New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), 1778-10-06 00:00:00

New-Hampshire Gazette. OR, State JOURNAL, and General Advertiser.
Vol. I.
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1778.
No. 33
L O N D O N.
General Burgoyne's SPEECHES, on Mr. Vyner's MOTION, on the 26th of May; and upon Mr. Hartley's MOTION, on the 28th of May, 1778.
The following is part of the General's Speech on Mr. Vyner's motion:
MOTION by Mr. Vyner.
Martis 26 o die Maii, 1778.
“T HAT this house will now resolve into a committee of the whole house to consider of the state & condition of the army which surrendered themselves on convention at Saratoga, in America & also by what means Lieut. General Burgoyne who commanded that army, was released, and is now returned to England?”
Mr. Vyner in opening the motion, stated some questions to General Burgoyne, which he proposed to ask in the committee.
The motion was seconded by Mr. Wilkes, who also stated further questions in respect to the treaty with the Indians, their conduct during the campaign, and the burning the country.
An amendment was proposed by Mr. Fox to insert, after the word consider , these words — “of the transactions of the northern army under Lieut. General Burgoyne, and of”
The motion thus amended, would have run as follows: “That this house will now resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to consider of the transactions of the northern army under general Burgoyne, & of the state and condition of the said army, &c.”
In the course of the debate General Burgoyne spoke nearly as follows:
Mr. Speaker, not imagining there would be any motion by the honourable gentleman who spoke first, but that merely a desire of information would be expressed upon certain subjects, I had myself prepared a motion for address to the King, to have such papers laid before the house, as are now in possession of the Secretary of State, and contain an account in detail much too long for me to give in my place, of every circumstance expressed in the questions of the honourable gentleman. Those papers are of the utmost importance to the state, to parliament, and to the public.
The turn of the Business has taken precludes me at present from my intended motion; but I rise to give my warmest support to the amendment proposed; and as reasons to the expediency of instituting a full inquiry, to which the amendment appoints, I shall endeavour, as far as I can do it without breach of order in debate, to give to both the gentlemen [Mr. Vyner and Mr. Wilkes] satisfaction upon the particular subjects of their enquiries.
I agree with the honourable gentleman who seconded the motion, that all the conduct respecting the indian nations is a matter that ought to be thoroughly canvassed; and I look upon his calling upon me openly, and in my place, as some reparation for the very free, and not very generous comments he made upon my conduct in my absence.
Sir, I ever esteemed the Indian alliances, at best, a necessary evil. I ever believed their services to be overvalued; sometimes insignificant, often barbarous, always capricious; & that the employment of them was only justifiable, when by being united to a regular army, they could be kept under controul, and subservient to a general system.
Upon this principle I heartily concurred with that gallant and humane General, Sir Guy Carleton, in the year 1776, to decline the offers and solicitations of the Indians to be then employed separately; the impossibility of completing the preparations for passing the regular troops over the lakes made it impossible to employ them conjunctively.
In that year, Sir, it was my lot, by delegation from Sir Guy Carleton, who was then at Quebec, to preside at one of the greatest councils with the Indians that had been held at Montreal. Many gentlemen here know, that the ceremony preceding the taking up the hatchet, is to offer to the representative of the power they mean to serve, the pipe of war. It was pressed upon me by the chiefs present; and it was in my power, by a single whif of tobacco, to have given flame and explosion to a dozen nations. I never felt greater satisfaction than in being able to fulfil the instructions I was charged with, for restraining the impetuous passions of those people; it was secondary satisfaction, at my return to England in the winter, to justify the conduct of Sir Guy Carleton in this respect, tho' the justification was very unpopular, among those—I mean not to particularize ministers, or ministers of ministers—but among those men, who in their zeal against the colonists, had adopted the reasoning, that “partial severity was general mercy,” provided by carrying terrors it conduced to finishing the war. How just soever this principle may be, my mind is not of a texture for carrying it into effect; & I returned to Canada the following spring, when I succeeded to the command, determined to be the soldier, not the executioner of the state.
I found care had been already taken by General Carleton, upon the same principles of humanity which always direct his conduct, to officer the Indians with gentlemen selected from the British troops, upon a distinction of their temper and judgment, as well as that of their valour; and in much greater number than ever was destined to that service before. To these precautions I added that of a favourite priest, who had more controul over the passions of the Indians than all their chiefs put together; and I trust the expence put upon government to engage that gentleman's assistance through the course of the campaign, will not be esteemed an improper article in my accounts.
Sir, with these assistances I was able to enforce obedience to the injunctions of my speech at the great council, upon assembling the army, which has been made public. Barbarity was prevented—So much for that in one instance, two wounded provincial officers were brought off in the midst of fire upon the backs of the Indians; and a Captain and his whole detachment, placed in ambuscade, were brought prisoners to my camp by Indians without a man hurt, though it was evident they were placed for the special purpose of destroying me upon a reconnoitring party, and I was at that time very popular with the Indians.
I could produce many more instances to shew, that every possible exertion of humanity was used; and that, the case of Miss Macee excepted, which was accident, not premeditated cruelty, the stories upon which the honourable gentleman founded his accusation of me, were merely fabricated by committees, & propagated in news-papers for temporary purposes. The proclamation, which the honourable gentleman in my absence treated with so harsh terms, I avow was penned by myself. The design was to excite obedience, first by encouragement, and next by the dread, not the commission of severity; —“to speak daggers, but use none.” And so far were the Americans in their hearts from putting upon that proclamation the interpretation that gentleman had done, that it served to procure me respect and acknowledgment wherever I afterwards travelled through the country.
Sir, a gentleman has been in London great part of the winter, who I wish had been call-
ed to your bar. It is for the sake of truth only I wish it; for he is certainly not my friend. His name is St. Luc le Corne, a distinguished partisan of the French last war, & now in the British service as a leader of the Indians. He owes us indeed some service, having been formerly instrumental in scalping many hundred British soldiers upon the very ground where, though with a different sort of latitude, he was this year employed. He is by nature, education, and practice, artful, ambitious, and a courtier. To the grudge he owed me for controlling him in the use of the hatchet and scalping knife, it was natural to his character to recommend himself to ministerial favour, by any censure in his power to cast upon an unfashionable General. He was often closeted by a noble Lord in my eye (Lord G. Germaine) and, with all these disadvantages, as he has not been examined here, I wish the noble Lord to inform the house, what this man has presumed to say of my conduct with the Indians. I know in private companies, his language has been, that the Indians might have done great services, but they were discharged. Sir, to restrain them from murder was to discharge them, I take with pride the blame—they were discharged. That circumstance apart, I should say, that the Indians, and Mr. St. Luc at the head of them, deserted.
[* Sir, in regard to the call made upon me by the same honourable gentleman, for explanation respecting the burning of the country during the progress of the army under my command, I am ignorant of any such circumstance; I do not recollect more than one accident by fire; I positively assert, there was no fire by order or countenance of myself, or any other officer, except at Saratoga. That district is the property of Major-General Schuyler, of the American troops; there was large barracks built by him, which took fire the day after the army arrived upon the ground in their retreat; and I believe I need not state any other proof of that matter being merely accident, than that the barracks were then made use of as my hospital, and full of sick and wounded soldiers. General Schuyler had likewise a very good dwelling-house, exceeding large store-house, great saw-mills, and other out-houses, to the value altogether perhaps of ten thousand pounds; a few days before the negotiation with General Gates, the enemy had formed a plan to attack me; a large column of troops were approaching to pass the small river, preparatory to a general action, and were entirely covered from the fire of my artillery by those buildings. Sir, I avow that I gave the order to set them on fire; and in very short time that whole property I have described was consumed. But, to shew that the person most deeply concerned in that calamity, did not put the construction upon it which it has pleased the honourable gentleman to do, I must inform the house, that one of the first persons I saw after the convention was signed, was General Schuyler. I expressed to him my regret at the event which had happened, and the reasons which had occasioned it. He desired me to think no more of it; said that the occasion justified it, according to the principles and rules of war, and he should have done the same upon the same occasion, or words to that effect. He did more—he sent an aid decamp to conduct me to Albany, in order, as he expressed it, to procure me better quarters than a stranger might be able to find. This gentleman con-
* This part of the Speech included between crotchets was omitted at the time of the preceding and following parts, and delivered separately upon a second call of Mr. Wilkes; but now is inserted in its proper place, as better connecting the whole matter spoke to by General Burgoyne.

ducted me to a very elegant house, and to my very great surprise, presented me to Mrs. Schuyler and her family; and in this General's house I remained during my whole stay at Albany, with a table of more than twenty covers for me and my friends, and every other demonstration of hospitality; a situation, painful it is true in point of sensibility at the time, but which I now contemplate with satisfaction, as carrying undeniable testimony how little I deserve the charges of the honourable gentleman; and I leave it to his feelings, whether, after this explanation, some further apology is not due to me.]
In regard to the first and most material question asked me by the honourable gentleman, who proposed the motion, viz. In what situation is the army at Cambridge? It is with some surprize I find that any part of this country is ignorant of the extraordinary circumstances that have attended it, as I conceive government must have received intelligence of them some time ago. In regard to the report made by myself, I acquit the king's ministers of any blame in not yet having made it public, because it was so voluminous that the papers could not be digested and copied, with the constant labour of three clerks, before last Saturday when they were put into the hands of the noble Lord, Secretary of State for the American department. But I trust that the noble Lord will now lose no time to make public, matters of such importance. Let them undergo the scrutiny of the committee, as proposed by the amended motion, and let the world judge, upon their report, whether the spirit of the troops and the honor of the nation have been vindicated during those transactions. In confidence that these papers cannot possibly be withheld, I refer the honourable gentleman to them for a full delineation and explanation for the state of things at Cambridge, and will rest my present information upon a few material facts. The troops have undergone hardships & trials of patience, as severe, tho' of a different nature, as any they experienced in the conflicts of the campaign. They have acquitted themselves with equal resolution, temper and honor. They are at present detained by a resolve of the Congress, expressing that there are causes of suspicion that the convention was designed to be broke on our part, and therefore they are justifiable, without breach of public faith, to suspend the embarkation of the troops till the convention is ratified by the court of Great Britain.
In common with various pretences which involved other names in high departments to justify this measure, the Congress grounded many suppositions that I knew to be unjust, upon my conduct. I thought it a duty to the state, to the army, and to myself, to refute those suppositions, and still, if possible, to give immediate effect to the convention. It will rest upon the house to judge, when they see the papers, whether I made good the refutation. And that brings me to another question asked by the honourable gentleman: "By what means and upon what condition I am in person here? Sir, I charged my Aid de Camp, who carried my dispatch to the Congress in answer to their vote of suspension, which the President had officially sent me, with a second letter to be delivered in case the suspension after consideration had of my first letter was continued: The purport of this letter was to ask passports for my personal return for the re-establishment of my health, (which was then much affected) for the purpose of settling large and complicated accounts, & other reasons; and I offered to give a parole that should the suspension of embarkation be prolonged beyond the time apprehended, I would return to America upon demand of Congress, and due notice given re-deliver my person into their hands, and abide the fate of the rest of the army with whom I had served. Sir, I had my reasons, not necessarily nor proper to be alleged to the Congress, founded upon a nearer interest than health or any private expediency, to make me desirous to return home; to lay before government important truths, not to be communicated by other means, and to supply, as far
as in me lay, by an assiduous and honest exertion in this house, the misfortune that had disabled me from performing my duty in the field. I accompanied my letter to the Congress by one to General Washington, wherein upon an opinion of his character, I asked for his support to an application that could not interfere with the public duties of our respective situations. I shall beg leave to read his answer as part of my speech; and I do it, Sir, not only, lest in these times of doubt and aspersion, I should incur censure for holding private correspondence with an enemy, but likewise because I think this letter, though from an enemy, does honour to the human heart.
Copy of a letter from General WASHINGTON to Lieutenant General BURGOYNE. Head-Quarters, Pennsylvania, March 11, 1778.
"I was, only two days since, honored with your very obliging letter of the 11th of Feb. Your indulgent opinion of my character, and the polite terms in which you pleased to express it, are peculiarly flattering, and I take pleasure in the opportunity you afforded me of assuring you, that, far from suffering the views of national opposition to be embittered and debased by personal animosity, I am ever ready to do justice to the merit of the gentleman and the soldier; and to esteem, where esteem is due, however the idea of a public enemy may interpose. You will not think it the language of unmeaning ceremony, if I add, that sentiments of personal respect, in the present instance, are reciprocal.
Viewing you in the light of an officer contending against what I conceive to be the rights of my country, the reverse of fortune you experienced in the field cannot be unacceptable to me; but, abstracted from considerations of national advantage, I can sincerely sympathise with your feelings, as a soldier, the unavoidable difficulties of whose situation forbid his success; and as a man, whose it combines the calamity of ill health, the anxieties of captivity, and the painful sensibility for a reputation, exposed, where he most values it, to the assaults of malice and detraction.
As your Aid de Camp went directly on to Congress, the business of your letter to me had been decided before it came to hand. I am happy that their cheerful acquiescence with your request, prevented the necessity of my intervention. And, wishing you a safe and agreeable passage, with a perfect restoration of your health, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Sir, your most obedient servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON."
Sir, the Congress readily consented to my application; and by this candid treatment of my enemies, I am here to vindicate my conduct against the false and barbarous interpretations that have arisen and have been suffered to prevail by those who could have contradicted them at home.
PHILADELPHIA, September 15. The sloop active, John Underwood Master, which sailed the 1st of August last, from the Island of Jamaica, bound for New York, fell in with two cruisers, one of 16 carriage guns, from New York, near Cape Charles, by which the evacuation of the city of Philadelphia and the Delaware was first learned. This excited the seamen to rise and take the vessel from the Master, which they attempted the 6th instant, by stopping the passage from the cabin to the deck. The officers, passengers, and a Negro, having the provisions, water, arms and stores in their power, tried to force their way up, but were prevented. Some shot were fired out of the cabin, and in return two four pounders cannon & a swivel gun were discharged against the bulk head of the cabin. To disable the vessel, the Captain wedged the rudder, and the crew on deck, trying to loose it, endangered the stern post. This produced an agreement, that the rudder should be set free, in order that the vessel might be conducted near enough to
the land, for the mutineers to go ashore in the boat. In the mean while, Captain Houston, in the armed brig Convention, belonging to this State, fell in with and seized the sloop. Yesterday she arrived here. Her cargo consists of 130 hogsheads of rum, and half a ton of coffee — The above is an account given by Capt. Underwood.
HARTFORD, September 29. Extract of a letter from Albany dated September 22, 1778.
"Brigadier General Ton Broeck, who commands the militia in these parts, received an account yesterday from Caughnawaga that the German Flats are laid in ashes by the enemy; the inhabitants being timely noticed, it is said escaped the conflagration. The German flats was a fine fertile country consisting perhaps of near an hundred houses, and situated on both sides of the Mohawk River. If this intelligence is true (and there is too much reason not to believe it) I shall soon send you a more particular confirmed narration of the matter. The intelligence brought by Col. Wheelock from Tunadilla of their designs on some of the frontiers of Mohawk River, as mentioned in this paper of the 11th instant, will be awfully verified if this should prove true: It will also demonstrate the absolute necessity of an offensive war. The militia in these parts on the above news are ordered to be ready to march at a minute's warning."
PROVIDENCE, September 20. Extract of a letter from his Excellency Gen. Washington, to the honourable Major General Sullivan, dated West Point, Sep. 19.
"We have pretty authentic accounts of Lord Howe's return, with his squadron, to New York; & a large fleet of transports came thro' the Sound the 16th instant, which is supposed to be General Gray's."
Admiral Bryon, in a ship of 90 Guns, arrived at Newport from England on Thursday se'night, in company with another ship of 74 guns.
By a letter from Portsmouth, to a person in this town we learn, that on the 21st of May last the Subscription for relief of American Prisoners amounted to £. 4657. 9s. 6d. and a Committee had been appointed to administer to their necessities. At Porton Prison 175 Americans were confined, among which were 46 Officers of different ranks.
BOSTON, October 1, 1778.
We hear Lord Howe has resigned his command to Commodore Gambier, and sail'd for England, as also Governor Johnstone.
On Friday last, at the invitation of the Government of this State, the Count D'Estaing & his officers dined at Faneuil Hall, with the Honourable Council and House of Representatives, the Continental military officers in the land and sea service, the gentlemen of the civil and ecclesiastical order, and a great number of other gentlemen—it is thought not less than 400, were seated at once at the several tables in the Hall. The entertainment was plenteous and splendid.
Friday last the Minerva Privateer returned from a Cruise, in which she took 11 Prizes, 8 of which she man'd and sent for Port, the chief of which are arrived, the other three she gave away.
Sunday last returned into Port, Capt. Greeley from a Cruise. The 20th inst. he had the mortification of seeing a Prize of his retaken off Cape Ann, by a Frigate of the enemy's.
Saturday last a Prize arrived at Salem, taken by the Montgomery, Capt. Patterson, laden with 140 Hbds. Sugar, 110 Hbds. of Rum, besides Cotton, Coffee, &c.
The Bunker Hill Privateer also arrived at Salem last Saturday. We hear she has a value

able Prize, laden with Dry Goods and Provisions, which she left about 8 Days ago.
Last Monday the Hon. JOHN TEMPLE, Esq; came to town from England by the way of New York, after an absence of eight years. His family returned from England with him.—The people of Boston are no strangers to the ministerial persecution excited against this gentleman by Governor Bernard, Governor Hutchinson, and the commissioners of the customs (of which he was one) for his refusal to join them in their execrable measures for enslaving this country. His conduct and sufferings have demonstrated that he went from hence a true friend to America; and we have the highest reason to think he has returned so.—On his arrival here, he waited on the Hon. Council of this State, who were pleased, after hearing and interrogating him, to express their entire satisfaction at his return.
On the 23d ult. died at Bedford, and buried with the Honours of War, by the Company to which he belonged, people of the first rank, for a number of miles round attending his funeral, the brave but unfortunate Lieut. MERCALF, of Col. Craft's Regiment of Artillery, who was barbarously murdered by the British Troops, on their late incursion to that town. The particulars of which, with the inhumane and barbarous treatment shown to some of our men who fell into their hands, must be deferred to our next.
Since Monday last arrived safe in different ports several valuable prizes.
POUGHKEEPSIE, September 21.
Sunday night the 13th instant, a body of the enemy from King'sbridge, came out, and advanced towards our light infantry, with an intent, (as was supposed) to have surprized them, but on account of some deserters which came to us, and gave an account of their movement, they thought proper to retire.
The division of troops under the command of General Gates, who marched to the eastward, we bear are halted at Bedford.
TRENTON, September 16.
Friday last came to town, four Hessian deserters.—They left Kingston about 10 days ago, in company with a number of others.
In a New York paper, of the 12th instant they gave an account of the loss of their own troops in the action of the 29th ult. and while our army remained upon Rhode Island, they acknowledged that it amounted to 260 killed, wounded, and missing.
FISH KILL, September 24.
We have it from good authority, that the enemy are throwing the salt out of the storehouses in New York, into the East River.
On Saturday last his Excellency Gen. Washington arrived at this place, and having viewed the hospitals and public stores, he set out the next day for Fredericksburgh.
Head Quarters is removed from White Plains to Fredericksburgh, where part of our army have arrived, and the remainder are expected in few days, who are to encamp on Quaker-Hill.
NEW HAVEN, September 23.
The main army under General Washington, are removed back from White Plains to Danbury, Fredericksburgh, and Peck's Kill, on account of procuring forage more conveniently.
Saturday last was brought into port, by the Squirrel sloop, a schooner of about 80 tons, armed with two four pounders, taken from a port on Long Island,—One of the
schooner's guns accidentally went off while Henry Peck, of this town, was charging it, by which his right arm was so much shattered, that it was amputated the next morning, and his left hand so much wounded, that it is feared it will be rendered useless.
NEW LONDON, September 25.
On Friday a flag arrived here from New York, with only four prisoners. The flag sailed the 10th instant from New York, by which we learn, that Lord Howe and Governor Johnstone, were to sail for Great Britain in three days, the latter being dismissed by Congress—and that the other Commissioners had sent out to Congress a ratification of General Burgoyne's convention.
NEW HAVEN.
Last week a number of men in this & the neighbouring towns were taken into custody, on suspicion of passing counterfeit continental bills of Six Dollars, Eight Dollars (two emmissions,) and Thirty Dollars; and Bills of this State of 4s. 5s. and 5s. 4d. &c. knowing them to be counterfeit.
PORTSMOUTH.
On Friday September 25th, about 7 o'Clock A.M. sailed from Boston the Continental Ship of War RALEIGH, John Barry, Esq; Commander; about 11 o'Clock A.M. saw two Ships bearing at S. E. B. E. Distance about 5 Leagues, which gave us Chace. we immediately haul'd our Wind to the Northward, the Wind being at W. N. W.—the Night coming on lost Sight of the Chace. About eight o'Clock A.M. being Saturday, saw said Ships, who chased us 'till late in the Afternoon; we made Agamenticus, bearing about W. b. N. distance 8 or 9 Leagues, steering great part of the Night about N. E.—In the Morning, it being Sunday, 27th, about 7 o'Clock A.M. saw two Sail to Windward coming down on us with all Sail set; we immediately haul'd our Wind, steering about N. b. W. the Enemy did the same: about 5 o'Clock P.M. we engaged the Headmost Ship, which proved a Frigate of 28 Guns—Our Ship being much disabled, and Night coming on, wore Ship, and endeavou'd to run her ashore, which was compleated, after an obstinate Engagement of about nine Hours, in which Action about 25 Men were kill'd and wounded—yet notwithstanding were attack'd by a Frigate and a 50 Gun Ship, Captain Barry maintain'd the Action with the greatest Bravery, and would have saved the Ship, could we been so happy to have run her on the Main, but unfortunately we was oblig'd to run her on a desolate Island, 10 Leagues from the Main, having no Pilot on Board, nor any Man acquainted. LIST of LETTERS remaining in the Post Office at Portsmouth, October 1, not before advertised.
 B Ayley, Abner, Rev. Salem, N. H.  Babcock, George, Capt. Exeter.  Bartlet Josiah, Esq; Kingstown.  Condon Richard. Portsmouth.  Cart Joseph, Capt. York.  Colby Samuel, Canterbury.  Deering Joseph, Kittery.  Durant William, Exeter.  French Nathaniel, Kingstown.  Hall Aaron, Rev. Keen.  Jordan Mr. Exeter.  O'Neal Patrick, Esq; Portsmouth.  Prescott Isaac, Desfield.  Quinby Daniel, Kingstown.  Richardson Sarah, Pelham.  Randle David, Rochester.  Sawyer Joseph, Warner.  Smith Elizabeth, Durham.  Sullivan Ebertzer, Maj. Berwicks.  Todd Elizabeth, Londonderry.  Tole John, Hampton.  White Priscilla, Portsmouth.  Ward Elizabeth, ditto.  Welch Miss, ditto. 
All Persons Indebted to, or that have any demands against the Estate of Deacon Sam. Hart late of Portsmouth Esq; Deceased are desired to settle the same Immediately with GEORGE HART Administrator. Portsmouth, October 3, 1778
Benja. Dearborn,
At his Shop, almost opposite the Printing-Office, has for sale, VERY DEAR, for Cash or Country Produce
SCARLET Broad Cloth, Baizes, Home-spun Cloth, Rattiner, Hairbine, Calaman-co, Drawboy, Cambleteen, Duroy, black and white Gauze, Cambricks and Lawns, Catgut, Cap-Wire, Gauze & Linnen Handkerchiefs, Sarsnet—Wool-Cards, Whalebone, Nails, Bill Hooks, Brads Ink-Stands, Knives, Scissors, Razors, Gun-hammers, Spectacles, Fish-Hooks, Desk furniture; A variety of Buckles Buttons, &c.—Singing-Books, Testaments, Spelling Books, Primers, Writing Paper, Ink Powder, Waters and Quils—Outer Indigo, Logwood, Alum, Copperas Brimstone,— Pepper, Allspice, Ginger, Nutmegs, &c.
Public Notice is given, that there
WILL be Sold, at Vendue, at the Wharf of Mr. Humphrey Fernald, on Thursday the 15th instant, at 10 o'Clock A. M. The following Articles viz. Two 3 pound Cannon, & 1 Swivel, 2 Casks Nails, a parcel of old Copper-Kettles, 2 large Scale Beams, a number of old Muskets, & Cutlasses, 80 Bayonets, a Quantity of Musket Balls, & Moulds, 40 Whip, Hand, and Cross Cut Saws, 2 Boxes 7 by 9 Glass, part ditto of 8 by 10, a Quantity of old Iron of Various Sorts, a Chest of Joyners Tools, Augurs, Axes & Adzes, Cod Lines, Flints, some New Cloathing, Checks, Canvas, a Suit of Sails fitting for a Vessel of about 50 Tons, a number of small Anchors & Graplings, 2 boats Hawlers, and a number of other Articles, all of which to be seen at time and place of Sale. Portsmouth, October 6th 1778.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
STOLEN out of my shop on the night of the 23d of Sept. last, one neat pocket pistol silver mounted, maker's name Parker, on the side plate mark'd P. D. the hammer spring broke, the barrel unscrews, and upon the cap a Rampart Lyes upon a piece of Fortification.—Also, about three dozen English Cutlass knives something rusty,—one pair round steel buttons, red hilt, new eyes and chains,—one round diamond cut woman's silver buckle newly mended in 2 places, mark'd L. P.—one pair silver buttons mark'd D.S. on the upper side— one pair scotch pebble buttons, new eyes and chains,— one cypher'd stone fly hook — one child's cypher'd stone button—one gold ring with a cypher'd stone:— sundry silver thimbles, some with steel tops,—and sundry other articles of the goldsmith's business.—Any person that will give information of any of the above articles, so that the thief or thieves may be convicted, shall be entitled to the above Reward. Portsmouth, Octob 3d 1778. SAMUEL DROWNE.
SAMUEL BOWLES
INFORMS THE PUBLIC, that he has to sell at his Shop just below the State House, in Portsmouth, THE best of REDWOOD,—French and Carolina INDIGO, by Wholesale or Retail,—Logwood, Alum, Coperas, Brimstone, Pepper, Spice, Currants, Coffee, TEA, SALT,—And many other Articles, which he will sell as cheap as any one in the State..
Public Vendue this Day, being The 6th of October, at the Store of the Hon. JOHN LANGDON, Esq; The following Articles, just imported from Nantes, in the Ship Courier L'Europe, Mons. Raffin, Commander, viz.
SMALL Arms, with Bayonets compleat. Nails of all Sorts.—A Quantity of Medicine—Wollen Cloth—Green Tea, Files—Color'd Thread,—Cloth Waistcoats ready made—Coats dit.—Surtuits—Striped Dimity,— Silk Stockings— Champaigne WINE—Burgundy dit.—Spanish ditto. — And one other Sort.
Portsmouth, Sept. 29. 1778.
ONCE MORE, these Persons that have any Accounts yet unsettled with the Estate of JOHN HART, late of Newington, Esq; deceased, are desired to settle the same within one Month, from the Date hereof, with Mary Hart and George Hart, Administrators. Portsmouth, Sept. 28, 1778.

New-Chester.
State of New-Hampshire, Grafton ss: WHEREAS there is a State TAX on all unimproved Lands belonging to the nonresident proprietors of the township of New Chester, in said State: and whereas in a late Act of the General Assembly it is provided, that where the owners of such Lands are unknown, that they shall be rated in the name of the original proprietors, &c. These are therefore to require the owners of such Lands as are set down in the following List, to pay their respective rates or assessment to me at my dwelling house in said New Chester, within eight weeks from the date of this advertisement, or so much of their Lands will be sold for the payment thereof with incidental charges.
Proprietors Names, and their Lots in each Division, with the TAX against each Lot.
   NAMES. First Division Second Division Third Division Fourth Division   No. 1. d. Lot. No. 1. d. Lot. No. 1. d. Lot. No. 1. d. Lot.     Thomas Packer, Esq. 2 1 4 17 1 6 4 1 6 16 1 6   Mathew Thornton, Esq. 89 1 6 14 1 6 77 1 6   Mathew Thornton, Esq. 87 1 6 12 1 6 45 1 6   Mark Karr 18 1 6 33 1 6   Henry Hall 67 1 6 16 1 6 31 1 6   Sally and March 21 1 4 70 1 6 26 1 6 3 1 6   Stephen Ferriss 74 1 6 28 1 6   John Gordon 32 1 6 2 1 6 11 1 6   Blank Right 29 1 4 9 1 6 62 1 6 26 1 6   Robert Fletcher 41 1 6 27 1 6 19 1 6   Joseph Clark 35 1 4 8 1 6 16 1 6   Messrs. Harvey & Estlin 36 1 4 5 1 6 64 1 6 10 5 6   Samuel Sears 37 1 4 21 1 6 65 1 6 7 1 6   Samuel Sears 23 1 6 43 1 6 9 1 6   Samuel Sears 44 1 6 82 1 6 5 1 6   Robert White 29 1 6 47 1 6 88 1 6   John Wentworth 65 1 4 54 1 6 37 1 6 72 1 6   Alexander McCluer 70 1 4 58 1 6   Blank Right 78 1 6 54 1 6 66 1 6   Robert Craige 56 1 6 79 1 6 2 1 6   Jacob Sargent 48 1 6   James Moore 65 1 6 9 1 6 52 1 6   John Moffat 80 1 4 86 1 6 59 1 6 61 1 6   Ebenezer Dearborn 80 1 6 60 1 6 59 1 6   John Kilby 88 1 6   John Duran 84 1 6 92 1 6 57 1 6   Granters Farm of £ 6 7 2   500 acres  
BENJAMIN EMENS, Constable. New Chester, Sept. 29, 1778.
Raymond.
State of New Hampshire, Rockingham ss: WHEREAS the undermentioned nonresident proprietors Lands have heretofore been legally notified for payment of the TAX due thereon for the year 1777, in the Parish of Raymond: — this is therefore to notify such delinquent proprietors or owners, that so much of their respective Rights or Shares of Land will be exposed to public Sale, at the house of Lieut. Benjamin Bean, innholder in Raymond aforesaid, on Thursday the 15th of October next, at ten o'clock A.M. as will pay said TAX or assessment, with incidental charges, unless they pay the same with the charges before that time.
Original Proprietors
   NAMES. No. 1. s. d.     Ebenezer Wentworth 68 0 11 4   Samuel Ingalls 74 0 9 9   Joshua Wingate 84 0 12 8   Thomas Packer 140 1 2 8   Not known 93 0 12 8   Not known 94 0 12 8   Meichers 120 0 13 3   Benjamin Smith 132 0 7 7   Stephen Johnson 100 0 12 8   Jonathan Samborn 48 0 7 9   Samuel Pease 57 0 8 8   Philimon Eakes 124 0 7 7   Michael Whidden 41 0 7 7   Cutt and Akerman 108 0 7 7   John Shackleford 55 0 7 7   Reuben Samborn 54 0 11 1   George Jeffrey 40 0 7 7   Not known 103 0 7 7   Jacob Bassford 107 0 8 9   Thomas Phipps 95 0 12 8   Not known 104 0 12 8   Not known 105 0 12 3  
NATHAN DEARBORN, Constable. Raymond, Aug. 18, 1778.
TO BE SOLD.
SUNDRY Dry Goods, both of FRENCH and ENGLISH ASSORTMENTS, some choice Casks CLARET, SWEET OYL in Bottles, &c. — For further Particulars, Inquire at Mrs. Tilton's Tavern, Portsmouth Sept. 7, 1778.
TOBACCO
Of the best Quality, either in Leaf, or manufactured; To be sold by Kinsman and Parkes in Exeter.
Orford.
State of New Hampshire.
APPLICATION being made to me the subscriber by proprietors and owners of more than a tenth part of the township of ORFORD, to notify and warn a meeting of the proprietors to meet at the house of Lt. Jonathan Leavitt, innholder at Hampton, on the first Tuesday in December next, being the eighth Day, at three of the clock in the afternoon, to act on the following particulars, viz:
 1. To chuse a moderator to govern said meeting, and any other officers they may judge necessary.  2. To chuse a committee to examine and settle the collectors and treasurer's accounts.  3. To see if the proprietors will be at the expence of perambulating the boundary lines of the township, agreeable to the charter.  4. To see if the proprietors will be at the expence of cutting and clearing a road (at the upper end of the town, on the most suitable ground) by Indian Pond, down to Baker's Pond. Also, of making a good cart road from Col. Marray's to Baker's Pond and Wentworth line.  5. To see if the proprietors will pay any more of the expence that has been done on the road by the inhabitants, more than they have already voted.  6. To see what assistance the proprietors will give to the inhabitants of Orford towards settling another minister, and the supporting of the Gospel there, and for any other purpose they may see fit.  7. To see if the proprietors will chuse a committee to confer with a committee that may be chosen by the inhabitants, on matters that may be laid before the meeting.  8. To see what measures the proprietors will take to deal with certain persons, for their ill conduct and mischievous attempts to injure the propriety, and pass such votes thereupon as they may find necessary.  9. To see if the proprietors will be at the expence of having a copy of the records of the town of Orford taken, to be lodged with the proprietors clerk. 
In pursuence of which application, I hereby notify said proprietors to meet at said time and place for the aforesaid purposes. Hampton, Sept. 24, 1778.
JOHN MOULTON, Proprietors Clerk.
N. B. The proprietors were heretofore notified to meet to act upon the above particulars, but by the neglect of the principal part of the proprietors not attending at the adjournment, the meeting was dissolved without doing the necessary business. — The proprietors are desired punctually to attend at the time now notified. J. M.
To be sold by Joseph Smith
of Durham, County of Rockingham, New Hampshire, ONE HUNDRED ACRES of choice Tillage Land, with good Orchards, and well watered, with a good Double House, Forty Feet long and 30 Feet in Breadth, and a choice good Barn, 50 Feet long, and 30 Feet in Breadth. — Any Gentleman that inclines to purchase said FARM, it will be sold very reasonable for Cash or other Pay that may suit — it is one Mile from the Falls and 8 from Portsmouth.
Saville.
APPLICATION having been made to me the subscriber to call a meeting of the proprietors of SAVILLE at the house of Capt. Zechariah Foss, in Portsmouth, on the second Tuesday of November next for the following purposes, — 1. To chuse a moderator. 2. To chuse a committee to examine the accounts of the treasurer and collectors of former taxes. — 3. To chuse another treasurer in the room of the former, by reason of his residence making it inconvenient to attend that business. — 4. To raise money by a tax on the proprietors rights to discharge the state taxes for the year 1777 and 1778, and to chuse a collector for the same. — 5. To determine the locality of each proprietors first and second division, by completing the pitches and drafts of the 75 acre lots, and to give leave to any proprietor that shall assign satisfactory reasons at the meeting to exchange any of their draft lots in the second division, by taking up the same quantity out of the common and undivided land. — 6. To give leave to any proprietor who may be deficient in his first or second division lots, to make up the same out of the common unlocated lands. — 7. To chuse another proprietors clerk instead of the present, who desires to resign the office. — And to do all other things necessary for the benefit of the township: — this is therefore to notify the proprietors to meet at said time and place for said purpose. N. B. Delinquent proprietors rights for former taxes of 15 s, 18 s, and 24 s, if not paid, will be sold at that time. JOHN WENDELL, Pr. Clerk.
Portsmouth, Sept. 14, 1778.
Tuesday the 20th Day of October
Will be sold at Public VENDUE, at Mrs. Tilton's in Portsmouth, at Ten o'Clock, A. M. BETWEEN 50 and 60 choice White Pine Masts, Yards and Bowsprits; the Masts from 24 to 30 Inches: the Yards from 20 Inches upwards; the Bowsprits from 26 to 30 Inches. — They were procured formerly for the Use of the British Navy, and will suit now very well for the French Market. Conditions of sale to be made known at the time of sale.
JOHN BLUNT, GEORGE GAINS, } Committee. Portsmouth, Sept. 25th 1778.
Thirty Dollars Reward.
STOLEN from my pasture the 13th Instant, a red roan MARE, paces, trots and canters well, — six years old, about 14 hands high, a white star in her forehead; right hand Foot white, a small nub each side her flank the bigness of a large walnut: — Whoever shall discover, take up, and secure said Mare, and acquaint me thereof, shall have the above reward of 30 dollars, and necessary charges paid by JOHN HALE. Connecticut, County of Hartford, Sept. 15 1778.
Dublin.
State of New Hampshire, Cheshire ss: Whereas the undermentioned nonresident proprietors Lands have heretofore been legally notified for payment of the Taxes due thereon for the year 1777, in the Town of Dublin; This is therefore to notify such delinquent proprietors or owners, that so much of their lands will be sold at public vendue to pay said taxes and incidental charges, at the house of Capt. Thomas Morris, innholder in Dublin, at one of the clock, P.M. if said taxes are not paid to me at my house in Dublin by the 24th day of November next. Thaddeus Mason, Constable. Dublin, Sept. 23, 1778.
   NAMES. No R s. d.     Thomas Packer 19 2 2 3   Daniel Pierce 22 2 5 10   John Moffat 15 3 3 5   Theodore Atkinson 20 3 5 10   Daniel Pierce 22 3 6 0   Peter Powers 14 4 2 3   Sampson Stoddard 19 5 5 10   Henry Willis 19 6 5 1   Joseph Jackson 17 7 5 10   Samuel Emes 18 7 2 10   Anthony Wibirt 20 8 5 1   William Parker 18 4 3 8  
Dublin.
State of New Hampshire, Cheshire ss: Whereas the undermentioned nonresident proprietors Lands have heretofore been legally notified for payment of the Taxes due thereon for the year 1777, in the Town of Dublin; This is therefore to notify such delinquent proprietors or owners, that so much of their lands will be sold at public vendue to pay said taxes and incidental charges, at the house of Capt. Thomas Morris, innholder in Dublin, at eight of the clock in the Forenoon, the 24th day of November next. James Robins, Const. Dublin, Sept. 23, 1778.
   NAMES. No R s. d.     Amos Perry 2 1 2 0   Math: Thornton, Esq. 3 1 4 10   John Moffat 6 1 6 6   William Parker, Esq. 7 2 6 7   Ditto. 8 2 4 10   Samuel Emes 9 2 10 10   John Moffat 11 2 6 7   Ezra Carpenter 1 7 6 1   Mathew Livermore 2 7 2 11   Joseph Drury 5 7 3 8   Thomas Packer 9 7 3 8   John Tufton Mason 11 7 5 10   David Page 2 8 3 8   Samuel Farly 5 8 4 3   John Rings 3 9 3 8   Thomas Packer 11 10 1 10  
Portsmouth: Printed by D. Fowle
to me the subscriber is entitled and pay to the Treasurer, this is therefore to notify said proprietors, that unless they pay the same, their lands will be publicly sold at auction for payment thereof, with charges. — And all delinquents for payment thereof are requested to justly with me as above appointed for that purpose. Daniel Fowle, Collector. Portsmouth, Sept. 14, 1778.  WHEREAS the proprietors of RELHAN at their legal meeting on the 25th of August 1778, did vote the sum of nine Shillings, L. M. on each 100 acre lot laid out to each proprietor, to pay the charge of incorporation, and other contingencies, and compensation for said tax.  ANAWAY from me the Subscriber the 4th Instant, a NEGRO MAN named Prince, about twenty four years of age. Had on when he went away blue Breches, a good Hat, white Stockings, and a light coloured Coat, speaks good English, and plays on a Violin, limps on his left Leg. Whoever shall take up said Negro, and secure him in any of the States of New England, shall have Ten Dollars Reward, & necessary charges paid, giving me Notice: Joseph Patterson of Newington.

To the Earl of CARLISLE, Sir HENRY CLINTON, Knight of the Bath, and WILLIAM EDEN, Esquire.
YOUR Excellencies must be sensible, that it does not comport with the measures of Congress to make any observations upon your declaration of the 26th of August. But as it was evidently calculated for the people I make no doubt you will be glad to know what effect it is likely to produce; and that your Excellencies may form some opinion, I take the Liberty to shew you in what light it is considered by an individual Valeat quod intum vates potest . I do not flatter myself that my observations upon your applications to Congress are very agreeable to you. However I am in no degree discouraged from writing a third letter to your Excellencies.
It seems the declaration of Congress on the 11th of August, drew forth yours of the 26th. The storm of military war has lost its violence; on your part it is spent itself; you now fail us with words.
You are pleased "solemnly to declare," that you had not any knowledge, either directly or indirectly, of the letters and conversation alluded to in the declaration of Congress until you saw them made public in the newspapers. This declaration related to your colleague, George Johnstone, Esq; nor did it charge your Excellencies with a privy to, or participation in his very exceptionable conduct. Unaccused, you have thought proper to endeavour to exculpate yourselves; a circumstance which strongly brings to my recollection a rule which Charles the First recommended to his favourite Stafford, as one, that may serve for a statesman, courtier or lover— "never to make a defence or apology before you are accused." Without doubt, your Excellencies will not be at a loss to comprehend the meaning of the royal hint.
That you would publickly have assented to the construction Congress gave to Governor Johnstone's conduct, or that you would intimate a belief that any person was authorized to hold the conversation stated to have been held with Mr. Read. "to engage his interest to promote the object of your commission," was not expected. Neither was it imagined that there was not any obligation upon you to vindicate Mr. Johnstone's "abilities & integrity." The first we never doubted, till we saw his declaration of the 26th of August; the last he himself has not even attempted to vindicate; and I mark this as an instance of his prudence: It is laudable to point out merit wherever it is distinguished. On the other hand, it is also proper to observe the public shades of public character: The Governor appears to have lost the calmness and circumspection necessary in the profession of a statesman. The declaration of Congress has precipitated him into abuse, mistake & contradiction. He censures Congress for bowing to a French Ambassador! Did his Britannic Majesty never bow to a French Ambassador? The Governor thinks "many individuals" of Congress now entertain different sentiments from those of the declaration of Congress: He is certainly mistaken, for I have heard every individual Member declare, he considered him as no longer an enemy to corruption. As to his contradiction of himself, I need only contrast these two ideas in his declaration—"The said George Johnstone for himself says, that he is far from considering the sad resolution of Congress as offensive to him, that he rather receives it as a mark of distinction:" However, "he reserves to himself the liberty of publishing, if he shall judge proper, a justification of his conduct against the aspersions thrown on his character." This unoffended, yet aspersed gentleman, who considers a resolution which asperses his character, "as a mark of distinction," draughted
his declaration ad populum , and with them I will leave it, that I may proceed to shew a proper respect to your Excellencies performance.
Why do you tell the world, you "were authorized to restore Peace, to preserve the value and promote the credit of the paper circulation to give satisfaction and security for ever on the subject of military establishments, and to extend every freedom to trade?" Your Excellencies sent to the Congress copies of the instruments by which you were, and by which only you are authorized. They were published, and the world have not yet forgot, that they only allow you to treat, not to determine upon any of those particulars. Nay, you are expressly prohibited, and it is declared your proceedings on those points shall not be of any validity unless ratified by the British Parliament. Need I hint, that every word you deliver is accurately weighed, and critically examined; and that consequential ideas naturally follow!
And do you really think you have "offered every thing that is, or can be proposed by the French allies?" I am apt to suspect that your Excellencies are inclined to pleasantry. Pardon me if I introduce a serious idea: I will will be short; nay, I will use but a single word. INDEPENDENCE! This is proposed by the allies with France: This is not to be found in your offers.
As you are astonished at one circumstance I may be permitted to express a little surprise at another; it is at your assertion that France "has ever shewn itself an enemy to all civil and religious liberty." I cannot suppose you are unread in the histories of France, of Germany, and of the Low Countries, especially for the eighty years preceding the peace of Westphalia; and it is painful even to remark that there is an alternative. The civil and religious liberties of Germany and of the seven United Provinces found in the Power of France a friend and a guarantee and the power is now a friend and a guarantee to the civil and religious liberty of America. On the other hand, the power of England has been, and now is an enemy to civil and religious liberty. Witness your penal laws against Roman Catholics, and the rejected petitions of Dissenters. Witness the reigns of Charles the Second and his successor. Witness the Present reign in Britain; the stamp act, the Quebec bill, the contemporary and subsequent outrages of laws and arms, respecting America. Your Excellencies ought to have looked at home, before you ventured to cast your eyes and censures abroad.
It is a favourite point with you, and you constantly press to have it established, that the offers of France "were made only in consequence of the plan of accommodation previously concerted in Great Britain." And to prove this, you ever, first, "that public intimation of the conciliatory propositions on the part of Great Britain was given to the British Parliament, and consequently to the whole world, in the month of November last," Secondly, "that the preliminaries of a French treaty, did not bear earlier date than the 16th of December." We will examine the subject. The terms in which the first point is couched, give an idea, that the intimation was pointed and public, descriptive of the propositions, and that they were important in their nature. I wish your Excellencies had condescended to give us the terms in which the intimation was expressed, and the authority expressing them: Because from these lights, we might have seen, whether the Propositions were, or if you please, the intimation was of sufficient weight to effect,
change and give a ton to the measures of the court of France. The evidence was in your hands, you have not thought proper to lay it before us, and no doubt you have reasons for the suppression. However, as my object is truth, I will endeavour to supply the evidence that you have withheld.
The late Sessions of the British Parliament began on the 20th day of November last. On the 21st, your House of Lords presented their address to your sovereign in answer to his speech. In that they say, "we cannot but applaud your Majesty's unwearied vigilance and wisdom in recommending to us, to prepare at all events, for such further operations as the contingences of the war, and the obstinacy of the rebels may render expedient." "We thankfully receive your Majesty's declaration of perseverance in the measures now pursuing, for the reestablishment of a just and constitutional subordination through the several parts of your Majesty's dominions." On the 22d of November your House of Commons also presented their address in answer to the speech; nor does this address contain any thing repugnant to the other; nor can it be denied, that these addresses are always mere echoes to the speech, & that the three flow from the Ministers. Thus, at one view, we have the public and joint sense of the Ministers, King, Lords and Commons of G. Britain. It is sufficient here to observe, that sense was a "perseverance" in military coercion—not a change to "conciliatory propositions."
This "public intimation" "given to the British Parliament, and consequently to the whole world in November last," of the public measures to be pursued, perhaps may not be that public intimation, to which your Excellencies allude? Well, I am not tired in my research after truth, I will make another attempt. I hope your Excellencies will patiently attend, while I endeavour to discover the intimation you mean;—and whether it was in its nature such, as ipso facto made a mere nullity of the declaration from the throne couched by the Ministers, and approved by the Houses of Parliament.
On the 17th of February last, Lord North made a decisive speech in the House of Commons. This states what he said in November, relative to terms that might be offered to America; and it is probable this may be the public intimation to which your Excellencies allude. This speech strikes my attention, because it not only states what Lord North said on the 20th of November, but it demonstrates his conduct and the reasons for it, from that time to the 17th of February.
It was on this memorable day that Lord North declared himself in the following manner. "At the opening of the present sessions on the first day during the debate upon the address to his Majesty, I told the House, that in my opinion terms might be made with the Colonies short of unconditional submission, and that the time of making them was the moment of victory." Here Lord North himself gives evidence of what he had said, and it must be deemed absolutely sufficient. Thus it undeniably appears, that on the 20th day of November Lord North, speaking upon another subject, en passant , threw out a mere speculative "proposition," the truth of which was self evident.—Terms might be made in the moment of victory. His Lordship did not intimate, that he would offer terms, nay, that he intended to do so. And is this mere speculative proposition "the conciliatory propositions on the part of Great Britain," to which you so anxiously point! Already it appears lighter than a straw; you

catch at it, but it is not capable of supporting you. Place this in one scale—the public persevering declaration of the Ministers and the King on the same day, approved by the Houses of Parliament on the two following days; in the other scale—suspend the balance—Of what weight is your public intimation?— vox et praeterea nihil . Was it possible such a public intimation affected the counsels of France, and changed their very nature! It is too extravagant to be supposed. But let us attend to the speech.
“The time of making them was the moment of victory. I said this, thinking that the victory gained by Sir William Howe, was more decisive than it really was; and ignorant of the disaster which had fallen on General Burgoyne's army.”
It appears then, terms might be offered in the moment of victory, and that on the 20th day of November Lord North thought the moment then existed. The question is, what use did he make of that moment? Did he intimate that he would offer generous terms of conciliation? No! Even terms short of unconditional submission? No! He only threw out a mere speculative idea, the truth of which no man could deny: But in this fancied moment of victory, under his auspices , the speech from the throne made a “ declaration ,” and the Houses of Parliament applauded the “ declaration of perseverance in the measures then pursuing ,” to coerce America to an unconditional submission: And large supplies in men and money were immediately voted. It is true his Lordship very ingeniously intimated, en passant , when on another subject, in what manner the moment of victory might be used; but at the same time he took care, that the Ministry should demonstrate , and the whole legislature should declare, in what manner they were resolved to use it —to redouble the blows upon the party supposed to be then staggering under a late victory.
Lord North continued.
“When the news of that melancholy event arrived, I was struck that the time of proposing terms was past; and that the first point to be done was the raising of new levies and a new force.”—The point with me at present is, to ascertain a moment in which his Lordship thought “the time of proposing terms was past.”
It is notorious, that on the 4th of Decem. Lord George Germaine was obliged, for the first time, to inform the House of Commons, (who were stunned at it) that he had received private accounts of that event, which I may call a glorious one; And I will therefore lay it down, that on that day Ld North was of opinion, “the time of proposing terms was past.” This we find, that from the first day of the sessions in November to the 4th of Decem. a perseverance in coercive measures, new levies, and a new force, were the declared objects of the British Government. Do not your Excellencies think it reasonable to conclude, that his Lordship continued in the same sentiments and measures for ten or 12 days? The contrary is not to be supposed. This allowance, then, brings us to the 16th of December, the day when the offers of France were formally made to the American Commissioners in Paris:—A point of time when every public intimation that could be given of a perseverance in measures of coercion on the part of Great-Britain, actually & clearly existed.
You are pleased to say “the propositions to be made were occasionally a subject of discussion in Parliament during the whole interval between the 20th of January and the 17th of February; during which interval & not before, France being informed of the liberal and extensive nature of the intended offers, thought it expedient to new model and enlarge her proposals.”
From hence these conclusions result: That on the 20th of January the propositions were yet “ to be made .” That previous to that day they were not made, nor discussed, nor the liberal and extensive nature of them known to
France: Yet we have found that the offers of France were made on the 16th of Decem. preceding! But, say you, “the concessions then made by France on the one hand were so unsatisfactory, and the conditions required by America on the other so exceptionable, that the Commissioners of Congress did not think proper to proceed, until they should be specially authorised.”—We will candidly consider every thing you offer.
About the end of the year 1776 Congress made out the terms of the treaties they were desirous of forming with France; and also instructions to their Commissioners, materially to relax, if necessary, in many important points from these terms: And the Commissioners received these terms and instructions long before they had occasion to make use of them.
On the 16th of December last, when your conciliatory proposition, according to your own shewing, were neither made nor discussed, and consequently their “ liberal & extensive nature ” not known to France, Monsieur Girard, by order of his Most Christian Majesty thus declared himself to our Commissioners. “That his Most Christian Majesty was determined to acknowledge our independence, & make a treaty with us of amity and commerce. That in this treaty no advantage would be taken of our present situation, to obtain terms from us which otherwise would not be convenient for us to agree to; his Majesty desiring that the treaty once made should be durable, and our amity subsist forever, which could not be expected if each nation did not find its interest in the continuance as well as in the commencement of it.
Having thus from the records stated the authorities of the Commissioners on the one hand, and “the concessions as you are pleased to term them, “then made by France” on the other; allow me to ask whether these terms by France on the 16th of Decem. last, could possibly be deemed “ unsatisfactory ”?—And whether it is possible to suppose that the Commissioners, having early in the year 1777 received instructions, by which they were “ specially authorized ,” in case of necessity, to agree to unequal terms, “did not think proper to proceed” to agree to the terms of France on the 16th of December following, which were perfectly equal ? The facts are, they had no occasion to wait for any special authority—they did not wait—the treaties were absolutely made upon the satisfactory principles declared on the 16th of December. What then becomes of your assertion, that in the interval between the 20th of January and the 17th of February, eleven days after the treaties were actually signed , “France being informed of the liberal and extensive nature of the intended offers, thought it expedient to new model and enlarge her proposals.”
To be continued.
All Persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the estate of Sam'l Haines, late of Greenland, Husbandman, deceased, are desired to bring in their Accounts to Nathaniel Haines, Administrator to said Estate, in order for a speedy settlement.
North Hampton, October 2d, 1778.
Strayed or stolen out of my Pasture about three weeks ago, a light brown Horse, five years old, short Main, one white Foot, paces and trots. Whoever will take up said Horse, and convey him to me, shall be well rewarded, & all necessary charges paid, by me, Jeremiah Conner .
Exeter, October 1st. 1778
Strayed or stolen from Major COFFIN's pasture in Exeter; A dark brown Horse, about 14 hands high, trots & paces, five years old, has a star in his forehead.—Whoever will take up said Horse shall be handsomely rewarded, and all necessary charges paid, by me Jeremiah Calse .
Exeter, Octo. 2d, 1778.
Scheme of a Lottery
GRANTED by the Council and House of Representatives of this State, February 1778, for raising Six Hundred Pounds, in order to compleat a Bridge from New Castle to the Main, wherein Sam. Cutts, John Parker and Henry Prescott, Esqrs; Mr. George Frost & Capt. John Blunt, or any three of them are appointed Managers, & who are sworn to the faithful Performance of the Trust.
The Lottery consists of 2600 Tickets, at Four Dollars per Ticket, 868 of which are Prizes of the following Value. viz.
  1 of 500 is 500   1 of 150 is 150   2 of 100 is 200   2 of 50 is 100   10 of 20 is 200   20 of 10 is 200   832 of 8 is 6656 
8006
868 Benefit Tickets, which makes less than two Blanks to a Prize. The Utility of this Bridge to the Town of New Castle, and the adjacent Towns, is too evident, to need any Recommendation here, 'tis therefore presumed that all Persons will encourage and promote it by purchasing Tickets as soon as may be, which may be had of the Respective Managers—Notice will soon be given of the Time of drawing, and as soon as drawn, a List of the Prizes will be published in the Freeman's Journal or New-Hampshire Gazette. Benefit Tickets will be paid off in Twenty Days after drawing by the Managers, who signed them; Prizes not demanded within Six Months from the Time of drawing, are not to be demanded afterwards, but deemed as generously given to the Use of the design, and applied accordingly. Tickets to be had at Capt. Eliphalet Giddings's in Exeter.
ENGLISH GOODS, Board and Shingle NAILS to be sold by SAMUEL SAWYER, cheap for Cash, at the Store of the Hon. NICHOLAS GILMAN, Esq; Exeter.
TAKEN UP DAMAGE-FEASANT,
A Yoke of STEARS, Supposed to be three year old last Springs; one of them is marked with a small Notch in his Right Ear and white under his Belly, running up in his Flank; the other brindle with a lion's back, and white about his Head and Belly. The Owner may have them again by applying to me and paying Charges. SAMUEL SMITH. Exeter, September 12th, 1778.
TO BE SOLD very cheap, a FARM well situated in Rochester, containing about one hundred and Twenty Acres, whereof Twelve Acres is improv'd Land, and about Twenty Acres of till'd Land: Likewise a one Story House, by Twenty Eight, and Thirty Eight, very Convenient for Trading, for which Purpose said House was Built, together with a Barn Frame, wherewith is sufficiency of Boards, Shingles, Nails, Glass, and all other Necessarys, suitable for said building—Said Farm is within Thirteen Miles of Dover land ag.
Whoever inclines to Purchase this above describ'd Farm, with its Apptenances, is desired to apply to Thomas D. Troupe, Owner, living upon the Premises, or the Printer in Portsmouth. August 11, 1778.
Strayed or Stolen,
About three Weeks ago, A light red HORSE, six years old, white Feet, about 14 Hands high, white Face, wall Eyes, Trots and Paces. Whoever will take up said Horse, and send him to the Printer at Exeter, or Portsmouth, shall be handsomely rewarded, and all necessary charges paid.
Exeter, October 5th, 1778.