The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-01-12 00:00:00

NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE
[No. 6, -Vol. LIII.]
TUESDAY, JANUARY 12, 1808.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PEARCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
NEW FALL & WINTER GOODS.
Just received by the late arrivals at Boston, from London and Liverpool, and now opening at
DRAPER'S
CHEAP NEW CASH STORE, A more extensive assortment of FASHIONABLE, FANCY AND STAPLE PIECE GOODS,
than he has ever offered for sale in this town, among which are
Ladies Beaver Bonnets; Silk Plush, all colors; Silk Velvets, all colors; Variety of fancy dress Mullins; Ladies Mantles; Black & white lace Gloves; do. and do. Sleeves; Very nice white Satin Ladies mouselin Robes; Plain & plaid Italian & Florence Luthings; Colored & white kid Habit Gloves; Habit silk Gloves, all colors; Mob Caps; Habit Shirts; Cap Patterns; Tambored stripe Trimmings; Green, pink, blue, buff and white Sarfnetts; Black and green pelong Satins; Gown Trimmings; Ladies English rose colored silk Hose, very elegant; do. black, white and slate silk Hose; Gentlemen's silk do. all colors; Ladies English black short silk Gloves; Thread and cotton Laces; Patent black laces and Edgings; Book, Jacobet & cambric Mullins; Linen pocket Hankies very fine, with pencil borders; Linen Cambrics; Fancy Ribbons; Silk Cords; Gown Buttons; Elegant tortoiseshell hair Combs; A great variety of Ladies Ear Hoops; Glass Buttons; Black, brown & dark green silk Buttons of the most fashionable kind for gentlemen's wear; Purple, olive, brown & blik Tabby Velvets; Fashionable buff, orange, slate and coelicot twilled Shawls; 6-4 damask silk Shawls; Straw Hats & Bonnets; Leghorn straw Flats; 6-4 black, blue, orange, slate, salmon and fawn colored twilled Cambrics, (a new article); Variety of velvet Vesting; Pink and dark plaid Ginghams; Bk. Crapes & Modes, Black Satins and Luteftrings; 7-8, 4-4 and 6-4 black Cambrics; Pink, blue, orange, salmon, dove, purple and brown do.
Dr. Dwight,
INFORMS his friends that he has REMOVED from Mrs. Hardy's in High-street, to Col. Thomas Thompson's in Pleasant-street, the next door South of Governor Langdon's, and nearly opposite the University's new Meeting-house, where he may be found. Nov. 17th, 1807. [3m.]
NEW SCHOOL BOOK.
THE Arts and Sciences Abridged, with a selection of elegant Pieces from celebrated modern authors, calculated to improve the manners and refine the taste of youth. The above Book contains 216 Pages, on a good paper and fair type, and sells for 2/3.
It has been to highly approved as a reading Book in Schools, and Evening companion for families, that Thirteen hundred and twenty-nine have been sold from the Bookstore of C. PEARCE, in Portsmouth, within the last twelve months; during which time he has not sold a quarter part so many of any other Book. December 1807.
The subscriber Executor of the last Will and Testament of JOHN COLEMAN, late of Newington, yeoman, deceased, having taken upon himself that trust, by giving bonds as the law directs - Request all Persons having any demands on the estate of said deceased to exhibit them for settlement, and all Persons that are indebted to said estate, are called on to make immediate payment, without delay, as the Executor wishes to make a speedy settlement of the estate. WOODMAN COLMAN, Executor. Newington, Decr 29, 1807.
H. & B. Penhallow,
Have for sale at their Store in Market-street, the following articles just received - viz.
SHOP & Parlour STOVES,
a complete assortment of Cast-Iron Dogs, some of which are very handsome new-patterns; Brass Hand-Irons, and wrought-iron Hand-Irons with Brass Heads; GUNS; Bayonets; Sword & Hanger Blades; Brass & Steel Barrel PISTOLS; Gun and Pistol Locks; Brass Gun-mountings & Gun Flints; best Holland Scates; Sley-Bells; Warming-Pans; London and Bristol Pewter; block-tin Measures and Tea-Pots; church Plate in complete sets; Brass Kettles; Patent Shot; Anvils and Vices; English blister'd Steel; German Mill-Saws; Iron Shovels; German and Halback Steel; 6 by 8, 7 by 9 and 8 by 10 Bristol crown Window-Glass in 50 feet boxes.
Large IRON-KETTLES, and a complete assortment of other IRON HOLLOW WARE; together with a great variety of Shelf HARD-WARE GOODS.
Portsmouth, January 5th, 1808. (6w.)
J. H. Goddard & Co.
Have just received by the ship Washington, Crocker, from London -
A LARGE SUPPLY OF BRITISH RIBBONS, including a complete variety of plain and figured of every description.
Also for the same conveyance, BLACK PELISE VELVETS, mens in cam Beaver Gloves, black fewing Silks all qualities, Light dyes ditto, Gauzes, Modes, Capwire, green and other color'd Sarfnetts, mix'd and bundle Pins, & BRITISH QUILLS of superior qualities. Also on hand, SILK SHAGS of every colour; all which are offered on favourable terms at their store in Market-street. Portsmouth, Dec. 8th, 1807.
William Garland,
Has for sale, No. 9, Merchant's Row, 15 Hhds. W. I. RUM; 30 chests Hyson-Skin TEA; 20 do. Hyson, Souchong & Bohea do. 20 bbls. FLOUR; MOLASSES per hhd.; bbls SUGAR; COTTON per bag; boxes SOAP; BRANDY, and American GIN per pipe, &c. &c. January 5.
Randall & Wendell,
Have for sale at their Store opposite the N. H. Hotel,
COGNAC Brandy per pipe; Rum per hhd.; Rice per cask; Sugar per hhd. or barrel; Hyson, Hyson-Skin, Souchong and Bohea Tea per chest; Liverpool Salt per hhd.
Also, constantly on hand, A general assortment of GROCERIES, warranted good. Portsmouth, January 5, 1808.
ÆSOP'S FABLES,
(FOR SCHOOLS.) JUST PUBLISHED BY
Thomas & Tappan,
at the request of the School Committee of this town, & for sale at their Book-store, No. 1, Sheff's Buildings, MARKET-STREET, HISTORY of the Life of ÆSOP, according to Sir Roger L'ESTRANGE. To which is added, a choice collection of FABLES, with illustrative Morals: for the benefit of Youth.
This Book is printed on a fine paper, and new type, and sells for only 25 cents.
School Committees and Instructors of youth in the neighbouring towns are desired to call and examine it. Jan. 5. N.B. The above Book is also sold by C. PEARCE, Daniel-street, and W. TREADWELL, Buck-street.
REMOVED.
Benjamin Floyd,
INFORMS his Friends and the Public, that not having to convenient a place for his business as he could wish, he has removed to the chamber he formerly occupied, over Mrs. Nathan B. Fulson's, opposite the Court House, Congress-street, where the BOOK-BINDING BUSINESS in its various branches will be carried on with neatness, punctuality and dispatch, and the smallest favor thankfully received. January 5, 1808.
For Charleston, (S. C.)
THE Brig DOLORES, Captain Rich'd Tripe master, will sail on or before the 20th inst. for freight or passage, Apply to JOSEPH S. AYERS. January 5.
Cash given for RAGS, at the Book store of C. PEARCE.
NEW GOODS.
STEPHEN HARDY,
Market-street. Has received a variety of Jewelry and other Goods, viz.
GOLD NECKLACES; pearl for gold Pins and Rings; jet Rings and Pins for hair; plain gold Pins, Rings and Brooches for hair or without; gold Seals and Keys; gilt Pins; Watch-keys, Seals and Chains; ornamented Combs; Pocket-Books; Thread-cases and Purses; Spangles; silver Thimbles; steel Snuffers and Trays; Candlesticks.
JAPAN'D WARE, &c.
Gold and imitation Gilded, morocco and black ground Tea Trays; knife and snuffer ditto; table and desert Knives and Forks; floor, hearth, cloth and hair Brushes; Bells; Penknives; Scissors; Jackknives; Horse and Chaise Whips; Blocktin and Britannia Tea Pots; table Bells; Japan'd Lamps - Also, a general assortment of silver table, tea & salt Spoons; sugar Tongs, etc. with a variety of other articles to numerous to mention. Portsmouth, November 24.
FLAX-SEED, pot & pearl Asbes.
CASH given for FLAX-SEED, BEES-WAX, Pot and Pearl ASHES - by
Abel & Robert Harris, at their Store No. 15, Merchants-Row. Portsmouth, Nov. 16.
Grand Lodge.
THE Officers and Members of the Grand Lodge of the State of New Hampshire, the district Deputy Grand Masters, and the Masters and Wardens of subordinate Lodges, are informed that the general assembly of the Grand Lodge of the State of New Hampshire will be held at the lodge room in Portsmouth, on Wednesday the 27th day of January, A.L. 5808, at 2 o'clock P. M. By Order, L. SPALDING, G. Secretary. Portsmouth, December 29, 1807.
NEW WORKS; just published
and for sale at C. PEARCE'S Bookstore,
A tour through Holland to the south of Germany in 1806, by Sir John Carr - price 2 dolls. - also Carr's tour through Ireland, in 1805 - price 2 dolls.
Carr's northern Summer, or Travels round the Baltic in 1804, price 7/6.
Carr's Stranger in France, or tour from Devonshire to Paris - price 7/6.
All the above works of Mr. Carr's would be found very entertaining in Public or private Libraries, as they furnish much new and pleasing information.
C. PEARCE is daily adding to his stock, all the New Publications of Merit, and still supplies Public and Private Libraries on as good terms as at any Store in America. His stock now consists of between 30 and 40,000 volumes.
New-Year's PRESENTS.
C. PEARCE has on hand a great variety of CHILDREN'S BOOKS, as New-Year's Presents, which he would be glad to exchange for silver money or cents. Dec. 29.
PORTSMOUTH PIER,
December 28th, 1807.
THE proprietors of the Portsmouth Pier are hereby notified that their annual meeting for the choice of Officers for the ensuing year, and the transaction of any other business relating to the corporation, - will be held at the New Hampshire Hotel, on Monday the 18th day of January next, at 3 o'clock, P. M. ELIJAH HALL, Proprietors Clerk.
WE the subscribers have found great inconvenience both to ourselves and to our customers, by suffering our Accounts to remain unsettled for a long course of years; - therefore we do hereby request all those with whom we have accounts open, of one year's standing or more, to settle them as soon as may be; as we are determined to settle all our accounts annually, and for that purpose all our bills will be regularly presented at the close of each year.
A. R. Cutter, L. Spalding, John Folsom, Josiah Dwight, W. Cutter, Joshua Brackett, J. H. Pierrepont, Portsmouth, December 29, 1807. [6w.]
NOTICE - J. SIMES' Estate.
THE subscriber being appointed Administrator on the estate of JOSEPH SIMES, late of Portsmouth, mariner, deceased, requests all persons, to whom the deceased was indebted, to present their claims for settlement; and those who are indebted to the deceased, will please to make payment to GEORGE RICHARDS, Admin'r. Portsmouth, January 5, 1808.
LAWS OF THE United States,
PASSED FIRST OF TENTH AT THE SESSION OF THE CONGRESS.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
AN ACT
Making further appropriations for the support of the Navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That for defraying the expenses of the navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, the following sums, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated for that object, be, and the same are hereby respectively appropriated; that is to say:
For the pay and subsistence of the officers, and pay of the seamen, seventy-four thousand, seven hundred and fifty-four dollars & twenty-nine cents:
For provisions, thirty-one thousand four hundred and sixty-eight dollars and fifteen cents:
For repairs of vessels, one hundred and forty-two thousand, eight hundred and eighty-four dollars and fifty-one cents:
For pay and subsistence of the marine corps, eighteen thousand, five hundred dollars:
For clothing for the same, ten thousand, one hundred and thirty-nine dollars, and forty-two cents:
For medicines and hospital stores, one thousand, two hundred and sixty-three dollars and forty cents:
For ordnance and military stores, three hundred and ten thousand, five hundred and fifty-four dollars, and sixty cents:
For timber for the navy, eighty-seven thousand, five hundred dollars:
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several sums herein specifically appropriated, shall be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
November 24, 1807. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
From the National Intelligencer.
EMBARGO.
A rapid view was taken in our last paper of the nature and effects of the Embargo. As it is the strongest measure yet taken by the government, and from its very nature will be productive of interesting consequences, not only on the foreign world, but likewise on ourselves, it is of the first importance that the public should receive correct impressions upon it. For a time it will materially reduce the price of our produce, and enhance that of many foreign commodities. The latter circumstance will operate as some indemnity to our merchants, for the suspension of their business; the former will, in a considerable degree, affect the interests of the farmer and planter. Fortunately, in this country it is the latter class of citizens, who, from their numbers as well as wealth, are the most able to bear a pressure. The season at which the embargo is laid is favorable to them. They will already have supplied themselves with most of the goods they want for the ensuing winter; the crops of the last autumn, will, to a great extent, have already found a market, and the principal exertions necessary for the next harvest will not be called for until the ensuing spring. This will alleviate, tho' it will not certainly supercede the effects of the measure. There will remain occasion for much fortitude, perhaps for great patience. Is the state of our affairs such as requires this sacrifice? Might not a resort to milder measures do as well? We confidently answer no; not only for the reasons assigned in our last, but for other reasons. A crisis has arrived that calls for some decided step. The national spirit is up. That spirit is invaluable. In case of a war it is to lead us to conquest. By the vigor with which it shall wield the physical force of the country, it is to inspire us with unshaken confidence in our strength, and to appal our enemy. In our solemn appeal to the world, it is to silence for-
ever the idle hope that flatters itself with the phantom, either that we are a divided people, or that our republican institutions have not energy enough to defend us, much less to inflict serious injury on our enemies. To dispel this illusion in such an event, there must cease to exist an inch of British ground on this continent.
The people having shown their spirit, the season has arrived for the government to sustain, second and direct it. To delay any longer to do this would be to jeopardize its existence. The crisis is not requiring war, still hoping, if not expecting peace, an embargo is the next best measure for maintaining the nation at peace. It will arm the nation. It will do more. It will arm the Executive government. It is an unequivocal, an efficient expression of confidence in the Executive; and gives the President a new weapon of negotiation - we say weapon of negotiation, for, in the present state of the world, even negotiation has ceased to be pacific. Without being backed by force it is an empty sound.
The embargo furnishes this weapon. The sword is not drawn from the scabbard, but it may be drawn at a moment's warning. By it, every member of the community will be sensibly impressed with the solemnity of the crisis, and will be prepared for events. The public will be impatient for a decision of the great interests depending. All will be anxious for a restoration of their ordinary pursuits. Our negotiator will be armed with the public sensibility. He will be constrained to require a definitive answer, and the whole nation will call upon him with one voice to require that this answer be prompt. The negotiator of a foreign nation, if his instructions be amicable, will candidly perceive the necessity of a prompt and candid answer and give it; and it hostile, the sooner the truth comes out the better.
This is exactly the result so long impatiently expected by the nation, a result, whose further protraction might be ruinous to our interests and derogatory to our character.
There are those who suppose that this step will be productive of incalculable commercial losses. It will certainly produce much inconvenience to the mercantile world. But it will be not unaccompanied with benefit. It will separate the wheat from the chaff. It will coerce the settlement of long standing and complicated accounts. The merchant, who has been fraudulently trading on another's capital, may sink. And will not this be just? Is the man an object of commiseration who, at such a moment, when all our resources ought to be carefully husbanded for the day of danger, is base enough to risk not his own property, for he has none to risk, but that of another more cautious than himself, and that too which is lost to so much loss to the nation, and so much gained by our enemy? Can any legal measure be too strong for such a man; one, who to personal dishonesty adds a total destitution of patriotism; one, who to promote his own interest, can behold with indifference the wreck of his friend's fortune, and the disgrace or ruin of his country? If there is in the United States such a class of men, the sooner they are called to account the better, and the sooner they are arrested in their injustice the happier for the honest part of the community. As to the solid, honest traders, it is a fact that the greater part of them have long contemplated the lowering aspect of the horizon, and have wisely and honorably, by withdrawing their property from the ocean, determined to await the issue of events. This body of men, and we hope it includes a great majority of our merchants, will approve the embargo.
We believe it will be a popular measure with all classes. We are certain that the farmer, the planter and the mechanic will approve it from the security it offers to the public interests; and if the merchants be as honest and enlightened, as we trust they are, they will perceive the indissoluble connection between their solid and permanent prosperity and the general welfare. Facts too attest the general expectation that this measure would be resorted to by the government; no sooner was the late news received than the public prints of different political characters and in different parts of the union demanded an embargo; and no sooner were the doors of Congress closed, than it became the universal impression that this measure was about to be taken. In proof of this take the following extract from the Gazette of the United States, a paper decidedly federal, of the 21st inst.
"This is, therefore, no time to stand upon punctilio, or to adopt provoking and enfeebling regulations. The necessity of the case points out its remedy. We have it in our hands. Let an embargo be laid upon all our shipping, till they can venture out with a chance of safety. Who knows but that both our enemies (for such I reckon them both) would then agree to exempt us from their tyrannical interdicts, for the general benefit of indirect communication; and that mutual privilege be thus obtained, by fair means, which we are utterly incompetent to force."
"An embargo is a measure that will give the government an opportunity of feeling the pulse of the people, before they commit themselves; and that will manifest our determination not to submit to every belligerent imposition as unequivocally as our boldest efforts at direct retaliation."
The Senate of the U. S. have passed a bill augmenting the military peace establishment of the U. States. It authorises the president to raise, in addition to the present peace establishment, one regiment of infantry, one battalion of cavalry, and one of riflemen. Philad. paper.

Extract of a letter from the Secretary of State, to James Monroe, Esq. dated 5th of January, 1804.
Warnings and predictions, are now realities; the event that has been long anticipated, has now already a body and a shape. Between the abandonment of our independence along with the rights of a free people, and a sacrifice of our commerce for a short time, we had no choice—without abandoning our sovereignty and the function of legislation to Great Britain, our ships were not allowed to swim the seas un molested—they were preyed upon by her corsairs, and our citizens compelled to fight her battles.
Ever since the year 1793, the conduct of Great Britain towards the United States, has been that of a bloated city bully towards a raw country stripling; all the insolence and knavery of practiced iniquity, has been exhibited in its various shapes; menace has been tried till it was found likely to provoke that rage, which youthful energy sometimes displayed, to the mortification of corpulent villainy; to this succeeded affected complacency, and professed contrition; until America again thrown off her guard and lulled into security, was destined to be assailed with renewed insolence and more inveterate outrage. The thousands of our citizens impressed on board British ships of war, have been demanded for years past without effect.
Our vessels seized upon in all parts of the globe, and plundered or confiscated without even the plausibility of judicial forms—and without any other plea than that of highway robbers or buccaneers—they had the power, and therefore exercised it as a right!
Our government are well apprised of the designs of Great Britain; and the period has arrived when it would not be consistent either with our own safety nor with that common sense of justice which all civilized nations owe to each other, if we were the only nation to connive at the wickedness of a nation that after deluging Asia and Europe in blood by her gold or her intrigues, has given the last evidence of her desperation and her contempt of all moral and political laws in the outrages on the Chesapeake ship of war, and on the capital and navy of neutral Denmark.
The indignation of mankind has been called forth against a nation which could utter and support such diabolical principles as those of the proclamation which was issued by the British commanders on landing in Zealand—it was the last blow that could be struck on the whole compass of Europe—it was the prelude to the exclusion of that power which audaciously claimed the sovereignty of the seas, from footing or intercourse with the vast continent of Europe.
The audacious proclamation directed at the U. States, was but the precursor of a similar atrocious design, and similar desperation against the U. States.—It was known that America would not abandon to any power on earth, her independence, nor recognize any maritime principles repugnant to those of the armed neutrality of 1780. The British government, after destroying the Danish navy, calculated upon a power more insidious than her navy or her army—she calculated that her gold could effect among the people of the United States what her arms and navy had failed to accomplish at Copenhagen; the Danish vessels were taken (“in an amicable way”)—but the minds of the Danish people are fixt in eternal hate of a power that could violate all ties of morals and laws, who could disregard all rights human and divine.
The effort in America has been directed against the minds of the people.—The artifices of her emissaries are directed to divide the people. The gold of Britain has been lavished and is now lavishing to create a vast body of disaffection in the bosom of the American union.
It is time then that the American people look around them.
The war begun in June, in the waters of the Chesapeake—will now embrace the whole American coast.
The men of America must buckle on their armour—and they must look around them—before and behind them; and they must guard against those who have forsaken the household Gods of America, to worship the destroyers, the curse of the earth and the seas.
“He who is not for us, is against us.” Such must be the creed of every American henceforth. It is not now a question of this man or that man, for this or that office. The question now is—shall we continue to be a free, sovereign and independent nation, as the immortal congress of 1776 proclaimed us to be, and as eight years of sanguinary contest proved us to be worthy of sustaining.
This is no time for the cavils of silly men, any more than for the audacious villainy of the knave—the spirit of manhood disdains to trifle with the one, or to submit in silent connivance to the other.
The country now calls for the extinction of faction—and for the direction of all the energies of the noble soul, against the oppressor. There is no intermediate course between public patriotism and perfidy. [Philad. Aurora]
We consider a neutral flag on the high seas as a safeguard to those sailing under it. G. Britain, on the contrary, asserts a right to search for, and seize her own subjects; and under that cover, as cannot but happen, are often seized and taken off, citizens of the United States, and citizens or subjects of other neutral countries, navigating the high seas, under the protection of the American flag.
Were the right of G. Britain, in this, not denied, the abuses flowing from it would justify the United States in claiming and expecting a discontinuance of its exercise.—But the right is denied, and on the best grounds.
Although G. Britain has not yet adopted, in the same latitude with most other nations, the immunities of a neutral flag, she will not deny the general freedom of the high seas, and of neutral vessels navigating them, with such exceptions only as are annexed to it by the law of nations.—She must produce then such an exception in the law of nations, in favor of the rights she contends for. But in what written and received authority will she find it? In what usage except her own will it be found? She will find in both that a neutral vessel does not protect certain objects denominated contraband of war, including enemies serving in the war, nor articles going in a blockaded port, nor as she has maintained, and as we have not contested, enemies property of any kind. But no where will she find an exception to this freedom of the seas, and of neutral flags which justifies the taking away of any person, not an enemy in military service, found on board a neutral vessel.
If the subjects of one sovereign may be taken from the vessels of another, on the high seas, the right of taking them when found, implies the right of searching for them, a vexation of commerce, especially in the time of peace, which has not yet been attempted, and which for that as well as other reasons, may be regarded as contradicting the principle from which it would flow.
Taking reason and justice for the test of this practice, it is peculiarly indefensible—because it deprives the dearest rights of a regular trial to which the most inconsiderable article of property captured on the high seas, is entitled; and leaves their destiny to the will of an officer, sometimes cruel, often ignorant, and generally interested by his want of mariners in his own decisions.—Whenever property found in a neutral vessel is supposed to be liable on any grounds to capture and condemnation, the rule in all cases is that the question shall not be decided by the captor, but be carried before a legal tribunal, where a regular trial may be had, and where the captor himself is liable to damages, for such abuse of his power.—Can it be reasonable, then, or just, that a belligerent commander, who is thus restricted, and thus in a case of mere property of trivial amount, should be permitted, without recurring to any tribunal whatever, to examine the crew of a neutral vessel to decide the important question of their respective allegiances, and to carry that decision into instant execution, by forcing every individual he may chuse, into a service abhorrent to his feelings, cutting him off from his most tender connections, exposing his mind and his person to the most humiliating discipline, and his life itself to the greatest dangers? Reason, justice and humanity unite in protesting against so extravagant a proceeding. And what is the pretext for it? It is that the similarity of language and features between American citizens and British subjects, are such as not easily to be distinguished, and that without this arbitrary and summary authority to make the distinction, British subjects would escape, under the name of American citizens from the duty which they owe to their sovereign. Is then the difficulty of distinguishing a mariner of one country from the mariner of the other, and the importance of his services, a good plea for referring the question whether he belongs to the one or the other, to any arbitrary decision on the spot, by an interested and unresponsible officer? In all other cases the difficulty and the importance of questions are considered as reasons for requiring greater care and formality in investigating them. To say that precautions of this sort are incompatible with the object is to admit the object is unjustifiable; since the only means by which it can be pursued are such as cannot be justified.
The evil takes a deeper die, when viewed in its practice as well as its principles. Were it allowable that British subjects should be taken out of American vessels on the high seas, it might at least be required that the proof of their allegiance should lie on the British side. This obvious and just rule is however, resorted to; and every seaman on board, though going from an American port, and sailing under an American flag, and sometimes even speaking an idiom proving him not to be a British subject, is presumed to be such, unless he can prove an American citizenship. It may safely be affirmed that this is an outrage which has no precedent, and which Great Britain would be among the last nations in the world to suffer, if offered on her own subjects and her own flag.—Nor is it always against the right presumption alone, which is in favor of the citizenship corresponding with the flag, that the violence was committed. Not unfrequently it takes place in defiance of the most positive proof, certified in due form by an American officer. Let it not be said, that in granting to American seamen this protection to their rights as such, the point is yielded, that the proof lies on the American side, and that the want of it in the prescribed form justifies the inference that the seamen are not of American allegiance. It is difficult to be understood, that the certificate usually called a protection to American seamen, is not meant to protect them under their own or even under any other neutral flag on the high seas. We can never admit, that in such a situation, any other protection is required for them, than the neutral flag itself on the high seas. Whether, we consult the law of nations, or the dictates of justice, no pretext can be found for the British practice of making impressments from American vessels on the high seas.
Great Britain has the less to say in excuse for this practice, as it is in direct contradiction to the principles, on which she proceeds in other cases. Whilst she claims and seizes on the high seas, her own subjects, voluntarily serving in American vessels, she has constantly given, when she could give, as reason for not discharging from her service American citizens, that they had voluntarily engaged in it. Nay more, whilst she impresses her own subjects from the American service, altho' they may have been settled and married and naturalized in the United States, she constantly refuses to release from her, American seamen impressed into it, whenever she can give for a reason, that they were either settled or married within her dominions. Thus, when the voluntary consent of the individual favors her pretensions, she pleads the validity of that consent. When the voluntary consent of the individuals stands in the way of her pretensions, it goes for nothing! When marriage or residence can be pleaded in her favor, she avails herself of the plea. When marriage, residence, even naturalization are against her, no respect whatever is paid to either! She takes, by force, her own subjects voluntarily serving in our vessels. She keeps by force American citizens involuntarily serving in hers. More flagrant inconsistencies cannot be imagined.
It is well worthy of observation, consideration and remembrance, that Great Britain has never adopted or pursued the practice on the ocean of impressing or taking her own subjects on board of any neutral merchant vessel, but those of the United States. [Pref.]
From the Democratic Press. A commentary on the late Proclamation of the King of Great Britain. BY PHINEAS BOND. On the extraordinary and unprecedented proclamation of the British King, we have published several columns of remarks—upon the extent of its application—its violation of the acknowledged law of nations—and its direct hostility to the laws of England, as laid down by the highest authorities. We regret to find, but it is our duty to proclaim, that all we have conjectured as to the extent of its application, falls infinitely short of the construction which is put upon it by the authorized agents of the government of England.
We presume that these agents are justified in their construction, by the private instructions of their government: be that as it may, their declarations are our best guides, as to the views and wishes of those they represent. The facts in our possession, justify us in the assertion, that the agents of England, in this country, do upon the late proclamation undertake, to pardon deserters—to give them money, and to send them home free of expense!
In the place of conjecture we submit facts, and instead of argument we offer the language of the British consul residing in Philadelphia. Our readers will draw their own conclusions.
On Saturday morning the 19th ultimo, some citizens of the United States having conversed freely on the subject of the British proclamation, three of them agreed to go to the house of the British consul, and endeavor to learn from him the intentions of his government. About 11 o'clock they went to the house of Mr. Bond, who came down stairs in a loose morning gown, when the following conversation took place.
Citizen. Sir, I have seen his Majesty's proclamation, and I have called to day that I am a deserter from one of his Majesty's regiments, and I wish to know whether I can take advantage of the proclamation? British Consul. Certainly you can. Citizen. But if I do surrender, am I to be pardoned? British Consul. Undoubtedly! Citizen. To whom can I surrender myself? British Consul. You may surrender yourself to me. Citizen. How shall I be certain that I shall be pardoned? British Consul. I will give you my assurance and my bond for your pardon and protection. Citizen. If I have not money to take me and my family to England, what shall I do? British Consul. I will give you money to take you and your family to New-York and an order to have you taken home in the British Packet, and you shall be taken home gratis.
The citizens having obtained what information they required, wished to depart—Mr. Bond was anxious to have the citizen who had been interrogating him, go up stairs; this however was declined and after giving in the fictitious name of Donald Fraser, they left the house of the British agent.
In stating this transaction we have detailed the day, the hour, and the place.—With respect to the conversation, we have but one observation to make—we took it down from the lips of the very citizen who held it with Mr. Bond.
From the Philadelphia Aurora. Mr. Duan. I returned a few days ago from a voyage, and last evening amused myself with overhauling a set of your papers; in which I find, that old daddy George says we must come home, and all his “natural born subjects,” his bastards I suppose. Now my old boy, if he means all who came from England or the Doel, we'll see him pretty well d—d first. Does he think that every poor man who has lived in this country five, ten, or more years, and who have become citizens of the United States; who have sworn allegiance to the states, and renounced all allegiance to any foreign prince, potentate, or babbler, will ever go home! No, no, Billy, though they do threaten to bring us to the gangway, or that he will see us again. George—what, has not a man a right to leave his country for a better one? where he can get more grub for his money, and more money for his grub?—We are not such a parcel of stupid asses and fools, as they think us; besides, Mr. Duan, I have been in this country ten years, I have become a citizen according to act of congress—I have married here and have children, and I expect to be protected. I became a citizen. I rely on the acts of congress, and I humbly think, that I am as much, if not more entitled to protection, than the merchants, pedlars, and riders, who come to the states and make a convenience of their citizenship, to cover their master's property from the French; and yet these men are the foremost who, with the right of taking us poor devils out of merchantmen and ships of war to be acknowledged, rather than their trade should be interrupted! To H— I'd pitch such fellows, interest governs the whole of them.
If any of my old messmates should see this, remember the roabab sword; if you come on the coast of America, remember the Nore, you will be better treated here. I can't think that Congress will ever give up the men, who have relied on the faith of their acts, and become citizens. I have a snug bit of a house here, which I have got by hard earnings—I have children, who shall be taught to defend the land that gives them and their father support; and I think the honest hard working man is more entitled to protection than the land lubber, who could barter the liberty and honor of his country, for a bag of coffee, or a coat of superfine cloth. BOWLIN. Dec. 29, 1807. Lat. 39, 45, long. 75. W.
BY THE MAILS.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 28, 1807. EMBARGO.
WE have said that the Embargo gives no pretext to any foreign nation to make war on us. More may be said. It destroys the temptation to war.
Would war be directed against us on the ocean? There it would find at present but a remnant of our commerce not yet got home from distant voyages, and in a little time, none at all. On that element therefore we shall be invulnerable.
Will it assail us on the other element?—There too every tempting object fails. Already our means of defence are forbidding; and the activity and efficacy given to our preparations, by the confinement of our seamen and stores to our own ports, will quickly bid defiance to all the force that can be brought against them. The only spot for which serious apprehensions have been felt is the city of New-York: at once the richest and most exposed of our emporiums.—But let it be remembered, that its resources for defence, are in proportion to those of its commerce. Besides; the preparations already made, with others on foot and in prospect, are placing it beyond the reach of danger. Great as the stake is (much of it by the way the invader's own property,) an enemy that counts all the cost of an armament giving even a chance of success, will strike the balance, against the bargain.
Such would be our situation on both elements. What would be that of an enemy, should it be the one most in condition to threaten us? With indefensible territories at our doors; all the wealth that floats on the ocean would be also exposed. There might indeed be a thousand clumsy ships of war parading on that element. But there would be many thousands laden with the commerce of the world, inviting, under a mock protection, the pursuits of our eagle-eyed cruisers; swift as the wind; swarming in every sea, and finding a haunt and a home in every port.
War therefore can have no real charms for such an enemy. So far from it, that the American nation is preferring an embargo to war, under circumstances demanding one of the two, or a submission to evils greater than either, gives the most signal of proofs that it delights in peace, that the sword is the last weapon it is disposed to employ, and that it allows to interest but little of its weight when put into the scale against humanity.
It is not denied that an embargo imposes on us privations. But what are these compared with its effects on those who have driven us into the measure? We shall be deprived of market for our superfluities.—They will feel the want of necessaries. The profits of our labor will be diminished.—The supplies that feed theirs will fail. Which of the parties will suffer most?—Which will first be tired of the trial?
An embargo will not be without advantages, separate from the immediate purpose it is to answer. It forces frugality in the use of things depending on habit alone for the gratification they yield. It fosters applications of labor which contribute to our internal sufficiency for our wants. It will extend those household manufactures, which are particularly adapted to the present stage of our society. And it favors the introduction of particular branches of others, highly important in their nature, which will proceed of themselves when once put into motion, and moreover by attracting from abroad hands suitable for the service, will take the sewer from the cultivation of our soil.
But an advantage most to be prized is the death blow which a perseverance in the measure, till the occasion for it be over, will give to the insulting opinion in Europe that submission to wrongs of every sort will at all times be preferred here, to a protracted suspension of commerce. Unfortunately the treacherous language of too many among us has nourished an error to which we may trace most, if not all the maritime aggressions, and unreciprocated restrictions of commerce, which for a long period have been accumulating against us. Neither injury nor insult has been supposed capable of rousing the virtue of the nation, to an inflexible purpose of foregoing the luxuries and profits of trade, however obvious or effectual such a mode of redress might be. The opportunity is now afforded for putting an end for ever to this misconception of our national character. Let the example teach the world that our firmness equals our moderation; that having resorted to a measure just in itself, and adequate to its object, we will shrink from no sacrifices which the honor and good of the nation demand from virtuous and faithful citizens. This manly spirit will ensure success, and success in this case will be our defence, and the cheapest of all defences against a repetition of wrongs which might provoke a repetition of such a remedy. With other injured nations, there may be no choice, but between disgraceful submission, or war—a bountiful providence has given to this a happy resource for avoiding both. It is our duty to avail ourselves of it; and particularly on the present occasion to demonstrate its efficacy. [National Intel.]
National Legislature.
TENTH CONGRESS—FIRST SESSION. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY, DEC. 28.
Mr. Crowninshield said he rose to offer two resolutions, which he considered of importance to be considered at this time:
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of allowing further time to obtain the benefit of drawback upon goods, wares and merchandise exported to foreign countries than is at present allowed by law, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of amending the act laying an embargo on vessels in the ports of the United States, so as to impose more effectual restraint on the departure of ships and vessels, and on the exportation of goods, wares and merchandise to any foreign port or place, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. C. laid the first resolution proposed
an extension of the time now allowed for obtaining a drawback on goods, re-exported from the U. States.—It would be recollected by the House that 12 months was the time now allowed; while the embargo continued, which locked up the exportation of all foreign goods, it would bear extremely hard upon merchants generally, if the time for obtaining drawback was not extended beyond twelve months. Such an extension would not take from the treasury a single dollar, while it would accommodate the mercantile interest. He would mention a case: suppose a merchant now had a large quantity of sugar, coffee or pepper, which might have been in the U. States 8 or 10 months; suppose the embargo should continue, as was possible, for six or even twelve months; the time limited for obtaining drawbacks would have elapsed before the termination of the embargo, and the owner of the sugar, coffee or pepper, would have paid into the custom house a large sum of money on their importation, and when he should be permitted by law to export these articles, he could not obtain a drawback.—Mr. C. repeated, that this measure would afford a facility to merchants, at the same time that it would not affect the treasury.
By the law lately passed laying an embargo, he did not perceive that any penalty was imposed on vessels other than registered or sea-letter vessels, clearing out for a port in the United States, and not relanding their cargo according to clearance. The second resolution went to authorize a committee to report a bill to impose a further restraint. As the law now stood, vessels other than registered or sea-letter vessels, might clear out to Boston or N. Orleans, and slip off to any port in Europe or elsewhere. He believed the penalty imposed in such case did not exceed 500 dollars, the forfeiture of which would prove a very ineffective restraint.—Mr. C. wished the embargo to be general in its operation, and not to effect one portion of the mercantile interest more than another.
Those resolutions were then agreed to without a division.
Mr. Dawson moved that the House go into committee of the whole on the report of the committee on our military and naval establishments, made on the 19th ult. Negatived. Ayes 33.
TUESDAY, DEC. 29.
Mr. W. Alston in the absence of the chairman, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for continuing the Mediterranean fund; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Newton from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures reported a bill supplementary to an act entitled “An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels within the ports and harbors of the United States;” which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole on this day.
[This bill generally embraces the objects proposed by Mr. Crowninshield's resolutions of yesterday.]
The House went into a committee of the whole on the above bill; and the 1st section (providing that no vessels licenced for coasting trade or fisheries having on board goods, wares or merchandise of foreign or domestic growth or manufacture fishing vessels with salt, &c. excepted, shall depart, &c.) being under consideration, Mr. Quincy moved the following proviso.
And provided that nothing in the act to which this is a supplement shall be construed to prohibit the sailing of any ship or vessel duly registered, enrolled or licenced for carrying on the whale and other fisheries with the usual tackle, apparel, and supplies customary on a fishing voyage.
And provided also that bond with sufficient security be previously given, that such ship or vessel shall not directly or indirectly carry on any commerce whatsoever, during the voyage, and shall return with her fishing to some port or place within the United States.
On which a debate of two hours ensued, when the committee rose at four o'clock without coming to a decision, and obtained leave to sit again.
WEDNESDAY, DEC. 30.
The house went into the committee of the whole on the bill supplementary to the act laying an embargo.
Mr. Newton offered an amendment (similar to that offered yesterday by Mr. Quincy) as a substitute to the first section, and moved to strike out the first section, for the purpose of inserting his amendment.
The motion to strike out the first section was agreed to, and the amendment also.
Various other amendments were offered to the bill, all of which occasioned some debate, but were lost.
At half past one o'clock, a MESSAGE in writing was received from the President of the U.S. by Mr. Coles, his secretary. It contained a letter from governor Hull, dated at Detroit, giving an account of his speech to a number of Chiefs of different tribes of Indians, on the subject of war, and their answers. In the answer of the chief of the Pottawattamy Indians, they express themselves under the greatest obligations to their great Father the President, and their gratitude for his favors; and observe, that they believe the President is strong, because he wants no aid, and that they believe the English are weak, because they want the assistance.—They say, that the English have deceived them once, and they will not trust them again. They acknowledge that the English had sent “lead birds” amongst them, to induce them to join against the United States; but they express their determination to take no part in any quarrel which may ensue, &c.
The message and documents were referred to the committee on so much of the president's message as relates to military and naval establishments. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, DEC. 31.
The Supplementary Embargo bill being under discussion.
Mr. Randolph moved its postponement, in order to introduce the following Resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause an enquiry to be instituted into the conduct of Brig. Gen. James Wilkinson, in relation to his having, at any time, while in the service of the United States, corruptly received money from the government of Spain, or its agents.
IN SENATE, December 31.
Mr. Adams, from a Committee on the subject, made a long report on the subject of John Smith, an Ohio Senator, which concludes by stating, that said Smith, for his participation in A. Burr's conspiracy, ought to be expelled from the Senate.

Portsmouth,
TUESDAY, JANUARY 12, 1808.
MR. ROSE AT WASHINGTON.
A letter from a respectable gentleman at Washington, announces Mr. Rose's arrival at that city. It is stated, that Mr. Rose has said that his powers to negotiate are very extensive. [Philadelphia True Amer.]
We have had the pleasure of conversing with a respectable and intelligent gentleman just arrived from Detroit. He states that the prevailing opinion at the British settlements in that neighborhood is, that there will be a war between this country and Great Britain. In corroboration of this opinion he states that there are now at Fort Amherstburg, a British post about eighteen miles from Detroit, at least 2000 Indians, almost exclusively warriors. That they are all armed, and supported at the expence of the British, and with great liberality; that their arms, are guns, rifles and tomahawks; and that since August there has been constantly there between two and three thousand. In case of war, it is expected that, under the auspices of the British, a general massacre will take place, for which they are held in readiness, and from which none but those within the fort can expect to escape. Should such a nefarious measure be resorted to, our countrymen may rest assured that a dreadful vengeance will be taken on its perpetrators. [National Intelligencer.]
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated January 2.
The House of Representatives has this day passed a bill supplementary to the embargo act. Its operation, if adopted in its present form, may be very oppressive upon vessels, especially the smaller vessels, in the coasting business, such as ply between the ports on navigable rivers, or on opposite sides of bays, lakes or sounds."
The information contained in the following article from the Commercial Advertiser, if true, will convince every man that the embargo is a wise as well as energetic measure:— "British Blockading Decree.—We have seen a Cork paper of November 19, which says—"A Proclamation has been signed by his majesty, declaring France and every other country under her controul in a state of blockade, prohibiting all intercourse with them, and forbidding all ships to enter their harbors, except such as have cleared last from a port in the United Kingdom, or a port in the British Colonies."
New York paper.
Massachusetts Legislature.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Boston, Friday, Jan. 8, 11 o'clock. General Eaton notified the Speaker that on Wednesday next he should move for the consideration of the House, certain resolutions which he held in his hand, and which he had leave to read—as follows:
1. Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for immediately fortifying the high grounds on Boston harbor, for the better security of the harbor, the town and the vicinity of Boston, under the direction of the Executive of this Commonwealth.
2. Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for authorizing and directing each Major General, belonging to this Commonwealth, and commanding a division of militia, to organize, equip and cause to be properly disciplined a company of flying artillery within his own division.
3. Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for exempting from capitation taxes each non-commissioned officer and private sentinel who shall faithfully perform the militia duties required by the laws of this Commonwealth, and shall furnish himself with and always have in readiness for service, a full suit of uniform.
Gen. Eaton observed, that for moving the two first resolutions, he should offer, at that time and place this prominent reason, SELF DEFENCE.—In the solemn crisis of our national relations and situation—spoliated, outraged, insulted and menaced by nations mighty in war, boundless in ambition, and exempt by power from responsibility, we ought to be prepared for all events. Another reason for the first resolution, and deeply worthy of consideration, is that it provides relief to the necessities of a brave, hardy, and industrious class of our fellow-citizens, whom we see parading our streets in solemn march, with flag half-mast, and martial music, indicating, at the same time, distress and threatenings.
For the third resolution it may be argued that encouragement has always been found a better stimulus to cheerful duty than caution, and that while it would render our military more martial, it would relieve from a considerable burthen that great class of our fellow-citizens on whom depends our temporal defence, and perhaps our national salvation.
It is reasonable also that provision shall be made to indemnify the field and platoon officers of the militia of this commonwealth against the extra expenses necessarily incurred in the prosecution of their military duty.
The above resolutions were ordered to lie on the table.
COMMUNICATIONS.
THE Tories in Boston and elsewhere, began to troop because their calumnies and misrepresentations availed nothing against the cause of Republicanism. By traducing the administration, they endeavored to destroy the confidence of the people in its measures; and by false statements in favor of England on the disputes between her and this country, they hoped to cast such a reproach on the American government as would induce its supporters to abandon the men of their choice, and once more throw themselves into the arms of federalism.
Their attempts proving abortive; they now begin to whine most piteously about the embargo. "Our poor farmers" say they, "will no longer get twelve cents a pound for their pork."—Excellent commentary on that text of the federalists, "the mass of the American people are a swinish multitude." Yes, virtuous and patriotic yeomanry of the United States, the Tories tell their master, George the 3rd that your patriotism may be estimated by the demand for your pork, and your virtue by the price.
WHO ARE TRAITORS?
They who betray the country to an enemy! They betray the country to an enemy, who in a time of danger abuse the Government, and thereby weaken the confidence of the people in its measures.
They betray the country, who charge the constituted authorities with venality and corruption: and make the most scandalous misrepresentations in favor of the enemy.
They betray the country, who instead of encouraging its citizens, and awakening all that is patriotic and virtuous within them; endeavor to depress their minds by fancied images of want and misery, and to drive them to despair by representing their cause desperate, and the power of the enemy irresistible.—And lastly, they betray the country, who inform the enemy of its weak points of defence; declare it to be disaffected to its government; and thus invite and encourage, every hostile attempt.
Are not Russell, and Prentice, and Park, all of Boston, and editors of the Centinel, Gazette, and Repertory, guilty of these things? Ergo.
The Cat let out of the Bag.
This play in five acts, has been under rehearsal, for some time, at Boston. The characters are well supported; the plot is interesting; and, we doubt not, its development will be highly gratifying to the American people. The following specimen is from the third act.
Scene—An eating room: a company of sailors seated round a table reading the proclamation of king George; and the embargo bill of the American Government.—Enter the editor of the Boston Gazette followed by a company of apes loaded with tory newspapers. Editor groans; which the apes attempt to imitate, then grin and chatter.—Sailors look round and laugh.
1st Sailor—Here's a flock of mother Cary's chickens. Editor—(his voice broken by sobs) "Oh poor sailors! ah poor blue jackets! I don't go to war with the mother country? don't go to war with good old England? you will get hard knocks on the pate! you will spend your years in English prisons and prison ships!—don't submit to the embargo! you will beg in the streets or rot in the alms house! ah poor sailors! oh poor blue jackets!"
Boatswain—(rolls his eye, and spits the tobacco juice at the apes, then turning to his comrades) What think you my hearties to all this jaud? 2nd Sailor—Why, 'tis all in my eye jack. Shiver my limbs but this fellow is an english distilout! To lets have no more of his blarney. An American tar knows his duty—and if he gets in prison d'y'd fee, he'll get out ag'in: and as for a hard knock let 'em try an' they will, whose head is hardest.
Boatswain—That's right my honest foul,—We'll stick to our quarters, boys, like true bearded sailors, and may the lubber be flush'd home to the gizzard, and scraped with a sharks tooth, who would mutiny 'gainst his commander and desert the ship 'cause a hard gale and a rough passage brings him to short allowance. Sailors give three cheers—editor sneaks off followed by the apes.
The Boston Democrat says, "On Thursday last a procession of from 80 to 100 Sailors, carrying a flag, marched with martial music to the Governor's house, and demanded employment or bread. The Governor, as soon as he could be heard, addressed them with a presence of mind which became his exalted character; suggesting the impropriety of their manner of seeking relief, and declaring that he could do nothing for them in his official capacity. They finally dispersed, without further disturbance."
We have heard but one opinion on this subject, from the many we have heard mention it—and that is—these men were infuriated to this conduct by Tories.
A British frigate (Africa) which had sailed for Russia, with three hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling, as a subsidy, has returned to England from the North sea; the Russian court having refused even English gold—which had already cost them dearly.
Worthy of imitation.
A bill has been brought into the Pennsylvania legislature to encourage farmers to raise SLEEP—for the promotion of domestic manufacture. We trust, that such an example will be generally imitated.—We may, indeed, talk of independence; but never can it be really enjoyed, whilst we must fend three thousand miles for our very shirts!—Could we not make shift to do without them?
MARRIED.—In this town on Saturday evening last by the Rev'd Mr. Richards, THOMAS MANNING, Esq. to the truly amiable Miss MARGARET PURCELL.
DROWNED.—On Friday evening, 1st inst. Mr. Hezekiah Staples, aged 37, and Mr. Jesse Staples, aged 22, both of Kittery.
The Governor and Council will convene in this town on the last Wednesday of January instant.
LIME.
Nath'l Adams & Son, No. 20, Merchant's Row. Have for Sale, Stone LIME; Winter strained SPERMACETI OIL; Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin & Souchong } TEAS, warranted of the best QUALITY.
And a general assortment of GROCERIES, at the most reasonable prices. January 12.
JUST PUBLISHED And for Sale by E. SMITH, Portsmouth, and the Booksellers,—The Christian's Magazine, Number VIII. (Contents in our next.) January 12, 1808.
FOR SALE,
Several valuable lots of Land lying in the townships of Piercy, Cliegher, Barrington, & Wendell. Also to Let,
A HOUSE in Fleet-street,—For particulars enquire of
NATHANIEL TREADWELL, Sen'r.
At a meeting of the committee of the subscribers of St. John's Church, held on Monday the 11th of January, 1808—
VOTED, that a Tenth assessment of Twenty Dollars on each and every share, be, and is hereby made—payable to the Agents, or their order, on or before the first day of February next.
WILLIAM GARDNER, Chairman.
To Let,—half a House in Capel-street—enquire of JOSEPH LOWE. Portsmouth, Jan. 1808.
Now landing from Sch'r Jones' Eddy, and for sale on Samuel Hill's wharf,
24 Puncheons of excellent Grenada RUM; Likewise in store,
A few Hhds. Trinidad MOLASSES, 17 Kgs of FIG TOBACCO. Jan. 12 Inquire of JOSEPH ELLA.
LIST OF LETTERS Remaining in the Post-Office Portsmouth, N.H. January 9th, 1808.
A. WILLIAM Amazeen, New Castle; B. Joseph Bridge; Nathan Barker, Stratford; Josiah Bartlett, Stratford; Josiah Batchelder, North-Hampton; John Batchelder, North-Hampton; Jacob Barney; David Barker; William Brown; Thomas Bailey; Joseph Bell, New-Castle; Philip Bell; Samuel Becket.
C. Hipzibath Cobb; Eunice Crummett; Thomas Caswell; Samuel Cate; William Christopher; William Call; Lydia Caverly. D. Simon Dearborn, N. Hampton; John Dix; John Dean; Sally Dodge; Samuel Davis; Samuel Davenport.
E. Jacob Ela; Mr. Ellwell. F. Tobias Fernald, Jr.; Peter Folsom; Mark Fernald; James Folsom.
G. Martin Gerts; Mr. Gates; Justin Granger; Daniel Gookin, North-Hampton; Lucy Gerrish; Daniel Green; Sarah Goodwin; James Griffin; James Grouard.
H. Nath'l & Benj'n Ham; James Hinds; Samuel Hooper; Mary Hooper; Elizabeth Hodgdon; Stacy & Samuel Hall; George Hart; Nath'l Hanscom.
I. & J. Benjamin Jackson; Robert Jenkins; Jacob Johnson, Newington; Martha Jenkins; Joseph Jenniss, Rye; Joseph Jewett.
K. Oliver Kimball. L. Major Langdon; John Lizeny; Arthur Lake; John Levern, Jr. Greenland; Daniel Lord; Esther Lattapce; Benjamin U. Lapith; Samuel Lane; Samuel Libbey, Rye.
M. Wm. W. Mester; Le Bel de Margay; Polly Millings; Henry Moore; Daniel Melcher; Hannah Muchmore; Nancy Molineaux; Marry More; Wm. Marshall; John Moses; Alexandria Montgomery; John Marble; George Melcher; Benjamin Mathes, jun.
N. Milton Norton; Newell Nerrett; Job Norton, jun.; James Nutter; John Nelson; Nathaniel B. Neal, North-Hampton; William Nixon; Eunice Nowell.
O. George Osborne. P. James Patridge; Alex'r Parris; Wm. Peirce; John Price; William Pym; John Pitman, jun.; James H. Perrpoint; Robert Power.
R. Stephen Rider; James Robinson; Robert Ritchie; Ephraim Rallings, Newington. S. Moses Stevens; Anna Smith; Thomas Stacy; William Senter; John Sheafe; Charles Stephens, Kittery Point; Edward Staples; Stephen Seavey; Henry Southwick; Samuel Skibbin; Alice Spinnery; Liddy Smith, Stratford; Mary Sussbury; Caleb Spinnery; Susan Sheafe, Greenland; Elizabeth Shervey; Pomp Spring.
T. Phineas Tyler; Joseph Tatherly; Capt. Tuttle; Joseph D. Toby; John Trefethen; Isaac Thompson. U. & V. John Veasey; Benj'n Usher.
W. Henry B. Williams; Lemuel C. Whiting; Newton Willey; Nancy Walker; Aaron C. White; John Walton; William Whitwell; Clement Weeks, Greenland; Seth S. Walker; Mary Welsh; Samuel Woodman; John Warner; Dudley Watson.
Y. John Young. N. B. Those names with no towns annexed are for Portsmouth.
MARK SIMES, P. M.
LETTERS in the Post Office at Exeter, January 14, 1808.
John Adams, Joshua Barstow, Susannah Beckett, John Bickford, Eliphalet Giddings or Nathaniel Gale, Debby Hoit, Jonathan Hill, Isaac Hall, Thomas Lyford, Liddy Louyer, Nathaniel Parker, Samuel G. Smith, John C. Smith, John Thompson, John Tarlton, Mary Wilcox, Joseph Wiggins, Exeter.
Bean and James 4, Richard Beane, Dudley Thing, James Sinkler, Henry Marshall, Jeremiah Rowe Brewton, Sally Brown Hampton-falls, Thomas Page Hawks, James Milton, Benjamin Norris Stratford, Joseph Clark Greenland, William Bagley Candia, William Rowe, John Brown Kennington, Eliphalet Brown, John Merrill Poplin.
J. W. GILMAN, Post Master.
WARRANTED TEAS.
Just received and for sale at Joshua Wentworth, jr's Store, in Court-street,—opposite the Brick Market, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Souchong & Bohea } TEA warranted genuine. and a general assortment of W. India Goods & Groceries. Also for sale at the above Store, Few Bbls. MACKEREL, in excellent order. January 12.
THE Proprietors of
the Fourth Turnpike Road in New-Hampshire, are hereby notified that their annual meeting will be held at the dwelling-house of Thomas Hoag, innkeeper in Lebanon, on Tuesday the second day of February next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, to choose the necessary officers of the corporation for the year ensuing.
ISAIAH POTTER, Proprietors Clerk.
Lebanon, January 1st, 1808.
NOTICE is hereby given to the
non-resident proprietors and owners of land in LANDAFF, who have not paid their highway, school, town and county taxes, for the year 1807; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling-house of Nathaniel Rix, in Landaff, on the third Monday of March 1808, at ten of the clock in the forenoon.
The delinquents are as follows.
Table with 7 columns: County tax, School tax, Town tax, No. of Acres, Description, Range, Number. It lists tax amounts and land descriptions for various owners like 3 1 1 100 35 10 2, 10 1 1 100 47 13 2, etc.
Non-resident improved Land.
Table with 5 columns: Owners Names, N. R. D. A. H. S. C. It lists owners like John Page, Stephen Kimman, and their respective tax and acreage details.
Landoff, December 28th, 1807.
New Goods at Auction.
TO-MORROW, 13th inst. at 10 o'clock, A. M. at PUBLIC AUCTION, at the Store in Market-street, lately occupied by R. C. Wiggin and Co. will commence the sale of a large and general assortment of ENGLISH & INDIA GOODS, comprising almost every article usually kept in Dry Goods Stores—as the assortment is too extensive to particularize in an advertisement—Town and Country Store Keepers and others are invited to attend, and examine for themselves. The sales will be continued from day to day, until the whole are sold. S. LARKIN, Auct.
THE subscriber, pur-
posing to leave this town in a few days, requests all persons indebted to him to make immediate payment, and all persons to whom he is indebted, to exhibit their accounts for payment. He offers at private sale his school tables, benches, desks, and two iron stoves. On Tuesday next, at 10 o'clock, he will sell at Auction a considerable variety of household Furniture, at his dwelling house in Buck-street. TIMOTHY ALDEN, jun. Portsmouth, January 12.
AUCTION.
Notice is hereby
given, that all the Pews in the UNIVERSALIST NEW MEETING-HOUSE, will be sold at Public Auction at said house on TUESDAY the 19th inst.—Sale to commence at 10 o'clock in the forenoon.—The house will be open to accommodate those who may wish to examine the Pews on Friday, Saturday and Monday preceding the day of sale. WM. WALKER, Clerk. January 12, 1808.
WANTED to assist in a family,
a young MAN, from 15 to 18 years of age; such an one with a good recommendation will find steady employ.—Enquire of the Printers. Portsmouth, Jan. 12, 1808.
FOR SALE.
The BELL TAVERN Estate.
SITUATE on Congress-street, near the Court-House, Portsmouth; Containing in front 66 feet, and upwards of 200 in depth. The unequalled advantages this stand possesses from its situation on the principal entrance to the town, its central position, its proximity to the Markets, and having been occupied upwards of 30 years as an Inn, are so well, & so generally known, that it is considered almost superfluous, to mention them in this advertisement.
Three Lots of Ground, situate on Mason-street,
adjoining the above premises, containing each forty feet in front, and fifty feet in depth—or in such portions as may suit the convenience of those who may wish to purchase.
A draft of the premises, taken
from a survey made the 10th ultimo, may be seen, by application to Mr. BROWN, at the Bell Tavern. For terms of sale apply to GEO: W. SMITH, at Mr. Payson's Boarding house, Market-street; Or JACOB SHEAFE, Esquire. Portsmouth, January 11, 1808.
NOTICE is hereby given that
the non-residents owners of land in the town of PLYMOUTH, in the county of Grafton, who have not paid their proportion, town, county, school and highway taxes for the year 1807; that unless they pay said taxes, on or before the first day of April next, so much of their land as will pay the same together with incidental charges, will be sold at vendue at the dwelling-house of Col. William Webster, at Plymouth aforesaid, at ten of the clock A. M. on said day.
Names of the original grantees or owners of the non-residents unimproved land.
Table with 7 columns: No. of Acres, No. of Lots, No. of Range, No. of Twp. It lists land details for owners like Theodore Atkinson, Eben's Hartshorne, Joseph Smith, Samuel Thompson, James Underwood, Abel Webster, Samuel Thompson, Land sold by the Proprietors, etc.
TAKE NOTICE.
UNAWAY from the subscriber on the 27th December inst. Benjamin Taylor Stevens, an indentured apprentice, about eighteen years of age, brown hair and light complexion, about five feet seven inches high;—Said apprentice had on a stone grey coat, light waistcoat and dark pantalettes. Any person who will take up said runaway and return him to the subscriber, shall have Ten Cents Reward, and no cost paid. N.B. This is to forbid all persons trusting or harboring said runaway on my account, as they would avoid the penalty of the law. SAMUEL FRENCH. East-Kinsman, December 28, 1807.

Miscellaneous Repository.
LOVE AND LUST.
By S. OSBORNE, editor of the Boston Democrat.
LUST , like a ravenous tyger, springs With savage gust upon its prey, And on the lovely object brings The mark of ruin and decay.  Love, like the bee, with gentle pow'r, Extracts the honey of delight: Sips every sweet nor wounds the flow'r On which his tender pinions light.  Lust, like a furnace, breathing fire, Embraces only to destroy; And in the ardor of desire, Blasts ev'ry comfort, ev'ry joy!  Love, like the genial sun of May, Emits its kind, refreshing beams; Drives each intruding cloud away, And o'er life's varied landscape gleams.  Lust, like the mighty deluge pours Dismay and terror where it flows; Poor victims shudder while it roars, And wake to horror, from repose.  Love, like the gently winding rill, Glide peaceful o'er the verdant green, Where ev'ry boistrous care is still, And all is tranquil, all serene!
EXTRACTS.
"So much have our common pursuits which we plead as the means of supporting life, diverted men from the true ends for which they were sent into the world, that the judicious and pious in all ages, since the time of Solomon, have readily subscribed to his opinion, that all of them are indeed "vanity and vexation of spirit." For we find there are some who spend their whole time in grammar and rhetoric, or in learning to speak well, without allowing themselves any leisure to study the more important concern of living well.
"There are many, who by arithmetic learn to divide every thing into the most minute fractions, yet do not know how to divide a half-penny with a poor afflicted brother, in the way of charity.
"Many by the help of geometry, can set limits to grounds, and separate them from one and another; can measure cities and countries; and yet cannot attain to any rule whereby they are enabled to measure themselves.
"The philosopher disputes gravely and accurately of the nature of things, and yet perhaps is no wiser than a child, as to the nature of himself and the things of heaven.
"The physician takes care of the health of others, but as to the knowledge of the diseases of his own mind, may be blind as a beetle: he diligently watches the variations of his patient's pulse; but how to cure the evil dispositions and wrong tempers in himself, he perhaps knows and cares but little about them.
"The lawyer, though he has spent whole years in the construction and exposition of human laws, for the government of others, is too often but little acquainted with that divine law which teaches and enjoins a strict government over his own actions.
"The theologian, earnestly contends for, and disputes about faith, but too seldom thinks of charity: he speaks much of God; but to help his neighbor in time of need, he has too little concern.
"The merchant is solicitous to gain from every part to which he can extend his trade: yet seldom troubles his head in establishing a correspondence with that happy country which offers the richest merchandise, which neither moth can corrupt, nor thieves have power to steal."
"The farmer though daily exercised with much toil and fatigue, in breaking up and improving the most stubborn and rugged soils, with a view to a beneficial crop, yet how does he neglect year after year to break up and improve the barren soil of his own heart, which without equal care and cultivation, will never produce that harvest of good works, which makes truly rich, and adds no sorrow.
"Arts and sciences do indeed weary the minds of men with continual labor, but yield them no true felicity.
"It is religion only which can regulate the heart: it causes it to melt in sympathy with distress, or to glow with pleasure at the happiness of another: it is that alone can harmonize the mind.
"Attuning all its passions into peace, Virtue is the friend of life, the foul of health, The poor man's comfort and the rich man's wealth."
The habitual Bottle.
I called a few days past after an absence of six years, to visit an old acquaintance, whose talents are at once an ornament and an honor to the community, of pride the boast, and the support of his friends—and I prophecy may long continue so, if the habitual bottle is banished from the number of the latter, and ranked, as it ought to be, amongst his most deadly enemies. Instead of the manly step, the upright deportment, and the firm hand of friendship, I marked an altered gait, a faltering voice and received a trembling hand.
I was struck with horror at the change; yet in these things it was more visible, or more mortifying, than in the change of subjects which were chosen for my entertainment.
In place of information, amusements, and what of either had ever before been marked with the strong lines of genius; were illusions, puerile, undignified and indecent; and, melancholy reverse, the bottle supplied the deficiency.
He did not return late from the convivial board, nor had he accidentally overtopped the line of temperance in the luxury of a cheerful glass with a few friends at home; but, with each transient stranger or acquaintance, or for want of even the apology, had nearly finished, and alone, the habitual and disqualifying poison.
Cursed bottle! that enfeebles, lays prostrate and in ruins, the greatest minds; exposes to view, weaknesses and vices; gives cause of triumph to his enemies, and lasting sorrow and regret to their friends: That at the same time anti-
cipates, and sullies the evening of an useful and honorable day.
Hail! to the cheerful, companionable, healthful, temperate glass! but curse on the enervating, destructive habitual bottle!
Intemperance has so long been the theme of the moralist, that perhaps much force cannot be added to the arguments heretofore produced against it: In all its stages, in all its varied forms, it is odious, disgusting and destructive. I mean only here to point at its effects on such as become its votaries, and victims, from long habits of indulgence, which daily, and almost imperceptibly to themselves, but not with less certainty on that account, are drawn into its inextricable vortex.
To trace the progress and decline of a great mind; to arrest its progress to decay and ruin; to restore it to its native strength and dignity, is the object of this little essay. If volumes were devoted to the same end, time would at least be nobly lost.
NOTICE is hereby given that the late firm of FOLSOM & HOIT , was dissolved by mutual consent on the 12th day of May last,—all persons indebted to said firm are requested to make immediate payment to either of the subscribers, and all persons having accounts against the same are requested to exhibit them for settlement.
JOHN FOLSOM. BENJAMIN HOIT. Exeter, Dec. 31st, 1807.
Taken up sometime in the month of December last, a cask of Cider, the owner may have the same by applying to Bartholomew Downing, at Fox-point, and paying charges. Newington, January 4, 1808.
State of New-Hampshire, Cheshire ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the township of SPRINGFIELD, in said county, who have not paid their school, town, county, highway and school house taxes for the year 1807—that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes, and incidental charges will be sold at public vendue at the house of Enoch Challis, innholder in said Springfield, on the first Monday in March next, at ten o'clock, A. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
   No. Lot No. Acres School Town County Highway Schoolhouse     Joshua Clement 19 100 18 12 2 36   John Brattle 16 100 21 16 2 45   Henry Elkins 6 50 12 8 1 24   Lt. John Sweat 38 96 14 11 14 144   James Pettigatt 44 83 18 12 8 158   Capt. Wm. Rowell 33 192 28 20 3 57   Ann Ordway 5 96 18 12 2 36   Simeon Ladd 9 264 37 27 4 76   Samuel Ladd 12 192 28 21 3 57    ENOCH CHALLIS, Collector. Springfield, November 11, 1807.
State of New-Hampshire—Grafton ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of WENTWORTH, in said county, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1807; that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, on Thursday the third day of March next, at ten o'clock, A. M. at the house of Nicholas Chase, in said town of Wentworth, unless prevented by previous payment to the subscriber.
   No. Lot No. Acres School Town County Highway Schoolhouse     Stephen Stales 2 60 10 8 8 63   Col. Eben'r Ste- 1 2 100 5 5 38   Rev. Sam'l Web- 1 3 40 4 4 35   Land voted to Isaac Clif- 1 50 3 3 28 23    BENJAMIN COTTON, Collector. Wentworth, December 16, 1807.
State of New-Hampshire—Cheshire ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-residents, owners of land in RINDGE, in said county of Cheshire, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1807; that unless they previously pay the same, so much of their lands as will pay said taxes and all legal charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the house of Capt. Moses Todd, inn-holder in said Rindge, on Wednesday the thirtieth day of March next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
   No. Lot No. Acres School Town County Highway Schoolhouse     Peter Perham 4 10 50 50 25 11   Samuel Johnson 9 2 50 20 10 5    AMOS CUTLER, Collector. Rindge, December 28, 1807.
Found in one of the streets in this town, an Ox-Chain, the owner may have the same by proving property and paying for this advertisement. January 5.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE—ROCKINGHAM ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of CHESTER, in the county of Rockingham, and State of New-Hampshire, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1807; that so much of their land will be sold at public vendue, on Monday the 29th day of February next, at my dwelling-house in said Chester, at 10 o'clock A. M. as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Original Proprietors Names. Description. Quantity. Number. Range. Highway. School. Town. County.     Clement Mishevey, 40 2 5 10 7 8   Benjamin Sandborn, 40 8 5 10 7 8   David Tilton, north end 38 5 5 10 6 8   Nathaniel Drake, south end 18 10 1 5 10 3 8   Jacob Basford, 40 16 2 5 10 7 8   Thomas Dean, 40 17 2 5 10 7 8   Jethro Tilton, south end 9 24 2 5 3 8 2   James Fogg, 40 25 2 5 10 7 8   Richard Wibard, joining 37 1/2 acres south end 29 87 2 5 6 4 5   Eleazer Russell, not owned by Capt. William Brown 23 1/2 34 2 5 6 4 5   Jonathan Brown, gore and 10 acres at south end 25 37 1 1/2 5 7 4 5   Jonathan Clough, not owned by Capt. Brown 28 41 1 5 7 5 1   Henry Sherburne, 20 44 1 5 5 3 4   Samuel Sherburne, north end 31 46 1 5 8 5 7   William Crowell, 40 57 3 5 10 7 8   Peter W ear, not owned by Dearborn 31 59 3 5 8 5 7   Michael Whidden, not owned by Brown, Davis or Kent 8 77 3 5 2 1 2   Joshua Batchelder, 40 89 4 5 10 7 8   Nathaniel Sandborn, not owned by Thorn 6 91 4 5 3 1 2   James Boyd, 40 94 4 5 10 7 8   Benjamin Coole, north end 35 1/2 102 4 5 9 7 8   Nathaniel Batchelder, junr. 40 110 4 5 10 7 8   James Peckins, not owned by Sweetser or Hale 15 119 5 5 4 3 8   Thomas Simes, north end 36 120 5 5 9 6 7   Theophilus Cotton, not owned by Sweetser or Chase 14 121 5 5 4 8 3   William Healey, not owned by Kent 10 125 5 5 3 8 2   John Cune Benjamin Akerman, 40 129 5 5 10 7 8   Enoch Sandborn, that part lying in Chester 54 49 9 14 9 11 2   Richard Wibard, west side 37 53 9 4 7 5 6   Nathaniel Drake, east side not paid by Adams 18 59 10 4 5 3 3   Henry Sherburne, 60 60 10 4 15 10 12   Joshua Wingate, not owned in town 14 1/2 66 11 4 4 3 3   Jonathan Brown, not owned by Prescott 24 68 11 4 6 4 5   Ebenezer Eastman, not owned by Harper or Davis 48 1/2 69 11 4 12 8 10   John Shackford, not owned by Hill 30 70 11 4 8 5 6   Abraham Drake, N. E. Corner except 3 acres 15 84 12 4 4 3 3   Benjamin Gamblin, not owned in town 20 95 13 4 5 3 4   Samuel Blake, at south end except 11 acres 17 96 13 4 4 3 4   Shadrack Walton, that part lying in Chester 15 102 5 4 4 3 3   Nathaniel Batchelder, 60 104 5 4 15 10 12   Nathaniel Rogers, not owned by Martin, Chase or Wilson 26 1/2 107 5 4 7 4 5   Samuel Thompson, 60 115 14 4 15 10 12   John Prescott, 60 126 14 4 15 10 12   Thomas Foster, 30 128 14 4 8 5 6   Philemon Blake, 100 93 17 2 30 20 24   Jeremiah Sandborn, west side 6 1/2 132 17 2 30 20 24   Robert Ford, 2 1/2 15 misery 6 1 1 0   Samuel Sherburne, not owned by Chase, 3 113 18 6 1 1 0   Henry Sherburne, not owned by Head or Kelly 7 1/2 114 18 6 2 1 2   Jacob Samuel, north end 2 1/2 102 18 6 1 1 0   Benjamin Gamblin, north end 9 103 18 6 3 2 2   Edward Gilman, north end 6 1/2 105 18 6 2 1 1   Enoch Sandborn, not owned by Kelly 3 1/2 106 18 6 1 1 0   Thomas Silver, N. east lacking 1 acre 7 107 18 6 1 1 0   Stephen Sweet, N. east lacking 1 1/2 acre 6 1/2 108 18 6 2 1 1   Clement Hues, not owned by Bell 8 1/2 91 18 6 1 1 0   John Cram, north end lacking 7 1/2 acres 8 93 18 6 1 1 0   Jacob Gilman, north end lacking 7 1/2 acres 8 94 18 6 1 1 0   Samuel Thompson, north end 6 97 18 6 2 1 1   Richard Wibard, south end 33 101 18 6 1 1 0   Samuel Penhallow, 40 92 4 5 10 7 8   Zenariah Clifford, not owned by Kent 29 76 8 5 8 5 6  
   NON-RESIDENTS KNOWN. Description. H. S. T. C.     Samuel Adams of Londonderry, part of the farm he lives on 36 24 28 6   John Woodhouse Dover, between Worthens and Derry Line 16 40 12 8   James Wooten of Ruchester   Samuel Anderson of Candia, part of 107 in the 2nd division 124 80 96 19   Moses Berry ditto, Thompson meadow lot 28 18 22 4   Daniel Dabier ditto, part of 52 in the 2nd division 27 18 21 4   Samuel Hardy ditto, joining Knowles 10 7 8 2   Joseph Brown Rye, Tenant in common with Robert Knowles 32 21 25 5   Timothy Tilton Sandown, joining Exeter river 15 10 12 3   Ebenezer Hoit ditto, ditto, 15 10 18 3   Peter Hardy ditto, ditto, 41 27 32 7   Abraham Hook ditto, ditto, 25 17 20 4   Jeremiah Towle Hawke, between Sandown and Exeter river 75 49 58 12   Jonathan Lane Raymond, joining Shaw 21 13 16 3   Joseph True ditto, part of his father's place 67 44 53 11   Simon Garland Rye,