Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-04-17 00:00:00

Mr. Bland then rose, and said, he had the misfortune to differ with all his colleagues on so important a point as that of the state debts being assumed by the United States in its general funding system; and as that singularity might be attributed by some either to caprice, whim, or a perverse humour, he thought it incumbent on him to show to the house, and to his colleagues in particular, that he considered it as founded upon the soundest principles, both as to the general welfare of the Union, as well as to that of the particular state of which he had the honor to be one of the representatives.
He knew, he said, that his attachment to the general weal of the Union, had been doubted by some who did not know him. He knew that he had been denominated an anti-federalist when the adoption of the new constitution was agitated. He then did consider, and at this instant did consider some parts of that constitution as dangerous to the general liberties of his country. He wished to see them amended. He had since had the pleasure to see them in part amended. He hoped in future to see them so amended as to take away every objection; so far he was an anti-federalist. But he assured the house that there was no man in America more strongly attached to a firm union of the states than himself, or a good and efficient government which consisted with the true principles of liberty.
Among his objections to the new constitution was a dread that he entertained of silent majorities, on questions of great and general concern; that he had heard gentlemen in that house, some of the firmest supporters of the adoption of the new government, lament and deplore these silent majorities with great pathos. That however, his ideas of binding the states together, (upon the principle of his having been opposed to the adoption of the constitution without the amendments he had mentioned) might be ridiculed, he conceived himself that he was perfectly consistent; he always had supported and should continue to support those measures which should bind and strengthen the union, so far as was consistent with the constitution and the rights of a free people.
He should now consider the subject before the house as it concerned the state from whence he came, and altho' he addressed this particularly to his colleagues, he conceived what was said of Virginia would apply in part to most of the states in the union. He conceived, that should the assumption of the state debts not take place (he meant that part that might properly be deemed continental as having been incurred for the common defence during the war) those states which have made the most vigorous exertions would be most embarrassed. In this predicament it was generally allowed Virginia stood. Virginia had at one time in the field twenty-one regiments, including infantry, cavalry and artillery; these were fully officered; it was true, some of them were continental and some state regiments, but they had been all settled with alike. (TO BE CONTINUED.)
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14.
Sundry petitions were read.
The report of the committee on the accounts presented by the printers for newspapers supplied the house was taken up.
Mr. SHERMAN moved that the report be accepted.
Mr. GERRY observed that a free press is of the greatest importance to the people, and all proper encouragement ought to be given it; that the practice of Congress in taking the newspapers upon a liberal plan conducted to this object; that the most beneficial consequences had resulted to the government from that information which their constituents had received thro' this medium. Gentlemen have observed that persons at the seat of government derive an advantage from the early intelligence which that circumstance enables them to obtain—but it will not be denied that all parts of the union have as good a right to political intelligence, as the spot where Congress happens to be; no mode of conveying this intelligence can be devised which is attended with so much facility as this; and no citizen can grudge the expence; it does not amount perhaps to more than the fraction of a farthing, on an average. The information conveyed through this channel has afforded the greatest satisfaction to our constituents—it is expected from us, and is what they have a right to—and so great has been the anxiety on some occasions for news from Congress, in some of the towns in the Eastern States, that I have been informed (said he) that half a dollar has been given for a newspaper. The last session of Congress, complaints were made of the partiality and misrepresentations of the printers, and justly; in their accounts of the debates some of the members were held up in a ridiculous point of light and great injustice was done thro' the inaccuracy of those partial publications. This session matters have been better conducted; the debates have been more impartially handed to the public—the printers publish on both sides, and are willing to correct their mistakes. If no other advantage was to be derived from a general encouragement—this freedom and impartiality being obtained, is a sufficient indemnification for the trifling expence. If one or two printers only, were to have public encouragement; or the exclusive printing of newspapers for Congress—it would preclude the public in all probability from that full and impartial information to which they are entitled; it would tend to giving the house an undue controul over the press, or perhaps make it the tool of a party. Mr. Gerry made many other remarks, and concluded by observing, with respect to any saving to the public—the expence was so trifling compared to the advantage, that he thought it a very contemptible object of economy, in a national point of view; and moved to reject the clause which proposed that Congress should not be supplied with any more papers at the public expence.
Mr. BENSON said he hoped the resolution would be agreed to with an amendment, which he moved, by striking out what relates to supplying the Senate; he was for leaving that part of the business to themselves; he gave a short account of the origin of Congress being supplied with papers. Under the old confederation he said, Congress was considered as a diplomatic body—the members were amenable to the States who sent them; Congress could not compel their punctual attendance—hence the expedient of taking the papers to keep the members together, from the time of meeting, till they formed a house; but he observed this did not apply to the present Congress, who are a differently organized body, and the introduction of newspapers interrupted public business. He adverted to the odd appearance the charge must make in the account of public expences.
Mr. SMITH (S. C.) offered a variety of observations to shew the ill policy of adopting the report—enlarged on the advantages derived to the people from the diffusion of the information contained in the newspapers which were transmitted by the members.
Mr. SHERMAN observed that he did not particularly recollect the origin of Congress taking the newspapers, but the punctuality of the members at present rendered any such expedient unnecessary. He objected to the papers being read in Congress; but if it is thought necessary that Congress should be supplied with the papers as heretofore, the members may receive them at their lodgings, and there they may read them before they come to Congress; as to the observation that the printers are more impartial this session than they were the last—he did not think there was much in that—he thought that they had always aimed to be impartial—he conceived it was for their interest to be so; it is true they are liable to commit errors, and some have been printed in the debates, but when they have been pointed out, they were willing to publish corrections, and in many cases have done it. He did not think that the members sending the papers to their constituents conducted so much to diffuse information, as the republications which took place in consequence of the printers sending their papers to each other; this answered the purpose to much greater extent.
The motion for striking out what relates to the Senate, was negatived.
The question being divided—the first part of the report respecting payment for the papers was agreed to—the latter part was negatived.
In committee of the whole on the bill to regulate the post-office of the United States.
The committee made considerable progress in the discussion of the bill but did not finish it.
THURSDAY, APRIL 15.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing the house that the act further to suspend part of the law to regulate the collection of the Revenue, has received his assent.
The bill for the government of the territory, south of the Ohio, was read the second time, and made the order of the day to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate with the bill for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States, informing the house that they agree to some of the amendments proposed, and disagree to others.
A motion was made by Mr. Boudinot that a committee be appointed to originate a bill for the mitigation of penalties and forfeitures accruing under the Revenue Laws in certain cases therein mentioned. Laid on the table.
Mr. Gale moved for the order of the day on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the support of the Public Credit. The motion being seconded, occasioned a debate.
Some gentlemen wished the committee to be discharged from further proceeding in the Report, till a plan of accommodation should be agreed to, in respect to the assumption of the State debts. The house were warmly agitated on this subject for a considerable length of time. Several members were called to order, and a variety of motions respecting order made. At length the yeas and nays were called for, and taken, and the question for going into committee was carried.
The proposition for effecting a modification of the public debt being read, Mr. Seney moved to strike out the clause which relates to the debts of the particular States. This motion was seconded by Mr. Parker.—Mr. Sherman, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Ames, and Mr. Bland spoke against the motion. Mr. White and Mr. Seney in its support—but the committee rose without coming to a decision.
FRIDAY, APRIL 16.
Sundry petitions were read.
Mr. Boudinot of the committee to whom was referred part of the petition from the inhabitants of the town of Portsmouth, N. H. brought in a report which was read.
A committee, consisting of Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Goodhue, and Mr. Huntington, was appointed to bring in a bill for the mitigation of penalties and forfeitures, pursuant to a motion laid on the table yesterday.
The order of the day being called for on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—Mr. Fitzsimons said, he wished a suspension of the motion while he read a proposition which he meant to offer for the consideration of the house; It was in substance as follows—viz. That a Committee be appointed to devise a plan for the assumption of the debts, payable by the respective States—and a mode of paying the interest thereon—also to provide for the speedy and effectual settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States.
This motion being objected to, as informal; it subsided, and the house went into a committee of the whole.
The motion for striking out the clause respecting the State debts in the proposition for effecting a new modification of the domestic debt, was carried in the affirmative.
The proposition for opening a loan on the first plan was then read; when Mr. Boudinot moved that the words, "To receive the other third in lands in the Western Territory at the rate of 20 cents per acre," should be struck out; and proposed a substitute similar to that which he offered in the former discussion of this subject.—This motion occasioned a debate, which lasted till 3 o'clock; and the vote being taken, the motion was negatived. The committee then rose and the House adjourned till Monday.
N. B. While Mr. Sedgwick was speaking as in our last, Mr. Page called him to order, and reminded him of the great impropriety of his rising on the floor of the committee, and remonstrating against the solemn vote of that committee, which had just been entered on the journals: He added it was strange the gentleman could not have patience till the report of the committee should come before the House, when he might renew the motion for the assumption which he had so much at heart. Some members however, calling out "hear him," Mr. Sedgwick went on—when he sat down Mr. Page rose, and moved that the committee might rise, as he thought it highly improper it should sit merely to hear passionate remonstrances against its proceedings.
Mr. Jackson also made some spirited strictures to the same purpose, on Mr. Sedgwick's speech.
FROM THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.
Mr. BROWN, THE House of Representatives in Congress appear much divided on the subject of assuming the debts contracted by individual States for the support of the late war;—this may be justly
considered as a great national question, and the welfare and importance of the United States depend in a great measure upon its determination.
I agree with the Secretary of the Treasury, that "the assumption of the debts of the particular States by the union, will be a measure of sound policy and substantial justice, and that it would contribute in an eminent degree to an orderly, stable and satisfactory arrangement of the national finances." But I will go farther, and do not hesitate to assert that public credit can never be established but by one uniform system of revenue throughout all the States; that impartial justice cannot be done to the people and to the creditors in any other way, but by a continental arrangement: and in fact that if ever the national debts, including those of particular States contracted as aforesaid, are paid, it must be by a national fund constituted on the resources of the Union drawn forth and directed "by one authority."
When it is said the assumption will augment the debt so much that it cannot be paid, it is evidently meant that the debts shall remain with the States and some of them not be paid at all, for less efficient than so many separate ones; hence it appears that one question involved in this business is, shall the creditors of debtor States receive payment of the debts due to them or not? And another is, shall the general government exercise the power of drawing forth the resources of the union for national purposes, or shall it be impeded in doing its duty by States funding systems, and "distinct interests drawing different ways?" It is proposed that a liquidation shall take place, of the accounts between the union and the individual States; "the settlement to be under the superintendence of commissioners, vested with equitable discretion, and final authority." And that the balances found due to creditor States "shall be provided for by the United States, at a reasonable interest, but not to be transferable."
At whatever period the company accounts may be settled, there will be balances due to and from the different States; and the measure contended for is perhaps the only possible mode that can be devised, by which the creditor States will be reimbursed for their advances—And it is the best mean that can be fallen upon to equalize the burthens of the States; for the longer the accounts remain open and the States go on in the way they have done heretofore, the greater will be the inequalities.
We should judge of this proposition upon true national principles, and extend our inquiries beyond the limits of a single State and throughout the union, in order to see which of the two ways is the most likely to do justice, and to establish credit. Several of the States are in a situation to pay their debts, but there are others who have not the means since the surrender of their funds, admitting that they were ever so well disposed; and in such cases I contend that the creditors have unquestionably a just claim on the union; because all the debts were contracted upon the credit of the union as well as of the individual States, from the relationship that each of the members was known to have to the whole. Now I would ask, if Congress can establish credit while there are any of the debts, for which the union is bound, unprovided for?
But it will be said that the creditors must compel their States to pay them; and if this can't be done, that Congress must compel them, not only to pay their creditors, but to pay up their remaining use of compulsory measures, and as to the latter, I can only answer that I have heard of but one method proposed, that is, that the general government should levy taxes upon the delinquent States; and this I believe will never be put in practice.
If the debts are well funded, it can surely make no difference to the creditors; and the argument that some of the States are under contracts with their citizens to receive said debts in payment for lands and confiscated estates, must cease to be an objection, when it is considered that it will be in the power of any of the States to pass laws for receiving the funded debt of the United States in lieu of the former, in discharge of all such engagements. And for so much of the continental debt as a State may receive in this way, she will have a claim upon the national treasury.
I wish to see the whole of the national debt funded on the same terms and but one species of certificates in the Thirteen States. Why should different parts of a debt, that is all equally just be unevenly paid? Which will be the case if the debts in question are to be provided for by the several States in their individual capacities. Although the assumption may appear at first view to be against the interests of the other public creditors, there can be no doubt but it will tend to their mutual advantage in the operation of a system that is intended not merely as a temporary expedient, but to be commensurate to its object.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
A Society of gentlemen, anxious to promote the Salus Populi , which should be the principal object of every public body, met in this city several months ago, and continue in it yet; they come from different States; and their intention is to compose and publish, from time to time Books on such subjects as may be interesting, but on such subjects only as shall be of national concern. Although nothing respecting this society has appeared in the News-papers, yet as it is known to many that they have met,—when they met,—and what they met for; and some may suppose that they have been doing nothing all this time, I think it a piece of justice to the society that the world should be informed they have not been idle,—they meet regularly every day, Saturdays and Sundays excepted.—Their hours of business [for they have stated hours] are fully employed, and the Public may be gratified ere long, with the following publications, which, from my knowledge of the genius and erudition of the gentlemen who compose the society, I am persuaded will be masterly performances; viz.
 1st.—A Treatise on trifling, in Folio, shewing in what manner four hours of every day may be dissipated to the greatest advantage:—the motto Pereunt horæ, et imputantur .  2d. An Essay on Procrastination; in which Procrastination is proved to be the true Philosopher's Stone, which turns all things into gold, and that by the use of it a fortune may be acquired more easily and expeditiously than in any other way.—  3d. The terrors of election. A Poem.—  4th. The art of milking the Ram:—an elaborate performance, tending to shew the falsehood of the old scholastic adage, " Ex nihilo nihil fit ."  5th. The Dutch Pensionary's rule of doing one thing at a time, or not beginning a second piece of business before the first was finished; in which it is made apparent that the rule is a very absurd one.— 
THE above are part of the result of the society's labors; but it is said that a number of pam-

plets have been written by individual members, in their leisure hours; such as, a Dialogue between Daniel Dogmatical and Peter Positive, designed to elucidate this position, that plump assertions are the best evidence of the truth of facts:—
A critical investigation of the true meaning of several English words, in which it is effectually proved that we annex very wrong ideas to many of them;—and several others.
This Society bids fair to be very useful, and will doubtless meet with liberal encouragement when they publish proposals for printing their works; in the mean time as their correspondence must be both extensive and expensive, I think it would be well if they could have the privilege of franking their letters. DEMOCRITUS.
LONDON, January 24.
Method of recovering the writing upon parchment decayed by time, and of making it legible.—Dip the parchment obliterated by time into a vessel of cold water, fresh drawn from the well; in about a minute take it out, and press it between two papers, to prevent its crumpling up in drying. As soon as it is moderately dry, if it be not legible, repeat the operation two or three times. The skin will then resume its pristine colour, and appear all alike.
Extract of a Letter from Naples Dec. 29.
A very extraordinary circumstance happened a few days ago. For some time past the road between Capo di Monte and Miano, a few miles distance from this capital, had been infested by a robber who had always found means to elude all pursuit. A merchant who had been well acquainted with him, having business at Miano, set off for that place early in the morning, taking with him in his chaise his Corsican dog, which he covered with his great coat to keep him from the cold. At a narrow part of the road he was stopped by the robber. The merchant at first reminding him of their old acquaintance, hoped to persuade him to be satisfied with a present, but he answered that he knew nobody, and that if the merchant wished to save his life, he must give every thing valuable he had about him. The merchant pretending to comply, waked his dog, which was sleeping between his feet, and set him on. The intrepid animal seized him by the throat, threw him on the ground, and found means to battle the attempts he made with his pistols and dagger to rid himself of his assailant. In the mean time the merchant drove off at full speed, and stopped at the first inn. Shortly after his dog scratched and barked at the door, and upon admission leaped about his master with the greatest signs of joy, although the blood was streaming from the several wounds he had received. When the day broke, the robber was found dead on the road.
CAMOMILE. Camomile
A medical correspondent at Madrid, has acquainted a friend in Ireland with some astonishing effects of the herb Camomile in certain inflammatory disorders of the eye, when every other remedy, usually prescribed, had proved abortive. The following, amongst many cases, wherein the Doctor has been concerned, are mentioned as proofs of the virtues of this salutary, though common herb. Maria de Maros, daughter to a master carpenter, had, for many years, been afflicted with weeping eyes, which discharged an acrimonious humour, that brought on an almost total loss of sight. Alternatives were prescribed to no purpose, nor could a course of mercury procure the smallest alleviation. At length he made a strong decoction of Camomile, boiled in sweet cow's milk; with this the patient bathed her eyes several times a day, as warm as could be suffered without uneasiness, and in about five weeks her eyes were perfectly cured.
January 30.
There is great reason to expect a revolution in France, as sudden, and perhaps more decisive, than that by which the system of Government has lately been so completely changed in that country. The Friends to the Royal Party in France are in motion, and it is suspected that the late resolution of the National Assembly, in regard to the soldiers, has entirely alienated the military from the interests of that body, and therefore the world will, in all probability, have fresh occasion for looking with wonder at the concerns of our Gallic neighbours.
WINDSOR, (Vermont) February 3.
By a gentleman from Amherst, (New-Hampshire) we are informed, that in the night of the 7th ult. some evil minded persons set fire to two barns, belonging to an Attorney in that town, in which were his hay, grain, &c. which were wholly consumed by the flames—four cows perished in the fire.—Amongst the ruins were found small earthen pans, containing coals, by which, it is supposed, the fire was communicated.
Another Attorney (in the same town) found the next morning, tied to the knocker of his door, a letter containing the following laconic advice—“Be ye also ready”—A nota bene directing him to “look down.”—On casting his eyes on the ground he beheld a faggot of pine
splinters, pitched at the ends—we leave it to the world to guess their meaning. We likewise hear, That the office, papers, &c. of an Attorney, belonging to Fitchburgh, (Massachusetts) was burnt to ashes, in the night of the 5th ult.—Oh! Envy! why art thou thus permitted to rage in the licentious breast of Man?
BENNINGTON, March 27. A correspondent, lately from New-York, observes, that from the ability and candor of the commissioners on the part of New-York and Vermont, there is reason to believe, that when they again meet, at Stockbridge, in July next, an accommodation will take place, highly honorable to New-York and pleasing to Vermont.
“Such an accommodation will prepare the way for an event greatly to be desired by every wir, “a union of Vermont with the United States.”
By Authority
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION, Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT further to suspend part of an act, entitled, “An Act to regulate the collection of the Duties imposed by Law on the Tonnage of Ships or Vessels, and on Goods, Wares and Merchandizes, imported into the United States,” and to amend the said Act.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That so much of an act, entitled, “An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares and merchandizes, imported into the United States,” as to, and deposit manifests of their cargoes with the officers at St. Mary's and Yeocomico, before they proceed to their port of delivery, shall be, and is hereby further suspended from the first day of May next, to the first of May, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the landing places in Windsor and East Windsor, in the State of Connecticut, shall be ports of delivery, and be included in the district of New-London.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States. and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, APRIL THE FIFTEENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
NEW-YORK, APRIL 17.
A correspondent observes.—A debt is said to be a bond of union; with that and every other aid, the union is feeble enough; I wish it was stronger—without the assumption, the present debt is a principle of disunion—it divides the holders of 25 millions of State debt from the holders of 43 millions of national debt; will a house divided against itself stand?
Another correspondent says—all good men with a firm free government; all discerning men see that no government can be strong or peaceably administered if it is divided against itself; of all the powers of government the most incapable of division is the exercise of taxation. The national government is a singular experiment in politics—its powers extend only to certain objects—we hope this experiment will succeed; but if the exercise of the powers actually vested in Congress is given up, especially as to revenue, what are we to expect? The government was peaceably adopted; is it ordained that we shall suffer as much as other nations have done to effect a revolution?
Extract of a letter from Boston, April 8, 1790.
“We still hope Congress will not finish the session without some decided measures relative to the national debts. If they do any thing, they must do every thing that we can desire. I am persuaded Congress are not so ignorant of the circumstances of the United States as to imagine a partial system of finance is practicable. Unless the State debts are assumed, no funding system will operate prosperously; and without a prosperous funding system our national government will be but a shadow. In short I dare not predict the consequences of having the public debts long neglected, or partially provided for.
“The creditors of the United States, and of the several States, have not yet lost their patience, or their confidence. I hope they never will lose either; but I imagine if nothing is done for their relief within a few weeks, they will unite in some measures to express their sentiments to Congress in very unequivocal, but respectful language.—
“Perhaps a Convention of Delegates from the public creditors to meet at New York or Philadelphia, could make some representations to Congress that would facilitate their determinations.
“The opposers of a funding system; and in this light I view all anti-assumptionists, are not sensible how large a number of respectable men are holders of the public debt.
“The friends of good government—the friends
of science; the friends of virtue and honor, mourn exceedingly that Mr. M—— has departed so essentially from his federal principles, and that the lustre of his character declines. It is impossible for me to conjecture what can be the occasion on he has taken a part so derogatory to his former dignity, and so repugnant to the important interests of his country. I once thought him a very great, and a very good man. I will think so again, when his conduct is more open, public spirited, and accommodating. For the present, I suspend my opinion of him.”
Wednesday last, before the Supreme Circuit Court of the United States, WILLIAM BROWN and JAMES HOPKINS were tried for a conspiracy to destroy the brig Morning Star, and to murder the Captain and JOHN LEWIS LONEY, a passenger on board said brig. After a trial which lasted about four hours, they were found guilty and sentenced to stand one hour on the pillory, be imprisoned for six months, and publicly whipped previous to their discharge.
Erratum in the Letter from George Town, in our last—for “rocks” read “locks.”
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
 Ship Ariel, Hunter, Hull, 53 days.  Brig Mary, Blagdon, New-Castle (England.)  Brig Friendship, Townsend, Bristol, 52 days.  Brig Polly, Frears, Savanna le Mar 24 days.  Brig Peggy, Robinson, Bristol, 53 days.  Sloop Signet, Shipman, St. Martins.  Sloop Brown, Gaudaloupe, 20 days.  Snow Harmony, Pell, Liverpool, 50 days. 
PROPOSALS,
BY JOHN TRUMBULL, For publishing by subscription,
TWO PRINTS,
From ORIGINAL PICTURES painted by himself: REPRESENTING The DEATH of General WARREN, At the Battle of Bunker's-Hill; and The DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, In the Attack of Quebec.
IN the Battle of Bunker's Hill, the following Portraits are introduced,
 Major General Warren, Putnam,  General Sir William Howe, Sir Henry Clinton, Lieut. Col. John Small, Major Pitcairn, and Lieut. Pitcairn. 
In the Attack of Quebec, are seen,
 General Montgomery, Colonel Thompson,  Major Macpherson, Captain Cheesman. 
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
THE Prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent Artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, three guineas for each print, one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the Prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed. Subscriptions are received in America, only by Mr. Trumbull. All subscriptions receipts will be signed by him, as well as by Mr. Poggi, of London; under whose direction the prints are engraving, and will be published.
These Prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American revolution.
No period of the history of man is more interesting than that in which we have lived.—The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must remain ever dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. Historians will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which they write, must be understood—the language of Painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expense, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation, to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success. That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor, and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued. The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec, are,
 * The DECLARATION of INDEPENDENCE,  * BATTLE at TRENTON,  * BATTLE of PRINCETON,  SURRENDER of General BURGOYNE,  TREATY with FRANCE,  BATTLE of EUTAW SPRINGS,  * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN,  TREATY of PEACE,  EVACUATION of NEW-YORK,  RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON,  The ARCH at TRENTON,  INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. 
Each picture will contain Portraits of the principal characters, who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with Stars, are considerably advanced—and the Prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers. New-York, April 2, 1790.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of PHILIP DENMAN, now confined in the common gaol of Newark, in the county of Essex, That the Honorable Court of Common Pleas, in and for said county, have appointed Tuesday the 28th day of May next, for the creditors of said Philip Denman, to meet at the Court house in Newark, at nine o'clock of the day aforesaid, and shew cause to the judge of the said Court if any they have, why an assignment of the said insolvent debtor's estate should not be made, and he discharged according to the act of the Legislature of New-Jersey in such case made and provided. PHILIP DENMAN.
Newark, April 14, 1790.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.

The following Address was presented to the President of the United States, on Thursday last, by a deputation of the Society of Free-Quakers from Philadelphia.
To GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
The Address of the Religious Society of Free-Quakers.
WE beg leave to join the general voice in the most respectful congratulation on thy appointment to the highest office, and most extended trust which can be confided by a free people; a trust which the force of precedent in the first exercise of the supreme executive authority, at the founding of such an empire, renders infinitely important, not to its immediate citizens only, but to every part of mankind, who have an interest in the firm establishment of religious and civil liberty.
We offer no apology for the time of this address, as decency required, that the youngest religious society in the empire, should give place to those that are more numerous and of far more ancient establishment; yet springing up with and growing out of the revolution, it is our duty on this great occasion to appear among our fellow-citizens; and we feel a dignity in declaring, that we have reason to believe there is not a member of our religious society who has not at all times and on all occasions, relied on and confided in thy patriotism, prudence, and virtue.
Many of our members having been educated Quakers, admitted the doctrine declared by that people, of a state attainable here, in which a christian cannot be concerned in wars and fightings of any kind; yet, they perceived the wisdom and soundness of the distinction, made by the apologist of that people, when he expressly declares, that until men attain that state they "cannot be undefending themselves." They indeed saw, that by availing themselves of the profession held out by that society, they might have passed unensured by the world; but being accountable to God for their conduct as individuals, they dare not in a case of such boundless consequence, rest themselves on the profession of any body of men whatever.
They saw, that in discharging the great duty they were called upon to perform, in support of their own civil rights and that of our country and posterity, they would probably be disowned by that people; and there was no means of retaining or recovering their rights among them; but by neglecting that duty or by publicly condemning their conduct in the discharge of it; a treachery to the cause of liberty and truth of which they feel themselves utterly incapable.
They were not unaware of the alienation of friendship, and many other injurious effects on temporal affairs, which too commonly attend offence given by individuals, to a body so numerous as the Quakers are, and of such weight in civil society; but in the course of Divine Providence, they were called to make so great a sacrifice and they obeyed.
They perceived the advantage of religious society, and being desirous of obtaining it, united together in such a body. They had felt the evil of undue restraint on the consciences of men, and determined, if possible, to leave their members free: They therefore founded our society on the enlarged and Catholic principles of the gospel, appealing to the lessons of wisdom and virtue left us by Christ and his apostles, as the best external rule of faith and practice, and leaving every man to answer to God, to his own conscience, and to the government for his conduct. And being formed on this ground, we ask no extraordinary or special privilege; but having discharged a common duty, and being determined to pay a due obedience to the laws, we claim the common protection of that government.
Far from repining at our sufferings, we have rejoiced in the triumph of liberty over despotism; and exulted in the praise which our fellow-citizens have bestowed on the measures which led to success; they are justly styled glorious; but it is that undeviating steadiness of mind, and inviolable regard to the rights of the people, that have so honorably distinguished thy conduct on such varied and trying occasions, which lead us to a full confidence that thy administration will, indeed, tend to make liberty more secure than it ever before has been; and we feel, that it is this confidence which gives the unusual glow to congratulation from every quarter, on this happy occasion.
The prospect of a union which will embrace all who contended for the cause of freedom, is highly pleasing to us; and we beg leave to add our most cordial congratulation on the high honors which have been so deservedly bestowed by the nation of France on thy illustrious pupil the Marquis la Fayette: We trust, that it will be a brilliant and lasting honor to America that her conduct has inspired the world with the most noble emulation in support of liberty and the common cause of mankind.
May that Supreme Being which rules in Heaven and among men, continue to pour his wisdom into thy heart, and so guide thy administration as to make the government a blessing to the people,
and render it free, efficient and stable. And to whatever length of days he shall please to extend thy life to a purpose so eminently important, may thine eye never become dim nor thy natural force abate. And finally, when the great task shall be fully compleated, and thou shalt advance into that state which is the end and highest glory of our being, may thine inheritance be among "the spirits of just men made perfect."
Signed in and by order of our meeting for business, held at Philadelphia on the fourth day of the third month, 1790, by TH. MATLACK, Clerk.
THE ANSWER.
To the Members of the Religious Society of Free-Quakers.
Gentlemen,
I desire to assure you of the sensibility with which I receive your congratulations on my appointment to the highest office and most extended trust which can be confided by a free people; and I thank you with sincerity for the obliging terms in which you express yourselves in my behalf.
Ever happy in being favored with the approbation of my fellow citizens, the time at which yours is declared does not diminish my sense of the obligation it confers.
Having always considered the conscientious scruples of religious belief as resting entirely with the sects that profess, or the individuals who entertain them, I cannot consistent with this uniform sentiment otherwise notice the circumstances referred to in your address, than by adding the tribute of my acknowledgment to that of our country, for those services which the members of your particular community rendered to the common cause in the course of our revolution; and by assuring you that as our present government was instituted with an express view to general happiness, it will be my earnest endeavor, in discharging the duties confided to me with faithful impartiality, to realize the hope of common protection, which you expect from the measures of that government.
Impressed with gratitude for your supplications to the Supreme Being in my favor, I entreat his gracious beneficence in your behalf.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
LONDON.
A TRIP TO GRETNNA GREEN.
On Monday last Miss P—, of T—ll, in Yorkshire, a young lady of exquisite beauty and sensibility, with a fortune of THIRTY THOUSAND POUNDS, eloped to Gretna Green with Mr. C, linen draper of D—, in the same county, a gentleman, allowed by all statuaris, who have had the pleasure of seeing him, to be the best proportioned and finest figure of a man in the kingdom, being upwards of six feet high, and of the exactest symmetry.
There is a very remarkable circumstance attending the marriage:
Mr. C— was to have been united to Miss G—, of Wakefield, and Miss P— to Mr. G—, brother to Miss G—, the same day being appointed for both weddings; but, what is melancholy to relate, Mr. and Miss G— both died a few days previous to the time fixed for their solemnization. It was at the funeral of their respective Lovers that this present couple first met; there being a similarity in their cases, a sympathizing attachment immediately took place, and they were married within the month.
FROM THE MORNING CHRONICLE.
DERBY, Feb. 3.
At Burton fair yesterday morning a young woman of the parish of Sadlincote, whose husband sometime since absconded, and who, on that account has been chargeable to the parish, was publicly sold in the market place, by the Sadlincote parish officer, to a man of the parish of Greasley, for the sum of 2s, deducting the price of the halter in which the woman was delivered, in the usual way which has been lately practised. After entering the transaction in the toll book, the parties returned home seemingly satisfied.—What are the magistrates that suffer such practices?
It is slightly, and with great caution whispered, in very high life, that a wish has been intimated that a few young ladies of the most eminent rank should marry into the principal families of the English nobility. Such a measure can only be accomplished by authority of an act of Parliament, and the attempt would, undoubtedly, produce much political disputation. But it is indeed to be regretted, that so many beautiful and amiable females, like flowers within sight and out of reach, possess virtues in vain, and
"Waste their sweetness on the desert air."
We hear from Bury, that the Rev. H. Dannett has inoculated gratis upwards of 1300 poor children in that town and neighbourhood. It is remarkable, that not one out of so great a number under his care, have fallen a sacrifice to that loathsome disease. This circumstance ought to recommend the practice of inoculation to the general attention of the poor, who have the happiness to live within the circuit of this gentleman's benevolence and humanity, and whom, at no small share of fatigue and expence, he has long invited
to partake of its beneficial effects without any other reward, than the self-consciousness of doing good, and abating the virulence of a disorder so universally incident to the human frame.
INDICATION OF A HARD WINTER.
Previously to the setting in of a severe winter, nature, in her bounty, has been always observed to have provided an uncommon store of wild brier fruits, as a nourishment to the smaller birds, who would otherwise perish, a vast carpet of snow spreading itself over the ground, so as to prevent their coming at the worms, &c. on which they are accustomed to feed.
State of New-York,
In Senate, April 6, 1790.
RESOLVED, (if the hon. Assembly concur herein) that this legislature highly approve of the laudable exertions of Messrs Hodge, Allen and Campbell, Booksellers in New-York, to promote the industry and manufactures of America, by printing a correct and neat edition of Dr. John Brown's FOLIO FAMILY BIBLE, illustrated with short notes and annotations, so cautiously expressed as not to give offence to any denomination of christians, and hope they may meet with sufficient encouragement to complete their undertaking, whereby the public may be supplied with this edition much cheaper than can be imported.
Ordered, That Mr. Livingston and Mr. Michaux deliver a copy of the preceding resolution to the hon. the Assembly, and request their concurrence. By order, (Signed) A. B. BANCER, Clerk.
State of New-York,
In Assembly, April 6th, 1790.
Resolved, That this house do concur with the hon. the Senate in the said resolution.
Ordered, That Mr. John Livingston and Mr. Carman deliver a copy of the preceding resolution of concurrence to the hon. the Senate. A Copy (Signed) JOHN M'KESSON, Clerk.
THE subscribers having received the countenance of the Legislature of this State, as well as encouragement from the principal Clergymen and heads of the different departments of government, in the prosecution of Brown's Folio Family Bible, solicit the patronage and support of their fellow-citizens throughout the United States; and beg leave to assure them that the work will be performed in such a manner as will give the utmost satisfaction to subscribers and be an honor to the rising manufactures of America.
This Bible is regarded by competent judges of various denominations, as well calculated for the purpose of furnishing a complete repository of gospel information, and that its only object is the promulgation of christian knowledge. Those who propose to become encouragers to the work, are earnestly requested to be expeditious in coming forward, as an accurate list of their names will be printed with the first number. The first number will appear early in June, and the greatest regard paid in having the succeeding numbers published regularly every fortnight according to their proposals.
ROBERT HODGE,
THOMAS ALLEN,
SAMUEL CAMPBELL.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
   APRIL 17.—DOLLARS at 83.     JAMAICA Spirits, 5/3 Do. 22 inch do. 11 6/   Antigua Rum, 4/9 a 5/ Do. 18 inch do. 18/   St. Croix, do. 4/4 Butt white oak staves, 35/   Country, do. 3/ Pipe do. do. 9/   Molasses, 2/ Hoghead do. do. 61 10/   Brandy, 6/6 a 6/3 Do. do. heading, 8/   Geneva, 5/ Irish barrel do. staves, 3/ 5/   Do. in cases, 28/ Hoghead red oak do. 3/ 5/   Muscovado Sugar, 80/ a 72/ Do. French do. 5/   Loaf, do. 1/3 Hoghead hoops, 4/   Lump, do. 1/1 1/2 White oak square timber 10/   Pepper, 3/3 per square foot,   Pimento, 1/ a 1/4 Red wood, per ton, 20/   Coffee, 1/3 Fustick, 10/   Indigo, (Carolina) 3/ a 6/ Beaver, per lb. 12/ a 16/   Do. French, 18/ Otter per skin, 9/ 3/   Rice, 23/ Grey fox, 4/7   Superfine Flour, 64/ Martin, 4/10   Common do. 58/ Raccoon, 3/6 a 7/6   Rye do. 26/ a 28/ Muskrat, 10/ a 14/   Indian Meal, 18/ 20/ Beaver hats, 64/   Rye, 4/9 pr. bush. Castor do. 48/   Wheat, 13/ a 12/ Chocolate, 14/   Corn, (Southern) 4/ Cocoa, 70/ a 80/   Do. (Northern,) 4/6 a 4/9 Cotton, 1/9   Beef, first quality, 45/ a 48/ Tar, pr. barrel, 10/   Pork, first quality, 70/ a 75/ Pitch, 14/   Oats, 1/7 Turpentine, 18/ a 20/   Flax-seed, 5/ Tobacco, James River, 3d. 23/4   Ship bread per cwt. 21/ Do. York, 4d. a 3 3/4   Country refined } 28/ a 30/ Do. Rappahannock, 2d a 3 3/4   bar-iron, } 28/ a 30/ Do. Maryland, coloured, 5 3/4   Do. bloemery, 25/ a 26/ Do. Western-shore, 2d a 3 3/4   Swedes do. 45/ Lead in pigs, pr cwt. 60/   Russia do. 30/ Do. bars, 68/   Pig-iron, 8/ 10/ a 9/ Do. Shot, 68/   German steel, 9d. per lb. Red lead, 68/   Nails American, by cask, } 14/ White do. dry, 95/   per lb. 4d. White do. in oil, 5/ 12/   Do. do. do. 6d. 12/ Salt-petre hams, 7 1/2/   Do. do. do. 8d. 9 3/4 Spermaceti candles, 3/   Do. do. do. 10d. } 10/ Mould do. 11/ a 1/   Do. do. do. 12d. } 7 1/2/ a 8 3/4 Tallow dipt, 9 3/4   Do. do. do. 20d. } 10/ Soap, 5d. a 8d.   Do. do. do. 24d. } 10/ Castile soap, 9d. a 10d.   Pot ash, per ton, 39/ a 40/ English cheese, pr. lb. 13/   Pearl ash, 48/ a 50/ Country do. 5d.   Bees-wax per lb. 2/ Butter, 10d.   Mackarel per barr. 26/ a 30/ Hylton tea, 9/6 a 10/   Herrings, 18/ Sequin do. 6/6   Mahogany, Jamaica, } 10/ Bohea do. 2/6   per foot, Gimfeng, 2/ a 2/6   Dominico, do. 9d. Starch Poland, 7d.   Honduras, do. 7d. Snuff, 2/3   Logwood unchipped, pr. ton, 8/ Allum salt, water mens } 3/6   Do. chipped, 14/ sure, pr. bush.   2 inch white oak } 10/ 10/ Liverpool do. 2/   plank, per m. Madeira wine, } 60/ a 90/   1 inch do. 5/ pr. pipe,   2 inch white pine plank, 8/ Port, 46/   1 1/2 inch do. 6/ 10/ Lisbon, pr. gal. 5/   1 inch do. 3/ 10/ Teneriff, 4/   2 inch pitch pine do. 10/ Fyall, 3/3   1 1/2 inch do. 6/ 10/ Dutch gun-powder, pr. cwt. 8/   1 inch do. 4/ Nail rods, pr. ton, 34/ 36/   Pitch pine scantling, 3/ 8/ Lintseed oil, pr. gal. 4/   Cyprus 2 feet shingles, 11/ 10/ Whale do. pr. barrel, 50/ 45/   Do. 22 inch do. 1/ 8/ Spermaceti do. 6/   Cedar 2 inch do. 1/ 10/ Shake-down hds. 3/6  
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market,
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLIC
SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual.
New-York, April 8, 1790.