New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), 1780-12-18 00:00:00

THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE; OR, STATE JOURNAL, and GENERAL ADVERTISER.
[ Vol. XXIV. ]
MONDAY, DECEMBER 18, 1780.
[ No. 1260 ]
The CRISIS EXTRAORDINARY.
By the Author of COMMON SENSE,
(Concluded from our last.)
TAKE the proportion of this state, Pennsylvania, to be an eighth part of the Thirteen United States, the quota then for us to raise will be two hundred & fifty thousand pounds sterling; two hundred thousand of which will be our share for the support and pay of the army and Continental expences at home and abroad, and fifty thousand for the support of state government.
In order to gain an idea of the proportion in which the raising such a sum will fall, I make the following calculation:
Pennsylvania contains three hundred and seventy five thousand inhabitants, men, and women and children, which is likewise an eighth part of the whole inhabitants, of the United States; therefore two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling to be raised among three hundred and seventy five thousand persons, is, on an average, thirteen shillings and four pence sterling per head per annum, or something more than one shilling sterl. per month. And our proportion of three quarters of a million for the government of the country, in time of peace will be ninety three thousand seven hundred and fifty pounds sterl. fifty thousand of which will be for the government expences of the state, and forty three thousand seven hundred and fifty pounds for Continental expences at home and abroad.
The peace establishment then will, on an average, be five shillings, sterl. per head. Whereas was England now to stop, and the war cease, her peace establishment would continue the same as it is now, viz. forty shillings per head; therefore was our taxes necessary for carrying on the war as much perhead as hers now is, & the difference to be only whether we should, at the end of the war, pay at the rate of five shillings per head, or forty shillings per head, the case needs no thinking of. But as we can securely defend and keep the country for one third less than what our burthen would be if it was conquered, and support the governments afterward for on eighth of what Britain would levy on us, and could I find a miser whose heart never felt the emotion of a spark of principle, even that man uninfluenced by every love but the love of money, and capable of no attachment but to his interest, would, and must, from the frugality which governs him contribute to the defence of the country, or he ceases to be a miser and becomes an ideot. But when we take in with it every thing that can ornament mankind; when the line of our interest becomes the line of our happiness; when all that can cheer and animate the heart; when sense and honour, fame, character at home and abroad, are interwoven not only with the security but the increase of property, there exists not a man in America, unless he be a hired emissary, or does not see that his good is connected with keeping up a sufficient defence.
I do not imagine that an instance can be produced in the world, of a country putting herself to such an amazing charge to conquer and enslave another as Britain has done. The sum is too great for her to think of with any tolerable degree of temper; when
we consider the burthen she sustains as well as the disposition she has for war, it would be the height of folly in us to suppose that she would not reimburse herself by the most rapid means, had she not more America within her power. With such an oppression of expence, what would an empty conquest be to her! what relief under such circumstances could she derive from a victory without a prize? It was money, it was revenue, she first went to war for, and nothing but that would satisfy her. It is not the nature of avarice to be satisfied with any thing else. Every passion that acts upon mankind has a peculiar mode of operation. Many of them are temporary and fluctuating; they admit of cessation and variety: But avarice is a fixed uniform passion. It neither abates of its vigour nor changes its object; and the reason why it does not is founded in the nature of things, for wealth has not a rival where avarice is a ruling passion. One beauty may excel another, and extinguish from the mind of a man the pictured remembrance of a former one: But wealth is the phoenix of avarice, and therefore cannot seek a new object, because there is not another in the world.
I now pass on to shew the value of the present taxes, and compare them with the annual expence; but this I shall preface with a few explanatory remarks.
There are two distinct things which make the payment of taxes difficult; the one is the large and real value of the sum to be paid, and the other is the scarcity of the thing in which the payment is to be made; and although these appear to be one and the same, they are in several instances not only different, but the difficulty springs from different causes.
Suppose a tax was to be laid equal to one half of what every man's yearly income is, such a tax could not be paid, because the property could not be spared; and on the other hand, suppose a very trifling tax was laid, to be collected in pearls, such a tax likewise could not be paid, because it could not be had. Now any person may see that these are distinct cases, and the latter of them is a representation of ours.
That the difficulty cannot proceed from the former, that is, from the real value or weight of the tax, is evident, at first view, to any person who will consider it.
The amount of the quota of taxes for this State, for the present year 1780, (and so in proportion for every other State) is twenty millions of dollars, which, at 70 for one, is but sixty-four thousand, two hundred and eighty pounds three shillings sterling, and on an average is no more than three shillings & five pence sterl. per head per annum, men, women & children, or 5 pence per head per month. Now here is a clear positive fact that cannot be contradicted and which proves that the difficulty cannot be in the weight of the tax, for in itself it is a trifle, and far from being adequate to our quota of the expence of the war. The quit-rents of one penny sterl. per acre, on only one half the state, come to upwards of fifty thousand pounds which is almost as much as all the taxes of the present year, and as those quit-rents made no part of the taxes then paid & are now discontinued, the quantity of money drawn for public service this year, exclusive of the militia fines, which I shall take notice of in the process of this work, is less than that was paid and payable in any year
preceding the revolution, and since the last war; what I mean is, that the quit-rents and taxes, taken together, come to a larger sum than the present taxes which the quit-rents do now.
My intention by these arguments and calculations is to place the difficulty to the right cause, and shew that it does not proceed from the weight or worth of the tax, but from the scarcity of the medium in which it is paid; and to illustrate this point still further, I shall now shew; that if the tax of 20 million of dollars was of four times the real value it now is, or nearly so, which would be about 250,000 sterling, and would be our full quota, that this sum would have been raised with more ease, and less felt, than the present sum of only sixty-four thousand two hundred and eighty pounds.
The convenience or inconvenience of paying a tax in money, arises from the quantity of money that can be spared out of trade.
When the emission stoppt, the continent was left in possession of 200 millions of dollars, perhaps as equally dispersed as it was possible for trade to do it. And as no more was to be issued, the rise or fall of prices could neither increase nor diminish the quantity. It therefore remained the same thro' all the fluctuations of trade and exchange.
Now had the exchange stood at twenty for one, which was the rate Congress calculated upon when they quoted the States the latter end of last year, trade would have been carried on for nearly four times less money than it is now, and consequently the twenty millions would have been spared with much greater ease, and when collected would have been of almost four times the value they now are. And on the other hand, was the depreciation to be at ninety or one hundred for one, the quantity required for trade would be more than at sixty or 70 for one, and tho' the value of the tax would be less, the difficulty of sparing the money out of trade would be greater. And on these facts and arguments I rest the matter, to prove, that it is not the want of property, but the scarcity of medium by which the proportion of property for taxation is to be measured out, that makes the embarrassment we lie under. There is not money enough, and what is equally as true, the people will not let there be money enough.
While I am on the subject of the currency, I shall offer one remark which will appear true to every body, and can be accounted for by no-body, which is, that the better the times were, the worse the money grew; and the worse the times were, the better the money stood. It never depreciated by any advantage obtained by the enemy. The troubles of 1776, and the loss of Philadelphia in 1777, made no sensible impression on it, and every one knows that the surrender of Charlestown did not produce the least alteration in the rate of exchange, which for long before, and for more than three months after, stood at sixty for one. It seems as if the certainty of its being our own, made us careless of its value, and that the most distant thoughts of losing it, made us hug it the closer, like something we were loth to part with; or that we depreciate it for our pastime, which, when called to seriousness by the enemy, we leave off to renew again at our leisure. In short, our good luck seems to break us, and our bad make us whole.
Passing on from this digression, I shall now

endeavour to bring into one view the several parts I have already stated, and form thereon some proposition, and conclude.
I have placed before the reader the average tax per head paid by the people in England, which is forty shillings sterling.
And I have shewn the rate on an average per head which will defray all the expence of the war to us, and support the several governments, without running the country in debt, which is thirteen shillings and four pence.
And I have likewise shewn what the average per head of the present taxes are, namely, three shillings and five pence sterling, or five pence per month; and that their whole yearly value in sterling is only sixty four thousand two hundred and eighty pounds: Whereas our quota, to keep the payments equal with the expences, is two hundred & fifty thousand pounds. Consequently there is a deficiency of one hundred & eighty five thousand seven hundred and twenty pounds, and the same proportion of defect, according to the several quotas, happens in every other State. And this defect is the cause why the army has been so indifferently fed, clothed and paid. It is the cause, likewise, of the nerveless state of the campaign, and the insecurity of the country. Now if a tax equal to thirteen and four pence per head will remove all these difficulties, make people secure in their homes, leave them to follow the business of their stores and farms un molested, and not only keep out, but drive out the enemy from the country; and if the neglect of raising this sum will let them in, and produce the evils which might be prevented, on which side, I ask, does the wisdom, interest, and policy lie? Or rather would it not be an insult to reason, to put the question? The sum when portioned out, according to the several abilities of the people, can hurt no one, but an inroad from the enemy ruins hundreds of families.
Look at the destruction done in this city; the many houses totally destroyed, & others damaged; the waste of fences in the country round it, besides the plunder of furniture, forage and provisions. I do not suppose that half a million sterling would remit the sufferers; and does this, I ask, bear any proportion to the expence that would make us secure? The damage on an average is at least ten pounds sterling per head, which is as much as thirteen shillings and four pence per head, comes to for fifteen years. The same has happened on the frontiers, and in the Jerseys, New-York, and other places where the enemy has been. Carolina and Georgia are likewise suffering the same fate.
That the people generally do not understand the insufficiency of the taxes to carry on the war, is so evident, not only from common observation, but from the construction of several petitions, which were presented to the Assembly of this State, against the recommendation of Congress of the 18th of March last, for taking up and funding the present currency at forty for one, and issuing new money in its stead. The prayer of the petition was, "That the currency might be appreciated by taxes, (meaning the present taxes) and that part of the taxes be applied to the support of the army, if the army could not be otherwise supported." Now it could not have been possible for such a petition to have been presented, had the petitioners known, that so far from part of the taxes, being sufficient for the army, the whole of them falls three-fourths short of the year's expences.
Before I proceed to propose methods by which a sufficiency of money may be raised, I shall take a short review of the general state of the country.
Notwithstanding the weight of the war, the ravages of the enemy, and the obstructions thrown in the way of trade and commerce, so soon does a young country outgrow misfortune, that America has already surmounted many that once heavily oppressed her. For the first year or two of the war, we were shut up within our ports, scarce venturing to look towards the ocean. Now our rivers are beautified with large and va-
luable vessels, our stores filled with merchandise, and the produce of the country has a ready market, and an advantageous price. Gold and Silver, that for a while seemed to have retreated again within the bowels of the earth, are once more risen into circulation, and every day adds new strength to trade, commerce and agriculture. In a pamphlet written by Sir John Dalrymple, and dispersed in America in the year 1775, he asserted, that two twenty gun ships, nay, says he, the tenders of those ships, stationed between Albermarle Sound and Chesapeake-Bay, would float up the trade of America for 600 miles. How little did Sir John Dalrymple know of the abilities of America!
While under the government of Britain, the trade of this country was loaded with restrictions. It was only a few foreign ports she was allowed to sail to. Now it is otherwise; and allowing that the quantity of trade is but half what it was before the war, the case must shew the vast advantage of an open trade, because the present quantity under her restrictions, could not support itself; from which I infer, that if half the quantity, without the restrictions, can bear itself up nearly, it not quite, as well as the whole when subject to them, how prosperous must the condition of America be, when the whole shall return open with all the world? By trade I do not mean the employment of a merchant only, but the whole interest and business of the country taken collectively.
It is not so much my intention by this publication, to propose particular plans for raising money, as it is to shew the necessity and the advantages to be derived from it. My principal design is to form the disposition of the people to such measures which I am fully persuaded is their interest and duty to adopt, and which needs no other force to accomplish them than the force of being felt. But as every hint may be useful, I shall throw out a sketch, and leave others to make such improvements upon it as to them may appear reasonable.
The annual sum wanted is two millions, and the average rate in which it falls is 13s and 4d per head.
Suppose then we raise half the sum, and sixty thousand pounds over. The average rate thereof will be 7s per head.
In this case we shall have half the supply we want, and an annual fund of 60,000. whereon to borrow the other million; because 60,000. is the interest of a million at six per cent. and if at the end of another year we should be obliged, by the continuance of the war, to borrow another million, the taxes would be increased to 7s and 6d; and thus for every million borrowed, an additional tax, equal to 6d per head, must be levied.
The sum then to be raised next year will be one million and sixty thousand pounds: One half of which I would propose should be raised by duties on imported goods and prize goods, and the other half by a tax on loaded property and houses, or such other means as each State may devise.
But as the duties on imports and prize goods must be the same in all the States, therefore the rate per cent. or in what other form the duty shall be laid, must be ascertained and regulated by Congress, and engrafted in that form into the law of each State; and the monies arising therefrom carried into the treasury of each State. The duties to be paid in gold or silver.
There are many reasons why a duty on imports is the most convenient duty or tax that can be collected, one of which is, because the whole is payable in a few places in a country, and it likewise operates with the greatest ease and equality, because as every one pays in proportion to what he consumes, so people in general consume in proportion to what they can afford, and therefore the tax is regulated by the abilities which every man supposes himself to have, or in other words, every man becomes his own assesser, and pays by a little at a time when it suits him to buy. Besides, it is a tax which people may pay or let alone, by not consuming the articles; and though the
alternative may have no influence on their conduct, the power of choosing is an agreeable thing to the mind. For my own part, it would be a satisfaction to me, was there a duty on all sorts of liquors during the war, as in my idea of things it would be an addition to the pleasure of society, to know, that when the health of the army goes round, a few drops from every glass becomes theirs: How often have I heard an emphatical wish, almost accompanied with a tear. "O that our poor fellows in the field had some of this!" Why then need we suffer under a fruitless sympathy, when there is a way to enjoy both the wish and entertainment at once!
But the great national policy of putting a duty on imports is, that it either keeps the foreign trade in our own hands, or draws something for the defence of the country from every foreigner who participates it with us.
Thus much for the first half of the taxes, and as each State will best devise means to raise the other half, I shall confine my remarks to the resources of this State.
The quota then of this State of one million and sixty thousand pounds will be one hundred and thirty-three thousand two hundred and fifty pounds, the half of which is sixty-six thousand six hundred and twenty-five pounds; and supposing one fourth part of Pennsylvania inhabited, then a tax of one bushel of wheat on every twenty acres of land, one with another, would produce the sum, and all the present taxes to cease; Whereas the present tythes of the bishops and clergy in England, exclusive of the taxes, are upwards of half a bushel of wheat on every single acre of land, good and bad, throughout the nation.
In a former part of this paper I mentioned the militia fines, but reserved speaking to the matter, which I shall now do: The ground I have put it upon is, that two million sterling a year, will support a sufficient army, and all the expences of war and government, without having recourse to the inconvenient method of continually calling men from their employments, which of all others is the most expensive and the least substantial. I consider the revenue created by taxes as the first and principle thing, and fines only as secondary and accidental things. It was not the intention of the militia law to apply the militia fine, to any thing else but the support of the militia, neither do they produce any revenue to the State, yet these fines amount to more than all the taxes; for taking the muster-roll to be sixty thousand men, the fine on forty thousand who may not attend, will be sixty thousand pounds sterling, and those who must, will give up a portion of time equal to half that sum; and if the eight classes should be called within the year, and one third turn out, the fine on the remaining forty thousand would amount to seventy-two millions of dollars, besides the fifteen shillings on every hundred pounds property, and the charge of seven and a half per cent. for collecting in certain instances, which on the whole would be upwards of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterl.
Now if those very fines disable the country from raising a sufficient revenue without producing an equivalent advantage, would it not be to the ease and interest of all parties to encrease the revenue in the manner I have proposed, or any better, if a better can be applied, and cease the operation of the fines. I would still keep the militia as an organized body of men, and should there be a real necessity to call them forth, pay them out of the proper revenues of the State, and encrease the taxes a third or fourth per cent. on those who did not attend. My limits will not allow me to go farther into this matter, which I shall therefore close with this remark; that fines are, of all modes of revenue, the most unsuited to the mind of a free country. When a man pays a tax, he knows the public necessity requires it, and therefore feels a pride in discharging his duty; but a fine seems an atonement for neglect of duty, and of consequence is paid with discredit, and frequently levied with severity.
I have only now one subject more to speak to, with which I shall conclude, which is, the resolve of Congress of the 18th of March last, for taking up and funding the present currency at forty for one, and issuing new money in its stead.
Every one knows I am not the flatterer of Congress, but in this instance THEY ARE RIGHT; and if that measure is supported, the currency will acquire a value which without it, it will not. But this is not all: It will give relief to the finances until such time as they can be properly arranged, and save the country from being immediately double taxed under the present mode. In short, support that measure, and it will support you.
(For the Remainder see the last Page.)
WANTED immediately, 60 or seventy weight of good FEATHERS; for which Cash, or West India Goods will be given. Enquire at the Printer TO BE SOLD at PUBLIC VENDUE, At the Printing Office in Portsmouth, on Wednesday the 27th Instant, at 11 o'clock before noon, 120 acres of good Land in the town of Barrington, No. 254, Edward Wells the original proprietor,

RICHMOND, (Virginia) Nov. 18. Extract of a letter, dated Portsmouth, November 16.
This morning myself and two others entered the town of Portsmouth, the town totally evacuated; from the general conjecture of the inhabitants of Portsmouth, it is judged, they are going up James river, the works standing not completed; the vessels captured not carried away, the negroes not admitted on board; whole legions of negroes on these plains seemed distressed.
WILLIAMSBURG, Nov. 18.
We have just received the following intelligence, viz. That the enemy have entirely evacuated Portsmouth; that the whole of their fleet, to the number of 60 odd sail were yesterday anchored in Hampton road, and that a party of our light horse went into Portsmouth last Thursday.
We do not hear what mischief the enemy have done at Portsmouth, except their old trade, a few bloody battles with the horned tribe, sieges against hog-pens, and violent assaults upon hen-roosts.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 28
Since our last arrived here the brig Fame, Capt. M'Clenachan, from St. Eustatia, and Schooner Emilia, Capt. Dickson, from Cape Francois; by which vessels we have a confirmation of the account mentioned in our last, of a dreadful hurricane having about the middle of October spread almost universal devastation throughout the West-India Islands. The most particular account we have been able to obtain of this melancholy event, is brought by Capt. Yelker who arrived at Baltimore on Tuesday last from St. Eustatia: This is but imperfect, but may serve to give some small idea of the dreadful scenes the unfortunate islands have experienced. The account is as follows.
St. Eustatius, October 30.
At Barbadoes the greater part of the town blown down; upwards of 3000 persons perished, not one vessel saved except some that got to sea, and a great part of the island wash'd away. In Grenada, much damage done to the estates, not one vessel saved except some that got out to sea. At St. Vincents a transport with three hundred soldiers, two souls only saved; a frigate of 36 guns, 340 men, one man saved. At Martinico, every vessel at St. Pier's drove to sea or on shore; some of them have got in here, some taken, some lost: There were upwards of 100 sail at St Pier's, four of which arrived from France the day before the gale, with stores for the King. At Dominica, much damage done to the estates, the houses near the water mostly ruined. At Nevis no vessel saved, and much damage done to the island. At St. Christophers, 26 sail of vessels and their cargoes lost, with the greatest part of their crews: In this island seven vessels drove ashore; the men on board were either drowned in the surf or cut to pieces with the wrecks.
BOSTON, December 14.
By our last accounts from the Southward, Cornwallis found himself obliged to abandon Charlotte on the 12th of October. His force was said to be about 1000 British and 1500 new Levies and militia. His design was to make his way to Charlestown or near it, feeling his own inferiority of force after the loss of Col. Ferguson and his whole army. A late letter from a gentleman of character in Virginia mentions that a part of our forces were disputing his passage over the river Wateree. By advices directly from Charlestown we learn, that Cornwallis had not reached that place on the 28th of October, nor was there any account of his being near it, but on
the contrary, that Col. Davie with a detachment of our forces had defeated and taken 500 men, left by Cornwallis to secure an important post on the river Wateree, so that there is the highest probability of our soon receiving further and favourable news from that quarter. Our advices from Charlestown add, that the garrison there consisted of no more than 500 Hessians, and 60 British troops. That they appeared anxious for Cornwallis and his army: That a very mortal sickness had carried off many of the officers & garrison: That our troops which capitulated were all confined on board prison ships: And that the gentlemen of Charlestown who were confined in the same manner, in the most manifest breach of the articles of capitulation, had been sent to the garrison of Augustine; among these are the names of Gadsten, Rutledge, and others, the most respectable in that part of the Continent.
We hear all the American prisoners at Newfoundland are sent to England, and those at New-York, it is said, are like to take the same route. By a vessel which arrived here from Cape-Francois, since our last, we learn, that Capt. Porter, in the ship Aurora, from this port for the West-Indies, on his passage met with a wreck, on board of which were four men only, the rest of the crew, having perished. She proved to be the Sterling Castle, a British ship of 64 guns, which was dismasted in the late hurricane off Cape-Nichola Mole.
Late advices from N. York, mention, that a packet had arrived there in a short passage from England, which brought advice that the Hon. Henry Laurens, Esq; late President of Congress, who was taken on his passage to Holland & carried into Newfoundland, was arrived in England and confined in the tower of London.
The Southern post who arrived last evening, informs, that he met a gentleman, who had seen a New-York news-paper, giving a particular account of the astonishing devastation of the hurricane at Jamaica; confirming the accounts we had before received, of the destruction of Savanna la Mare, a principal seaport in that island; in which, it is said, 12 British men of war of the line, and all the merchantmen, & other shipping, were either sunk or drove on shore and destroyed, and their crews perished---That the whole island suffered in a very terrible manner. The sea rose 60 feet higher than usual, which carried a ninety gun ship into the town; another of 60 guns was whirled round with great velocity several times, and then sunk. The number of souls lost at that island was thirty thousand.
The French islands seemed to have suffered much less than the British. It is remarkable, however,
that Antigua, instead of being distressed with the other islands, received no injury, but on the contrary had a seasonable and refreshing rain, which was greatly essential to the growth of the island, at which the inhabitants were so affected on hearing the dreadful accounts from their neighbours, as to appoint a solemn thanksgiving to heaven, for the remarkable deliverance.
We learn that the enemy have quitted their lodgment in Virginia, and gone to South-Carolina.
E X E T E R, December 18.
The GENERAL ASSEMBLY of this State are to meet at the Court House in this Town on Wednesday next.
Stratham, Dec. 15, 1780.
Mr. Benjamin Leavie, of this Town, aged 24 Years, was unfortunately killed dead on the spot, by a fall from his Horse on Tuesday Evening last; and his Corpse decently interred this Afternoon. As he was a useful Member of Society, his death is justly and sincerely lamented by all his Friends and Acquaintance. A pathetic Discourse, previous to the Interment of the deceased, and well adapted to the solemn Occasion, was delivered by the Rev'd Mr. Shephard to a number of People from Isaiah Chap 40, v 6 & 8. To be sold at public Vendue on the Premises, on
Tuesday the second Day of January next, at ten o'clock, A. M.
A HOUSE with LAND
adjoining, sufficient for three House Lots, being about eighty Feet on the Street leading from the Swing Bridge, to Pickering's Mills, and about One Hundred and Twenty Feet on the Lane leading from the said Street down to Capt Nichols's; the lots will be set up separately. Conditions to be known at the Time and place of sale. Portsmouth, Dec. 5 1780
State of New Hampshire, Keokuk, nham.
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.
NOTICE is hereby given, that a Libel is filed before me, in behalf of Benjamin Badger and others, against the Sloop Polly, burthen about 60 tons, her tackle and appurtenances; which vessel is said to be captured in the harbour at Majorbagaduce, in the night of the 16th day of November last, and brought into the port of Piscataqua. For the trial of the justice of said capture, a Maritime Court for the state aforesaid, will be held at the state House in Portsmouth the 10th day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the Forenoon, when and where any persons concerned, may appear and show cause (if any they have) why the same should not be condemned, and be decreed forfeit.
JOSHUA BRACKETT, Judge of said Court. Portsmouth, November 11 1780
Whereas I the subscriber own almost the whole Right which Col. Wallingford, late of Somersworth, deceased, died seized of, in the following Townships and Tracts of Land in Maloa's Patent (so called); which Lands I intend to dispose of as soon as purchasers shall appear to give an honest price for the same: That any person or persons inclining to purchase the whole or any of my said Interest, may apply to me at Berwick, in the State of Massachusetts, where every information shall be given, relating the premises that is needful.
The Towns and Tracts are as follows, viz Fitzwilliam, Mansborough, Packersfield, Standard, Washington, Fishersfield, Alexandria, New Andover, New Chester, Chester, Grafton, Jeffery, Rindge, Mason, Dublin, Peterborough, Lyndborough, Weare, New Boston, New-London, Gore between New-Boston and Weare, Hillsborough, Henecker, Campbell's Gore, Ciah Sarge, Gore, a Gore between Washington and Fishersfield, New-Berwick, a Gore joining Gilmanstown, Woolborough Gore, Francestown, Merideth, Wakefield, New Durham and Conway; also the original right of James McHard, Esq; in Cardigan; two fifty acre lots in Cockermouth, which join and will make a good farm, drawn to the rights of Hale and Nelson, and the quarter part of a location of land not far from Conway known by the name of Rogers's location, whereon there is several acres of trees fell; the whole of said location contains by grant 2009 acres. The payments which I expect for the said lands must be made in silver coin, paper money of new emission, soldier's and state notes soon payable, one half when the deeds are given, and the remainder in one year, with good security.
JOHN COSTELLOE.
Berwick, December 16, 1780
The Feast of St. John the Evangelist , is to be celebrated by the ancient and honorable Society of free and accepted Masons on the 27th of December 1780, at the House of Brother George Homans, by order of the Worshipful Master Oliver Whipple, Esq; Master of St. Patrick's Lodge, in Portsmouth, New-Hampshire---which the Brethren are desired to take Notice of.
By order of the Master and Wardens.
George S. Homans, Secretary.
N. B. Dinner precisely at two o'clock, Portsmouth, December 15, 1780.

I have now waded through a tedious course of difficult business, and over an untrodden path. The subject, on every point it could be viewed, was entangled with perplexities, and enveloped in obscurity; yet such are the resources of America, that she wants nothing but system to insure success.
COMMON SENSE.
Philadelphia, October 4, 1780.
P. S. While this paper was preparing for the press, the treachery of General Arnold became known, and engrossed the attention and conversation of the public; and that, not so much on account of the traitor, as the magnitude of the treason, and the providence evident in the discovery. The matter, as far as it is at present known, is thus briefly related.
General Arnold about six weeks before had obtained the command of the important post of West-Point, situated on the North River, about sixty miles above New-York, and an hundred below Albany, there being no other defencable pass between it and the last mentioned place. At what time, or in what manner, he first entered into a negotiation with the enemy for betraying the fort and garrison into their hands, does not yet appear.
While Arnold commanded at West-Point, General Washington and the Minister of France went to Hartford in Connecticut, to consult on matters, in concert with Admiral Ternay, commander of the French fleet stationed at Rhode Island. In the mean time Arnold held a conference with Major Andre, Adjutant General to General Clinton, whom he traitorously furnished with plans of the fort, state of the garrison, minutes of the last council of war, and the manner in which he would post the troops, when the enemy should attempt a surprise, and then gave him a pass, by the name of Mr. John Anderson, to go to White-Plains, or lower, if he, Mr. Anderson, thought proper, he being (the pass said) on public business.
Thus furnished, Andre parted from Arnold, set off for New-York, and had nearly arrived at the extent of our lines, when he was stopped by a party of militia, to whom he produced his pass, but they not being satisfied with his account, insisted on taking him before the commanding officer, Lieut. Col. Jameson. Finding himself in this situation, and hoping to escape by a bribe, he offered them his purse, watch, and a promise of any quantity of goods they would accept, which these honest men nobly and virtuously scorned, and consistent with their duty took him to the proper officer. On examination there was found on him the above-mentioned papers, and several others, all in the hand writing of General Arnold, and finding himself thus detected, he confessed his proper name and character, he was accordingly made a close prisoner, and the papers sent off by express to West-Point, at which place General Washington had arrived soon after the arrival of the packet. On this disclosure, he went in quest of Arnold, whom he had not seen that day, but all that could be learned was, that Arnold had received a letter some short time before, which had much confused him, since which he had disappeared. Col. Hamilton, one of General Washington's aids, with some others, were sent after him, but he having the start eluded the pursuit, took boat under the pretence of a flag, and got on board the Vulture sloop of war lying in the North-River; on which it may be truly said, that one vulture was receiving another. From on board this vessel he addressed a letter to General Washington, which, in whatever light it may be viewed, confirms him a finished villain.
The true character of Arnold is that of a finished desperado. His whole life has been a life of jobs; and where either plunder or profit was the object, no danger deterred, no principle restrained him. In his person he was smart and active somewhat diminutive, weak in his capacities and trifling in his conversation; and though gallant in the field, was defective in the talents necessary for command. The early convolution of the times afforded him an introduction into life, to the elegance of which he was before a stranger; and the eagerness of the public, to reward and encourage enterprise, procured him both applause and promotion. His march to Quebec gave him fame, and the plunder of Montreal put the first stamp on his public character. His behaviour at Danbury and Saratoga once more covered over his crimes, which again broke forth in the plunder of Philadelphia, under pretence of supplying the army. From this time the true spring of his conduct being known, he became both disregarded and disesteemed, and this last instance of his treachery has proved the public judgment right.
When we take a review of the victory of former times, it will turn out to the honor of America, that, notwithstanding the trying variety of her situation, this is the only instance of defection in a general officer; and even in this case the unshaken honesty of those who detected him heightened the national character, to which his apostasy serves as a foil.—From the nature of his crime, and his disposition to monopolize, it is reasonable to conclude he had few or no direct accomplices. His sole object was to make a monstrous bargain; and to be consistent with himself, he
would as readily betray the side he has deserted to, as that he deserted from.
But here is one reflection results from this black business, that deserves notice, which is, that it shows the declining power of the enemy. An attempt to bribe is a sacrifice of military fame, and a confession of inability to conquer; as a proud people they ought to be above it, and as soldiers to despise it; and however they may feel on the occasion, the world at large will despise them for it, and consider America superior to their arms. C. S.
TO BE SOLD, By SPENCE and SHEREBURNE, At their Store on Spring Hill, Portsmouth, WEST INDIA and EUROPEAN GOODS, Consisting of
SCARLET and other color'd Broad Cloths, Lambkins, Baizes, Frizes, Ratteens, Snags, Bed Blankets, Duffs, Vests, Fustians, Camblets, Durants, Calicoes, Persians, Irish and German Linens, check Linens, Dowlass, Bed Ticks, Sheeting, Neckeers, Buckram, Cargot, Cotton and Worsted Hose, Womens Winter Gowns, cotton and silk Handkerchiefs, quality and size Bindings, white and colour'd Threads, Tapes, Laces, Ribbands, sewing Silks, Caps, Hats, writing and pack Paper, paper Hangings, Powder and Shot, London Pewter, block tin Tea Pots, Table and Tea Spoons, Latches, Locks, Warming Pans, Ironing Boxes, Shovels and Tongs, Hearth and Clothes Brushes, Window Glass, Nails, Slaters, Crackery WARE,—STARCH, RAISINS,—NUTMIGS and other Groceries,—RUM, Sugar, Molasses, Coffee, Cotton & Chocolate, &c. &c. Salt, Tar, &c. &c.
N. B. Pot and Pearl Ashes, Bees Wax, and Flax Seed taken in at said Store.
Just Published, And now selling by Wholesale and Retail, By JOHN CARTER, at the Post Office in Providence, The American Latin Grammar;
or, a complete Introduction to the Latin Tongue. Formed from the most approv'd Writings of this Kind, as those of Lilly, Ruddiman, Phillips, Holmes, Bishop Wettenhall, Cheever, Clarke, Read, &c. originally compiled by the Rev. Mr. Rofs; revised and corrected in former Editions by the late Presidents Burr, Finley, and others; and now republished for the Use of the Grammar Schools throughout the United States.
"The American Latin Grammar, originally compiled by the Rev. Mr. Rofs, with further Improvements and Illustrations, is hereby recommended as excellently calculated for the general Use of the Schools." James Manning, President of Rhode Island College. Ezra Stiles, President of Yale College. David Root, Fellow of Rhode Island College. Providence, October 1780.
ALL persons that have any demands against the estate of Major ANDREW McCLARY, late of Epsom, deceased, are desired to bring in their claims to ELIZABETH McCLARY, Administratrix to said estate, in order for settlement. And these persons who are indebted to said estate, are requested to make speedy payment, otherwise they must expect to suffer the consequence without further notice.
ELIZABETH McCLARY, Administratrix, Epsom, November 22. 1780.
TO BE SOLD, At NOTTINGHAM-SQUARE, West India and New-England Rum, Molasses, Sugar, Tea, Coffee, Cotton-Wool, Foreign Salt, Pepper, Allspice; and a Variety of ENGLISH GOODS.
Just Published, And may be had at the Printing-Office, in Exeter, A
SERMON, PREACHED AT EPPING, IN NEW-HAMPSHIRE, ON LORD'S-DAY, September 19, 1779: By JOSIAH STEARNS, Pastor of a Church there.
*1* SUBSCRIBERS for the above SERMON, are desired to call on DAVID LAWRENCE, Esq; or Mr. SIMON DEARBORN, in Epping, and receive their Books.
Scheme of a Lottery,
GRANTED by an Act of the General Court of the State of NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 9th November, 1780, to raise Money for repairing and supporting STRATHAM & NEWMARKET LOTTERY-BRIDGE, (so called) in said State; wherein Capt. HUBARTUS NEAL, Major MARK WIGGIN, SIMON WIGGIN, Esq; JOSIAH ADAMS, Esq; and Mr. WENTWORTH CHESWELL, are appointed Managers, and sworn to the faithful Discharge of said Trust.
The FIRST CLASS contains 8,000 Tickets, at two Dollars per Ticket, of the new Emission of Continental Money; 3075 of which are Prizes of the following Value, viz.
   No. Dol. Dol.     1 of 500 is 500   2 100 200   4 50 200   6 40 240   10 30 300   12 25 300   40 10 400   100 5 500   2900 4 11600  
The first Number drawn a Bounty of - - - } 40 The last Number drawn a Bounty of - - - } 60
Remains for the Bridge 14340 1660 Total Dollars, 16000
The absolute Necessity of having said Bridge immediately repaired, and the small Number of Tickets in this Class, give the Managers Reason to hope for such a speedy Sale of said Tickets as to enable them to draw this Class soon enough to contract for the necessary Materials to be procured the ensuing Winter; as the present Temporary Repairs, cannot be expected to answer any longer than 'till next Spring.
The old as well as new Emission of Continental Money will be received at the usual Rate of forty for one.
Seasonable Notice of Time and Place of Drawing will be given, and a List of Prizes published in some public News Paper in this State.
Benefit Tickets will be duly paid in twenty Days at the Lottery-Office, near said Bridge, and Notice given of the Days of Attendance for that Purpose.
Prizes not demanded in twelve Months from the Time of Drawing, are not to be demanded afterwards, but deemed given to the Use of the Bridge, and applied accordingly.
November 23, 1780.
WANTED, A small Iron STOVE, for which a reasonable Price will be given. Inquire at the Printing-Office, Exeter.