The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1787-12-19 00:00:00

THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE AND GENERAL
WEDNESDAY,
PORTSMOUTH: By JOHN MELCHER,
[VOLUME XXXII.—No. 1632] GAZETTE, THE ADVERTISER.
DECEMBER 19, 1787.
PRINTED and PUBLISHED in MARKET-STREET.
“WHEN ANGRY NATIONS PART IN LEAGUES OF PEACE, LET PRIVATE FEUDS AND CIVIL DISCORDS CEASE.”
Mr. WILSON's excellent SPEECH.
[The following excellent SPEECH, “which the celebrated Roman Orator would not have blushed to own,” was lately printed in a pamphlet at Philadelphia, and so greatly admired, that it ran through an impression of several thousands in the course of a few days, at one shilling each.]
The Substance of a SPEECH delivered by JAMES WILSON, Esq. explanatory of the general principles of the proposed FEDERAL CONSTITUTION; upon a motion made by the Hon. Thomas McKean, in the CONVENTION of the State of Pennsylvania, on Saturday, November 24th, 1787.
SATURDAY, November 24, A. M. 1787. The Convention met pursuant to Adjournment.
THE Minutes of yesterday being read, the proposed Constitution of Federal Government was taken up for a second reading, after which the following proceedings took place.
Mr. M'KEAN. Mr. President, there will perhaps be some difficulty in ascertaining the proper mode of proceeding to obtain a decision upon the important and interesting subject before us. We are certainly without precedent to guide us; but the utility of the forms observed by other public bodies, will be an inducement to adhere to them where a variation of circumstance does not render a variation of the mode essentially necessary. As far therefore, as the rules of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, will apply to the Constitution and business of this body, I shall recommend their adoption, but I perceive that in a very great degree we shall be obliged, for conveniency and propriety, to resort to new regulations, arising from the singularity of the subject offered to our consideration. For the present, however, I shall move you, Sir, that we come to the following resolution—“Resolved, that this Convention do adopt and ratify the Constitution of Federal Government as agreed upon by the Federal Convention at Philadelphia on the 17th day of September, 1787.” This measure, Mr. President, is not intended to introduce an instantaneous decision of so important a question, but merely to bring the object of our meeting fully and fairly into discussion. It is not my wish that it should be determined this day, nor do I apprehend it will be necessary that it should be determined this day week; but it is merely preparatory to another motion with which I shall hereafter trouble you, and which, in my opinion, will bring on that regular and satisfactory investigation of the separate parts of the proposed Constitution, which will finally enable us to determine upon the whole.
Mr. WILSON. As the only member of this respectable body, who had the honour of a seat in the late Federal Convention, it is peculiarly my duty, Mr. President, to submit to your consideration, the general principles that have produced the national Constitution, which has been framed and proposed by the assembled delegates of the United States, and which must finally stand or fall by the concurrent decision of this Convention,
and of others acting upon the same subject, under familiar powers and authority. To frame a Government for a single city or State, is a business both in its importance and facility, widely different from the task entrusted to the Federal Convention, whose prospects were extended not only to thirteen Independent and Sovereign States, some of which in territorial jurisdiction, population, and resource, equal the most respectable nations of Europe, but likewise to innumerable States yet uninformed, and to myriads of citizens who in future ages shall inhabit the vast uncultivated regions of the continent. The duties of that body therefore, were not limited to local or partial considerations, but to the formation of a plan commensurate with a great and valuable portion of the globe.
I confess, Sir, that the magnitude of the object before us, filled our minds with awe and apprehension. In Europe the opening and extending the navigation of a single river, has been deemed an act of imperial merit and importance; but how insignificant does it seem when we contemplate the scene that nature here exhibits, pouring fourth the Potowmack, the Rapahannock, the Susquehanna, and other innumerable rivers, to dignify, adorn, and enrich our soil. But the magnitude of the object was equalled by the difficulty of accomplishing it, when we considered the uncommon dexterity and address that were necessary to combat and reconcile the jarring interests that seemed naturally to prevail, in a country, which presenting a coast of 1500 miles to the Atlantick is composed of thirteen distinct and independent States, varying essentially in their situation and dimensions, and in the number and habits of their citizens. Their interests too, in some respects really different, and in many apparently so; but whether really or apparently such is the constitution of the human mind, they make the same impression, and are prosecuted with equal vigour and perseverance. Can it then be a subject for surprize that with the sensations indispensably excited by so comprehensive and so arduous an undertaking, we should for a moment yield to despondency, and at length, influenced by the spirit of conciliation, resort to mutual concession, as the only means to obtain the great end for which we were convened? Is it a matter of surprize that where the springs of dissension were so numerous, and so powerful, some force was requisite to impel them to take, in a collected state, a direction different from that which separately they would have pursued?
There was another reason, that in this respect, encreased the difficulties of the Federal Convention—the different tempers and dispositions of the people for whom they acted. But, however widely they may differ upon other topics, they cordially agree in that keen and elevated sense of freedom and independence, which has been manifested in their united and successful opposition to one of the most powerful kingdoms of the world. Still it was apprehended by some, that their abhorrence of constraint, would be the source of objection and opposition; but, I confess,
that my opinion, formed upon a knowledge of the good sense, as well as the high spirit of my constituents, made me confident that they would esteem that government to be the best, which was best calculated eventually to establish and secure the dignity and happiness of their country. Upon this ground, I have occasionally supposed that my constituents have asked the reason of my assent to the several propositions contained in the plan before us. My answer, though concise, is a candid, and, I think a satisfactory one—because I thought them right; and thinking them right, it would be a poor compliment indeed to presume they could be disagreeable to my constituents—a presumption that might occasion a retort to which I wish not to expose myself, as it would again be asked, “is this the opinion you entertain of those who have confided in your judgment? From what ground do you infer that a vote right in itself would be disagreeable to us?” and it might with justice be added, “this sentiment evinces that you deserve not the trust which we reposed in you.” No Sir!—I have no right to imagine that the reflected rays of delegated power can displease by a brightness that proves the superior splendour of the luminary from which they proceeded.
The extent of country for which the New Constitution was required, produced another difficulty in the business of the Federal Convention. It is the opinion of some celebrated writers, that to a small territory, the democratical, to a middling territory, (as Montesquieu has termed it) the monarchical, and, to an extensive territory, the despotic form of government, is best adapted. Regarding, then, the wide and almost unbounded jurisdiction of the United States, at first view, the band of despotism seemed necessary to controul, connect, and protect it; and hence the chief embarrassment arose. For, we knew that, although our constituents would cheerfully submit to the legislative restraints of a free government, they would spurn at every attempt to shackle them with despotick power.
In this dilemma, a Federal Republic naturally presented itself to our observation, as a species of government which secured all the internal advantages of a republic, at the same time that it maintained the external dignity and force of a monarchy. The definition of this form of government may be found in Montesquieu, who says, I believe, that it consists in assembling distinct societies, which are consolidated into a new body, capable of being encreased by the addition of other members;—an expanding quality peculiarly fitted to the circumstances of America.
But, while a Federal Republic, removed one difficulty, it introduced another, since there existed not any precedent to assist our deliberations; for, though there are many single governments, both ancient and modern, the history and principles of which are faithfully preserved, and well understood, a perfect confederation of independent states is a system hitherto unknown. The Swiss Cantons, which have often been mentioned

in that light, cannot properly be deemed a Federal Republic, but merely a system of United States. The United Netherlands are also an assemblage of states; yet, as their proceedings are not the result of their combined decisions, but of the decisions of each state individually, their association is evidently wanting in that quality which is essential to constitute a Federal Republic. With respect to the Germanick Body, its members are of so disproportionate a size, their separate governments and jurisdictions so different in nature and extent, the general purpose and operation of their union so indefinite and uncertain, and the exterior power of the House of Austria so prevalent, that little information could be obtained or expected from that quarter. Turning then to ancient history, we find the Achæan and Lycian leagues, and the Amphyctionic council bearing a superficial resemblance to a Federal Republic; but of all these, the accounts which have been transmitted to us, are too vague and imperfect to supply a tolerable theory, and they are so destitute of that minute detail from which practical knowledge may be derived, that they must now be considered rather as subjects of curiosity, than of use or information.
Government, indeed, taken as a science, may yet be considered in its infancy; and with all its various modifications, it has hitherto been the result of force, fraud, or accident. For, after the lapse of six thousand years since the creation of the world, America now presents the first instance of a people assembled to weigh deliberately and calmly, and to decide leisurely and peaceably, upon the form of government by which they will bind themselves and their posterity. Among the ancients, three forms of government seem to have been correctly known, the Monarchical, Aristocratical, and Democratical; but their knowledge did not extend beyond those simple kinds, though much pleasing ingenuity has occasionally been exercised in tracing a resemblance of mixed government in some ancient institutions, particularly between them and the British Constitution. But, in my opinion, the result of these ingenious refinements does more honor to the moderns in discovering, than to the ancients in forming the similitude. In the work of Homer, it is supposed by his enthusiastic commentators, the seeds of every science are to be found, but, in truth they are first observed in subsequent discoveries, and then the fond imagination transplants them to the book. Tacitus, who lived towards the close of that period, which is called ancient, who had read the history of all antecedent and cotemporary governments, who was perfectly competent to judge of their nature, tendency and quality, Tacitus considers a mixed government as a thing rather to be wished than expected; and, if ever it did occur, it was his opinion, that it could not last long. One fact, however, is certain, that the ancients had no idea of representation, that essential to every system of wise, good, and efficient government. It is surprising, indeed, how very imperfectly, at this day, the doctrine of representation is understood in Europe. Even Great-Britain, which boasts a superior knowledge of the subject, and is generally supposed to have carried it into practice, falls far short of its true and genuine principles. For, let us enquire, does representation pervade the constitution of that country? No, is it either immediately or remotely the source of the executive power? No. For it is not any part of the British constitution, as practised at this time, that the king derives his authority from the people. Formerly that authority was claimed by the hereditary or divine right; and even at the revolution, when the government was essentially improved, no other principle was recognized, but that of an original contract between the sovereign and the people—a contract which rather excludes than implies the doctrine of representation. Again—Is the judicial system of England grounded on representation? No. For the judges are appointed by the king, and he, as we have
already observed, derives not his majesty or power from the people. Lastly, then, let us review the legislative body of that nation, and even there though we find representation operating as a check, it cannot be considered as a pervading principle. The lords, acting with hereditary right, under an authority immediately communicated by regal prerogative, are not the representatives of the people, and yet they, as well as the sovereign, possess a negative power in the paramount business of legislation. Thus the vital principle of the British constitution is confined to a narrow corner, and the world has left to America the glory and happiness of forming a government where representation shall at once supply the basis and the cement of the superstructure. For, representation, Sir, is the true chain between the people, and those to whom they entrust the administration of the government; and, though it may consist of many links, its strength and brightness, never should be impaired.—Another, and perhaps the most important obstacle to the proceedings of the Federal Convention, arose in drawing the line between the national and the individual government of the states.
On this point a general principle really occurred, that whatever object was confined in its nature and operation to a particular state, ought to be subject to the separate government of the states, but whatever in its nature and operation extended beyond a particular state, ought to be comprehended within the Federal jurisdiction. The great difficulty, therefore, was the application of this general principle, for it was found impracticable to enumerate and distinguish the various objects to which it extended, and as the mathematicks only, are capable of demonstration, it ought not to be thought extraordinary that the Convention could not develop a subject, involved in such endless perplexity. If, however, the proposed constitution should be adopted, I trust that in the theory there will be found such harmony, and in the practice such mutual confidence between the national and individual governments, that every sentiment of jealousy and apprehension will be effectually destroyed. But, Sir, permit me to ask, whether on the ground of a union, the individual or national government ought most to be trusted? For my part, I think it more natural to presume that the interest of each would be pursued by the whole, than the reverse of the proposition, that the several states would prefer the interest of the confederated body; for in the general government each is represented, but in the separate governments, only the separate States.
These difficulties Mr. President, which embarrassed the Federal Convention, are not represented to enhance the merit of surmounting them, but with a more important view, to shew how unreasonable it is to expect that the plan of government should correspond with the wishes of all the States, of all the citizens of any one state, or of all the citizens of the united continent. I remember well, Sir, the effect of those surrounding difficulties in the late Convention. At one time the great and interesting work seemed to be at a stand, at another it proceeded with energy and rapidity; and when at last, it was accomplished, many respectable members beheld it with wonder and admiration. But having pointed out the obstacles which they had to encounter, I shall now beg leave to direct your attention, to the end which the Convention proposed.
Our wants, imperfections, and weakness, Mr. President, naturally incline us to society; but it is certain, society cannot exist without some restraints. In a state of nature each individual has a right, uncontrolled, to act as his pleasure or his interest may prevail, but it must be observed that this license extends to every individual, and hence the state of nature is rendered insupportable, by the interfering claims, and the consequent animosities of men, who are independent of every power and influence, but their passions and their will. On the other hand, in entering
into the social compact, though the individual parts with a portion of his natural rights, yet, it is evident that he gains more by the limitation of the liberty of others, than he loses by the limitation of his own—so that in truth, the aggregate of liberty is more in society, than it is in a state of nature.
It is then, Sir, a fundamental principle of society, that the welfare of the whole shall be pursued and not of a part, and the measures necessary to the good of the community, must consequently be binding upon the individuals that compose it. This principle is universally allowed to be just with respect to single governments, and there are instances in which it applies with equal force to independent Communities; for the situation and circumstances of States may make it as necessary for them, as for individuals, to associate. Hence, Mr. President, the important question arises, are such the situation and circumstances of the American States?
At this period, America has it in her power to adopt either of the following modes of Government: She may dissolve the individual sovereignty of the States, and become one consolidated empire; She may be divided into thirteen separate, independent, and unconnected Commonwealths; she may be erected into two or more confederacies; or, lastly, she may become one comprehensive Federal Republic.
Allow me, Sir, to take a short view of each of these suppositions. Is it probable that the dissolution of the State governments, and the establishment of one consolidated empire, would be eligible in its nature, and satisfactory to the people in its administration? I think not, as I have given reasons to shew that so extensive a territory could not be governed, connected, and preserved, but by the supremacy of despotick power. All the exertions of the most potent Emperours of Rome were not capable of keeping that Empire together, which in extent was far inferior to the dominion of America.—Would an independent, an unconnected situation, without any associating head, be advantageous or satisfactory? The consequences of this system would at one time expose the states to foreign insult and depredations, and, at another, to internal jealousy, contention and war. Then let us consider the plan of two or more confederacies which has often been suggested, and which certainly presents some aspects more inviting than either of the preceding modes, since the subjects of strife would not be so numerous, the strength of the confederates would be greater, and their interests more united. But even here when we fairly weigh the advantages and the disadvantages, we shall find the last greatly preponderating; the expenses of government would be considerably multiplied, the seeds of rivalry and animosity would spring up, and spread the calamities of war and tumult through the country; for though the sources of rancour might be diminished, their strength, and virulence would probably be increased.
Of these three species of government, however, I must observe that they obtained no advocates in the Federal Convention, nor can I presume that they will find advocates here, or in any of our sister States. The general sentiment in that body, and I believe, the general sentiment of the citizens of America, is expressed in the motto which some of them have chosen, UNITE OR DIE ; and while we consider the extent of the country, so intersected and almost surrounded with navigable rivers, so separated and detached from the rest of the world, it is natural to presume that providence has designed us for an united people, under one great political compact. If this is a just and reasonable conclusion, supported by the wishes of the people, the Convention did right in proposing a single confederated Republick. But in proposing it they were necessarily lead, not only to consider the situation, circumstances, and interests of one, two, or three States, but of the collective body; and as it is essential to society, that the welfare of the whole should be preferred to the accommodation of

a part, they followed the same rule in promoting the national advantages of the Union, in preference to the separate advantages of the States. A principle of candour, as well as duty, lead to this conduct; for, as I have said before, no government, either single or confederated can exist, unless private and individual rights are subservient to the publick and general happiness of the nation. It was not alone the State of Pennsylvania, however important she may be as a constituent part of the union, that could influence the deliberations of a Convention, formed by a delegation from all the United States, to devise a government adequate to their common exigencies, and impartial in its influence and operation. In the spirit of union, inculcated by the nature of their commission, they framed the constitution before us, and in the same spirit, they submit it to the candid considerations of their constituents.
(The remainder in our next.)
L O N D O N, September 1.
We hear from Lisbon by a ship arrived in the river that they had an account from Madeira, that two Algerine gallies, which had been cruising off there, had taken two American vessels, which they sent off to Algiers, were at length taken by two Portuguese men of war; that as soon as some repairs were done to them, they were to be sent to Lisbon with the crews as the merchants there did not like to keep them for slaves.
Every prospect at present bears a warlike appearance. Several thousand camp equipages, with four hundred field pieces, were forwarded yesterday to Portsmouth from the Tower; and contracts have been made within these few days, for the equipment of forty thousand men.
Proper vessels are stationed in the channel to take the seamen out of all ships which are daily expected from the West Indies.
FREDERICK-TOWN, (Maryland) Nov. 14.
A gentleman from Savannah informs us, that just before his departure, Mr. Cole had arrived from Augusta, with account of an action between the Indians, and a party commanded by general Clarke. The general, on his March towards their towns, with 150 men, was met by an equal number of savages, about 15 miles on this side the Oconee, in an open field. The Indians drew up within 80 or 100 yards in front of the Georgians, discharged a full and well directed fire, which killed 6, wounded 11, and obliged the white people to retire. The Indians immediately filed off into a cane-brake, which gave an opportunity to collect a sufficient number of men to carry off the dead and wounded; among the latter is the general. The governor of Georgia has wrote pressing letters to the members of assembly, assuring them, the salvation of the state depends on their immediate formation of a house.
B A L T I M O R E, (Maryland,) Nov. 23.
By a vessel just arrived from Nevis after a short passage, we are advised of a frigate having arrived in twenty days from England, with dispatches, which mention an ENGAGEMENT having happened between the French and English fleets, upon the coast of Holland.
Extract of a letter from Nevis, Nov. 5.
"There is now the greatest probability of an Immediate War. By the latest accounts from England, a fleet of eighteen sail of the line, under the command of admirals Pigot, Barrington and Edwards were cruising in the English channel; and also, that ten more sail of the line were fitting out with the greatest dispatch, which occasioned as hot a press for seamen as took place at any period of the last war.
"A frigate is arrived at Antigua in 21 days from England, with dispatches to the different governors and commanders on that station; but nothing hath as yet transpired, although our politicians are of opinion, that their contents are of a very serious nature.
"No British subject is admitted to land at Martinico; and the governor of Dominica has ordered all foreigners to leave that Island in ten days, unless they take the oath of allegiance to his Britannick majesty."
P H I L A D E L P H I A, Dec. 1.
While the convention were debating on the propriety of referring the constitution to a committee of the whole, Mr. Wilson made the following observation: "shall we, Sir, while we contemplate a great and magnificent edifice, condescend like a fly, with it's microscopic eye, to scrutinize the imperfections of a single brick." Mr. Findley, retorting the metaphor, said, "shall we not, Sir, when we are about to erect a large and expensive fabric (for as far as it respects us, we are about to erect this mighty fabric of government in Pennsylvania) examine and compare the materials of which we mean to compose it, fitting and combining the parts with each other, and rejecting every thing that is useless and rotten." That, concluded Dr. Rush is not our situation,
We are not, at this time, called upon to raise the structure. The house is already built for us; and we are only asked, whether we chuse to occupy it? If we find its appartments commodious, and, upon the whole, that it is well calculated to shelter us from the inclemencies of the storm that threatens, we shall act prudently in entering it; if otherwise, all that is required of us is, to return the key to those who have built and offered it for our use."
It was observed in the convention, that the federal convention had exceeded the powers given to them by the several legislatures; but Mr. Wilson observed, that however foreign the question was to the present business he would place it in its proper light. The federal convention did not act at all upon the powers given to them by the states, but they proceeded upon original principles, and having framed a constitution, which they thought would promote the happiness of their country, they submitted it to their consideration, who may either adopt or reject it, as they please.
On Wednesday, Mr. M'Kean, closed a long speech on the legislative article of the new Constitution, with this striking observation, "Tho' a good system of government is certainly a blessing, yet it is on the administration of the best system, that the freedom, wealth and happiness of the people depend. DESPOTISM, if wisely administered, is the best form of government invented by the ingenuity of man! And we find that the people under absolute and limited monarchies, under aristocracies and mixed governments, are as contented, and as prosperous as we are, owing, undoubtedly, to the wisdom and virtue of their rulers. In short, the best government may be so conducted as to produce misery and disgrace, and the worst, so administered, as to ensure dignity and happiness to a nation."
Extract of a letter from Halifax, November 16.
"The lieutenant governor has received orders by the packet to hold an immediate survey on the fortifications here—also to transmit to England as soon as possible the number of inhabitants in this province capable of bearing arms—these circumstances, together with Prince William Henry's mounting his cabin guns, previous to his sailing, which were commonly stowed in the hold of the ship, seem to indicate that our present tranquility will be shortly at an end."
B O S T O N, December 13.
Captain Henry Williams, of Salem, arrived at Philadelphia, the 1st of Dec. inst. in 18 days from St. Eustatia, informs, that it was currently reported there, that Admiral Hood, with 15 sail of British ships of war, had arrived at Barbadoes; that the inhabitants of St. Kitts, were in great alarm, and had set 500 negroes at work to fortify Brimsstone-Hill.—"That the new Constitution lately formed by the General Convention for the Government of the United States, had been received at St. Eustatia, and was read with warm approbation;" and the inhabitants, expecting a revolution in the Dutch government, said they should remove to these States, if the good government proposed by this Constitution should be established.
On the 27th of October last, in lat. 14. 10. N. long. 58 W. as Capt. Conklin, of the sloop Fanny, was proceeding on his voyage from Demarara to New-York, he was chased by an armed brig from 1 to 11 o'clock P. M. When the brig came up, she fired a shot over him, without hailing, although within 50 yards. She then hailed him in French, and ordered Capt. Conklin to heave to, which being done, the brig's boat came on board and examined his papers. The officers informed Capt. Conklin, that the brig was an English cruiser, and was in search of French and Dutch vessels.
The KING OF SPAIN'S DEATH.
A private letter from Malaga advises, "that orders were arrived to hang the cathedrals and collegiate churches throughout every one of the twenty provinces of Spain, with black cloth or baize, where that mourning is to remain for twelve months, on account of the death of his late Catholic Majesty. The foreign consuls have erected a black flag over the arms of their respective sovereigns, which are fixed at their doors, and every thing carries an aspect of the most unfeigned regret for the late King."
The following argues strongly the importance of encouraging our own manufactures:—
By every Ox Horn sent from America to Europe, there manufactured into Combs, Buttons, &c. and those again sent back to America, the European merchant and manufacturer clear, at a moderate calculation 1000 per cent. which would be saved in America were those articles manufactured here. Now, suppose there are 2050,000 neat cattle killed annually in the United States, the net proceeds of the horns, if exported, will not exceed 10,000 Dollars, the profits on this Sum at
1000 per cent. is 100,000 Dollars.—Too much to lose in so inconsiderable an article!
Dec. 15. A correspondent has furnished us with the following particulars of a disastrous event which happened at Uxbridge, in the night of the 5th inst. when a house occupied by an elderly gentleman, his wife, his son, and family, was consumed by fire, and four of the family burnt to death. The elderly gentleman being sick, had a negro to watch with him—in the night feeling better, he bid the negro to go into an adjoining room, make a fire, and lie down before it—the negro did so, and after some time was awakened by the noise of the fire, the house being then in flames.—He endeavoured to awake the sick man and his wife—but in vain—he then alarmed the other part of the sleeping family—and the wife of the young man, sleeping below, went up stairs, and threw two of the children out of the window—and jumped out after them herself—though much hurt she went into her own room and rescued her infant from the flames.—An attempt was made to enter a chamber in which two other children slept, but failed—one of these children was seen to push a window up, and to jump out; but being encircled in the flames could not escape, and with the other child, the elderly gentleman and his wife, with the furniture, and all the house contained, fell a hapless sacrifice to this devouring element.
Of 800 persons, and upwards, who have been employed in the fishing business, the year past from Marblehead, not a single one has died through the whole term.
P O R T S M O U T H, Dec. 19.
It must afford a pleasing reflection to every inhabitant of New-Hampshire, to find the militia of this state arising from a deranged, chaotic, and even despicable condition to a state of regularity, uniformity and respectability, gentlemen who attended some of the late reviews were astonished to see regiments composed of officers compleatly uniformed, and soldiers well armed with military accoutrements, many hundreds in rifled frocks of their own manufacture; their behaviour and deportment were manly and truly becoming men who seemed to glow with an emulating ardour to outvie each other in discovering their attention to the military art, whereby they might defend their rights and privileges, if they should be invaded by foreign or domestic enemies; but when the firings, facings and evolutions were performed the spectators could scarce believe what they saw to be real, when the horse attacked the foot in force, with such intrepidity and resolution as was expected would have broke the ranks, they were so bravely defended and so well supported by the artillery, as obliged them to retreat after a well directed firing. It was amusing to see how a body of men could be so formed like an impenetrable phalanx so as to repulse a body of horse when seeming on the brink of destroying them; these military manœuvres instead of being fatiguing to the soldiery became a pleasing entertainment. At the review of Col. McGregore's regiment at Weare, above 800 rank and file of as compleat men as ever appeared in the field did honor to themselves and their country, by such a decent subordination to their officers, and such a pleasing condescension to amuse above 2000 spectators with their best exertions. To see such a body of likely men in the interior parts of the state, as it were at a school learning the manly arts of defence was an agreeable sight indeed, and to what cause can be attributed the sudden change of our affairs, thousands are ready to answer to the patriotick administration of our worthy President, whose sagacity discovers the necessity of the measure, and whose wisdom is providing a remedy for any dangerous innovations on our constitution, or from any invasion of our public enemy. Although it is artfully given out that this gentleman will not accept the chair of government another year, we have every reason to believe that no such idea ever entered his mind, while the public suffrages of his fellow citizens call him to preside over them, or at least until he has compleated his military scholars in the rudiments of the art militare.
Died since our last, Mrs. Dorothy Reed, aged 74 years; Mrs. Sarah Sherburne; Mr. Samuel Waters, aged 54 years; and a child of Mr. George Waldron.
N A V A L - O F F I C E.
PORT OF PISCATAQUA, December 19, 1787.
   C L E A R E D, For.      Brig Izette,  Drisko, West Indies.    Brig Kitty,  McClintock, ditto.    Ship Ann,  Grave, ditto.    Schooner Success,  Jackson, ditto.    Schooner Polly,  Currier, ditto.    Brig Two-Sisters,  Roach, ditto.    E N T E R E D, N O N E.   

(Fitzwilliam.)
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Fitzwilliam, who have not paid their state and county taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the third day of January next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Samuel Barnard, in said town at ten o'clock before noon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 7 columns: N. R., State, County, s., d., q., d. q. It lists tax information for various individuals in Fitzwilliam, including Col. Stoddard, Aaron Woodbury, Nathan Pearce, and others. It concludes with 'BENONI SHIRTTIFF, Collector. Fitzwilliam, Dec. 1, 1787.'
(Marlborough.)
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Marlborough, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the second Tuesday in January next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at the dwelling house of Major Richard Roberts, in said town, at ten o'clock before noon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 7 columns: N., R., s., d., q., d. q., s. d. q. It lists tax information for individuals in Marlborough, including James Lyons, Thomas Cochran, Robert Wilson, and others. It concludes with 'DANIEL CUTTING, Constable. Marlborough, November 30, 1787.'
(Weare.)
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Weare, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1786, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber on or before Tuesday the 15th day January next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Jesse Woodbury in said town, at ten o'clock before noon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 5 columns: N., Acres, s., d., q. It lists tax information for individuals in Weare, including 3d Range, Elizabeth Fowler, John Knap, and others. It concludes with 'THOMAS WORTHLY, Constable. Weare, November 27, 1787.'
(Jaffrey.)
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Jaffrey, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1783, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the first Tuesday in February next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at ten o'clock, A. M. on said day, at the house of Samuel Adams, innholder in said town, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 7 columns: No., R., s., d., q., County tax, s., d., q. It lists tax information for individuals in Jaffrey, including Joseph Blanchard, Jonathan Odiorne, Jonas Welch, and others. It concludes with 'JOSEPH CUTTER, Collector. Jaffrey, November 27, 1787.'
(Stoddard.)
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Stoddard, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1786, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the first Tuesday in February next, so much of their lands as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at ten o'clock before noon, on said day, at the dwelling house of Israel Towne, in said town, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 10 columns: Lot, Range, Acres, State tax, s., d., q., County tax, s., d., q. It lists tax information for individuals in Stoddard, including John Chamberlin, Josiah Willand, Ebenzer Peirce, and others. It concludes with 'WILLIAM TOWNE, Collector. Stoddard, Dec. 3, 1787.'
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Barrington, who are delinquent in paying their highway tax in said town for the year 1786 and 1787, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber at my dwelling house in said town, on
or before the first Monday in January next, so much of their lands will be sold at public vendue as will pay the same with incidental charges at my dwelling house at ten o'clock, A. M. on said day, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 7 columns: No., Ac., 1., s., d., 1., s., d. It lists tax information for individuals in Barrington, including Joseph Moses, Robert Armstrong, Nicholas Bishop, and others. It includes sections for 'the hundred acre lots' and 'the forty acre lots'.
Table with 7 columns: No., Ac., s., d., s., d. It continues the list of tax information for individuals in Barrington, including Benning Wentworth, Nathaniel Mendum, James Libbey, and others. It includes sections for 'the 2 mile streak' and 'the estate of Mark Hunking'.
Table with 5 columns: Acres, s., d., s., d. It lists tax information for individuals in Barrington, including John Churchill, Samuel Banfield, Thomas Snell, and others. It concludes with 'JOSHUA FOSS, Jr. Collector. Barrington, November 26, 1787.'