th inst. which mentions that a vessel from France, arrived at Savannah, brings news to the first of September—That the Queen of France had been murdered—that the King and the Marquis de la Fayette were missing—that 5000 of the people of Paris had been put to death; and that the Duke of Brunswick and his army, were within 30 miles of Paris. Doubtful.
Sunday failed from this port for London, the ship William Penn. The passengers in this ship are, in the cabin, Mr. and Mrs. Otto and son; Mr. and Mrs. la Peine; Mrs. Josiah; Mrs. Stabler; Mr. Izard; Mr. Buchanan, and Mr. Gardner.—There are also, sundry steerage passengers.
JAMES YARD, Esq. Consul of the United States for the Island of St. Croix, is arrived here in the brig Newton.
A correspondent, who hath seen the large map of Pennsylvania lately published by Reading Howell, remarks, that the public are much indebted to that gentleman for his exertions and unwearied pains, by which they are now put in possession of a work performed with great accuracy, many parts of which were from surveys made at his own expence, and which hath been executed and engraved with neatness and elegance.
E L E C T I O N.
Amount of the Votes for Representatives in Congress, returned from Philadelphia City and County, Delaware, Chester, Bucks, Montgomery, Northampton and York Counties.
 W. Findley 14447  D. Heister 14469  T. Hartley 14293  F. A. Muhlenberg 14168  J. W. Kittera 14224  W. Irvine 13993  P. Muhlenberg 12285  T. Scott 11458  T. Fitzsimons 11373  H. Wynkoop 12984  S. Sitgreaves 11163  J. Armstrong 10441  W. Bingham 9808  J. D. Sergeant 4125  C. Thompson 3594*  J. Barclay 3426  A. Gregg 3450  W. Montgomery 3406  J. Smilie 3302  J. Jacobs 2262  R. Johnston 238  J. Arndt 254   * Erroneously stated in our last at 52:6.
George Edie, Esq. is elected senator for the district of Lancaster and York.
Representatives in the General Assembly of this State:
Lancaster.—John Breckbill, Joseph Work, James Old, James Morrison, Samuel Boyd, Isaac Ferre.
Bucks County.—John Chapman, Gerardus Wynkoop, Ralph Stover, James Bryan.
Northampton County.—Thomas Mawhorter, Thomas Hartman, Jacob Eyerly, Peter Burkhalter.
A Charleston paper of September 29, says—Within a few days past, two expresses have arrived here from general Picken and col. Anderson, with dispatches from his excellency the governor, they contain the alarming accounts, that a general Creek war may be expected shortly to take place; and that the four lower Cherokee towns are hostily disposed, and will act in concert with the Creeks. A body of the Cherokees, Creeks and Shawanese, in all about 500 men, are now out, and it is supposed will fall upon the settlements at Cumberland or Holstein. Col. Anderson has erected four block houses on the frontiers; and, we are informed that the governor has sent forward a large supply of arms and ammunition, with orders to the commanding officer in ninety-six district to have the militia put in a state of preparation for active duty, and to raise and equip a troop of horse for each of the regiments.
On Saturday the President of the United States, his Lady and Family, arrived in town from Mount Vernon, Virginia.
We are authorized to assure the public, that the following is the purport of the information received from Governor Blount.
On the 11th of September last, he states that the Cherokees of the five lower Towns on the Tennessee, headed by John Watts, had declared War against the United States, and that the warriors, according to various information, amounting from three to six hundred, including about one hundred Banditti Creeks, had set out upon some expedition against the frontiers, probably against the Cumberland settlement.
That in consequence of this alarming intelligence, he had ordered one regiment of the militia of Washington district into actual service, and that he had also dispatched an express to Mero district, on Cumberland river, with orders to brigadier-general Robertson, to put his brigade into the best possible state of defence.
That the Cherokees had never complained to him of a single infraction of the treaty of Holstein, nor did he know of one committed by any citizen of the United States.
But on the 15th of September, he writes that he had received letters from Eliquaka, otherwise the Bloody Fellow and the Glass, dated on the 10th of Sept. at the Look-out mountain town, informing that they, with the assistance of John Watts and other head men, had prevailed with the party that were collected for war, to disperse and go peaceably to their hunting. That upon receiving this agreeable information, he had been induced to discharge the regiment of Knox, and to dispatch an express to General Robertson, of Mero district, with orders to discharge such of his brigade as might be in service under the orders of the 11th instant.
Norfolk, Sept. 29.
We have the pleasure of informing the public, that the Light-house on Cape-Henry is nearly finished, and that a light will, in a short time, be placed in it.
Married on Saturday last, by the Rev. Dr. Sproat, Nathaniel Cabot Higginson, Esq. to Miss Sally Rhea.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
 Brig Hope, Stokely, Cadiz  Alfred, Thompson, Teneriffe  Betsy, Elliott, Cape-Francois  Industry, Brewster, Port-au-Prince  Polacre Bon Jesus, Montro, Brazil  Schooner Isabella, Greene, do.  Swallow, Odlin, St. Thomas  Sans Souci, Crozier, do.  Philadelphia Packet, Tanner, do.  Recovery, Forbes, Trinidad  Sloop St. Joseph, Duhlberry, Curacoa  Suzannah, Horton, Port-au-Prince  Thorn, Waterman, Nantucket  Polly, M'Lane, Jamaica 
PRICE OF STOCKS.
 6 per Cents, 21/8 } Int. off.  3 per Cents, 12/10  Deferred, 13/4  Full shares Bank U. S. 45 per cent. prem.  1/2 shares, 58 
The REPUBLICAN, No. 4, will appear in our next.
OCTOBER 16, 1792.
MR. FENNO,
Please insert the following extract (so highly honorable to the citizens of North-Carolina) in your paper.
Extract of a letter, dated Salisbury, (N. C.) September 30, 1792.
"THE superior court is now nearly at a close—the grand jury were discharged yesterday—and what adds greatly to our honor, not a single indictment or presentment was made during the whole term. This proves that civilization progresses amongst us, and that the laws are administered with effect. A circumstance like this, would be thought extraordinary (I presume) even in the State of Pennsylvania, where peaceful principles abound so abundantly."
With the foregoing, I send you the address of the Hon. JOHN STEELE, to his constituents, thro' the grand jury of his district, on his declining to serve in the capacity of a Representative in Congress—with the answer of the grand jury—which please also insert, and oblige yours,
A. T.
September 22, 1792.
GENTLEMEN,
THE term of my election to represent this division in Congress, will expire the 3d of March next, at which period, I have determined to decline the honor of that important trust.
My principal reason for a determination unexpected by all, and I fear displeasing to some of my friends, is contained in this letter, the substance whereof you are requested to publish in your respective counties, previous to the ensuing election.
In accepting this appointment originally, I was influenced by an honest zeal to serve the public, and a laudable ambition to merit the confidence of my constituents.
The repeated testimonies which I have received of the latter, afford the most flattering inducements for me to continue in the capacity of a Representative, and might perhaps have surmounted my inclination to retire, if I had not long been accustomed to believe that a retention in Office is one of the most salutary principles in political economy.
If a seat in Congress be honorable, or lucrative, I have enjoyed these advantages long enough: If burdensome, a regard to equality would justify me in declining it.
Respecting my successor—I feel but one wish, that he may be a man of virtue and talents, and distinguished for his attachment to order, and good government.
As far as I possess information, which can in any degree be deemed useful to him, or beneficial to the public, he may receive it with my prayers for his personal happiness, and prosperity.
I have the honor to be,
Gentlemen,
With perfect respect,
Your most humble servant,
JOHN STEELE.
To the Gentlemen of the
Grand Jury,
Salisbury District.
SIR,
THE grand jury now sitting, have appointed Mr. Kendal, Mr. Price, and Mr. Pinchback, three of their members, to wait upon you and inform you that an answer will be returned to your letter on Wednesday next—which, with your permission, they mean afterwards to publish.
Done unanimously,
GEORGE HENRY BERGER, Foreman.
To the Hon. JOHN STEELE.
Wednesday, 26th September, at 12 o'clock in the forenoon, a committee of the grand jury waited upon Mr. STEELE, at his own house in Salisbury, and Col. BERGER, the Foreman, delivered the following answer:
SIR,
WE the grand jury of Salisbury district, being favored with your very polite letter, informing us, that when the term for which you have been elected as our representative in Congress shall expire, you mean to decline the honor of that important trust, and have been pleased to assign us your principal reasons, which you request us to publish in our respective counties previous to the ensuing election.
This declaration of your determination, precludes us the pleasure of making you the object of our future choice (which we should gladly have done). And in compliance with your request we will publish in our respective counties the substance of your letter.
We hold it incumbent on us to present you in our names, and in behalf of our fellow citizens, our sincere and unfeigned thanks for your past services, rendered to us and our country with so great punctuality, uprightness and honor.
So very agreeable and satisfactory has your conduct been, to us, and as we presume to the rest of your constituents, that we desire to demonstrate the same by every mean in our power, and as we will that when the time arrives to make a fresh choice, we may be able to fix upon a successor, who (like yourself) shall be a man of virtue and talents, and who will eminently distinguish himself by his attachment to order and good government: The information you possess will undoubtedly be of great service to him, as well as beneficial to the public.
While you remain in, and when you retire from your present honorable station, our prayers shall be for the continuance of every blessing and happiness to attend you through a long and successful life.
We are, Sir,
Very respectfully your humble servants.
GEORGE H. BERGER, Foreman.
 John Pinchback, Samuel Harris,  Thompson Glen, Thomas Black,  James Reynolds, John Montro,  John Parks, Thomas Pound,  William Kendall, Robert J. Steele,  William Matthews, Isaac Price,  Joseph Haden, Frederick Miller,  John Menzies, Henry Hughey,  Andrew Mitchell, 
To the Hon. JOHN STEELE.

PRICE CURRENT. PER QUANTITY.—DOLLARS 100 Cents each. PHILADELPHIA, OCTOBER 17.
Table with multiple columns listing various goods (e.g., Anchors, Allum, Beer, Boards, Brandy, etc.) and their corresponding prices in dollars and cents.
Table with multiple columns listing various goods (e.g., Oil, Pepper, Pimento, Raisins, etc.) and their corresponding prices in dollars and cents.
NEW TEAS. IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at No. 19, Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
100 Dollars Reward. LOST on Cambridge Common, Massachusetts, on the afternoon of the 18th ult. a Morocco POCKET-BOOK, with a steel clasp, containing a number of valuable papers, among which were the following PUBLIC SECURITIES, viz.
Massachusetts State Notes—No. 2,425, dated December 1, 1782, payable to Thomas Greenwood, for £. 23 16s. principal—No. 22,399, dated January 1, 1785, payable to Nathaniel Partridge, for £. 10 10s. principal—No. —, dated January 1, 1782, (an Army note) payable to Timothy Howard, for £. 8 8s. 1d. principal—No. —, a Note (the number, date, and to whom payable, not known) for £. 3 0s. 3d. principal—One Indent Certificate for Four Dollars, and a New-Hampshire Certificate for about £. 12 payable to John and Daniel Jenks; also a number of Notes of Hand, one of which was for £. 5 7s. 6d. given by Nathan Dood to Samuel W. Pomeroy (by whom it was endorsed) dated 1st May, 1792, and payable on the 11th August following; the others were all payable to the Subscriber. The Securities are checked at the different offices from whence they were issued, and the Notes of Hand by the different signers, they can therefore be of no use to any but the owner. The Subscriber hereby offers a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who has found the same, and will return them to him, or leave them with the Printer hereof, and no questions will be asked. ABRAHAM FOSTER. Salem, Massachusetts, August 1, 1792. (epts)
Stock Brokers Office, No. 45, Great Dock-Street, NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE AND SALE OF STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends, and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may prefer to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch. Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to. LEONARD BLECKER. (t.p.)
BOWEN'S EXHIBITION OF Wax-Work & Paintings, At the House lately occupied by Mrs. PLANE, in Eighth-Street, is now ready for the entertainment of the Public: Among a great variety of Paintings, are a number of ITALIAN & FRENCH PIECES, which are new and very pleasing. Also, a large collection of NEW WAX FIGURES. The Exhibition is open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning, until nine in the evening.—Admittance HALF A DOLLAR for Ladies and Gentlemen, and half price for Children. Tickets for the season, (not transferable) Two DOLLARS. For Sale, at the Exhibition Rooms, LIKENESSES of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, in Wax, And a variety of Elegant PRINTS in Frames. Sept. 21. (epts)
War Department, August 6, 1792.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March 1792, and which will become due on the 5th day of September 1792, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the States respectively, under the usual regulations, viz. Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers. 1. The certificate given by the State, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which such he is annually entitled. 2. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form: A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of in the State of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the State to be recited) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form: I. A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and ending the fifth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two. Signed and sealed in the presence of Acknowledged before me, Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim. By command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
JOHN GOULD, HAIR-DRESSER, INFORMS his friends and the public in general, that he continues to carry on his business as usual, at No. 1, South Third-Street, near Market-Street, and thanks his former customers for the favors he has received. Said Gould has for sale, an infallible cure for Weak or Sore Eyes, which on trial, has and will be found to answer the purpose.—He has it in vials from one quarter of a dollar to a dollar.—Any person trying the above, if not found to answer the character given, the money will be returned. [tf]
To the Public.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends and the public, for the many favors he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand a few fine toned
FORTE PIANOS,
which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms. The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons commissioned to vend them—who, for a very trifling compensation, recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of the European Music-Shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pays as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument. N.B. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS let out by the month or quarter, likewise Musical Instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by CHARLES TAWES, [H] No. 62, Walnut, near Third-Street.
BOOKS, PRINTED AND SOLD BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1782, to June 1792, in eleven vols. Price, neatly bound and littered, seventeen dollars and three-fifths. This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His Excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per ann. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.—Any of the back numbers may be had in order to complete sets. 1. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children. We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed.—Monthly Review, vol. 38, p. 101.—Price, bound, 64 cents. 2. Duncans Elements of Logic—75 cents. 3. Beauties of Fielding—50 cents. 4. Beauties of Blair—50 cents. 5. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennington's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies, Price 6 3/4. 6. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter. 7. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen.—Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful." N.B. It is introduced into the University in Philadelphia. 8. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar. 9. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars. 10. Neckers's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions.—Price four-fifths of a dollar. 11. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce.—Price, on very fine paper, 5 8ths of a dollar. 12. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar. 13. M'Fingal. Price three-eighths of a dollar. 14. American Jest Book. Price three-fifths of a dollar. 15. Garden of the Soul. Price half a dollar. 16. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto.—Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2.—plain, six dollars. 17. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum.—Price a quarter dollar. 18. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar. 19. Christian Economy. Price a fifth of a dollar. 20. History of Charles Grandison, abridged—Price a sixth of a dollar. 21. Poems by Col. Humphreys.—Price a third of a dollar. 22. S. & H. Poems, chiefly American.—Price a sixth of a dollar. Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of Books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance in such as purchase quantities for public libraries or to sell again. The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum.—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
THE Editor of this Gazette earnestly requests all those of his Subscribers, whose accounts are of one two or three years standing, to discharge them as soon as possible. All persons empowered to collect monies for the paper to whom payments have been made, would greatly oblige him by transmitting the sums received, and the names of the subscribers who have paid. While every grateful acknowledgment is due to those whose punctuality has enabled the Editor thus far to continue the publication—he is obliged to observe, that so great is the expense attending its production, and so large the amount of arrearages, that unless a considerable part of that amount is speedily realized, it will be impossible for him to continue the Gazette with any reference to a distant and extensive circulation.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR,
AN ALPHABETICAL LIST of the Duties payable on all Goods, Wares and Merchandise imported into the United States; exhibiting the Rates payable on those imported in Ships or Vessels of the United States, and in Foreign Ships or Vessels; including the additional Duties to which the respective Articles are liable. ALSO, A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold—graduated according to Law—Blank Manifests—And Blanks for the various Powers of Attorney necessary in transacting Business at the Treasury or at the Bank of the United States.