The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-12-31 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XXVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 31st, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
CONSIDERATIONS
On the Government of the TERRITORY of COLUMBIA.
No. IV.
HAVING in the preceding numbers sketched a plan both for the general and local government of the Territory, it will remain in this number to add a few considerations addressed to the inhabitants of the Territory, to satisfy their minds that this government either is, or would certainly in the course of its operations become, adequate to the management of all its concerns.
The mind must be callous to the prosperity of the Territory, that does not at once and explicitly allow the necessity of a total separation of it from the respective states from which it was taken. A volume might be written to demonstrate the truth of this assertion in every point that it embraces: but it is conceived that a single ray of patriotic ardor for its interest will bring conviction to every heart, and that those who do not feel its truth are actuated by other considerations than a desire to promote the wealth, honor and advantage, which ought in the natural course of human affairs to attend the metropolis of so great a country as the United States.
What man attached to freedom will say that the people of this Territory ought to be lost in the general mass; and to be without any participation in the Federal Government? What considerate mind will deny that it is better for this purpose that it should be placed constitutionally on the footing that has been proposed; than that the favor should be dispensed partially, and in such a way as not to be felt, by two individual States?
Where is the man who can believe that its local interests can better be confided to those states; than to all the states at large, and to its own inhabitants?
Conceiving that no further representations need to be made on these two heads, I shall confine myself principally in this number to one subject which has occurred to every mind; and respecting which an opinion from what erroneous has prevailed.
It has been obvious to every person, on first view of the subject, that a police is necessary in the city of Washington, in Alexandria, and in George Town. All cities and large towns require such a police; and without it none can flourish, or afford an elegant and commodious residence.
But it has been generally imagined that a separate and corporate body of magistracy is necessary for each of these places. In framing this opinion no regard has been had to the country out of their limits. Perhaps there has been a desire to abandon this to the states as of no value; perhaps it was thought of no consequence to leave this in anarchy.
I trust that I have used arguments sufficient to produce conviction on every unprejudiced mind, that it is contrary to the spirit of the constitution, to the letter of it, and to the best interests of the Territory, to leave a single inch of it in the possession of the states; but that the Federal Government should have the sovereign exclusive jurisdiction.
The idea of corporations has occurred from a comparison of these places with others of a similar kind, as Philadelphia, or Baltimore; and were the situation of the towns in the Territory in the least similar to those, the idea would be natural and proper enough.
But it must be remembered that the towns in the Territory are leagued in a common interest; which is not the case in other places where there is a discontinuity; and that the country is a partaker of this interest. Hence for the regulation of local matters in the Territory there is requisite a general superintending authority, such in some measure, as connects discontinuous towns in the same state, as Philadelphia and Pittsburgh in Pennsylvania; An-
napolis and Baltimore in Maryland. Without this, the resources and exertions of the whole Territory never can be drawn forth and applied to any one object; but its several parts, always in collision, and drawing two different ways, must occasion a sacrifice of all general to particular interests.
I trust that experience will demonstrate that a numerous and respectable legislature for the whole Territory will entirely supersede the necessity of separate deliberative bodies; and that it will be found in its application the most equitable, impartial, and effective depository of authority, and the least expensive.
If the Territory is divided, in its present situation, into five precincts, such as are designated in the appendix to number 3, with a Sheriff and Aldermen or Justices in each, invested with such executive and judicial powers as the legislature may from time to time prescribe, will not every object, under the superintending care of the legislature, be attained with ease, effect and economy?
In order to be perfectly satisfied let us descend to particulars.
Before this can be done it is necessary to draw a line between such disbursements and expenditures as may properly be expected from the federal Government; and such as ought to be properly chargeable on the inhabitants themselves.
The committee who reported the bill have not adverted to this subject. They have cut the Gordian knot of all difficulties by a lethargic apathy; and a refusal to investigate any thing. Is it that they imagine the affairs of this Metropolis will fall into order by the mere diurnal and annual revolutions of the earth, without the aid of human interpolation; or that its inhabitants, like a flock of flocks, can be governed by some physical instinct, without the precarious aid of reason? Or do they intend that the resources of the Federal Government shall be lavished for the wants of this favorite child, the door of its Treasury kept open, and its every wish gratified on request.
If this latter should be intended, whatever acknowledgements we may owe for such benevolence, I trust that the inhabitants of the Territory will have good sense enough to perceive that, it is the most fatal stab which can be given to their interests; and pride enough to feel that it is both an appeal to their poverty and insignificance, and the seal of it forever.
This territory is possessed at present of resources as adequate in proportion to its own exigencies as any other part of the United States; and if it is not oppressed by a distracted inefficient government it will soon be more so. Every inhabitant ought to pride himself in this pecuniary independence; and to discourage a constant application to Congress for donations and charities, which cannot fail in the end to make every state in the Union our enemy.
Yet there are certain expenditures properly to be expected from the Federal Government. The erection and keeping in repair of the President's, the Capitol, and the buildings which will be necessary for the judiciary of the United States; the formation of public dock yards, and a naval hospital; the construction of the great canal; the improvement of the public gardens; the erection and preservation of honorary memorials for their distinguished men of science, statesmen, generals, or admirals; the institution of a national university; these and a variety of similar calls, which may be imagined with more ease than they can be enumerated, are undoubtedly the affairs of the nation, to promote its advantage, or to gratify its taste; and this territory alone ought not to be oppressed with the burthen.
But as many other objects again are for our use, our convenience, to promote our advantage, or to gratify our pride. The paving and lighting of streets, the regulation of buildings and wharves, the institution of hospitals and lazarettoes, the regulation of hackney coaches, the maintenance of bridges and ferries, the erection of prisons and penitentiads, these and a great variety of objects, which cannot now in the infancy of our metropolis, and indeed
of our nation, be foreseen or imagined, but which will come with pressing urgency long before it shall have obtained the age of London or Paris, will constitute a series of calls requiring unremitted attention, management, and economy. Some of them in fact are the wants of posterity; and not of the present age. But we must consider, and that consideration must be attended with pain as well as pleasure, that we are legislating for posterity as well as for ourselves; and that the interest of millions unborn is confided to our hands. It is all important in all affairs to begin right, to take a comprehensive circumspicuous view, to build the mound, to lay out the channel, before the great tide rolls in, unexpected and unmanageable.
For the attainment of any such object, let us examine the course it must pursue under the arrangement which has been proposed.
An object of expense is either for the benefit of the whole territory, and therefore properly chargeable on the whole inhabitants; or it is for the particular benefit of a part, and therefore properly chargeable on such part. What tribunal is more proper to draw the line between these distinctions than the legislature of the whole? What authority is more competent to apply the burden where it ought to be felt, with justice, equity, impartiality and effect, than the legislature of the whole? How easy is it for it in the collection of its taxation for the wants of the whole territory, to add a special assessment for the wants of some particular part. If some object is to be carried into immediate execution, how easy it is to appoint a commissioner with executive powers only, retaining all the deliberative in the legislature? If a general and permanent aid to the powers of the sheriff and aldermen should be found necessary, how easy is it to add a mayor, with executive powers only? In short every step we advance renders the subject so plain, and so clear, that further arguments may be superfluous, but cannot illustrate.
Before I conclude, I shall add one word on two smaller concerns; which it may not be superfluous to advert to.
The one is the interests of certain political pecuniary, & literary, institutions, within the territory, which have been erected by the states; and which may fear a fall in the transition from one government to another.
These institutions are principally the corporate bodies of Alexandria and George Town: the banks of Alexandria and Columbia: the university of St. Mary's: the Library Company of Alexandria.
With respect to the two first it may be observed that all their judicial powers will of course be absorbed in the judicial system of the territory. Their executive powers will probably be revived, under a modification improved, and not deteriorated.
With respect to the Banks of Alexandria and Columbia, a confidence may be entertained, without a shadow of apprehension, that their charters will not be disturbed. They may both expect to gain by the change. The federal government, and a legislature of their own, may be expected to afford a more liberal and solid patronage than the state governments.
The Library Company of Alexandria, so far from being affected, will probably have the pleasure of seeing their example followed, and the same attention paid to literature in the other parts of the Territory.
All these institutions ought to exhibit a manly confidence; to betray no selfishness, no jealousy. They ought to embark with the same courage in the common cause. There cannot be a doubt that time, whose steps are steady, even when they are slow, will reconcile all interests, and establish harmony and reciprocity.
With respect to the University of St. Mary's, it may be proper to say little. An institution of this kind will be fostered in every republican government. It would be insanity in it to dread annihilation, robbery, or spoliation. If any alteration takes place respecting it; it cannot fail to be for the better, and not for the worse.
The other point to which I alluded is the expense of the government proposed.
In all undertakings it is proper to begin with moderation and parsimony. The salary of the governor is properly chargeable to the United States. All officers created by the laws of the territory ought to be paid from their proper resources. The expense of the executive and judicial establishment would be so small, so little different from what in one way or other is now actually attached to it, that when every thing is considered it would not be difficult to shew that the quantum of real expenditure is in fact diminished.
The principal expense will attend the legislature. Here we must be minute. This body is not intended for a school of eloquence; for the popular and florid harangue. It is an association of men of business, whose time is precious to them, and that of their constituents. Presuming that in a body, whose members would be so near each other; who would have so frequent opportunities to discuss and consult with their constituents, and with one another, on public concerns, ten or fifteen days twice in the year, would be amply sufficient for their sessions, the expense could not be oppressive. They ought to receive for their services as much as will defray the expenses of their absence from their families; but no more.
It is probable that if necessity required it, the first legislature would serve without pay. Admit that it should average one thousand dollars in the year, this is the price of acquittal from all the taxation of Virginia and Maryland. Those who have felt that taxation can best judge how cheap the purchase is made. It should be remembered too that every burden becomes lighter, as the population advances; and that taxation would diminish, as to each individual, while the expenses of the government were increasing.
I shall now conclude these considerations. I have been led to a length which the subject did not promise at first; but which I conceive is not greater than the case will justify. If my sentiments are not adopted, the presentation of them can be attended with no disadvantage to the inhabitants of that territory, for whose benefit they were intended. If a temporising, unstable, and incomplete system is preserved, I shall only have to lament the essential prejudice which in my best judgment its interests will sustain; but my mind will not feel a diminution of one impulse to one exertion, which an humble and unaspining citizen can contribute towards its welfare.
EPAMINONDAS.
City of Washington, December 23d, 1800.
APPENDIX. No. I.
A Copy of the Bill reported by the committee.
"A bill concerning the District of Columbia.
"Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled.—That the laws of the state of Virginia as they existed on the first Monday of December in the year 1800 shall be and continue in force in that part of the District of Columbia which was ceded by the said state to the United States, & by them accepted for the permanent seat of government; and that the laws of the state of Maryland, as they existed on the said first Monday in December, shall be and continue in force in that part of the said district which was ceded by that state to the United States, and by them accepted as aforesaid.
"Section 2. And be it further enacted.—That all executive and judicial officers, appointed by the respective states of Virginia and Maryland, and who had jurisdiction in or over the said district, or any part thereof, on the said first Monday in December, according to the tenor of the constitution and laws of the said state, shall continue to hold and exercise such jurisdiction until removed by the President of the United States; and that the appointment of all such officers hereafter shall be made in the manner designated by the second

section of the second article of the constitution of the United States. "Section 3. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained shall in any wise alter, impeach or impair the rights granted by or derived from the acts of incorporation of Alexandria and George-Town, or any other body corporate or politic within the said district."
Extract from the Act of Congress of July 16th 1790."
"Provided that the operation of the laws of the State within such District shall not be affected by this acceptance, until the time fixed for the removal of the government thereto, and until Congress shall otherwise by law provide."
APPENDIX No. II.
Form of a resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution.
"Resolved that the following be recommended to the Legislatures of the several States as an Article in addition to, and amendment of the Constitution of the United States."
ARTICLE.
"The Territory of Columbia shall be entitled to one Senator in the Senate of the United States; and to a number of members in the House of Representatives proportionate to its population. Before it shall have attained a population sufficient to entitle it to one representative it shall be entitled to a member, who shall have the right to deliberate and receive pay, but not to vote. It shall also be entitled to one elector for a President and Vice President of the United States, until it shall have attained a sufficient population to entitle it to one representative; and then it shall be entitled to an additional elector for every representative."
APPENDIX, No. III.
[Form of an act, which if it should, in the outline, meet the approbation of any Senator, or Representative, is recommended to be adopted by him, its faults corrected, and an attempt made to substitute it for the bill reported by the committee.]
An Act to establish a government for the Territory of Columbia.
SEC. 1. Be it enacted, &c. That there shall be within the Territory of Columbia a Legislature, which shall be composed of a senate and assembly. The senate shall consist of sixteen, and the assembly of forty, members, as soon as the Territory shall contain thirty thousand inhabitants; and previous to such period of one half of those numbers respectively. The senate shall be divided at its first meeting into four classes, the seats of one of which shall expire annually, and the assembly shall be chosen annually. The legislature shall hold two stated sessions in every year, on the first Monday in June, and the first Monday in December. No person shall be a senator or assemblyman who shall not be at the time of his election twenty-one years of age, a citizen of the United States of America, and in good faith a resident within the Territory of Columbia if a senator, and within that precinct thereof for which he shall be elected if a member of assembly. No person shall be a senator or assemblyman who shall hold any office, legislative, executive, or judicial, diplomatic or consular, under the United States; or any office, legislative, executive, or judicial, under any state; or any office, executive, or judicial under the Territory. Each house shall elect its own speaker, and be the judge of the returns and qualifications of its own members.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That there shall be a governor of the Territory of Columbia, who shall be nominated by the president of the United States, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate of the United States appointed and commissioned by him. The governor shall hold his office during the pleasure of the president of the United States for the time being. No person shall be governor, who shall not be at the time of his appointment twenty-one years of age, a citizen of the United States of America, and in good faith a resident within the Territory of Columbia. The governor shall be incapable during his continuance in office of holding any other office or appointment under the United States, any individual State, or the Territory of Columbia. He shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate of the Territory shall appoint and commission, all executive and judicial officers under the Territory; and shall be commander in chief of the militia thereof; and he shall receive from the treasury of the United States, as a com-
penetration for his services, an annual salary of one hundred dollars, payable quarterly.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That every bill passed by the senate and assembly before it become a law, and every order, resolution or vote to which the concurrence of both houses shall be necessary before it take effect, shall be presented to the governor. If he approve he shall sign it; but if not he shall return it with his objections in writing within ten days to the assembly; and if he shall keep the same ten days without his returning it, or if after such return it shall be re-passed by two thirds of both houses, it shall be a law and take effect.
SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the legislature shall have power to lay and collect taxes within the said Territory, not being excises, imposts on goods, wares and merchandizes, or duties on the tonnage of ships or vessels; and generally to pass all laws which shall be needful for the government and police of the said Territory, or any part thereof, not contravening the constitution of the United States, any treaty made or to be made with any foreign nation, or any law passed or to be passed by the Congress of the United States: but all laws made and passed in the said Territory shall be repealable by the Congress of the United States, and the Congress of the United States may at any time make or prescribe any law or regulation within the said Territory, any law or regulation made in the same notwithstanding.
SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That there shall be a court of justice for the said territory, which shall be termed the General Court, and which shall possess original common law and equity jurisdiction in all cases whatsoever, subject to appeal from the judgments thereof in all cases, both on the law, and on the fact, to the supreme court of the United States, under such regulations as may be provided; and that there shall be a limited number of aldermen or justices in such parts of the said territory as the legislature thereof shall prescribe, who shall have power to render judgments in all controversies where the debt or damage shall not exceed one hundred dollars, and to be attended by a jury of six freeholders for the trial of fact and ascertainment of damage; provided that appeals shall lie from such judgments, in all cases whatsoever, both on the law, and on the fact, to the General Court of the Territory, under such regulations as may be provided.
SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That all the public ground lying and being in the city of Washington, and bounded as follows, to wit, beginning at the intersection of South E street and South Capitol street, and running thence along South E street to its intersection with East First street, thence down East First street till it is diagonally opposite to the south-west corner of square seven hundred and thirty-six, thence at right angles with East First street eastwardly to the intersection of East Second street and the South-Carolina Avenue, thence along the South-Carolina Avenue to its intersection with East Third street, thence down East Third street to its intersection with the Virginia Avenue, thence along the Virginia Avenue to its intersection with East Second street, and South H street, thence along South H street to its intersection with West One Half street, thence along West One Half street to its intersection with the Virginia Avenue, thence along the Virginia Avenue to its intersection with South Capitol street, and thence along South Capitol street to the beginning, shall be vested in the legislature of the Territory of Columbia, and shall be and remain forever to the use of the said Territory, for the erection of public buildings, and shall be the permanent seat of the government of the said Territory.
SEC. 7. And be it further enacted that for the purpose of giving immediate effect to this government a governor shall be appointed as soon as may be after the passing of this act; and the governor as soon as may be after his appointment shall appoint and commission a proper person to be sheriff for a precinct which shall be termed Washington Precinct, and shall be composed of the City of Washington, another for a precinct which shall be termed Alexandria Precinct, and shall be composed of the town of Alexandria, another for a precinct which shall be termed George-Town Precinct, and shall be composed of the corporate limits of George-Town, another for a precinct which shall be termed North Precinct, and shall be composed of so much of the Territory of Columbia, lying North and East of the Patowmac, as shall not be included in Washington and George-Town Precincts, and another for a precinct which shall be termed South Precinct, and shall be composed of so much of the Territory of Columbia, ly-
ing South and West of the Patowmac, as shall not be included in Alexandria Precinct. On the fourth Monday in April, in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, each of the said sheriffs shall hold an election within his precinct for senators and assembly-men. The election for Washington Precinct shall be held at the house of William Tunnicliff in the city of Washington, for Alexandria Precinct at the house of Peter Heiskell in the town of Alexandria, for George-Town Precinct at the house of George Semmes in George-Town, for North Precinct at the House of Boyd, and for South Precinct at the house of Clement Sewal. The polls shall be opened at noon on the said day, and shall be closed at sun-set on the succeeding day.
Every male person, of the age of twenty-one years, being a citizen of the United States of America, and in good faith a resident within the precinct in which he offers to poll, shall be entitled to vote. If the sheriff does not know or believe any person offering to poll to be so qualified, he is hereby empowered to administer to such person an oath or affirmation in the following words: "you do swear," or affirm, "that you are twenty-one years of age, a citizen of the United States of America, and in good faith a resident within this precinct." Every voter shall deliver to the sheriff a ticket on paper written or printed, which shall contain the names of eight persons of the age of twenty-one years, being citizens of the United States of America, and in good faith resident within the Territory of Columbia, to be senators for the said Territory, and such ticket shall be endorsed with the name of the voter. Every voter shall also deliver to the sheriff a like ticket so endorsed containing the names in Washington Precinct of four, in Alexandria Precinct of five, in George-Town Precinct of four, in North Precinct of three, and in South Precinct of four, persons, being of the age of twenty-one years, citizens of the United States of America, and in good faith resident within the said precincts respectively. The sheriff shall as soon as may be after the closing of the polls count the votes, and shall certify to the governor the number of votes for each person, and shall return with the said certificates all the original tickets, and the persons having the greater number of votes shall be senators and assembly men for the said territory until the thirtieth day of December, which shall be in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, and thence to the general annual election which shall be provided in and for the said territory. The Governor or shall convene the legislature on the first Monday in June in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, and shall deliver to each house the certificates and tickets of its own members. Such session shall be held in the Capitol in the City of Washington, and the Governor is hereby empowered to take such measures for the preservation of the chambers and furniture thereof while in the occupation of the legislature, as he shall deem expedient. The legislature shall afterwards, and until convenient buildings are provided on the ground appropriated to the territory, meet at such place or places within the City of Washington as they shall deem expedient.
SEC. 8. And be it further enacted that no tax imposed by the state of Virginia, or the state of Maryland, on persons or property within the territory of Columbia, and becoming due after the first Monday in December one thousand eight hundred, shall be collected or take effect within the said territory; provided nevertheless, that the proper officers of either state shall have full power to collect all taxes and public dues which shall have become due previous to the first Monday in December one thousand eight hundred, in the same manner as they might have done previous to the passing of this act.
SEC. 9. And be it further enacted that the powers and duties of the commissioners appointed under the act of congress, entitled "An Act for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of the government of the United States, passed on the sixteenth day of July in the year one thousand eight hundred and ninety, shall cease and determine on the first Monday in April in the year one thousand eight hundred and one; and the said commissioners and every other person or persons, on or before the said day shall deliver to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States for the time being all records, books, documents and public papers, or property of any kind whatever in their possession, relative to the City of Washington or the territory of Columbia. The said secretary shall retain in his possession all the said records, documents or papers which evidence the rights of the United States to any ground or public buildings within the City of Washington or the Territory of Columbia.
the property whereof is vested in the United States; and all accounts and vouchers relative to the same; and shall deliver all other records, books, documents and papers to the Governor of the Territory of Columbia on or before the first Monday in June in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, and the said Governor shall on that day, or as soon as may be thereafter deliver the same to the Assembly of the territory. The Secretary of the Treasury of the United States for the time being shall be custos and curator of all the property of the United States in the City of Washington and the territory of Columbia; and shall manage and transact all pecuniary concerns relative to the said property under the direction of the President of the United States for the time being.
OCCASIONAL LETTERS, No. I.
ON THE MAUSOLEUM.
You ask my opinion of the mausoleum, proposed for general Washington—I think it unfortunate that it has been thought of. Mausoleums are frequent in despotic governments, in the Eastern World, but by no means appropriate to the great character, it is meant to honor here. They take their name from a superb tomb, built by Artemisia, queen of Caria, in memory of her husband MAUSOLUS, and saving only their superbness and expense, are nothing more than common tombs, and if one is erected in the city of Washington, it will probably, hereafter, become the Burying-place of eminent characters who may die here. For it is not to be supposed that we are never to have another President, worthy of funeral honors, or that party spirit will not hereafter decree that its favorite shall have equal honor, in being buried in the same tomb, with the First President of the Nation. He must know little of the history of mankind, and of the operations of their passions, in society, who does not see that the erection of a mausoleum, as is proposed, instead of being appropriate, to the contemplated object of it, will only be the commencement of a Burying-place, for other characters, as is universally the case where mausoleums have been erected, in India, and other parts of Asia where they are frequent. In this view therefore there is nothing of taste, clegance, or honor, in a mausoleum appropriate to the hero and sage of our country. AUGUSTUS CÆSAR, first emperor of the Romans, possessed the public felicity than had ever been known before. The people felt their happiness, and justly ascribed it to the prudence of his conduct. His death was therefore universally lamented, and all possible honor done his memory. Among other things it was proposed, in the Roman senate, that he should be DEIFIED, for public adoration. It was objected to as impious, and that if he had this honor it must be given to every succeeding emperor, however unworthy. It was said, in reply, there never would be another AUGUSTUS, and the public voice therefore would never DEIFY another. But every man who has read history, knows the same honor was decreed to a Nero, a Caligula, a Domitian, and other devourers of the species. Monsters who sported with the lives and feelings of men, and whose hideous characters and memories are execrated by all mankind.
But a mausoleum is objectionable, on the ground of its expense, and its natural tendency to beget disgust and disaffection to the government which votes it. An apprehension of an unnecessary increase of the National debt, and of great extravagance, in the expenditure of the public money, which has made it necessary to borrow, according to the information of the secretary of the treasury, two millions, five hundred and seventy-five thousand, one hundred and thirty-one dollars, and seventy-four cents, on the loans authorised July 16th, 1798, and May 7th, 1800, for the service of the first three quarters of the year 1800—has had a powerful effect, on the public mind, and has been the cause of the change of the administration.—The people of the United States, can never be reconciled to hiring money, at eight per cent interest, to be squandered away, without the least use or benefit. That government retains most the affections of the people at large, which seeks their happiness, without oppressing them with taxes for vain expenses and useless parade.—Men who believe that the government is respectable and good, in proportion to its cost, its parade and expenditures, when supported by op-

pressive taxation, calculate on no better principles than dishonest men, who are bankrupts, and never expect to pay, but will buy goods to sell at auction, or who sell for cash bills of exchange which they know will not be accepted, or who get credit for goods, open shop, set up a carriage, and live like a prince, on the property of others, (a short time however) and then sink without pity in contempt, distress and ruin. Two hundred thousand dollars, is the sum proposed to be expended—The probability however is, that if the mausoleum be begun, on the dimension proposed, by the House of Representatives, that it will eventually cost more than a million of dollars. The witnesses of the people to pay the expense, be it more or less, will depend on their opinion of the propriety and usefulness of the expenditure. A very great proportion of them think of it, as historians have universally thought of the pyramids of Egypt, who have called them "contemptible and ridiculous." "Regum pecunie otiosa ac statua ostentatio." "A foolish and useless ostentation of wealth." And Pliny has remarked that by a just punishment the memory of those who erected them is buried in oblivion. He says historians do not agree among themselves about the names of those who raised those VAIN MONUMENTS—"Inter eos non constat a quibus facte sint justissimo casu obliteratis, TANTÆ VANITATIS Auctori-bus." But all the historians agree in this remarkable fact, which ought to be a warning against all similar folly;—"That the public hatred, which the kings of Egypt incurred, by laying the task of building those pyramids upon their subjects, occasioned their being buried, in some obscure place, to prevent their bodies from being exposed to the fury and vengeance of the populace." Vid. Diod. lib. 1. p. 40. "This," says an excellent historian, "teaches us what judgment we ought to pass on these kind of edifices, and on those princes who considered as something grand, the raising, by a multitude of hands, and by the help of money, immense structures, with the sole view of rendering their names immortal, and who did not scruple to destroy thousands of their subjects, to satiate their vain glory. They differed very much from the Romans, who fought to immortalize themselves, by works of a magnificent kind, but at the same time of public utility."
These quotations from history are in point against the proposed mausoleum, and the feelings of our country are also against it. How otherwise can we account for the opposition of almost one half of the House of Representatives, and the general and universal reprobation it has met with, so far as the sentiments of the people are known. Supposing that this grand pile of rocks, wanted (by the way) for the canal, the cellars, the wharves, and the public buildings of the city, and which cannot be purchased in the silent beds where nature has placed them, unless at an high price, should with vast labour and expense, be dragged from the banks of the Potomack, and be placed pyramid like in some conspicuous square of the city, will not the first reflection of every visitant here, however he may love and revere the memory of its most illustrious founder, be like those of all persons who have viewed and spoken of the pyramids of Egypt! Will he not say, in spite of himself, how much better would it have been for our country, if the money expended in erecting this uncouth and useless pile of rocks, had been appropriated in the establishment and endowment of a NATIONAL HOSPITAL for our sick, wounded, or crippled seamen, or for the establishment and endowment of a NATIONAL UNIVERSITY in this city, so ardently wished for, and so repeatedly and strongly recommended by our beloved Washington in his address to congress—Will he not feel disagreeably and reprobate the mausoleum, as an ill-judged effort to shew respect to a character exalted beyond the reach of obloquy or praise; not to be honoured by a pile of rocks, however huge and massy, or however polished and ornamented. Will he not think that every attempt of this kind would be as useless and ridiculous, as lighting a candle in the full noon-day blaze of the sun, with a view of adding to its effulgence. No, so far from honouring the great name of Washington, it is dishonouring it. As if his virtues, his glory, and his fame, which have spread through the world a lustre, never to be tarnished or forgotten, and which will go down the long stream of time, with increasing honor and veneration to the latest ages of posterity, stood in need of an odious tax, to be gratefully remembered by his country.
Was he my father, was he my friend, to whose memory I wished to have all possible honor shown by his country, I would request no more than was proposed by the resolution of the two houses of Congress at the last session, "That a Marble Monument be erected by the United States, in the City of Washington, and his remains deposited under it, and so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and public life." This should be neat, plain and simple, of no great expence, emblematical of the character of this great and illustrious man, who was wise and prudent, and on all occasions careful of the public money, in the expenditure of which, he often recommends the strictest frugality and economy. On this monument should be an inscription, similar to that on the tomb of the Great Frederic of Prussia, containing a sentiment ten thousand times more sublime than any which would be excited by the most superb and expensive Mausoleum.
GEORGIUS WASHINGTON, HIC CINIT, FAMA UBIQUE. GEORGE WASHINGTON. His remains are here—His Tomb pervades the Universe—
There is something inimitably sublime in an inscription like this, for so great a character. It makes the globe a place which he has honored, and the universe a monument of his glory. In a testimonial of respect like this, the whole nation will unite—they have united in it. Why then violate the public feelings, by attempting what the nation and the world will reprobate? It is said, and it is generally believed, that the much loved and much respected family connexions of general Washington, aware of the uneasiness which might arise from an attempt to erect a mausoleum, are averse to the measure, and with the joint resolution of both houses of congress at the last session. To place his remains in the centre of the capitol—in the heart and bosom of the nation, in the place whence the longitude of our country is reckoned, and where its laws are discussed and agreed to, would be expressive of our most affectionate regard, and by a natural association, would lead every legislator and every citizen often to contemplate those virtues which adorn the life of WASHINGTON THE GREAT, and to make them the models of their conduct.
These are my reflections on the subject of the mausoleum. Though written in great haste, I believe they are substantially correct.
I am, &c. Extract of a letter from Colonel Burr, to General Smith, dated NEW YORK, Dec. 16. 1800. "It is highly improbable that I shall have an equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson; but if such should be the result, every man who knows me ought to know that I should utterly disclaim all competition. Be assured that the federal party can entertain no wish for such an exchange. As to my friends, they would dishonor my views, and insult my feelings by a suspicion that I could submit to be instrumental in counteracting the wishes and expectations of the United States—and I now constitute you my proxy, to declare these sentiments if the occasion shall require."
CABINET AND CHAIR MANUFACTORY.
WILSON AND HANDY, HAVE commenced the above business at their shop on New Jersey Avenue between the Episcopal church and Sugar House. As they are confident from the experience they have had in the principal shops in Europe and America, that they shall be able to give general satisfaction to those who will please to favour them with their custom. They have on hand, viz. Secretary Desks, Portable Writing Desks, Dressing Chests, Card Tables, &c N. B. Orders from country or city thankful-ly received and faithfully executed. December 30. 3tiw
BOARDING AND LODGING. My be had for three or four gentlemen during the session of Congress by applying to Mr. Clinton, or at the Three Buildings 4 doors East of the Navy office, to WM. O'NEAL. City of Washington Dec. 8, 1800. 3*
WASHINGTON CITY.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 1st, 1801.
The Editor of the National Intelligencer, finding that it is usual to appropriate, at this season, a day to purposes of relaxation, informs his subscribers that no paper will be issued from his Press on Friday.
The performances, under the signature of Epaminondas, entitled, "Considerations on the Government of the Territory of Columbia," are this day concluded.
To meet the demand of the public for these pieces, they will be presented entire, in the form of a PAMPHLET which will appear on SATURDAY next.
The President has nominated SAMUEL DEXTER Secretary of the Treasury in the room of Oliver Wolcott resigned.
By the latest accounts from Constantinople it appears that the French in Egypt are preparing to attack the Turks in Syria. It is added in private letters that Sir Sidney Smith has employed his influence with Ghazzar Pacha, and has succeeded in reconciling him to the Porte.
By an arrival at Boston, London papers to the 27th October, have been received. The following is a summary of their contents, as given by one of the Boston editors:
Accompanying the British king's speech was the correspondence between France and England, respecting peace; comprising 47 papers. By these it appears, that Citizen O to had proposed to Lord Grenville, an armistice by sea and land; a free navigation to the vessels of both nations, &c. These were considered by Lord Grenville, as calculated solely to benefit France—but to evince the desire of England to commence the work of peace, he proposed an armistice which he considered reciprocal. This has been rejected by the French government; and an overture has been made to the court of London for a separate treaty; which Great Britain true to her engagements with Austria has rejected.
In consequence of the information in the King's speech respecting the facility of provisions, the British House of Commons have passed resolutions for preventing the manufacture of spirits, &c. &c. from corn; and for allowing bounties on the importation of wheat, barley, rye, oats, flour and corn.
Citizen Pichon, (the late Secretary of Legation at the Hague) is appointed French Commissary General, to reside at Philadelphia. We are much indebted to our correspondent for the following valuable communication.
RETURN OF TAXABLES IN PENNSYLVANIA.
   1793. 1800.     1 Philadelphia City, 7088 6625   2 Philad. county, 6885 7919   3 Delaware, 2216 2285   4 Bucks, 4644 5030   5 Montgomery, 4360 4742   6 Chester, 5270 6125   7 Berks, 5511 6325   8 Dauphin, 3481 3982   9 Lancaster, 6409 7831   10 York, 6947 5133   11 Cumberland, 3869 4313   12 Franklin, 3570 3775   13 Northumberland, 3878 4144   14 Mifflin, 2468 1982   15 Luzerne, 1409 2395   16 Northampton, 4697 5316   17 Huntingdon, 1717 2559   18 Bedford, 2881 2317   19 Westmoreland, 3451 4404   20 Fayette, 2844 3779   21 Allegheny, 2510 2501   22 Washington, 5045 5094   Total, 91,150  
NEW COUNTIES.
   23 Adams, 2568   24 Lycoming, 1332   25 Wayne, 573   26 Somerset, 1661   27 Green, 1576   28 Crawford, 587   29 Centre, 1341   30 Beaver, 1009   31 Butler, 871   32 Mercer, 535   33 Venango, 293   34 Erie, 461   35 Warren, 52   36 Armstrong, 144   Total taxables in 1800, 111,612   Increase in seven years, 20,462  
REMARKS—Fourteen new counties have been erected since 1793 which accounts for the apparent decrease of some counties. And from the recent organization of those western counties we may reasonably conclude (if no Indian wars intervene) that the increase will be much greater in the next seven years.
The returns there is reason to fear have not been accurately taken. It being impossible in some of the counties to persuade the inhabitants that this was not some guide for future taxation, which induced them to suppress every name they possibly could.
The slaves which in 1791, amounted to 3737, are now reduced to 1521.
Taking our return of taxables as a basis on the proportions of the former Census, Pennsylvania would now contain 532,884 souls. Which would be an increase of 98,511, since the Federal Census.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, December 30.
A report was received from the secretary of war on the petition of several Canadian refugees. Read and referred to the committee appointed on the same subject.
THE SPEAKER read a letter from the sergeant at arms, stating that in consequence of his execution of the orders of the Speaker in removing JAMES IANE, from the gallery for disorderly behaviour and confining him in the clerk's office till the house rose, he had been arrested by a warrant from a magistrate exercising his authority under the state of Maryland, and had been kept in custody from 10 A. M. to 1 P. M. and had been then liberated in consequence of the failure of the prosecutor to appear.
On the question to appoint a committee of privileges the house divided, Ayes 33, Noes 29.
A committee of five was then appointed, to whom the foregoing letter was referred.
Mr. Claiborne presented to the House, a petition signed by a number of the merchants, and other citizens of the town of Nashville in Tennessee, praying the removal of the Port of Entry from Palmira in that State, to Fort Massac, on the Ohio river.
On motion—The said petition was referred to the committee of commerce.
The committee to whom was referred a resolution on the expediency of repealing an act for the valuation of dwelling houses, &c. made report that it would not be expedient at this time to repeal the said law. Ordered to lie on the table.
A bill for continuing the duty on licenses for selling wine and foreign distilled spirits, and on goods sold at auction and on carriages was read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole house-to-morrow.
The committee of revival and unfinished business, reported the titles of a number of acts soon to expire by their own limitations.
Mr. TALLAFERRO presented an address and remonstrance from the Legislature of Georgia in relation to the western lands of that state, which was ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed for the use of the members.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 31, 1800.
The house went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Morris in the chair, on the bill for continuing an act for imposing duties on licenses for selling wines and on foreign distilled spirits, on goods sold at auction and on carriages.
Mr. Randolph moved an amendment limiting the duration of the act to two years. Lost by the chairman's vote, Ayes 39, Noes, 39.
Mr. Bird moved an amendment, taking from the state courts all cognizance of suits for recovery of dues, under the idea that all such delegation of judicial power was unconstitutional.
After making a number of remarks to this effect, which shall appear in our next, the committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
The house then went into a committee of the whole on the bill in relation to the Territory of Columbia.
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out the first section.
On which motion a debate of considerable interest ensued in which the obligation to assume, as well as the expediency of assuming, the jurisdiction over the territory by the Federal Government, were discussed with much energy. The speakers in favor of the assumption were Messrs. H. Lee, Bird, Craik, Dennis, Harper and C. Goodrich;—those against it were Mr. Randolph and Mr. Nicholas.
On the motion of Mr. Harper, the committee rose and reported progress.
A motion was then made to re-commit the bill to the select committee who introduced it, with the addition of two members, and carried.

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, DEC. 23, 1800.
On the MAUSOLEUM.
(debate continued.)
Mr. JOHN C. SMITH said it had been declared by some gentlemen that the reputation of Washington might be safely confided to the record of history. Was it the opinion of those gentlemen that that record was to be found in the charge of murder against that illustrious character? Was it to be found in the patriotic effusions of men who had pronounced all expressions of national gratitude a mockery of woe, and had declared that it was high time for those who were the sincere apostles of liberty to be done with such folly; or was it to be found in the denunciations of a printer, supported by a state that perpetually boasted its regard to republicanism?
Mr. HARPER could not but regret that a gentleman, who professed so lively a regard for the venerable lady alluded to, should have exhibited in this discussion so glaring a contrast between his professions and his actions, by introducing that lady into the debate, and indirectly expressing her wishes, in reference to the place where the relics of her deceased partner should be deposited. Was it conceivable that to her the place could be of any importance? Or was it possible that this house could be enslaved by the trifling circumstance of the locus in quo , or that the paltry consideration attending an action of trespass could be gravely introduced into such a debate. All that this venerable lady says amounts to this that accustomed from the example of her deceased friend to obey the national wishes, she submitted to that disposition of his remains that Congress may make. Shall we then in violation of the plain meaning of her words, enter into whispers of hearsay respecting wishes, which from his knowledge of her good sense, he was persuaded had never been uttered.
Mr. RANDOLPH rose to explain. He had neither said, nor intended to say, that he possessed any knowledge beside that which appeared on the journals; and from that knowledge he was justified in saying that Mrs. Washington's compliance, as expressed by her, was not with any public will that might be expressed, but with that will which had been already expressed.
Whatever insinuations the gentleman from South Carolina may mean to convey, his feelings of respect for every woman were sacred; nor were they limited to that sex alone. He was not disposed on this occasion to take the advice of the gentleman, who judging me by his own heart, said Mr. Randolph, may imagine me capable of disrespect to the sex.
Mr. HARPER wished the gentleman would avoid any further interruption, and reserve his remarks until he was done. He did not know, nor was he concerned to enquire into, the motives of the gentleman from Virginia. Such enquiry would, of all others, be the least profitable or interesting, either to the house or to himself. Neither had he any idea of giving advice which that gentleman would follow. He well knew that it was the most hopeless of all things to give advice to one, whose own sense of propriety did not tell him what was right. Those, who were incapable of receiving lessons from their own minds or feelings, were not likely to receive them from any other quarter.
The feelings ascribed to Mrs. Washington were unfounded. That lady was incapable of entering into trifling disputes about place or time, such as the house had this day witnessed.
The arguments, by which the superiority of a statue to a mausoleum was attempted to be established, were fallacious. The form and features of our illustrious friend would be preserved without the erection of any statue by us. Pictures by celebrated artists were every where multiplied and caught at with avidity; and the sculptor and the painter will be employed unceasingly to keep pace with the encreasing demand. Likenesses may be found every where, and as perfect on the other side of the Atlantic, as on this side.
A mausoleum would last for ages; and would present the same imperishable appearance 2,000 years hence, that it would now. Whereas a statue would only remain till some civil convulsion or foreign invasion, or flagitious conqueror, or lawless mob should dash it into atoms; or till some invading barbarian should transport it as a trophy of his guilt to a foreign shore.
I have beheld, said Mr. Harper, a monument erected to a man, once considered
as the patron of America, defaced, mutilated, its head broken off, prostrated with the ground.
A statue, erected by the legislature of Virginia to perpetuate the virtues of a man to future ages, had been destroyed.
Besides a statue was minute, trivial, and perishable. It was a monument erected to all that crowd of estimable but subordinate personages, that soar in a region, elevated indeed above common characters, but which was infinitely below that occupied by Washington.
The greatest honor which this country ever has received, the greatest honor which it ever could receive, was derived from numbering with its sons the immortal Washington.
Shall then a mistaken spirit of economy, and a still more mistaken jealousy arrest us. Honor him, it is true, we cannot. The world has charged itself with that task. Posterity as long as the world shall endure will celebrate his virtues and his talents; those virtues and talents of which every ingredient of their happiness will be a perpetual evidence. But though we cannot honor him, we may dishonor ourselves. Though, we cannot increase the lustre of his fame, we may shew our own meanness, cowardice, spite, and malice; and shew an astonished world that we are deplorably unworthy of the high honor conferred by nature in giving us a Washington.
I am, said Mr. Harper, awfully impressed by the subject. I sink under the sublimity that surrounds it. No words can reach it; mine are totally inadequate; to the feelings of the house then it must be submitted; they, after anticipating all that genius or eloquence can say, will still far surpass their boldest effusions.
Mr. RANDOLPH was very unfortunately situated, as he was compelled to rise, not in his own defence, but in defence of the calumniated reputation of that state which he revered, since from it he derived his birth.
I will not, said Mr. Randolph, enter into an elucidation of the motives of the gentleman from South Carolina, which have produced so much asperity, and such a virulence of rancour against the state of Virginia, but will confine myself to the question on engrossing the bill.
The gentleman has talked to us about his disregard for the locus in quo . Mr. Randolph said he cared as little for the locus in quo , as the gentleman did for the locus in quo .
He had further told us that a statue might be overthrown by a licentious mob; and that this had actually been the case in the state of Virginia. But, why had it been so? Because that statue had been erected in the life time of the person it celebrated; because it had been erected under the colonial government; and, because like every other fetter of tyranny it was broken by the revolutionary spirit that established our liberties.
But, says the gentleman, statues are raised for subordinate men, for this admirals or that general, who may deserve well of their country; but who do not merit the highest distinctions of national gratitude. If this measure of raising a mausoleum is to be only a cover for obtaining statues for temporary and secondary and trifling characters, it may have a very alarming influence upon us.
It is not easy for a man of even less sensibility than myself, to hear in silence the state in which I was born, and one of whose representatives I am, calumniated in the manner in which it had been that day by the gentlemen from Connecticut and South Carolina. In defence of that state, actuated by a love to it, and not from any respect to its detractors; not to repel any imputation of meanness, of cowardice, or of malice, which the gentleman from South Carolina had called jura (meaning, I suppose his own), I will inform him, and the gentleman from Connecticut, that this state was the first to celebrate the fame of the hero of America, by erecting a statue to him in the capitol at Richmond.
The gentleman from Connecticut objects to a confidence in the record of the historian. Does the gentleman wish to suppress the history of the political events of 1776? Or does he believe that these events will be handed down in association with the bloody buoy, and Porcupine's works? Perhaps he has formed from his own mind a proper selection for our children; and is against the press handing down any thing else?
Mr. HARPER said, that the gentleman from Virginia had mistated what he had said. He had cast no reflection on the state of Virginia; but had barely stated two instances of statues overthrown and destroyed, to illustrate their frailty.
During the preceding debate Mr. Claiborne stated that the Committee to whom this subject had been committed, had obtained several estimates; among which was one in writing by Dr. Thornton, which states with confidence, that the expense of an Equestrian statue would not exceed from 8,000 to 15,000 pounds currency.
After some remarks from Mr. Shepard and Mr. Lyon, the YEAS and NAYS were taken on engrossing the bill, and were as follows: ayes 44, noes 40.
YEAS.
Messrs. Baer, Bartlett, J. Brown, Champlin, Cooper, Craik, F. Davenport, Dennis, Dent, Dickson, Edmond, Evans, Foster, Freeman, Glen, Goode, C. Goodrich, E. Goodrich, Griswold, Grove, Harper, Henderson, Hill, Huger, Imlay, Kittera, H. Lee, Morris, Nott, Otis, Pinckney, Platt, Powell, J. Reed, N. Read, Rutledge, J. C. Smith, Tenney, Thatcher, J. C. Thomas, R. Thomas, Wadsworth, L. Williams, Woods. 44.
NAYS.
Messrs. Alston, Bailey, Bird, Bishop, R. Brown, Christie, Clay, Claiborne, Condit, J. Davenport, Davis, Dawson, Eggleston, Elmerdorf, Gray, Gregg, Hanna, Heister, Holmes, Jackson, Kitchell, Leib, Lyon, Linn, Macon, Muhlenberg, Randolph, Shepard, F. Smilie, Smith, Spaight, Stanford, Sumter, Taliaferro, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Tazewell, Van Cortlandt, Varnum. 40.
The third reading of the bill was fixed for Thursday week, when the house adjourned to Tuesday the 30th.
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of WASHINGTON.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard.
WILLIAM PROUT.
City of Washington. December 12, 1800. N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kilon of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
20 Dollars Reward.
RAN away from the Subscriber, living in Frederick County, Virginia, a Mulatto boy named Tom, about twenty years of age, of a sturdy make, about five feet nine inches high, he has no particular mark.—He will endeavour to pass for a free man.—He has a mother, a black woman, slave to Mr. Frederic Conrad, living in the Federal City; where it is conjectured he will harbour. The above reward will be paid on his being brought home, or Ten Dollars if procured in any jail and information given to A. LINDO. December, 22. iw3t
Notice is Given
THAT I shall attend at the Eastern Branch Ferry on Monday, the 29th inst. for the purpose of renting the Fishing Landing. If any person should want to rent it, with whom I am not acquainted, security will be required.
JOHN WALLACE, of Wm. December 22, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
TWO gentlemen can be accommodated with genteel Board and Lodging in a good and comfortable Two story Brick house, a few yards from the end of the New Gravel Walk on New Jersey Avenue, and on moderate terms by JAMES VANSANDT. December 28. 3t
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
GRATEFULLY acknowledges the numerous favours conferred on him, and informs his friends and the public that he has entered into partnership with CHARLES VARDEN, likewise from Philadelphia, on Capitol Hill, opposite Mr. CARROL's buildings, where, as well as in Pennsylvania Avenue, between the Presidents House and George Town, from their long and extensive experience in Military, Naval and Fancy dresses, and in Ladies Habits &c. and from their having procured the best of workmen and materials, the utmost taste and punctuality might be expected.
Two apprentices wanted. Washington, Dec 22. tt.
CONRAD & M'MUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. LAW, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey Avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
THE SUBSCRIBER
BEGS leave to inform the Public in general that he has opened a Beef-steak and Oyster House, on Capitol Hill, City of Washington, in the House lately occupied by Brown and Snowden as a Printing Office, a small distance from the Capitol, where Gentlemen may be accommodated at any hour in the day or Evening, with Beef-steaks, Oysters, Sausages &c. at the Shortest notice and on the most reasonable terms. Likewise the Subscriber has taken particular pains to lay in a stock of Good Liquors, and flatters himself that by paying strict attention to the business to Merit the favour of the Public in General. WILLIAM TONKIN. Decembar 23. entf.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
At the Brick Store opposite BLODGETT's Hotel.
HAVE received by the Brig UNION, Capt. Leonard, from Liverpool, a large supply of Crockery Ware. Some of which is well assorted in small casks for the country.
Also, by the same Vessel.
White Lead, ground in oil. Spanish Brown do. Red Lead, Patent yellow, &c. &c. They expect by the Roba and Betsy arrived at Norfolk, an additional Invoice of crockery and a large assortment of Glass ware. All which will be sold at the Philadelphia prices. December 28.
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that two Tracts of land belonging to CHARLES GRANDPRE lying in the County of Pickering in the Mississippi Territory, and adjoining land belonging to Adam Bingaman, are attached by a Foreign attachment at the suit of Joseph Calvet for a debt of 2063 dollars 50 cents JOSEPH CALVET. Nov. 28, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
FIVE or Six gentlemen can be accommodated with Genteel Board and Lodging, in a good and comfortable House, on New-Jersey Avenue, at Mr. Law's former residence. Also good Stabling wherein twenty horses can be accommodated by, SAMUEL BOOTES. Nov. 26th, 1800. 4t.
To RENT.
A Commodious Two Story brick dwelling house on square No. 701—the lot is well inclosed and hath every necessary out house, and is very convenient for a small family—it may be entered on immediately, the terms made known and the premises shown by applying to BENJAMIN MORE. Washington, New Jersey Avenue, December 17, 1800. 3t
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690.
A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chafing dishes, Brass, iron and Japand Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, fad irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pite and cross cut Saws. 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE. November 24th, 1800.
RAN AWAY
FROM the Subscriber on the 10th inst. Negro FIDELIO, well known about the City, and it is thought he is Lurking about Mrs. Young's where he has a wife. I will give a generous reward for having him put in Jail, and One Dollar for flogging him and bringing him home. All persons are also forewarned from crediting any person on my Account, without an order from under my hand, and also from Harbouring my People, or permitting them to cross the Ferrys without a line from, JAMES R. DERMOTT. St. Elizabeth, Dec. 15, 1800. 3t
This day is Published ana for Sale
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE, Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A FEW remarks on Mr. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President, price 25 cents.
The BEGGAR GIRL and her Benefactors 3 Vols. by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh heiress, Juvenile Indiscretions, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howel. price 3 dollars. nearly bound.