National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-09-26 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, September 26, 1792.
NUMB. 95.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
In capitolio cranes et anseres cibaria solebant accipere. Propterea quod anseres tunc sunt hostium canes ultores; quod enim illi clamoribus nuntiant; illi morsibus vindicant.
OLD SCHOLAST.
Dogs and geese used to have their crib in the capitol: the geese giving the alarm of enemies, and the dogs punishing them; the former discovering them by their cackling; the latter attack them with their teeth.
THE RE are few people so very ignorant of history that I need inform them that the Roman commonwealth owed its preservation to dogs and geese (or at least to the latter) and in what estimation they were held by that people, may easily be gathered from the motto of this paper: and, indeed it seems as if providence for the benefit of mankind, and a palladium of their liberty, had in all free states distributed a sufficient quantity of these useful animals to alarm them against, and revenge them upon, all invaders.—To illustrate this by instances drawn from the writings of the ancients would be a task as unnecessary, as it would be endless, since it will be sufficient to establish the truth of the position (except to very sceptical gentlemen) to turn one's eyes to the country of Montgomery : and examine with what industry and zeal these indefatigable creatures are exerting their talents (or rather their instincts) against the enemies of that place. But as Nabob is a word lately crept into our language, about the etymology and signification of which, I confess I am very much in the dark, and as it is not morally impossible but there are numbers in this respect as ignorant as myself, it may not, in this place, be improper to hazard a conjecture on the idea it has been intended to convey: and if I might be permitted to judge of it, as it has been applied by a very able writer in your paper on Saturday the 15th instant, it denotes a party a Rock Holder , Rock-jobber , Rock-thrower , pettifogger , quid-pro-quo player , or such, but a plain indolent usurer, a miser, or a mechanic.—Now, a number of such Nabobs (for I'll venture to make good the term free —I have guess'd at the meaning) it seems have been some time since to atrociously impudent as to meddle in a very public manner with the affairs of the state, instead of leaving them to their betters, as they had in all confidence ought to have done, and God only knows what mischief might have ensued to the liberties of the good people of these states, if they had not been fortunately discovered by a flock of these watchful creatures, as they were continuing ways and means to creep into a confederacy on the banks of Perkiomen , who gathered an alarm so loud as not only to pervade the extremities of the country, but of the United States themselves.—And last Saturday morning a United puppy called the Independent Farmer , waylaid a party of them, as they were returning from one of their abominable meetings, an hour or two before day, and so snapp'd their heels and tore their stockings, and accompanied the attack with a howl so truly Cerberian , that it is fairly to be hoped he has sufficiently frightened them from such attempts in future.
For my own part, I look upon it as a peculiar blessing of Heaven (and for which I shall daily return unfeigned thanks) to have placed me in a land where liberty reigns, and where such Arguses guard her throne—spies and protectors that no bribe (except pecks of corn or loads of marrow-bones) can lull to repose or blunt their teeth. And I earnestly entreat my countrymen, to deal out these with a sparing hand, and edge their vigilance and ferocity by hunger; for altho' their clamour may frequently disturb our sleep, we ought to remember that it may frighten away the thieves.
Sept. 25.
VINDEX.
DEFENCE
Of Mr. JEFFERSON's political Character, in reply to several Pieces which have appeared against it in the Gazette of the United States.
[From the American Daily Advertiser.]
Mr. DUNLAP. THE public have been lately amused with some criticisms in the United States Gazette, upon the political character and conduct of the Secretary of State. The charges exhibited against him, in substance, amount to this: 1. That he was always inimical to the present government, and has in a particular manner shown it since he came into office by the freedom with which he has censured public measures. 2. That he has abused the trust reposed in him, by conferring an appointment of translator of foreign languages, in the department of state, worth 250 dollars per annum, upon Mr. Freneau, editor of the National Gazette. This appears to be the sum of the charges: whatever else they contain is the figurative amplification of the writer only, and reducible to no distinct head.
To that respectable tribunal to whom they have been submitted, upon the facts and illustrations given, partial as they are, so far as it respects himself, the decision might be left without a comment. His countrymen have been too long and too well acquainted with his talents, virtues and services, to suffer loose and equivocal charges of this kind to lessen him in their estimation. But this attack has obviously something further in view, than simply to wound the fame of one deserving citizen. It is levelled at that free and manly spirit of enquiry, which has lately developed the principles, and demonstrated the mischievous tendency of some of the measures of government, and which it seeks to crush—a spirit of enquiry which the author supposes has been fostered and cherished by him. If a person of his note in the republican list could be destroyed in the public confidence, its cause would be humbled, and the friends of monarchy triumph. An attack, therefore, upon this gentleman, must be deemed a direct but artful one upon principles, and in this view it becomes a matter of public concern, and merits particular attention.
What was his political conduct in early life, through the revolution, and to the adoption of the present government, tho' the period was momentous and eventful, and the several stations which he occupied such as represented him perpetually to the view of his countrymen, seems of no importance upon the present occasion. This long and honorable career has escaped the censure of the American, and I shall not review it for the sake of applause. I have alluded to it merely to shew, that if he has not kept pace, in all the revolutions of opinion, practised by those who now censure him, he has notwithstanding been always consistent with himself.
Before I proceed in reply to the first charge, to furnish the documents which it is presumed, will place his political sentiments in a satisfactory point of view, a previous general question should be noticed, which though not particularly connected with him, may be deemed of importance to the community: "Wherein was the merit or offence of a favourable or unfavourable opinion of the constitution, and to whom rendered?" It was a proposition of great extent, submitted as of right to every free citizen, and upon which he was bound to decide; to have shrunk from it would have been dishonorable, and a shameful abandonment of his duty. By what rule then, or upon what principle, shall a man be rewarded or punished, for the fair exercise of his judgment, especially when called on to give it, by obligation? He could not resist, and upon a point, in which in preference to all others, the most unbounded freedom should be used? I had
supposed that if his decision was a wise one, the benefits of the system were to be his compensation; if he erred, his own and the calamities of his country, the punishment; that the question involved in it, neither in the origin nor its consequences, considerations of a personal nature, and that of course the conduct of no man, in relation to this object, be it what it might, merited reward or punishment. I could wish that those political casualties, who are acquainted with the transactions on the great theatre, would solve this problem; for to me it seems indispensably necessary that those who arraign a fellow citizen, before the bar of the public, should at least demonstrate that the charge with which he's accused, contains in it something criminal.
It will be remembered that at the time the constitution was formed, and whilst under discussion in the state conventions, Mr. Jefferson was in France the minister of America. That of the train of events which brought about the important crisis of a general convention, as of those which followed it, he was an interested, but a distant spectator. The nature of the trust reposed in him by the public confined him to the first. The only part he could bear in the cares of that momentous period was to unite with his fellow citizens in the most fervent wishes, that their labours might be successful, and redound to the advantage of their common country.
What his sentiments were upon the subject of the constitution, and that of government generally as connected with it, will be seen by the following extracts taken from his letters addressed to a particular friend, at the time of their respective dates and in the course of a very interesting and confidential correspondence. As he could not have foreseen that in any possible event, they would be laid before the public, they must be considered as the free and spontaneous effusions of his heart. From that friend I have received them, and will if any doubt should be suggested of their authenticity, immediately make them accessible to others. To Mr. Jefferson, whose approbation to this measure, has neither been asked nor obtained, some apology for the freedom I due: to the confidence however which his own conduct has inspired, that it was never his wish, his sentiments, upon this or any other subject of a public nature, should be withheld from his countrymen, it is to be attributed.
"Paris, Dec. 20, 1787."
"The season admitting only of operations in the cabinet, and these being in a great measure secret, I have little to fill a letter. I will therefore make up the deficiency by adding a few words on the constitution proposed by our convention. I like much the general idea of framing a government which should go on of itself peaceably, without needing continual revenue to the state legislatures. I like the organization of the government into legislative, judicial, and executive. I like the power given the legislature to levy taxes. I am captivated by the compromise of the opposite claims of the great and little states, of the latter to equal and the former to proportional influence. I am much pleased too with the substitution of the method of voting by persons, instead of that of voting by states; and I like the negative given to the executive with a third of either house, though I should have liked it better, had the judiciary been appointed for that purpose, or invested with a similar and separate power. There are other good things of less moment. I will now add what I do not like. First, the omission of a bill of rights, providing clearly and without the aid of sophisms for freedom of religion, freedom of the press, protection against standing armies, restriction against monopolies, the eternal and unremitting force of the habeas corpus laws, and trials by jury in all matters of fact triable by the laws of the land, and not by the law of na-
tions. To say that a bill of rights was not necessary, because all is reserved in the case of the general government which is not given, while in the particular ones all is given which is not reserved, is surely a gratis dictum, opposed by strong inferences from the body of the instrument, as well as from the omission of the clause of our present confederation, which had declared that in express terms. It was a hard conclusion to say because there has been no uniformity among the states, as to the cases triable by jury, because some have been so incautious as to abandon this mode of trial, therefore the more prudent states shall be reduced to the same level of calamity. It would have been much more just and wise to have concluded the other way that as most of the states had judiciously preserved this palladium, those who had wandered should be brought back to it, and to have established general right instead of general wrong. Let me add that a bill of rights is what the people are entitled to against every government on earth, general or particular, and that no just government should refuse, or rest on inference. The second feature I dislike, and greatly dislike, is the abandonment in every instance of the necessity of rotation in office, and most particularly in the case of the president. Experience concurs with reason in concluding that the first magistrate will always be re-elected if the constitution permits it. He is then an officer of so much consequence to certain nations as to have a friend or a foe, at the head of our affairs, has they will interfere with money and with arms. A galloman or an anglo-man, will be supported by the nation he befriends; if once elected, and as a second or third election is voted by one or two votes, he will perpetuate false votes; foul play, old possession of the reins of government, be supported by the states voting for him, especially if they are the central ones, slyly in a compact body themselves, & separating their opponents; and they will be aided by one nation of Europe, while the majority are aided by another. The election of a president of America some years hence, will be much more interesting to certain nations of Europe, than ever the election of a king of Poland was. Reflect on all the instances in history ancient and modern, of elective monarchies, and say if they do not give foundation for my fears. The Roman emperors, the popes, while they were of any importance, the German emperors till they became hereditary in practice, the kings of Poland, the deys of the Ottoman dependencies. It may be said that if elections are to be attended with these disorders, the seldomer they are renewed the better. But experience shews that the only way to prevent disorder is to render them uninteresting by frequent changes. An incapacity to be elected a second time would have been the only effectual preventative. The power of removing him every fourth year by the vote of the people is a power which will not be exercised. The king of Poland is removable every day by the diet, yet he is never removed. Smaller objections are the appeal in fact as well as in law, and the binding all persons legislative, executive and judiciary by oath to maintain that constitution. I do not pretend to decide, what would be the best method of procuring the establishment of the manifold good things in this constitution, and of getting rid of the bad. Whether by adopting it in hopes of future amendment, or after it has been duly weighed and canvassed by the people, after seeing the parts they generally dislike, and those they generally approve, to say to them "we see now what you wish. Send together your deputies again; let them frame a constitution for you, omitting what you have condemned; and establishing the powers you approve. Even these will be a great addition to the energy of your government; at all events I hope you will not be discouraged from other trials."

if the present one should fail of its full effect. The late rebellion in Massachusetts has given more alarm than I think it should have done. Calculate that one rebellion in thirteen states in the course of eleven years, is but one for each state in a century and a half, nor will any degree of power in the hands of government prevent insurrections. France, with all its despotism and two or three hundred thousand men always in arms, has had three insurrections in the three years I have been here, in every one of which greater numbers were engaged than in Massachusetts, and a great deal more blood was spilt. In Turkey, which Montesquieu supposes more despotic, insurrections are the events of every day. In England, where the hand of power is lighter than here, but heavier than with us, they happen every half dozen years. Compare again the ferocious depredations of their insurgents with the order, the moderation, and the almost self-extinguishment of ours. After all, it is my principle that the will of the majority should always prevail. If they approve the proposed convention in all its parts, I shall concur in it cheerfully, in hopes that they will amend it whenever they shall find it work wrong. I think our governments will remain virtuous for many centuries; as long as they are chiefly agricultural; and this will be as long as there shall be vacant lands in any part of America. When they get piled upon one another in large cities, as in Europe, they will become corrupt as in Europe. Above all things I hope the education of the common people will be attended to; convinced that on their good sense we may rely with the most security for the preservation of a due degree of liberty."
[To be continued.]
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
A candid State of PARTIES.
AS it is the business of the contemplative statesman to trace the history of parties in a free country, so it is the duty of the citizen at all times to understand the actual state of them. Whenever this duty is omitted, an opportunity is given to designating men, by the use of artificial or nominal distinctions, to oppose and balance against each other those who never differed as to the end to be pursued, and may no longer differ as to the means of attaining it. The most interesting state of parties in the United States may be referred to three periods: Those who espoused the cause of independence and those who adhered to the British claims, formed the parties of the first period; if, indeed, the disaffected class were considerable enough to deserve the name of a party. This state of things was superseded by the treaty of peace in 1783. From 1783 to 1787 there were parties in abundance, but being rather local than general, they are not within the present review.
The Federal Constitution, proposed in the latter year, gave birth to a second and most interesting division of the people. Every one remembers it, because every one was involved in it.
Among those who embraced the constitution, the great body were unquestionably friends to republican liberty; tho' there were, no doubt, some who were openly or secretly attached to monarchy and aristocracy; and hoped to make the constitution a cradle for these hereditary establishments.
Among those who opposed the constitution, the great body were certainly well affected to the union and to good government, tho' there might be a few who had a leaning unfavourable to both. This state of parties was terminated by the regular and effectual establishment of the federal government in 1788; out of the administration of which, however, has arisen a third division, which being natural to most political societies, is likely to be of some duration in ours.
One of the divisions consists of those, who from particular interest, from natural temper, or from the habits of life, are more partial to the opulent than to the other classes of society; and having debauched themselves into a persuasion that mankind are incapable of governing themselves, it follows with them, of course, that government can be carried on only by the pageantry of rank, the influence of money and emoluments, and the terror of military force. Men of those sentiments must naturally wish to point the measures of government less to the interest of the many than of a few, and less to the reason of the many than to their weaknesses; hoping perhaps in proportion to the ardor of their zeal, that by giving such a turn to the administration, the government itself may by degrees be narrowed in a fewer hands, and approximated to an hereditary form.
The other division consists of those who believing in the doctrine that mankind are capable of governing themselves, and hating hereditary power as an insult to the reason and an outrage to the rights of man, are
naturally offended at every public measure that does not appeal to the understanding and to the general interest of the community, or that is not strictly conformable to the principles, and conducive to the preservation of republican government.
This being the real state of parties among us, an experienced and dispassionate observer will be at no loss to decide on the probable conduct of each.
The anti republican party, as it may be called, being the weaker in point of numbers, will be induced by the most obvious motives to strengthen themselves with the men of influence particularly of moneyed, which is the most active and insinuating influence. It will be equally their true policy to weaken their opponents by reviving exploded parties, and taking advantage of all prejudices, local, political, and occupational, that may prevent or disturb a general coalition of sentiments.
The Republican party, as it may be termed, conscious that the mass of people in every part of the union, in every state, and of every occupation must at bottom be with them, both in interest and sentiment, will naturally find their account in burying all antecedent questions, in banishing every other distinction than that between enemies and friends to republican government, and in promoting a general harmony among the latter, wherever residing, or however employed.
Whether the republican or the rival party will ultimately establish its ascendancy, is a problem which may be contemplated now; but which time alone can solve. On one hand experience shews that in politics as in war, stratagem is often an overmatch for numbers; and among more happy characteristics of our political situation, it is now well understood that there are peculiarities, some temporary, others more durable, which may favour that side in the contest. On the republican side, again, the superiority of numbers is so great, their sentiments are so decided, and the practice of making a common cause, where there is a common sentiment and common interest, in spite of circumstantial and artificial distinctions, is so well understood, that no temperate observer of human affairs will be surprised if the issue in the present instance should be reversed, and the government be administered in the spirit and form approved by the great body of the people.
Philadelphia, Sept. 22.
To the EDITOR of the National Gazette.
SIR,
BEING a real friend to manufactures, I am not disposed to discuss the power of Congress on that subject, or to throw obstacles in the way of their assuming it, if not delegated by the constitution. I am, however, so far from joining in opinion with those who are in favor of taxing agriculture by way of bounty to manufactures, that I think their learned arguments ought to be directly faced about and made to look towards the opposite conclusion, to wit, that manufactures ought to be taxed in order to raise premiums for improving and maturing agriculture; and this not so much with a view to the immediate advantage of agriculture, as to the solid and ultimate prosperity of manufactures. The following reasons, it is conceived, must overcome the most obstinate prejudices in this case.
First, all writers and all experience agree, that population is more rapid in the country among tillers of the earth, than in towns, the chief abode of manufacturers—Secondly, that an abundant population can alone support a flourishing state, either of agriculture or of manufactures—Thirdly, that hands for manufactures are to be drawn from that surplus of labourers which is found on the soil—Fourthly, to nurse and multiply labourers of the soil, is, therefore, the true and obvious means of providing the hands wanted for manufactures—Fifthly, cheapness of food and of materials; both of which are the fruit of the soil, the very life and soul of manufactures; and this cheapness will be promoted by filling up the vacant country with labourers, and stimulating by bounties their skill and industry—Sixthly, as population is the great reservoir from which manufacturers are to be derived, so immigration is one of the streams that may help to fill up the reservoir. Now, in every just view, it is better to invite foreigners from the country places, than from the towns of Europe, because they will bring with them equal, if not more, industry, and certainly less vice. And as to manufactures, they must gain as much from the introduction of tillers as of artisans; since the former by increasing the stock of hands on the soil, will enable it the faster to supply hands for manufactures; and, by increasing the quantity and keeping down the price of provisions and materials, will give immediate nourishment to that valuable branch of industry.
It will be asked, perhaps, where will be the justice, where the respect for the rights of property, where the equal protection to the free choice of our occupations and the free use of our faculties, thus to take money from the pocket of the manufacturer and give it to the farmer?
This question would be attended with its difficulties, were it not for two considerations: the one, that our opponents must first answer it themselves by shewing the justice of taking the money of the farmer, and giving it to the manufacturer; the other, that this is not a question of justice, but of mere policy, and being discussed in that light only, it is impertinent to view it in any other.
Should this answer not be satisfactory, and the justice, right, and equality of the measure still be insisted on as no less indispensable than its policy, I will endeavour to avoid the difficulty by another theory, derived not so much from my own principles or contrivance, as from the ingenuity of a friend who has been so kind as to communicate it to me.
This theory proposes, that instead of taxing agriculture in favour of manufactures, or manufactures in behalf of agriculture, all professions, trades, occupations, and employments whatsoever shall be reciprocally taxed and reciprocally bountied by a comprehensive provision of the government for that purpose. Thus let the manufacturer be taxed, and the tax paid as a bounty to the farmer; and the account be balanced by a tax levied on the farmer, and paid back as a bounty to the manufacturer. So again, a bounty may be taxed on the maker of hemp and given to the maker of cotton, and a like bounty in turn be levied on the maker of cotton and bestowed on the maker of hemp. Or, in a more circular way, by taxes skilfully adjusted, the maker of hemp, cotton or wheat, after receiving a bounty drawn from some other occupation, may pay a bounty to the grazier, he to the tanner, he to the shoemaker, he to the saddler, he to the coach-maker, he to the ironmonger, he to the smith, he to the stocking weaver, he to the cotton manufacturer, &c. &c. quite round to the point from which you set out. In this manner every body will receive bounties. It will be a lottery where every ticket will draw a prize, and every adventurer consequently be pleased.
To the objection, that the prizes received by the whole society cannot exceed the sums paid by the whole, and that as great deductions must be made in the bargain for the expense of managing the scheme, every class of citizens instead of being gainers, must in fact be necessarily losers; to this objection, I say, my friend who is as dextrous in defending as he is ingenious in forming his thoughts, has a double reply ready. To those who contend for any other form of premiums and bounties, he repeats what has been already said; that as they must either fall into evident partiality and injustice, or proceed in the same magical circle, they have no right to start the objection. To those, not under this embarrassment, he remarks, that in all lotteries and like schemes, where prizes and premiums are to be obtained, the fund for paying them must be taxed on the adventurers, and particularly, that the deductions and drawbacks not only make a part of the scheme, but constitute its very essence; the scheme being set on foot for the sake not of those who are to share the prizes and premiums, but of those who are to have the benefit of the drawbacks and profits. The former is quite a secondary, collateral, and incidental matter, well enough to amuse the calculations and hopes of the adventurers, but by no means the direct or primary object of the projectors. Considered in this point of view, every thing is smooth and square: for note (says he) the curious and charming effects of a universal system of bounties, supported by a system of taxes well digested and disguised for such an application.
First, having the appearance of equality, it silences, or, at least, softens the noisy declaimers against unequal principles of legislation. Secondly, it will diffuse good humour among all the superficial and inconsiderate part of the community, who receiving the bounty immediately and palpably, and paying the tax, they know not when and feel not how, forget that the bounty is taken out of their own pockets, and are ready to imagine it the product of some sleight-of-hand in the government beyond their comprehension, or not worth their enquiry. Thirdly, the deductions and drawbacks in such a case may fairly be estimated at 10 or 15 per cent. on the sum paid by the people, the whole of which becomes a fund for salaries and perquisites to collectors, receivers, treasurers, commissioners, managers, &c. &c. enabling the government to reward a greater number of its active friends, and encreasing its means of obtaining a willing obedience to all its measures, or of compelling obedience where its measures may produce an unwillingness. Fourthly, of no less value is the advantage that must accrue to the government from a proper dispensation of the bounties. No better opportunity can be conceived for rewarding political merit of all sorts, for exciting the salutary influence of power in every direction; and for throwing a decent veil over the jobs and schemes in which the members of all well regulated governments have the immemorial privilege of sharing; but which in our new-fangled republic, and in these censorious times, it will be prudent to hide from the public eye. Fifthly, the last advantage to be noticed, out of the infinity that re-
mains, is the solid ground it affords to the government for enlarging its whole system of taxation; for nothing can be more just and reasonable, or which is the same thing, can be more speciously called, than that the government should reap where it has sown; that it should gather fruit from the tree it has planted; or, to speak plainly and without a metaphor, that it should excise every article as fast as its bounties have brought it to sufficient maturity for the operation.
Against this reasoning one objection only is foreseen by an ingenious theorist, to wit, that the whole of the advantages contemplated are to fall to the government; whereas, the interest of the people is the true object for which every public measure ought to be calculated. But this he treats with the greatest levity, as a pithless quibble. He insists that the distinction is fanciful and inadmissible, and appeals with the utmost confidence to various numbers of the Gazette of the United States , where it has been demonstrated over and over again, that the government is the people and the people the government; that they are physically, morally, numerically, identically, and indivisibly one and the same; so that the more power the government assumes, the more freedom the people enjoy; and that every shilling which the members of the government put into their own pockets, is a shilling put into the pockets of their constituents.
A CITIZEN.
Philadelphia, Sept. 24.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU,
YOU are requested to publish the inclosed in your impartial Gazette. It will be remembered by the public, that Mr. Feno, after publishing numerous pieces replete with slander and personalty against Mr. Jefferson, when Aristides sent his former publication to him, subjoined a note in the Gazette of the same day on which it was published, cautioning Aristides if he appeared again, to give his name. Now, as this cautious printer had without scruple published the most personal abuse of Mr. Jefferson, without before calling for names, I take it for granted that publications on that side alone are really acceptable to him.
ARISTIDES.
Mr. FRENEAU,
IF Aristides merits Ostracism for his clumsy defence of Mr. Jefferson, what species of punishment does an anonymous slanderer merit, who publicly avows his own wickedness? It was not enough for Scourge in Mr. Feno's last Gazette, evincing his enmity to Mr. Jefferson, to detract from the endeavours of his friends, but he must exultingly add in the same sentence, that he would in this "verify the instance in which Mr. Jefferson had lost more by the folly of his friends than by the wickedness of his enemies."—Such a public avowal of wickedness on the part of the Junto was little to be expected, but as coming from one of themselves, and compared with the tenor of their united exertions to calumniate Mr. Jefferson, the public, it is presumed, will be well disposed to give it their full credence. There is another trait in the last publication which distinguishes it from the others, descending from the dignity of a public accuser and dissatisfied with the causes of slander heretofore exhibited, this writer disgorges the full venom of his malice in one furious essay of calumny and detraction, sometimes ludicrous, sometimes serious, but always complaining or condemning, he pursues Mr. Jefferson thro' every circumstance of his public life, and condemns him alike in France or in America as the malign disturber of the repose of both hemispheres.
The attempt to ridicule the philosophy and talents of Mr. Jefferson reminds us of the puny efforts of a willing boy to excite mirth, which not being sufficient to provoke our risibility, causes no other emotion than that of contempt and pity. But the enlightened citizens of America will not readily assent to the idea, that that man is an enemy to the rights of human nature, or to the union & prosperity of his country, whose public acts and writings have already distinguished him as the great mover, and champion of the independence of his country; the uniform and zealous friend to the present union of the States; the strenuous advocate of a Bill of Rights to secure the liberties of his fellow citizens; the firm and able asserter of the freedom of the blacks; the author of that glorious system of toleration and universal freedom in the rights of conscience enacted into law in Virginia, and to which the national assembly of France, and most of the philosophers in Europe have paid their tribute of applause; and finally, whose virtues and talents still retain to him the unimpaired confidence of that great man, who, watching with a comprehensive and equal eye over the interests of an extensive community, committed to his charge, has, with that just estimate of character for which he is so remarkable, selected this gentleman to fill an important station in the government.
For what cause then, or on what pretext, may be asked, are impertinent remarks heaped upon the head of Mr. Jefferson? In answer to which, so far as respects the cause, it may be observed, that two purposes are to be answered, First, if possible and by any means to injure the reputation of Mr. Jefferson in the public opinion, and secondly, to call off and divert the public mind from an enquiry into public measures, and lead it away in the fruitless pursuit of an anonymous

dangerous abuse of public character. As a pretext for this, the idle and frivolous charges of penning a Gazette, of opposing the constitution, and of giving dishonest advice to Congress respecting the French debt, have been produced; charges which it will be presently shown the accusers themselves do not, nor cannot believe. — But the true ground of all this calumny Scourge has unfolded; he in fearful terms deprecates Mr. Jefferson as the rival of Mr. Hamilton, and the dreadful opposer of all those fiscal measures, which his terrors tell him, will fall before the wisdom and virtue of a Jefferson. Nor is it a little remarkable, how Scourge and his junto, after representing Mr. Jefferson's public character as vicious and infamous to a degree, mournfully lament that he, this abandoned man, has not associated with his colleagues in office and harmonized in all their wise endeavours for the public good. Strange contradiction: but to such extremes will slander often go. An association, under any sacrifice of principle, would be acceptable to promote their measures, and even the discordant union approved, of virtue with vice, or of wisdom with folly.
And now, Mr. Freneau, for the TRIO of charges brought by this Trio against Mr. Jefferson, which Aristides verily thinks that the trio themselves do not and cannot believe. — And first, that you 's is a pensioned Gazette , a Jefferson's Gazette devoted solely to vilify the measures of government. To this charge we were promised documents, and authentic proofs, and much was said about the scruples of family connection preventing the production of further evidence. Now however the charge dwindles into its original nothingness; no documents are produced, no evidence relied upon; mere innuendo are supplied without charge or mercy, and we are calmly told by Catulus that presumptive facts and circumstances must afford the evidence . But how will the presumptive facts and circumstances , or indeed any, presumption whatever, by before one or two naked and absolute truths which do not depend upon presumption; to wit First, that the National Gazette has abounded with publications, since its establishment, in favour of the measures of government. Secondly, that even since this charge of its being pensioned, it has been seen teeming with publications in favour of the measures of government under the various signatures of Faith , Civis , Plain Truth , Director , &c. &c. Thirdly, That Mr. Jefferson has actually refuted in any instance to mark a single paragraph which appeared in the foreign prints, for republication in the National Gazette , declaring that he never would, in the remotest manner, attempt to influence the conduct or the impartiality of the Editor of the Gazette . And, lastly the fact, which it is presumed will be gladly disproved, if it can, namely, that the Editor of the National Gazette has never refused, in a single instance, to publish an original piece in favor of the measures of government that has been sent to him for publication. These are plain truths opposed to mere presumption, and which, being, for the most part, well known to the trio , justify the conclusion that they do not themselves believe one little of this ridiculous charge. Indeed, what idea can possibly be more absurd than that a Gazette freely open to publications, from all parties, which is in the actual and weekly practice of exhibiting such publications, and the Editor of which never omitted to publish a single original piece in favor of the measures of government, is a pensioned, prostituted, and Jeffersonian Gazette .
The second charge, to wit, that Mr. Jefferson is an enemy to the union and government of the United States, has been already answered by Aristides , and since that a further unexpected publication in Mr. Dunlap's Advertiser has appeared, which it is presumed will not only amply gratify the malicious curiosity of Scourge , as to what kind of amendments Mr. Jefferson wished for to the constitution of the United States, but also satisfy an impartial public that the man who charges Mr. Jefferson as an enemy to the union and government of the United States has no pretension to truth or candor.
The last charge, respecting the French debt, and the advice thereupon which it is asserted Mr. Jefferson gave to Congress, requires more particular notice. In order to support this charge, recourse has been had, as in the other charges, to direct falsehood and the most palpable evasion. A suppression of the truth it is well known is equal to a suggestion of falsehood; and in this instance not only an important part of Mr. Jefferson's letter has been suppressed, but all the circumstances which relate to the extract given, and which would satisfactorily explain it to the public are withheld, altho' those circumstances form part of the letter from which the extract is taken. It may be sufficient perhaps briefly to inform the public that the mutilated paragraph of Mr. Jefferson's letter, quoted by Catulus , refers to an offer made by a speculating Dutch company to the French court to purchase the American debt due to that nation at a discount of six or eight millions of livres, to which offer, when communicated by the French minister to Mr. Jefferson for his approbation, he replied that he had no power to approve or disapprove; that Mr. Jefferson made the same answer to the agent of the Dutch company, and in his letter to Congress on the subject, in which he presumes that the same agent would make application to that body, he simply suggests to Congress to consider, if they apprehend any future danger of the punctuality of payment, how far it might be advisable to transfer the discontents, a-
rising from that source, from the French court, whose friendship we ought to cultivate, to the breaches of a private company of adventuring speculators, who foreseeing the possible delays of payment, had calculated the probable loss, and were willing to encounter the hazard. At the same time Mr. Jefferson adds in the next paragraph, what Aristides glances at in his former publication, and what Catulus and his associates have purposely suppressed, to wit — "that in his opinion the honor and credit of the United States may be preserved inviolate," and then he proceeds "to suggest the mode and give the advice, by which the French debt may be discharged without discount or loss to that nation, and the stipulations of the United States be complied with to all its creditors."
These are the plain and simple facts which relate to this tortured letter and its much abused author. Perhaps in no instance of Mr. Jefferson's public conduct has he more justly appreciated the duty of a public minister, or more happily combined with the conscientious and moral sense of public and private integrity. It may perhaps be proper to add, that this information is given from an extract of the same letter quoted by Catulus , taken by one who was a member of the Congress to whom it was addressed: its authenticity therefore cannot be disputed, and may be proved by a reference to the files of Congress in the office of the Secretary of State.
Aristides will now, Mr. Freneau, take his final leave of " An American ," " Catulus ," and " Scourge ," with this single remark, that while for the sake of disguise, and the better to divert the suspicion of the public from the real author and initiator of their calumnies behind the curtain, they multiply signatures, and assume a variety of anonymous names, it would be well for them so far to alter their manner of style, as to turn an obstinate reader , with some ground, colourably speaking , for supposing that there is any thing materially variant , in the language or expression of the TRIO . Merely in purity to the sagacious surmises of Scourge , that Mr. Jefferson is the friend and patron of Aristides , it is declared that this writer is not known to that gentleman, and never had any connection or correspondence with him whatever; his motives are therefore cheerfully submitted to a candid public, indifferent to the opinion of an incendiary junto, whose professed object seems to be to damn the reputation of a good man, without regard to the means by which they offer it.
ARISTIDES. Philadelphia, Sept. 25.
PHILADELPHIA.
SEPTEMBER 26, 1792.
The waste of nations in the present, as well as in past ages, seems to be the pride of monarchy. In ancient Mexico, when the court found it necessary to declare war, the priests made a solemn proclamation by sound of trumpet, that the gods of the nation were in want of blood . Altho' this piece of formality is not actually practiced in Europe, the conduct of the combined monarchs points them out as progressing in the true spirit of the ancient Mexican Indians. The more we consider the present prevailing governmental system of Europe, the more we shall be convinced that royalty, or the domination of hereditary kings, could only be proper, or tolerable, for man in his savage state . In proportion as he emerges from that boyish state into political manhood, and begins to acquire confidence in his rational powers, he becomes more and more a legislator to himself , or, at most, requires to be conducted by the gentle, persuasive hand of a republic, rather than driven headlong, as formerly, by the pitch-fork of an inexorable tyrant.
The under-named gentlemen are elected managers of the stock to be employed in establishing the manufactory of maple sugar and potash, and in promoting agricultural improvement in Northampton county, in Pennsylvania, viz. Timothy Pickering, president; Henry Drinker, treasurer; Samuel Pleasants, Samuel Hodgdon, and Samuel M. Fox, secretaries.
The following curious case was referred by one of the criminal tribunals in France, on the 23d July last, to the national assembly: a woman, two months gone with child, had run some melted lead into her husband's ear, who instantly expired. The culprit made the most ample confession, and excused herself by saying, that "she loved her husband tenderly, but that she could not resist the inclinations of a woman in her situation." — The criminal tribunal had consulted the faculty on this point, who unanimously declared, that "the longings of a woman with child might be such as to induce her to commit so horrible a deed without her own volition." — The assembly were requested to direct how to proceed in this business.
A vessel from Bayonne (arrived here) brings accounts that the Spaniards were arming in all their ports.
The Creek Indians continue still peaceable (with Georgia) but will on no terms
consent to the running of the lines between them and that state agreeably, to the treaty
On Wednesday last arrived here a ship from Holland, with 130 Dutch passengers. Another vessel with passengers from the same place is daily expected.
From the most authentic European information, the invasion of France was to commence about the first of September. The combined armies to be formed into three divisions; the first to divert marshal Luckner, the second to watch the motions of M. de la Fayette, and the third to advance to the capture of Paris, which, it is added, the despotic armies were determined to be possessed of on or about the 20th of October.
The French national assembly have taken an alarm at the equipment of a considerable English squadron at Portsmouth; in consequence of which a motion was adopted in the assembly on the 26th of July, for immediately arming 30 ships of war, to prevent any surprise by sea. It was conjectured the English court had a design upon the isles of France and Bourbon in the Indian ocean, as intermediate harbours for their shipping, and the possession of which would greatly contribute to the preservation of their acquisitions in India.
It does not appear from the proceedings of the national assembly, that the dethroning the king of France was an object seriously contemplated in the councils of the nation. That and several other violent propositions of a similar nature were, indeed, made, but disapproved of by the cooler part of the assembly, as projects pregnant with danger to the real interests of France.
The circle of Franconia in Germany, when applied to for a junction of its forces in the general combination against the liberties of France, gave nearly the same answer with the court of Denmark, upon a similar requisition; and which ought to have been the leading principle with the combined powers; that they are not interested in the war against France.
Oppression teaches wisdom to man. It must give pleasure to every friend of republicanism and freedom to observe the proceedings of the representatives of the people in Ireland. — From what they and their constituents actually feel, they take part in the principles that have emancipated France, against the tyranny and partial restrictions of a nation that has long (Jesuitically) declared itself the freest in Europe. From the example of England it is evident that a nation may be brought to suppose itself perfectly free, without enjoying an atom of rational or equal liberty.
Late accounts from Europe inform that immense warlike preparations were carrying on at Constantinople, by the Turks, for the purpose of invading Hungary. The pretext is, to reimburse themselves for the great expense they were put to in their last war with Russia, by the late emperor joining that power against them. One hundred thousand Turks, it was confidently said by the French at Constantinople, were to march into Hungary — which could not otherwise than in a great measure, if not totally, prevent the designs of the king of Hungary against the new government of France.
Perhaps (says a correspondent) there never were people more completely duped than the French who in 1790 and 1791 came over, upon certain delusory representations, to settle in the tract of country, between the Scioto and Ohio rivers. Owing to their easy credulity and that Romantic spirit for which the French are noted beyond any other nation in the universe, they left friends and country to seat themselves in a spot, which tho' painted to them in the colours of a terrestrial paradise, proves at present little better than a howling wilderness, where they are every moment exposed to the scalping knife of the savage. It is remarkable that the narrative sent to France some years ago, descriptive of the soil, productions, and climate of the country situated along the Scioto, Ohio, and Lake Erie was written by a man (Hector St. Jean de Crevecoeur) who never saw the Ohio nor any part of the lands he so particularly describes in that narrative, he even relates an interview with general Butler on the Ohio river, which never existed, except in imagination. The map of the country, inserted in the Scioto company's pamphlet is enchanting, being touched off in the most captivating colours; and if a colony could live upon a map, the matter would, indeed, have been well enough. Next to disputes, in Europe, on the subject of religion, nothing has contributed to people America more than that romantic spirit artfully propagated amongst the Europeans by fanciful men, for interested purposes, and which has led thousands here, upon a supposition of enjoying indolence and ease, when truth and enquiry ought to have informed them that there is no country where the nerves of strength are more in demand to procure a living than in the new countries of America, where all is fresh from the hand of nature, and frequently the very tools necessary to build a cabin are to be made, before a shelter can be had from the unyielding florn.
On the 31st of August was held a meeting of a large number of inhabitants of the county of Otsego, in the State of New-York, wherein several resolutions were passed, tending to justify the election of governor Clinton, and stigmatizing the opposition as designing to excite in-
surrections in the state, by their strenuous endeavours to promote an appeal to the legislature for redress of the supposed injury received from the decision of the majority of Canvassers. The sixth resolution is pointedly severe upon judge Cooper, the first magistrate of the country, asserting him to be "the sole cause of all the mischief subsisting in the county, and as such that he ought to be considered an object of contempt by all friends to good government" &c.
One of the most remarkable characteristics of the French revolution is the facility with which any of their national projects are begun and ended. The proceedings on the 20th of June are an instance; the very recital of which is sufficient to make the subjects of another power tremble. Notwithstanding that terrible scene, however, Paris is again quiet, and every thing seems to be resuming its natural order. The influence of national character is, no doubt, the principal cause. Be it remembered, however, that the criminal excels of such men as Pethion , Merlin , Santerre , and St. Huruge , ought not to escape unpunished, altho' the extreme malignity of their designs has defeated its own purpose. [ Leyd Gaz. ]
London prints by the ship George Barclay , are down to the 11th of August. By the tenor of these accounts matters are going on well in France, the armies numerous and plentifully supplied, the spirit of the nation at the highest pitch of elevation, and its forces now actually in the field fully competent to repel the diabolical efforts of the German tyrants. — The accounts of the death of capt. John Paul Jones are confirmed; and it is particularly mentioned in London papers, that the American minister at Paris used his endeavours that the funeral should be private, instead of public, as afterwards decided by the national assembly. It is added, that every man of public note accepted the invitation to the funeral of Jones , as one of the champions of American Liberty, except the minister from the United States, who declined the invitation.
The popular tumult at Paris on the 20th of June were bad enough; but there is no need of magnifying them by fictitious reports. That attempts were made on the day above mentioned to poignard the king, is not true. It is certain, however, that a scene was acted at the Thuilleries , which would have disgraced savages, and which ought to have been punished in a most exemplary manner. [ Leyd. Gaz. ]
The theatre in Southwark is to be again opened this evening, with the addition of several new actors from the theatres of London, Bath, and Dublin.
By the latest accounts from Cape François, a skirmish took place the latter end of August, between the regular troops and the negroes, on the plains. The spirit of pacification, notwithstanding, seemed generally to prevail throughout the island, owing, it was thought, to the want of ammunition among the negroes, as the Spaniards had ceased to supply them, as heretofore. Trade was beginning to revive; the American vessels finding a constant demand for their cargoes, and a tolerable return.
Great discontents are said to prevail against the English government in the windward islands, on account of some new commercial regulations. Those islands, it is certain, have universally taken strong resolutions against several measures to be enforced by the mother country, similar to those which preceded the American war, and at length caused a separation.
Nicholas Gilman and Jeremiah Smith, Esqrs. have been chosen two of the representatives in the Congress of the United States, from the state of New-Hampshire.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock Type, Price. Includes entries for 6 Per cents (interest off), 3 Per cents (ditto), Deferred, Shares Bank of United States, North-America, New-York, Massachusetts.
ERRATUM
In the National Gazette of Sept. 15, in the piece signed an Independent Farmer, line 35 from the beginning, for voted by three persons, read voted by these persons.
** Favours from Correspondents have excluded several columns of interesting intelligence from this day's paper, which shall appear in our next.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS,
Table with 5 columns: Date, D. H., Bar., Ther., Wind, Weather. Includes entries for Wednesday 19th to Tuesday 25th of September, 1792.

P O E T I C S.
It is asserted in Mr. Russell's (Boston) Co- lumbian Centinel of Sept. 12. (and copied into Mr. Fenn's Gazette of the United States of last Satur- day) that "the Clergy of this country are con- stantly vilified, and Religion ridiculed through the medium of the National Gazette." The author of the assertion is requested to produce one or more passages from the National Gazette to support his charge, otherwise, we shall conclude it only a dirty attempt to prevent the circulation of the National Gazette in the Eastern States:— But further,
I f of Religion I have made a sport Then why not cite me to the Bishops court?— Fair to the world let every page be let And prove your charge from National Gazette. What if this heart no narrow notions bind, Its pure good will extends to all mankind— Suppose I ask no portion from your feast Nor ride to heaven behind your parish priest, Because I wear not Fenn's Sunday face, Must I for that be loaded with disgrace?
The time has been—the time, I fear, is now When holy phrenzy would erect her brow, Round some poor wight with painted devils meet, And worse than Smithfield blaze thro' every street; But wholesome laws prevent such horrid scenes: No more afraid of deacons or of deans In this new world our joyful hymn we sing That even a Bishop is a barmless thing.
Sept. 25.
A D D R E S S
To the People of Ireland, by Mr. SINCLAIR on the Fourteenth of July last.
W E, the volunteers and other inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Belfast, assembled to commemorate this great day, embrace with earnestness this opportunity which it affords, at once to express our zeal and affection for the cause of liberty in France, and our undif- guised opinions on subjects of the last importance to our native land.
Trained from our infancy in a love of free- dom, and an abhorrence of tyranny, we congra- tulate our brethren of France, and ourselves, that the infamous conspiracy of slaves and despots, against the happiness and glory of that admired and respected nation, and against the common Right of Man, has hitherto proved abortive.
Fixing our view steadily on the great princi- ple of Gallic emancipation, we will not be divert- ed from that magnificent object by the accident- al tumults or momentary ebullitions of popular fu- ry. We will not estimate the wisdom of her le- gislators by the transports of a mob; nor the spi- rit of her armies by the cowardice of a regiment; nor the patriotism of the people by the treachery of individuals; nor the justice of her cause by the number of her enemies. We judge with other views and on other principles—We see, with ad- miration, France extending the land-marks of human knowledge in the great art of government, and opening to the world new systems of policy and of justice. We see her renounce all wars on the principle of conquest. We see her propose an universal brotherhood and an eternal peace among the nations. We see her even now, when forced into arms and bloodshed by the unjust and unprin- cipled machinations of her enemies, separating, as far as possible, the innocent subjects from the guilty despot; respecting amidst the horrors of war, the property of individuals; and exempting from interruption the peaceful traffic of the mer- chant. It is from views like these that we esti- mate that stupendous event, the Revolution, which we this day commemorate; not from ac- cidental irregularities, which, while we condemn them, we are compelled to pity, as feeling that they spring not merely from a spirit of licentious- ness, but from a sense of injury working on a fan- guine people, still galled with the recollection of recent tyranny and oppression, and jealous of lib- erty, but just recovered, and scarcely yet secure.
Such are our sentiments on the subject of the French revolution; we come now to the state of our own country.
Impressed as we are with a deep sense of the excellence of our constitution, as it exists in theory; we observe that we are not, like our brethren in France, reduced to the hard necessity of tearing up inordinate abuse by the roots, even where utility was so intermixed as not to admit of separa- tion. Ours is an easier and a less unpleasing task; to remove with a steady and a temperate resolution the abuses which the lapse of many years insinuation and supineness in a great body of the people, and unceasing vigilance in their rulers to invade and usurp them of their rights, have suffered to overgrow and to deform that beau- tiful system of government, so admirably suited to our situation, our habits, and our wishes. We have not to innovate but to restore. The just prerogative of our monarch we respect and will maintain.—The constitutional power of the peers we will not to invade. We know that in the exercise of both, abuses have grown up; but we also know that those abuses will at once be cor- rected, so as never again to recur, by restoring to us, the people, what we, for ourselves, demand as our right, or due weight and influence in that es- tate, which is our property, the representation of the people in parliament.
Thoroughly impressed with the unjust and ruinous inequality of that representation, with the consequent corruption which pervades all ranks in the state; with the destruction of the morals, the sacrifice of the commerce, and the hourly immi- nent danger to the liberty of our country, we will inexhaustibly persevere in the pursuit of that great remedy for all our political evils a parliamentary reform; a reform temperate, equal and just, which shall restore lustre to the crown, dignity to the peerage, and their due weight and influence to the people of Ireland.
But while we thus state our sentiments on the subject of reform, we feel it incumbent on us to declare, as we do now, that no reform, were even such attainable, would answer our ideas of utility or justice, which should not equally include all sects and denominations of Irishmen. We re- probate and abhor the idea, that political inequali- ty should result from religious opinions; and we
should be ashamed, at the moment we are seeking for liberty ourselves, to acquiesce in any system founded on the slavery of others.
We have now declared our sentiments to the world. In declaring them we spurn, with equal disdain, restraints whether proceeding from a mob or a monarch; from a riot or a proclamation. We look with a mixture of abomination and con- tempt on the transactions which, on the last an- niversary of the French Revolution, degraded the national character of England; when neither the learning, the piety, the public spirit, nor the pri- vate virtue of a PRIESTLY could protect him from the savage fury of the vilest of an ignorant and a bigotted rabble, before whom the religion of the country was dishonoured, the name of the Sove- reign insulted, and all law & order levelled in the dust, to the disgrace, not less of the integrity of the magistrates who were the fomenters, than of the spirit of the people, who were timid witnesses of the ravage and destruction. As little should we respect any attempt, under colour of authority, to fetter down our minds or prevent the publica- tion of our grievances, and our determination to seek redress. In the pursuit of reform, the great measure indispensable to the freedom, the hap- piness, and the glory of our country, we will in- flexibly persevere, and for its attainment we rely with confidence on the steadiness, the public spi- rit, and the zealous co-operation of our country- men.
HALIFAX, (N. C.) September 12.
Extract of a letter from the Territory of the United States south of the Ohio, of a late date.
The Cherokee and Creek Indians have been continually through the whole summer commit- ting hostilities and depredations on the settle- ments of Cumberland:—a white woman and three children were purchased in the month of July, by a trader in the Creek nation, for 1400lb. of deer- skins, and brought to Knoxville. She had been taken from a station near Blount's Lick, on Cumberland, where four white men were killed and several persons taken prisoners, who may not all be fortunate enough to be ransomed from tor- ture and Indian barbarity. Several persons were killed and wounded in the months of June and July, and a great number of horses taken off from the very vicinity of Nashville. An expen- sive treaty was held about twelve months ago with the Cherokees, and large presents distributed among the towns and chiefs; and they seem to adopt this policy to make another treaty necessa- ry, which will terminate of course in another douceur. Treaties are convenient things for the Plenipotes on both sides, but not quite so conveni- ent to an exhausted treasury, where they have made a heavy article in Mr. H—'s account of appropriations and expenditures. There is certainly some great defect in the policy of the United States with respect to these Indians: the Executive of this country has established the character of firmness and activity in its admini- stration; yet in respect to the Indians all is fee- bleness—they maraud and murder with impunity. It is clear that this kind of mongrel government, between a state & a colony does not possess suffi- cient energy for its own defence—it is indeed an European exotic and must languish in the United States—they are obliged to depend on Congres- sional measures for protection, and the Indians have lost all reverence for the National Govern- ment, and view their languid ceremonious policy, as a cousin german to Gen. St. Clair's military tactics."
B O O K S,
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This work which is now conducted on an im- proved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of po- litical, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excel- lency the President of the United States, has de- clared of it, that "the more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.
2. Smith's letters to married women, on nursing and the management of children. "We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed." Monthly Review. Vol. 38, Page 101. Price bound five eighths of a dollar.
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Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
N OTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said Society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Go- vernor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second installment for the payment of shares in the stock of this Society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second installment, be- ing 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful in- terest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thir- teenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or be- fore the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 11-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, be- ing the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dol- lars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brun- swick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs.—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk. July 24. tf.
FOR SALE,
A BOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitestown, in the state of New-York, on the north side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchasers.
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Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé,—
S AVOIR, sixante cinq mille, trois cens, soix- ante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Mé- ridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable; et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Columbia, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour Supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navi- gation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Salude, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréable- ment diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charman- tes, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considé- rable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Na- tionale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
I N a well settled Country, SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Salude, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beauti- fully diversified into swells and vales, and is per- fectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so favor- ably situated, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 12wtf
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octa- vo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
SOCIETY FOR ESTABLISHING USEFUL MANUFACTURES.
N OTICE is hereby given to the Stockholders of the Society for establishing useful manu- factures, that the annual election for Directors of the said Society will be held at the Courthouse in New-Ark in the county of Essex on the first Mon- day in October next, between the hours of twelve and two in the afternoon of the same day.
A. MERCER, Deputy Governor. New-Ark July, 17th 1792.
JUST PUBLISHED
By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence)
FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the
Yeomanry of the United States:
C ONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Governor Duer and Mr. Secreta- ry Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures, by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly in- teresting at this period, may be had at the follow- ing places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing Office, No 156, Market-street; at No. 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Cukshanks, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Atkin's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-streets. August 21.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer. JOHN M'CULLOCH, at No. 1 North Third- Street, and by most of the Book- Sellers in this city, (Price 3/9)
MODERN CHIVALRY:
Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago,
and Teague O'Regan, his Servant.
VOLUME II.
By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines nostrum, Farrago libelli. Juvena
PUBLIC REPORTS FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and end- ing with the close of the Session of May, 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be deliver- ed to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been sug- gested to the publishers by several members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provi- ded a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
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ADVICE
TO THE
PRIVILEGED ORDERS, in the SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE, Resulting from the necessity and pro- priety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government.
By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
P L A N S OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON. FOR SALE BY
MESSRS. Dobson, Young, Crukshank, and Carey, in this city. Sept. 15. 6t.
George Town, June 2, 1792.
A NUMBER of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in the city of Wash- ington, will be offered for sale, by the Commis- sioners on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual pay- ments, with yearly interest on the whole princi- pal sum. JOHN M. GANTT, July 25. Clerk to the Commissioners.
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