Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-07-21 00:00:00

Capt John Rogers
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41 BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 29, of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 21, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 133.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. XV.
First follow nature and your judgment frame By her just standard which is still the same.
THE world grows more enlightened: Knowledge is more equally diffused: News papers, Magazines, and circulating libraries, have made mankind wiser: Titles and distinctions, ranks and orders, parade and ceremony, are all going out of fashion. This is roundly and frequently asserted in the streets, and sometimes on theatres of higher rank. Some truth there is in it: and if the opportunity were temperately improved, to the reformation of abuses, the rectification of errors, and the dissipation of pernicious prejudices, a great advantage it might be. But, on the other hand, false inferences may be drawn from it, which may make mankind wish for the age of Dragons, Giants and Fairies. If all decorum, discipline and subordination are to be destroyed, and universal pyrrhonism, anarchy, and insecurity of property are to be introduced, nations will soon with their books in ashes, seek for darkness and ignorance, superstition and fanaticism, as blessings, and follow the standard of the first mad despot who, with the enthusiasm of another Mahomet, will endeavour to obtain them.
Are riches, honors and beauty going out of fashion? Is not the rage for them, on the contrary, increased faster than improvement, in knowledge? As long as either of these are in vogue, will there not be emulations and rivalries? Does not the increase of knowledge in any man, increase his emulation; and the diffusion of knowledge among men, multiply rivalries? Has the progress of science, arts and letters, yet discovered that there are no passions in human nature? No ambition, avarice and a desire of fame? Are these passions cooled, diminished or extinguished? Is the rage for admiration less ardent in men or women? Have these propensities less a tendency to divisions, controversies, seditions, mutinies, and civil wars, than formerly? On the contrary, the more knowledge is diffused, the more the passions are extended, and the more furious they grow? Had Cicero less vanity, or Cæsar less ambition, for their vast erudition? Had the King of Prussia less of one, than the other? There is no connection in the mind between science and passion, by which the former can extinguish or diminish the latter: it on the contrary sometimes increases them, by giving them exercise. Were the passions of the Romans less vivid, in the age of Pompey, than in the time of Mummius? Are those of the Britons, more moderate at this hour than in the reigns of the Tudors? Are the passions of Monks, the weaker for all their learning? Are not jealousy, envy, hatred, malice and revenge, as well as emulation and ambition, as rancorous in the cells of Carmelites, as in the courts of Princes? Go to the Royal Society of London: is there less emulation for the chair of Sir Isaac Newton, than there was, and commonly will be for all elective presidencies? Is there less animosity and rancour, arising from mutual emulations in that region of science, than there is among the most ignorant of mankind? Go to Paris: how do you find the men of letters? United, friendly, harmonious, meek, humble, modest, charitable? prompt to mutual forbearance? unassuming? ready to acknowledge superior merit? zealous to encourage the first symptoms of genius? Ask Voltaire and Rosseau, Marmontel and De Mably.
The increase and dissemination of knowledge, instead of rendering unnecessary, the checks of emulation and the balances of rivalry, in the orders of society and constitution of government, augment the necessity of both. It becomes the more indispensable, that every man should know his place and be made to keep it. Bad men increase in knowledge as fast as good men, and science, arts, taste, sense and letters, are employed for the purposes of injustice and tyranny, as well as those of law and liberty: for corruption as well as for virtue.
FRENCHMEN! Act and think like yourselves! confessing human nature, be magnanimous and wise. Acknowledging and boasting yourselves to be men, avow the feelings of men. The affectation of being exempted from passions, is inhuman. The grave pretention to such singularity is solemn hypocrisy. Both are unworthy of your frank and generous natures. Consider that government is intended to set bounds to passions
which nature has not limited: and to assist reason, conscience, justice and truth in controlling interests, which, without it, would be as unjust as uncontroulable.
AMERICANS! rejoice, that from experience, you have learned wisdom: and instead of whimsical and fantastical projects, you have adopted a promising essay, towards a well ordered government. Instead of following any foreign examples, to return to the legislation of Solon, contemplate the means of restoring decency, honesty and order in society, by preserving, and compleating, if any thing should be found necessary to compleat, the balance of your government. In a well balanced government, reason, conscience, truth and virtue must be respected by all parties, and exerted for the public good. Advert to the principles on which you commenced that glorious self defence, which, if you behave with steadiness and consistency, may ultimately loosen the chains of all mankind. If you will take the trouble to read over the memorable proceedings of the town of Boston, on the 28th day of October 1772, when the Committee of Correspondence of twenty one persons, was appointed to state the rights of the Colonists as men, as christians and as subjects, and to publish them to the world, with the infringements and violations of them, you will find the great principles of civil and religious liberty, for which you have contended so successfully, and which the world is contending for after your example. I could transcribe with pleasure, the whole of this immortal pamphlet, which is a real picture of the sun of liberty, rising on the human race: but shall select only a few words, more directly to the present purpose. "The first fundamental positive law of all commonwealths or states, is the establishment of the legislative power." Page 9.
"It is absolutely necessary, in a mixed government, like that of this Province, that a due proportion, or balance of power should be established among the several branches of the legislative. Our ancestors received from King William and Queen Mary, a charter, by which it was understood by both parties in the contract, that such a proportion or balance was fixed; and therefore every thing which renders any one branch of the legislative more independent of the other two, than it was originally designed, is an alteration of the Constitution." (To be continued.)
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
PARIS.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE COLONIES, Presented to the National Assembly, in the name of the Committee appointed for that purpose, the 23d March, 1790.
By Mr. BARNAVE, Deputy from Dauphiny.
CONTINUED.
THESE forms being agreed upon, the National Assembly should point out the measures which ought to be pursued, to put them in execution.
The most prompt and most simple appear to be the best; transcription, publication and the authority of tribunals, are in general, means little suitable to the establishment of representative assemblies. They would suit still less in the present circumstances.
It has appeared to the National Assembly, that the diligence of the governor of each colony, secured by the vigilance of the citizens, and by his responsibility, is sufficient to forward proclamations, and fix up in all the parishes, its decrees and instructions.
This form being accomplished, the decrees and instructions being authentically known, the zeal and understanding of the citizens will secure their execution.
They will of themselves form into parochial assemblies—they will verify those who fulfil the conditions required to vote therein—they will calculate the number to ascertain that of the deputies they ought to send to the colonial assembly; they will in short elect these deputies, who shall immediately repair to the central town, pointed out in this instruction, and who, in concert, will there form the colonial assembly, or will transfer it to such place as shall appear most suitable to them.
The only difficulties which can arise, will be such as relate to the colonial assemblies already formed and existing in some of the colonies.
If these assemblies after being informed of the decrees and instructions of the National Assembly, conceive that the forming a new assembly, in conformity to these instructions, is more advantageous to the colony than their own continuation, there is no doubt but that their declaration will be perfectly sufficient, and that they will immediately proceed to new elections.
But if they are not of this opinion, it will be their business to collect the sentiments of the inhabitants in this respect.
The National Assembly has announced that these assemblies can fulfil the functions pointed out by its decrees of the 8th March, whenever they shall have been duly elected and avowed by the citizens.
Far from having by this disposition interdicted the inhabitants of the colonies, the power of choosing between the existing assemblies, and those which may be formed, after the present convocation, the National Assembly has on the contrary implicitly expressed itself.
But even if it had not acknowledged this right, they would have naturally possessed it—and nothing could oblige either the metropolis or the colony to treat together, by the intervention of an assembly which they themselves who had elected it, should not acknowledge.
The question then is to trace a form, agreeable to which this option may be speedily and peaceably effected.
This can only be accomplished by the deliberation of the parishes.
It is necessary therefore that each explains itself, and this object of deliberation ought to be the first business of the parochial assemblies.
In the space of fifteen days, after the proclamation and fixing it up, they shall be bound to announce their wishes, and shall immediately forward them to the governor of the colony, and the colonial assembly.
Such as shall have decided in favor of forming a new assembly, shall not nominate their deputies before the wishes of the majority has been acknowledged conformably to their opinion, for an anticipated election would only tend to excite troubles and contests.
As long as the wish of the colony shall not be known, the existing colonial assembly may commence the business pointed out by the decree of the National Assembly—but it is evident that the right of executing and provisionally modifying the decrees of the National respecting the municipalities, and the administrative assemblies, cannot belong to it, before the voice of the parishes has confirmed its powers and existence.
After the time has elapsed, when all the parochial assemblies shall have explained themselves on this head, the governor shall notify in the most public manner, the result of the deliberations which shall have come to hand, and shall give each parish a particular and authentic acknowledgment of it.
If the majority of the suffrages of the parishes which shall have deliberated demands the formation of a new assembly it will clearly follow that the existing assembly is not avowed and authorized by the colony—its powers shall cease—it shall immediately proceed to the formation of a new assembly, agreeable to the forms indicated in this instruction, and consequently all the parochial assemblies shall proceed in the same manner they would have done, if at the time of the first proclamation no colonial assembly had existed.
If on the contrary one half of the suffrages of the deliberating parishes vote for the continuation of the colonial assembly, it shall be preserved and shall fully exercise the functions and powers attributed to it by the decree of the National Assembly.
Thus, time will not be uselessly consumed, the form freely admitted by the inhabitants for the formation of their Assembly will not be contravened—but the powers shall be withdrawn or confirmed, at the moment when new functions and new circumstances, no longer admit of a foundation on those which it formerly received, the adhesion of the colony and the confidence of the metropolis.
No doubts, no disorder, no dangerous delay can result from the observation of these forms, if the colonists are penetrated with the idea that their dearest interests and the most sacred duties of a citizen oblige them to submit without a murmur to the voice of the majority, if they perceive that promptitude and unanimity in the execution of

measures which are pointed out to them, can alone happily extricate them out of the critical situation in which circumstances have placed them, that it is their business instantly to secure, by a good constitution, the hopes which they have conceived, and the advantages offered to them, and that so far from conducting them to this end, the prolongation of public fermentation will shortly surround them with such pressing and terrible danger, that all the measures they may make to oppose them will come too late to secure them against these effects. (To be continued.)
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUTZAC.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
PARIS, MARCH 8.
M. RABAUD de St. ETIENNE'S Speech, concluded from our paper of 14th inst.
IN short gentlemen I repeat it, because I am firmly convinced of it, that bankruptcy is impossible, because you are here—and to effect it, but one mean exists, that is to separate you.
The Imposts it is said are not collected—they are collected throughout the greatest part of the kingdom, as your own correspondence gentlemen on the subject will testify—some indirect imposts are no longer collected! This is true, but you are offered, and there will be formed substitutes in their place: You will establish them, and the people will adopt them, and will pay them with pleasure. Unfortunate people, who love to serve your country, and your king, without affectation, what is your lot? Oppression when you bend your head, and calumny when you dare to raise it.
Is there then no evil, it is asked—are our fears then chimerical? There is one gentlemen—it is great—it is pressing—and you ought to remedy it—this evil is the scarcity of specie. The cause of it is easily pointed out—it is owing to too much paper in circulation.—Seeing you know the cause of the evil, you will find a remedy for it.
I take the liberty to invite you, to take immediately into consideration the memorial of the first minister of the finances, that memorial which you have been expecting this fortnight past, and the address of the Commons of Paris. You will endeavor to restore an equilibrium between specie and paper, by giving at this time some preponderance to specie, and some confidential allurements to bring it into circulation again.
A thousand objects indeed press you, and the people are impatiently expecting the fruit of your labor—but the present evil is most pressing—you will only quit for an instant the objects of your indefatigable cares, to resume them with greater ease and satisfaction—and disengaged from the solicitude which oppresses you, you will complete the Constitution with the more courage, and the consolation you shall derive from it, will renovate your vigor. The people of France will second you with their patience—the enemies of the public weal will find themselves deceived, in calculating too lightly on the pretended inconstancy of the French nation: The generous people of the capital, those brave companions of your labors, will continue to support them—they will find that by aiding and preserving you, they preserve themselves, the King, the people, every good citizen, the creditors of the State, the capital and the province, all will have a common cause, the safety of the country, and the completion of the constitution; With this noble and generous concert, I repeat once more gentlemen, that bankruptcy is impossible, and France cannot perish.
BOSTON, JULY 14.
By Capt. Harris, from Martinique, we are made acquainted with the particulars of the recent disturbances in that Island. They began on the 3d of June—and first rose from the Municipality denying the free mulattoes liberty to celebrate the day as the whites did. On which account a mulatto on sentry quarrelled with his Captain, and finally killed him. This creating an alarm—the mulattoes on duty, shut the gates of the fort, and fired from the loop holes on those who were outside. The report, that the mulattoes were rising called all the inhabitants to arms. A scene of savage hostility ensued—and about nineteen of the mulattoes and whites were butchered. The American vessels were boarded, and all the military weapons on board taken away—which the Viscount, DE PONTEVES offered to pay for. There was not any firing from the navy, as was reported; and the riot had subsided entirely when Capt. Harris left the Island.
Dispatches were sent by the Viscount DE PONTEVES to the Hon. Consul of France, by a vessel which has arrived at Marblehead.
We are authorized to say, that the information some time since published in the papers, that the ports in the French West Indies, were shut to the ships of the United States, is not authentic.
By vessels from Europe, we are informed, that the prospect of WAR between Great-Britain and
Spain, exists no longer. The Spaniards having conceded to the demands of restitution made by the English. One Million of Dollars, we are told was the price of peace.
That the war in Europe will yet continue some time the following extract of a letter from the Turkish Sultan, to one of his Pachas will evince.
“ My intention, the vows I address to Heaven night and day, are not to lay my sabre in the scabbard, before, with the grace of God, I have avenged myself on my enemies. I hope that, for the glory of the Prophet our Lord, our Master, the Son of both worlds, Almighty God will help the execution of our projects.”
COMMERCE.
For the season of the year—which is usually dull—our harbour is very full of shipping. A gentleman, who counted them yesterday, has furnished us with the statement, as follows:—
  13 Ships 26 Brigs } total 175   52 Schooners 74 Sloops 
FREE SCHOOLS.
On Friday last, the Gentlemen Selectmen, the other gentlemen of the school committee, together with a respectable number of the Rev. Clergy, and other citizens, agreeable to annual usage visited the several Free Schools of this metropolis, and were much gratified with the elegant specimens of Penmanship—the proficiency made in Grammar and Reading—the abundant testimonials of the attention and assiduity of the several Masters, and the decent decorum of the scholars exhibited on the occasion. At this visitation it appeared, that there were in the several schools, the following number of pupils, viz.
   Boys Girls     In Mr. Hunt's Gram. School, 63   Messrs. Carter and Bingham's, writing and reading do. 220 180   Messrs. Vinal and Tichnor's do. 229 185   Messrs. Tileston and Cheny's do. 250 174   In all 1301, under the age of 14. 762 539  
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT further to provide for the payment of the Invalid PENSIONERS of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the military Pensions which have been granted and paid by the States respectively, in pursuance of former acts of the United States in Congress assembled, and such, as by acts passed in the present session of Congress, are, or shall be declared to be due to Invalids, who were wounded and disabled during the late war, shall be continued and paid by the United States, from the fourth day of March last, for the space of one year, under such regulations as the President of the United States may direct.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States. and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JULY THE SIXTEENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 7.
Sketch of the Debate, in Committee of the whole, on the RESIDENCE BILL.
MR. BURKE's motion under consideration—which was in substance—That the seat of government should remain in New-York two years from last May; and from the expiration of that time to the year 1800, that the seat of government should remain in Philadelphia.
Mr. Burke observed that he was induced to make this motion from a wish to accommodate; as a delegate from South-Carolina he considered himself in a proper situation to come forward on this occasion; the New-York and Pennsylvania members are parties concerned in the business, they are judges in their own cause; and in this view it may be expected that they will be partial to their respective interests—he therefore conceived that a motion by a member from a State not specially interested might be made with the greatest propriety; he repeated some observations respecting the injustice of so suddenly quitting New-York, he adverted to their particular situation respecting the term of their leases which expire the first of May, and on this account he proposed that that should be the time, at which the removal of Congress should take place.
Mr. Bloodworth spoke in favor of the motion, and urged its justice and good policy, as no reason pointing out the necessity of an immediate removal had been assigned.
Mr. Lawrance entered into a consideration of the pretensions of New-York, he said she had a claim to the seat of government from the various circumstances which had attended the residence from the time Congress first came to this city, and from the exertions which it had recently made; Mr. Lawrance did not refer particularly to the improvements of the city for the accommodation of the government—his observations were general, and respected the policy and expediency of the measure.
Mr. Page opposed the amendment, he observed that as to the claims of New-York he did not conceive that she had any claim whatever, it is true she has put herself to considerable expence to accommodate the government, and he was ready to acknowledge her patriotism on this account, but said he, there is not a city of equal magnitude in the union that would not have done the same, and she is reimbursed by the advantages she has derived, and does receive by the money that is expended here in consequence; he said that the accommodation of the people at large ought to be a prime consideration with the legislature, and in this view to avoid any risk respecting the bill and to fix a business which has much agitated the public mind, he should vote against the motion. There is one argument indeed, said he, which deserves attention. I mean that which is founded on a supposition that the bill is unconstitutional, and that this was the opinion of my colleague on a former occasion. Sir, it was then my opinion also; but we were then overruled by this house, and now have the opinion of the Senate also, against our construction of the constitution.—However, I rely not merely on this circumstance, for I find, upon an examination of all that the constitution says about an adjournment, that the clause in the bill is perfectly constitutional, as there are but two sentences in the constitution respecting adjournments. The last clause of the 5th section of the 1st article, and the 3d section of the 2d article, the former of which runs thus, “ Neither house during the session of Congress shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.” Now, Sir, to be inconsistent with this clause of the constitution, the bill should direct that adjournments shall take place without the consent of the Senate, but the bill before us was framed by the Senate, and a perfect concurrence of the three branches of the legislature is proposed to the adjournment now under consideration: how then can it be inconsistent with the 3d section of the 2d article of the constitution, which gives the President a right to interfere in case of a disagreement respecting the time of an adjournment? It might indeed be said upon a question concerning common adjournments, that the two houses would do well to retain the right of adjourning without the consent of the President:—But, Sir, this is an extraordinary case, in which it will be happy for Congress and their constituents if the business of adjournment shall depend upon the joint consent of the three branches of the legislature, and not on that of the two houses alone. Without this check, after getting to Philadelphia, on an adjournment, we might be brought back to New-York, and then carried back again; and so on without end. I think, therefore, that the clause in the bill is not only constitutional, but proper.
Mr. Tucker said he should move to divide the question; but he had his objections to the passing a bill for a purpose which a joint resolution was fully competent to effecting: his argument against the bill turned upon this idea, that Philadelphia would become the permanent residence, and this he conceived to be the main object; for said he, it will become the duty of Pennsylvania, to prevent Congress from ever leaving that city, if they shall at the expiration of the period of ten years think that Philadelphia is the best place in which to continue the seat of government—he said he was sorry to hear the arguments which had been brought forward on this question respecting losing the bill if it was amended; he thought them calculated to abridge a fair legislative discussion of the merits of the subject; Mr. Tucker spoke in handsome terms of the citizens of New-York.
Mr. Gerry was in favor of putting the question as originally moved—the complexion of the bill affects the temporary residence of Congress; to form a judgment of the amendment proposed, it is necessary to take a view of the proposition as it stands in the bill: The state and city of New-York are differently situated from any other place at which Congress ever sat—the accommodations of all other places at which Congress has ever sat have been an appropriation of their public buildings. When the Constitution was adopted, Congress determined that the first meeting should be in New-York; and from this determination it became necessary that accommodations should be provided. Had not New-York done this, they would have been charged with parsimony, or disaffection, or with both. It would have been said that this city having been a British garrison was careless and indifferent in respect to the government; these considerations and their attachment to the Constitution produced the elegant building in which the sessions of Congress have been held; in addition to this they have incurred other heavy expenses to beautify and render more convenient the seat of government. These expenses the city has incurred to do honor to the new government, and they have not been reimbursed—will it not then be considered as the height of ingratitude to quit this place under such circumstances?
Let us now consider the bill in a national point of view: He acknowledged that Philadelphia was undoubtedly nearer the centre of wealth and population than New-York; but the Potowmac is more eccentric than the place at which we now sit.
He said that provided Philadelphia is the temporary seat, and should thence become the permanent residence, we shall go but 90 miles out of 250, the proposed centre on the Potowmac.
He recapitulated his former observations, and said, civilities ought to meet civilities, and are as much obligatory on States as individuals.
If there is any weight in the argument, it will apply with equal force in favor of Baltimore, when the government shall be removed to Philadelphia. The law of the state of Pennsylvania he said, is against Philadelphia being made the seat of government. He contrasted the representation of New-York and Philadelphia, and remarked on the inequality, and the advantages which the latter enjoyed over the former. He dreaded he said the consequences of rejecting the proposition for continuing in New-York two years, and urged the necessity of cultivating harmony between the two States; but the subject having been fully discussed, I shall add no further observations.
Mr. Sherman was in favor of the motion, and urged several reasons in support of it.
Mr. Jackson said he should vote for the bill as it is, for if New-York should be inserted only for 6 months, he believed the bill would be rejected by the Senate. He said there were two points which required some consideration; the one is respecting the objection on account of adjournment; he thought no difficulty could result from this, as he believed no President would ever give his assent to a repeal of the law: The other is respecting the exertions of the citizens of New-York; on this point Mr. Jackson observed, that every acknowledgment was due to the citizens; but the same difficulty would always occur, and perhaps greater, let Congress move when they will.
Mr. Lawrance replied to Mr. Jackson. He said that if the bill was sent up to the Senate, with the amendment, and it should be rejected, the bill will be sent back, and then the house may say, whether they will adhere or not—if they do not determine to adhere, the bill may then be passed, so that the objection on this account appears to be void of any foundation.
Mr. Vining observed that much is said about ingratitude, but this seems to arise from the idea of going to Philadelphia; the other day when Baltimore was proposed, it was readily agreed to, and nothing was said about ingratitude. What has Philadelphia done, that the charge of ingratitude must be reiterated against Congress whenever that city is mentioned. With respect to the buildings remaining a monument of their ingratitude, he begged leave to say that so far from this, it would remain a monument of the good sense, patriotism and public spirit of the city.

SATURDAY, JULY, 17.
The report of the committee to which was referred the Petition of the Clerks in the office of the Paymaster General of the Army Accounts, was agreed to, which was in favor of the Petitioners. A bill reported by Mr. Williamson yesterday—for the relief of certain disabled soldiers and seamen, late in the service of the United States, was again read and referred to the committee of the whole house on Monday.—The bill to provide more effectually for the collection of the Revenue, was read the third time, and passed.
MONDAY, JULY 19.
The bill making further provision for the public debt of the United States, was brought in, engrossed, and the blanks filled up. The time for the commencement of the act was fixed at the first day of January next.
  Duty on imported cables, 150 cents } for every 112 lb.   tarred cordage, 150 do.   untarred do. and yarns, 180 do.   twine and pack-thread, 400 do. 
The blanks being filled up the question was, shall this bill pass; on this.
Mr. Sedgwick called for the ayes and noes, which are as follows:
AYES. Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke, Cadwalader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Gilman, Hartley, Heister, Huntington, Jackson, Livermore, Lawrence, Madison, Mathews, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Renfellaer, Scott, Severy, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Sturges, Sturges, Sumpter, Tucker, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop.—40.
NOES.
Messrs. Ames, Benion, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Goodhue, Groot, Leonard, Partridge, Sedgwick, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth.—15.
Mr. Madison of the committee of conference on the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes from which the Senate had proposed to strike out the 4th section, and which amendment the house had disagreed to, reported on behalf of the committee, that the House should recede from their disagreement—it was moved that the House should accept this report and recede; the question being put, it passed in the affirmative.
In committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of disabled soldiers, seamen, and certain other persons late in the service of the United States. Mr. Severy in the chair.
The committee went through the discussion of the bill and agreed to sundry amendments; they then rose and reported the same to the House.
The bill being further amended, it was ordered that it lie on the Table till to-morrow.
In committee of the whole on the bill "to enable the officers and soldiers of the Virginia line of the late army on Continental establishment—to obtain titles to certain lands on the North-West of the River Ohio—between the big Miami and Scioto."
The committee reported the bill without amendments: And it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to ascertain the fees and perquisites to which the Consuls and Vice-Consuls of the United States shall be entitled—some progress was made in the discussion, when the committee rose and asked leave to sit again.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they have passed an act to amend the act for the establishing and support of Light Houses, Beacons and public Piers.
Adjourned.
TUESDAY, JULY 20.
Mr. Gilman of the joint committee reported, that the three following enrolled bills had been examined, and found correct, viz. An Act to provide for holding treaties and to establish peace with certain Indian tribes therein mentioned. An Act to amend the Act for the establishing and supporting light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers; and An Act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes.
The bill to enable the officers and soldiers of the Virginia line of the late army, on Continental Establishments to obtain titles to lands in the territory North West of the Ohio, was brought in engrossed, read the third time and passed.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing, that the Act imposing duties on tonnage, and the Act to provide for the regulation and government of seamen in the merchants' service, both of which originated in the house, had received his assent.
In committee of the whole on the bill to establish the fees and perquisites of the Consuls and Vice-Consuls of the United States, in foreign parts.
On motion of Mr. Madison a proviso was added, authorising the President of the United States to appoint one or more consuls on the coast of Barbary at a salary of 2000 dollars per annum.
The committee having finished the discussion of the bill, and agreed to sundry amendments rose and reported the same.
These were taken into consideration by the House, and the bill further amended; it was then ordered that it be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow—several petitions were read and referred. Adjourned.
The 23th, 24th and 25th lines of Mr. White's Speech in our last; ought to read thus, "A line from the Atlantic, East and West, to the extreme point, mentioned in the bill, will intersect the State of New-Jersey, include the whole of Delaware and Maryland, and will throw 31 members of the representation in the southern division of the United States."
THE TABLET.—No. CXXXIII.
"It cannot easily be determined, whether the world derives most advantage from a great and virtuous man, before or after his death."
THOUGH I do not concur in the prevailing opinion, that we can form a juster idea of the characters of persons after death, than while they are living, I am nevertheless persuaded that the actions and virtues of worthy men should be faithfully recorded and warmly celebrated. While a man lives, innumerable causes conspire to give an improper coloring to his conduct. The foibles and defects, interwoven in the lives of men, spread a shade over their virtuous qualities, which obscures their lustre and weakens the force of example. There is not a great proportion of mankind, whose reputation stands so high as it deserves. But when the scene closes, and a man is no more to appear on the stage of human affairs, his enemies are scattered, and every source of hatred and competition is annihilated. His friends and relations draw the portrait, and give it a most lively glow of perfection. Thus his conduct is exhibited as a model to posterity, while his cotemporaries beheld it veiled with follies and imperfections. It is however of admirable advantage that more finished pictures should be
formed through the aid of imagination, than exist in real life.
Perhaps no circumstance stimulated the Romans more vigorously to such virtues as they practised, than the fame of their illustrious ancestors. This was preserved in the image of their predecessors which were hung in the most conspicuous places to catch the eye, and impress the most eager desire to imitation. The virtue of one generation was transfused into several, and the original character of that nation retained some of its leading traits, even to its low stages of degeneracy. The view of those venerable bustos awakened a spirit of heroism, at least so far as to applaud the generous actions of their forefathers. It cannot be material in what mode the memory of illustrious men is preserved. Busts and Statues make perhaps stronger impressions than historical records. And as the object is rather to inspire the heart with a general love of virtue, than to instruct us in the details of our conduct, I should suppose the force of example is more strongly alluring, when we behold the image, than when we examine the history of antient worthies. The latter of these modes however is indispensable for other reasons than touching the heart; but they both contribute to perpetuate the utility, and reward the labors of great and virtuous characters.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
F A B L E.
THERE was a time—(no matter when, Some say 'twill soon return again) When LEO, King of beasts arose, And dub'd his faithful subjects foes— Spread devastation far and near, Fire in the front—death in the rear; The peaceful tenants of the wood, By blood and carnage thus pursu'd; Comb'd their force in federal bands, And drov'd the murd'rers from their lands; The commonwealth to peace restor'd, And made the tyrant sheathe the sword.— But now reliev'd from foreign dangers, They on each other scowl'd like strangers; Quarrel'd about each other's quota, Nor car'd for credit an iota— And having gain'd their independence, All sense of common justice lend hence; Kick'd faith and honor out of doors, And plung'd the state in civil wars; Till tir'd with party's iron reign, They wish'd old Leo's paw again.
FROM A LONDON PAPER.
Things apparently the most insignificant and useless in themselves, may be converted to purposes of a very beneficial nature, and may be serviceable both in manufactures and husbandry. Thus oyster and cockle shells, when pulverized by an instrument for that purpose, which is frequently done on the maritime coasts of England and America, become a far better manure for some kinds of land, mixed with lime, than perhaps any other whatever. On Long Island, near New York, they make a kind of porcelain of cockle shells, after being ground and made into a compost, that is very pleasing to the eye, and large quantities are fabricated every year. The common feathers of our domestic fowl are now ingeniously prepared, and made into plumes for the army, whilst the large and handsome feathers of turkies are worked up in imitation of ostrich plumes. Industry, aided by ingenuity, will find aid from what had been heretofore deemed of no value; for who indeed at a former period, could have imagined that flint-stones, joined to a particular species of clay, would have formed a kind of beautiful ware that now excels even the productions of China, which were once thought imitable, and seemed a secret that would scarcely ever be discovered by Europeans.
PHILADELPHIA, JULY 14.
While the genius of America is exerting itself in works of history and science, it is agreeable to observe, that it is not deficient in works of sentiment and fancy. The memoirs of the Bloomfield family, written by the ingenious Doctor Hitchcock, of Rhode-Island, exhibit the most pleasing marks of both, together with many excellent moral and religious reflections, and some truly delightful anecdotes. The design of this work is to recommend a new mode of female education, accommodated to the present state of society and manners in America. No person can read it without pleasure, and few persons without instruction.
NEW-YORK, JULY 21.
We hear that on the third reading of the funding bill in the Senate yesterday, it was moved to strike out the section which provides for the assumption of the State Debts—this motion was negatived by a majority of Two.
The question on the passing this bill it is expected will be taken this day.
PORTRAIT OF THE PRESIDENT.
The corporation of this city having agreed that the Portrait of the President of the United States, to be taken by Mr. Trumbull, should be deposited in the city Hall—yesterday, at their desire the Mayor waited on the President to request that he would permit Mr. Trumbull to attend on him for that purpose.
From accurate enquiry it has been found, that within the last year there were manufactured in the Common-wealth of Massachusetts upwards of two thousand tons of goods more than there was made therein in 1773.
Col. McGillivray and the Kings, Chiefs, and Warriors of the Creek Nation, are expected to arrive this day, about 12 o'clock. They are to embark at Elizabeth-Town point, and land near the Coffee house. The Chiefs are escorted by Col. Willet, of this city.
A company of grenadiers will parade on the occasion.
We hear the Society of St. Tammany will parade this day to receive the Monarchs and Warriors of the Creek Nation.
An Association is formed at Burlington, New-Jersey, to promote agriculture and economy, by abstaining from the use of foreign cheese, beer, and porter.
In the Paper Hangings Manufactory of Burnel Carnes , in Philadelphia, which was established last fall, upwards of ten thousand pieces have been prepared and sold.
The last accounts from Europe abate the general expectation of a Spanish War—to the great chagrin of those, who insensible to the dictates of humanity, wish to accumulate wealth from the misery of mankind.
Monday Capt. Blaine in the Ship Margaret arrived here in 49 days from Glasgow; accounts by this Vessel are to 24 May—and state that the National Assembly was greatly affected by a detail of the late insurrection at Marseilles
The President waited on the King, to express their sorrow at the disturbances in various parts of the Kingdom—and their thanks to his majesty for the measures taken by him to discover the offenders, and for reparation of the excesses committed.—A message was received by the Assembly from the King, informing them that in consequence of the warlike preparations of Great-Britain, he had ordered 14 Ships of the line to be equipped.—Some debate ensued in the Assembly on receiving this message and the question "Ought the nation to delegate to the Sovereign the right of making peace and war?" was to be debated the 16 May.
English accounts are very indefinite; some make war with Spain inevitable—others render that event extremely problematical—Mr. Fitzherbert is dispatched as Minister to the Court of Madrid, this does not look like war—yet these papers inform us that the British Fleet will by the first of August amount to 70 sail of the line—and that the artificers in the dock yards work on Sundays.
Lord Heathfield, the late Gen. Elliot, is appointed commander of Gibraltar, and Lord Howe Admiral of the grand Fleet.—The English accounts of French affairs further state that the National Assembly is extremely jealous of the Spanish Armaments; and suspect that the late alliance between Spain, Sardinia, Naples, Russia, Vienna, and Venice, has for its object the restoration of monarchy in France—and it is further said the Democrats have refused their consent to fitting out the 14 sail of the line, ordered by the King—that in France matters are growing more and more serious and that the safety of some crowned heads is more uncertain than since the Bastille was destroyed.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Brig Vandengeur, Afeleur, Havre-de-Grace, 49 days. Ship Margaret , Blaine, Glasgow, 49 Schooner Paragon , Birbine, Sloop Philadelphia Packet , Holden, Philadelphia, 6 — Diligence , Carpenter, Savannah, 8 Sloop Friendship , Burnham, Savannah, 8 — Fanny , Tillinghurst, Rhode-Island, 1
FOR SALE
The IRON WORKS,
BELONGING to the Estate of JAMES HUNTER, deceased, pleasantly situated on the falls of Rappahannock River, within two miles of the town of Frederickburg, and one of Falmouth and Tide-Water—Consisting of a Forge, 130 feet by 54, eight fires, and four hammers—a Coal House, 80 feet by 40—a Slitting and Rolling Mill, 68 feet by 30, for Sheet, Rolled and Slit Iron. A Merchant Mill, 70 feet by 36, with two pair of stones; one wherof French Burr, and every other necessary apparatus for manufacturing Flour in the best method.—A Saw Mill adjoining the same, 60 feet by 10. The walls of all these buildings are of stone, extremely strong and neat, of the best workmanship. The running gears, machinery and fixtures of the whole, commodiously and judiciously contrived, and performed in the most masterly and advantageous manner, on large and improved plans. The different departments are conveniently disposed and arranged at proper distances, on a deep and capacious canal, calculated to supply more large and extensive works, and future improvements; cautiously secured and guarded against casualties from freshets, or high floods; has its source in the main body of the river; a copious proportion whereof, to any reasonable degree of quantity, is at pleasure collected and turned in by a complete set of well constructed strong dams, which have not broke, or given way, since their formation, near nineteen years past.—The head and fall of the water operating on the wheels, is about twenty feet; the greatest part of the works are in good repair, and the whole may be rendered so at a small expence. In the appendages thereto, are a convenient Tanyard, variety of shops and utensils for mechanical business of different kinds, houses for the Managers, Workmen, &c.—And about 4 to 8000 acres of land contiguous, mostly wooded, including some Farms and meadow land. Also, will be offered for sale, a number of valuable Slaves, such as Hammermen, Refiners, Colliers, Forge Carpenters, Wheelwrights, Smiths, Millers, Waggoners, &c. These works have advantages over any in America, particularly in respect to the sale of their produce, as there is none of the kind to the southward thereof, to most of which extensive, rich and fertile country, there is easy conveyance by water; nor is there any Forge within 90 miles, nor a Slitting mill at all in this State, which might share the custom, or vie with its manufactory—some other peculiar advantages that can best be pointed out on the premises, which on application will be shown, and the terms of Sale made known, and very easy for the purchaser, by
ADAM HUNTER, or } Executors. ABNER VERNON. }
Virginia, May 28, 1790.
(3w.)

The following Bill has been reported by a committee appointed for the purpose; after being read in the House, it was ordered to be printed—and it is understood that it shall be laid over to the next session, in order that the public sentiment may be obtained on the subject.
A BILL more effectually to provide for the national defence, by establishing a uniform Militia throughout the United States.
(Concluded from our last.)
Sec. 12. AND be it further enacted, That all fines herein before mentioned, shall be paid by the officer issuing said warrant to and for the purpose, in the first instance for providing colours and music to and for the use of the companies of light infantry, rifle men, artillery and troops of horse; and the surplus that may remain, to be applied to the like use for the residue of the militia aforesaid; and when the said fines shall arise to a larger sum than is necessary for the said uses, the remainder shall be applied to the purchasing of arms and accoutrements for the light infantry and rifle companies.
Sec. 13. And be it further enacted, That all commissioned officers shall take rank according to the date of their commissions; and when two of the same grade, bear an equal date, then their rank shall be determined by lot, to be drawn by them before the commanding officer of the brigade, regiment, battalion, company or detachment.
Sec. 14. And be it further enacted, That the commander in chief of the State, shall on the requisition of the President of the United States, authorized thereto by the express acts of Congress, order out any proportion of the militia of the State so required as aforesaid, to march to any part of the United States for the protection or defence of the same, provided that they be not compelled to continue on duty out of the State without their consent, for a longer time than six months at any one time.—That while in actual service, in consequence of being so called out, they shall receive the same pay and rations, and be subject to the same rules and regulations as the troops of the United States of America.
Sec. 15. And be it further enacted, That if any person belonging to the militia of any State, and called out into service as aforesaid, be wounded or disabled while in actual service in opposing or suppressing any invasion or insurrection, or in fighting against any of the enemies of the United States, he shall be taken care of and provided for at the public expence, without having regard to the rank such person may hold.
Sec. 16. And be it further enacted, That every person of the age of eighteen years and under fifty years, who are exempted from personal service in the militia as aforesaid, by the second section of this act (except all ministers of religion actually having the charge of a church or congregation; all principals, professors and other teachers of, together with the students in, universities, colleges and academies; all school-masters actually having the charge of a school, and all mariners employed in the sea service of any citizen or merchant within the United States as aforesaid) shall pay an annual tax of two dollars into the public treasury of the United States, to be applied towards the support of the civil government thereof, and to be collected in the following manner: The commissioner of the treasury in each State, shall appoint a responsible person in every county or township in the State, as collector of the said tax, to whom the commanding officer of each battalion shall cause returns to be made of the names of all the exempted by virtue of the said second section of this act, within the bounds of his battalion, except as before excepted. That thereupon each of said exempted being notified thereof by the said collector shall on the month of may in every year, pay to the said collector the said two dollars; and in case of failure therein, the collector shall, within two weeks thereafter, return the names of the defaulters to the commanding officer of the battalion, who shall thereupon cause them to be enrolled, and they shall thereafter be liable to do militia duty in like manner as other citizens not exempted by this act, until the full arrears of the said tax shall be paid into the treasury of the United States. And the said collector shall, within one month after the receipt of the said tax, pay the same to the said commissioner, who shall account therefor with the treasury of the United States in like manner and under the same penalties and forfeitures as he accounts for other public monies by him received; for all which services the said collector shall be entitled to retain the compensation of two and an half per centum on all the monies collected by him as aforesaid. And in case the said collector should neglect or refuse to pay over the said monies received by him as aforesaid, or any part thereof, to the said commissioner, within the time limited as aforesaid, the said collector shall forfeit and pay to the use of the United States, a sum of money equal to double the amount of the said taxes, or so much of them as shall remain unpaid; to be recovered by the said collector in his own name, with costs of suit, by action of debt or otherwise, in any court wherein the same shall be cognizable. And the secretary of the treasury shall cause an annual return of all the monies received on the said tax, to be laid before Congress, at their first session in every year.
Sec. 17. And be it further enacted, That each State shall be formed into a district or districts in such a manner as the legislature thereof shall by law direct. And that there shall be appointed by the President of the United States, an inspector for each district, who shall be a citizen of the State to which such district belongs; provided their number shall not exceed—one for New-Hampshire, two for Massachusetts, one for Rhode-Island, one for Connecticut, one for New-York, one for New-Jersey, two for Pennsylvania, one for Delaware, one for Maryland, three for Virginia, two for North-Carolina, one for South-Carolina, and one for Georgia. And the duty of such inspector shall be to attend the regimental or battalion meetings of the militia on their several parades, during the time of their being under arms pursuant to this act, at least once in every year, to inspect their arms, ammunition and accoutrements; superintend their exercise and manœuvres, and introduce a system of military discipline throughout the district, agreeably to law and such orders as he shall from time to time receive from the commander in chief of the State; to furnish the forms of the returns that may be required, and explain the principles on which they shall be made; to make returns to the President of the United States, at least once in every year, of the militia of the State, reporting therein the actual situation of the arms, accoutrements and ammunition of the several corps, and every other thing which in his judgment may relate to their government and the general advancement of good order and military discipline; a duplicate of such return and report he shall also transmit to the commander in chief of the State. And the said inspectors shall have the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and shall respectively receive from the treasury of the United States, as a full compensation for all their services, the sum of _____ dollars per annum.
ANECDOTES.
THE late Col. Ethan Allen had a high opinion of himself and of his six brothers, and said that there were never seven such born of any woman. You mistake, said a Scotch officer, Mary Magdalene was delivered of seven exactly like you.
FOOTE asked Garrick what he should do with a light guinea;—sing it to the devil, says Garrick—well, answered Foote, this will do, you make a guinea go the farthest of any man I ever knew.
Extract of a letter from Col. Robert Oliver, to a gentleman in Massachusetts, dated
WOLFEBUCK, May 5, 1789.
DEAR SIR, I SHALL endeavour to answer your letter methodically—and in the first place do assure you, the report that we were obliged to move to the city on account of the Indians, was every part thereof false, and without the least foundation. The Indians have killed one man, and stole some horses, which is all the mischief they have done on the purchase since my arrival—they appear to be very friendly and to bear a great regard for the Yankees, as they call us.
I lived at the city the first winter, and in the spring took up my land at this place, and undertook with three others to build mills, which we have completed, and they are of the first rate. I raised last season about 100 bushels of corn, some potatoes, turnips, &c. I moved my family here last September, and have lived here ever since—have not been in the least disturbed. I have caught near two barrels of fish, some suckers, perch, and pike; have taken pike here of 24lb. they appear to be of the same kind of the Pickerel in New-England—I like my situation well, my land is exceeding good. You wish to know the summer season; it would not be worth while to give you a detail of every day; let it suffice to say, the summer season appears to be well calculated to nourish the growth of the fruits of the earth—the weather in the summer is not warmer as I can perceive, than in New-England, but of longer duration. The bottom land is as heavy timbered in general, as the beech and maple land in Chester; the hills are oak and hickory, the most beautiful timber for building I ever saw. The face of the earth is not covered with stones as in New-England, but they appear to be in Quarries, and are discovered upon the sides of hills, and at the sides and bottom of creeks; they are almost, or entirely, either lime, or free-stone; the free-stone make as good grindstones as the Nova-Scotia stone, and are excellent for building—we have plenty of good clay. The boards the Joiners use are yellow poplar, cherry and black walnut, of which there is great plenty.
The hills are about one mile from the Ohio, at the mouth of the Muskingum, this is not all bottom land, part of it is what we call second bottom, and part an oak plain. The land at or near the point is flooded, I believe, once a year at least, occasioned by the water of the Ohio and Muskingum overflowing their banks, they being somewhat low; this is also the case with some part of the bottoms up the Muskingum; these bottoms will not bear wheat at present, for they are by far too rich, but the plains and hills appear to be excellent for wheat.
You request to know how many families there is at or near Marietta, but of this I am unable to inform you—there are 3 settlements here 1 at Marietta, 1 down the Ohio, and commences about 12 miles from Marietta, and continues for near 6 miles, there is another at this place of about 16 families, besides men who have not got their families, and a number of single men—this settlement is about 14 miles by land, but 24 by water, from Marietta. Provisions the last summer were very plenty, flour sold at 2 dollars per cwt. bacon 7d. and 8d. per lb. whisky 3s. 6. and 4s per gallon, and almost every other necessary of life was sold at as low a rate—but provisions are now scarce and high—a vast quantity of flour is gone down to New-Orleans, (at the mouth of the Mississippi)—but although provisions are scarce I believe we shall make a rub of it, and with a common blessing shall raise this year double the quantity of grain necessary for the support of the people on the ground. Must close my letter by giving you my real judgment (and it is founded partly on reason and partly on experience) on the difference, between supporting a family here and with you.—Take farms of a middling quality and equal improvements, I can raise 3 pounds of pork, 2 of beef, 2 of wool, 2 yards of common coarse cloth, 2lbs. of butter, 2 1/2 of bread, and 2 of all sorts of vegetables, as easy as you can one in New-England. Believe me, Sir, I do not exaggerate.
THE WHISTLE
A TRUE STORY.
Written by Dr. FRANKLIN, to his Nephew.
WHEN I was a child, at seven years old, my friends on a holliday filled my little pocket with coppers. I went directly to a shop where they sold toys for children; and being charmed with a sound of a Whistle that I met by the way, in the hands of another boy, I voluntarily offered and gave all my money for one. I then came home, and went whistling all over the house, much pleased with my Whistle , but disturbing all the family. My brothers and sisters, and cousins, understanding the bargain I had made, told me I had given four times as much for it as it was worth. This put me in mind what good things I might have bought with the rest of the money, and they laughed at me so much for my folly, that I cried with vexation; and the reflection gave me more chagrin than the Whistle gave me pleasure.
This however was afterwards of use to me, the impression continuing on my mind, so that often when I was tempted to buy some unnecessary thing, I said to myself, don't give too much for the Whistle ;—and so I saved my money.
As I grew up, came into the world, and observed the actions of Men, I thought I met with many, very many, who gave too much for the Whistle .
When I saw one too ambitious of court favours, sacrificing his time in attendance at Levees, his repose, his liberty, his virtue, and perhaps his friends, to attain it, I have said to myself, this man gives too much for his Whistle .
When I saw another fond of popularity, constantly employing himself in political bustles, neglecting his own affairs, and ruining them by that neglect, he pays, indeed, says I, too much for his Whistle .
If I knew a Miser, who gave up every kind of comfortable living, all the pleasure of doing good to others, all the esteem of his fellow-citizens, and the joys of benevolent friendship, for the sake of accumulating wealth; poor man, says I, You do indeed pay too much for your Whistle .
When I meet with a man of pleasure, sacrificing every laudable improvement of the mind, or of his fortune, to mere corporeal sensations, and ruining his health in the pursuit. Mistaken man says I, you are providing pain for yourself, instead of pleasure, you give too much for your Whistle .
If I see one fond of fine cloathes, fine houses, fine furniture, fine equipages, all above his for-
tune, for which he contracts debts, and ends his career, in prison. Alas! says I, he has paid dear, very dear, for his Whistle .
When I saw a beautiful sweet-tempered girl, married to an ill-natured brute of a husband, what a pity it is , says I, that she paid so much for a Whistle .
In short, I conceived that great part of the miseries of mankind were brought upon them by the false estimates they had made of the value of things, and by their giving too much for their Whistles .
CHARLESTON, June 29.
On the 16th of December last the first stone of the new College in Edinburgh was laid, by the right hon. Francis lord Napier, grand-master mason of Scotland.—Two crystal bottles, cast on purpose at the glass house of Leith, were deposited in the foundation stone. In one of these were put different coins of the present reign, each of which being previously enveloped in crystal, in such an ingenious manner, that the legend on the coins could be distinctly read without breaking the crystal. In the other bottle were deposited seven rolls of vellum, containing a short account of the original foundation and present state of the university, together with several other papers, in particular the different news papers containing advertisements relative to the college, &c. and a list of the names of the present principal and professors, also of the present lord provost and magistrates, and officers of the grand lodge of Scotland. The bottles being carefully sealed up, were covered with a plate of copper wrapt in block tin; and upon the under side of the copper were engraved the arms of the city of Edinburgh, and of the university; likewise the arms of the right hon. lord Napier, grand-master mason of Scotland. Upon the upper side was a Latin inscription.
Treasury Department,
July 13, 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the first day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty first day of December 1791, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
 At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania, and Fort Pitt and at Fort Pitt.  At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort M c Intosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort M c Intosh.  At any place or places, betwixt Fort M c Intosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum.  At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth.  At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto.  At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio and at the said Rapids.  At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie.  At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami Village, before described.  At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.  At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.  At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village.  At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river.  At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango.  At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf betwixt Le Beuf and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river.  At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek.  At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively.  At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazous inclusively.  At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee, to Ocochampo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively. 
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.    One pound of bread or flour, } per. 100 rations,   One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork,   Half a gill of rum, brandy or whisky,   One quart of salt,   Two quarts of vinegar,   Two pounds of soap,   One pound of candles,   The proposals must specify the lowest price per ration. No credit is required.  ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
THE Creditors of Col. ELISHA SHELDON, of Salisbury, are hereby notified, That the Subscribers being appointed Trustees of said SHELDON's estate, will attend to the business of their appointment on the first Monday of August next, at the house of Jacobus DAVIS, in said Salisbury, agreeable to the Act of Assembly.—The interest of the creditors requires their general attendance.  HEZEKIAH FITCH, } Trustees. JOHN BIRD, }  Salisbury, (Connecticut), June 28, 1789.
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday.  Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
WANTED No. 73 and 83 of this paper—Six pence each will be paid for them by the Editor.