New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), 1778-07-07 00:00:00

New-Hampshire Gazette.  OR, State JOURNAL, and General Advertiser.  TUESDAY, JULY, 7, 1778.
T R E N T O N, June 3.
Extracts from his Excellency Governor LIVIN- STON's Message to the General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey.
I Heartily congratulate you upon the agreeable news we have received from France, since I had the pleasure of meeting you last in this place. The treaties of alliance, and of amity & commerce, between his Most Christian Majesty & the United States of America, by which our freedom, sovereignty and independence, are fully recognized, ratified and guaranteed, and our trade left free and unembarrassed, are so advantageous on our part, and display such a generosity and magnanimity on that of our illustrious ally, as cannot but excite in our breasts the most cordial respect for that powerful Monarch, & the devoutest acknowledgement of that propitious Providence, which hath influenced the heart of a foreign Prince to interpose his assistance for delivering us from the bloody persecution of one so lately our own. As we were at first compelled into a declaration of independence, it was the highest wisdom to solicit a suitable alliance for its security and support. To both these measures we may appeal to the whole world, that we were driven by a tyrannical King, a venal Parliament, and a flagitious Ministry. Indeed the conduct of our oppressors has, thro' the whole course of the war, been so insatiate and remorseless, as if Heaven had deprived them of common sense, as well as Hell inspired them with all its malice. But their day of national correction is swiftly approaching. Their unparalleled cruelties, both in the eastern and western world, have at last kindled the Divine vengeance; and the judgments of God are now overtaking a nation which has filled up the measure of its iniquity; and long been the most impious and irreligious of any in Christendom. To chastise her insolence, the force of France and America is now united in an indissoluble league. How must haughty Britain be confounded at the dreadful news; and curse the fatal consequences of her moonstruck policy? Methinks I see her power and grandeur crumbling into ruin, & all her towering honours levelled with the dust. That decisive influence which she has long maintained in the scale of Europe, is now rapidly verging to sullen impotence; and the mistress of the ocean become the contempt of those very potentates, who lately revered her councils and trembled at her arms. But how speedily soever she may be doomed to final perdition, it is our duty to guard against the vindictive effects of her expiring struggles. When all the horrors of desperation seize her, and utterly hopeless of conquest, she determines to rise even above herself, by some lignal stupendous act of barbarity, Having, like the Devil in the apocalypse, great wrath, because she knoweth that she hath but short time , she may attempt to desolate what she finds it impossible to subdue. Against such ravage and destruction, to which, we know by experience, it is not beneath her dignity to condescend, it is our interest to oppose the most strenuous exertions. We want only one spirited and general effort to expel her remnant of banditti from the Continent, and for ever to emancipate ourselves into compleat and uninterrupted liberty. One campaign more will, in all probability, decide the important contest: And in whose favour it is likely to terminate, is written by the hand of Providence in characters too legible to be misunderstood.
The alacrity of our men to enter into the service, and the great dispatch with which our battalions are compleating, must also affect every lover of his country with singular pleasure.
The resolution of Congress of the 19th of March, respecting the raising the quotas of
men, and the providing their accoutrements, is herewith laid before you, together with that of the 17th of April, pursuant to which this State has only to compleat three regiments of infantry in the manner recommended by the resolution of the 26th day of February last.
Gentlemen,
As you rose at the last sitting of the Assembly without ratifying the Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States, I hope they will engage your early attention at the present.
The Congress, by their resolution of the 10th of March, having earnestly requested the Governors and Presidents of the respective States to transmit to them as soon as possible attested copies of the acts passed by their respective legislatures, in pursuance of recommendations of Congress, which they may have received since the first day of November last, and of all acts which they may hereafter pass in consequence of future recommendations; you will be pleased to furnish me for that purpose with attested copies of the acts first described, with all convenient speed.
I embrace this opportunity farther to communicate to you a resolution of Congress of the first instant, recommending it to the several States to empower the executive authority of such States, from time to time, to grant exemptions from duty in the militia to such persons as may, from time to time, be employed in manufacturing military stores and other articles, for the use of the United States.
The present condition of our public accounts renders it indispensably necessary to appoint some person in the character of Auditor, with a sufficient salary to induce a gentleman of adequate skill and abilities to accept of the appointment.
I hope, Gentlemen, it will engage your seasonable consideration what measures ought to be adopted, respecting those amphibious inmates (ever-willing citizens to all the purposes of deriving from the State every legal benefit and protection, but to none of returning reciprocal duty and allegiance) who seem resolved, to the very end of the quarrel, to maintain a kind of shameful and most disingenuous neutrality; hoping, by not avowedly espousing either side, but occasionally and indirectly abetting both, to secure to themselves a favourable reception with the prevailing party, let that party eventually prove to be the oppressive or the oppressed. Such political hypocrites ought, by a general test, to be dragged from their lurking holes, ferreted out of their duplicity and refuge of lies, and be taught, by an act for the purpose, that however willing the legislature may be to imitate the example of the generous householder, who made no difference in his payments between those who went to labour in his vineyard at the first or eleventh hour, they are determined not to set the first example in the world, of allowing wages to those who never would enter the vineyard at all, till the grapes were fully ripe by the cultivation of others; and came then only with the view of sneakingly spunging upon, and regaling themselves with the wine of other peoples expressing.
There are in this State many valuable and conscientious citizens, who are scrupulous of taking an oath in the present form, and with the English ceremony of kissing the book, which they consider as superstitious and a remnant of popery. Amidst that liberality of sentiment, and utter abhorrence of infringing upon the rights of conscience, which seems to make the present era with peculiar lustre, can it be consistent with sound policy, or the generous spirit of our constitution, to debar an honest man, for a religious scruple, from the privileges of society, which the most profligate
gate and abandoned are permitted to enjoy in the fullest latitude? I therefore flatter myself that our legislature will be so indulgent to this scrupulosity, which is at least innocent, as to authorize the magistrate, in the administration of an oath, to dispense with such part of it as may embarrass the conscience, and is beyond question altogether formal, and in no respect essential to its nature or solemnity.
I have further to lay before you, Gentlemen, a resolution of Congress of the 23d of April, recommending it to the legislatures of the several States to pass laws, or to the executive authority of each State, if invested with sufficient power, to issue proclamations, offering pardon, with such exceptions, and under such limitations and restrictions as they shall think expedient, to such of their inhabitants or subjects as have levied war against any of the States, or adhered to, aided or abetted the enemy, and shall surrender themselves to any civil or military officer of any of these States, and shall return to the State to which they may belong before the tenth day of June next, and recommending it to the good and faithful citizens of those States to receive such returning penitents with compassion and mercy, and to forgive and bury in oblivion their past failings and transgressions.
Tho' I think it my duty to submit this resolution to your serious consideration, because it is recommended by Congress, I do not think it my duty to recommend it to your approbation, because it appears to me both unequal and impolitic. It may, consistently with the profoundest veneration for that august Assembly, be presumed that they are less acquainted with the particular circumstances and internal police of some of the States, than those who have had more favourable opportunities for that purpose. There seems, it is true, something so noble and magnanimous in proclaiming an unmerited amnesty to a number of disappointed criminals, submitting themselves to the mercy of their country; and there is in reality something so divine & christian in the forgiveness of injuries, that it may appear rather invidious to offer any thing in obstruction of the intended clemency. But as to the benevolent religion to which we are under the highest obligations to conform our conduct, tho' it forbids at all times, and in all cases, the indulgence of personal hatred & malevolence, it prohibits not any treatment of national enemies or municipal offenders, necessary to self-preservation and the general weal of society. And as to humanity, I could never persuade myself that it consisted in such lenity towards our adversaries, either British or domestic, as was evidently productive of ten-fold barbarity on their part, when such barbarity would probably have been prevented by our retaliating upon them the first perpetration, and consequently our apparent inhumanity, in particular instances, have certainly been human in the final result. Alas! how many lives had been saved, & what scene of inexpressible misery prevented, had we, from the beginning, treated our bosom traitors with proper severity, and inflicted the law of retaliation upon an enemy too savage to be humanized by any other argument! As both political pardon and punishment ought to be regulated by political considerations, and must derive their expedience or impropriety from their salutary or pernicious influence upon the community, I cannot conceive what advantages are proposed by inviting to the embraces of their country, a set of beings, from which any country, I should imagine, would esteem it a capital part of its felicity to remain forever at the remotest distance. It is not probable that those who deserted us to aid the most matchless connoisseurs in the refinements of cruelty (who have exhausted human in-

genuity in their engines of torture) in introducing arbitrary power and all the horrors of slavery, and will only return from disappointment not from remorse, will ever make good subjects to a state founded in liberty, and inflexibly determined against every inroad of lawless dominion. The thirty one criminals lately convicted of the most flagrant treason, and who, by the gracious interposition of government, were, upon very hopeful signs of penitence, generously pardoned, and they, with hypocritical cheerfulness, insisted in our service, have all, to a man, deserted to the enemy, and are again in arms against their native country, with the accumulated guilt of its being now not only the country that first gave them life, but which hath after they had most notoriously forfeited it, mercifully rescued them from death. Whence it is probable that a real Tory is by any human means absolutely inconverible, having so entirely extinguished all the primitive virtue and patriotism natural to man, as not to leave a single spark to re-kindle the original flame—It is indeed against all probability that men, arrived at the highest possible pitch of degeneracy, the preferring of tyranny to a free government, should, except by a miracle of Omnipotence, be ever capable of one single virtuous impression. They have, by a kind of gigantic effort of villainy, astonished the whole world, even that of transcending, in the enormities of desolation and blood-shed, a race of murderers before unequalled, and without competitor. Were it not for these miscreants, we should have thought that for cool, deliberate cruelty, and unavailing, undecisive havoc, the sons of Britain were without parallel. But considering the education of the latter, which has familiarized them to the shedding of innocent blood, from the meer thirst of lucre, they have been excelled in their own peculiar and distinguishing excellence by this monstrous birth and off-scouring of America, who, in defiance of nature and of nurture, have not only by a reversed ambition chosen bondage before freedom, but waged an infernal war against their dearest connections, for not making the like abhorred and abominable election. By them have numbers of our most useful and meritorious citizens been ambushed, hunted down, pillaged, unhoused, stolen or butchered. By them has the present contest, on the part of Britain, been encouraged, aided and protracted. They are, therefore, responsible for all the additional blood that has been spilt by the addition of their weight in the scale of the enemy. Multitudes of them have superadded perjury to treason. At the commencement of our opposition they appear'd more sanguine than others, &c, like the crackling of thorns under a pot, excelled in blaze & noise, the calm and durable flame of the steady and persevering. They have associated, subscribed and sworn to assist in repelling the hostile attempts of our bowelless oppressors. They have, with awful solemnity, plighted their faith and honour to stand, with their lives and fortunes, by the Congress and their General, in support of that very liberty which, upon the first opportunity, they perfidiously arm'd to oppose, and have since sacrilegiously sworn utterly to exterminate. This worthy citizen has lost a venerable father; that one a beloved brother; and a third, a darling son, either immediately by their hands, or by their betraying him to the enemy, who, from a momentary unintentional relapse into humanity, were sometimes inclined to spare, when these pitiless wretches insisted upon slaughter, or threatened to complain of a relenting officer, merely because he was not diabolically cruel. Nor will such an act of grace prove eventual of restoring to their injured country the most proper objects of pardon. The more ignorant and deluded (if such ignorance and delusion there can be) will not be able to obtain leave from their vigilant taskmasters to return to their duty. The most dangerous and influential will be indulged with this privilege, and that only to save their estates, without the least compunction of conscience, alteration of sentiment, or melioration of heart. These, having already been sworn and fore sworn, will, without ceremony, repeat their perjury whenever it appears condu-
cive to the introduction of tyranny.—To screen such characters from public resentment and personal insult, I presume no prudent man would chuse to become surety. Those of our citizens who have from the very beginning of the illustrious conflict hazarded their persons and property, will think it iniquitable to receive such malignants into a full participation of all the blessings resulting from that independence, which with the smiles of Providence has, by their co-operation, been so gloriously contested, and at so great expence and peril battled out of the very jaws of tyranny. There is, in some of our counties in particular, who have more eminently suffered by their wanton ravages, so rooted an aversion to this kind of gentry, that the more conspicuous Whigs (generally the greatest sufferers) would think it extremely hard to proffer them all the immunities of that happy constitution, which they at infinite risque have been instrumental in establishing, while those non naturals were meditating our destruction, spilling our blood, and ardently wishing for our final enthralment. And can they ever expect to regain the confidence of their late fellow subjects, whose very looks, methinks, must confound and abash them? Surely their mean spiritedness in brooking to return to their country, circumstanced as they are, is only to be equalled by their guilt in deserting it. Should we not be much happier, together with the abolition of regal misrule, to purge the continent also of this political pollution, which must necessarily tarnish the lustre, and may gradually infect some of the still incorrupted sons of America? Will it not be better policy to insist upon a perpetual separation from those, whose intercourse with us must constantly revive the most painful ideas, and whose very presence among the genuine sons of freedom would seem as unnatural as that of Satan among the sons of God? The disgrace they have brought upon their native country can never be expunged but by expunging them. Let them therefore rather go into voluntary banishment, and settle some uninhabited island, rocky, if they please, as their hearts, and feared as their consciences, where, not having one honest man among them, but being all involved in the same atrocious and insuperable crime of parricide, no one traitor can upbraid a brother traitor with his treason; nor any individual of the whole culprit fraternity point at a greater scelerat than himself—There let them establish a system of vassalage most suitable to their own slavish dispositions; and erect an infamous monument in putrid memorials of those apostates from reason and converts to despotism, who fled from justice for an attempted assassination of Liberty.—Or let them take sanctuary in a certain already island (probably their favourite spot, because contaminated with every species of infamy) where it is no bar to the royal favour to have embued one's hands in a brother's blood; where the massacre and famishing of thousands has been rewarded with a peerage; and where no man need to despair of promotion for being a rascal.
Princeton, WIL. LIVINGSTON. May 29, 1778.
To be sold at Publick Vendue,
At the House of Mr. David Mc Crilles, of Canterbury, the 14th Day of July next, at one o'Clock Afternoon,
SEVERAL excellent Lots of LAND, lying in the Towns of Canterbury, Lowden, and Bosca-wen, belonging to the Estate of Capt. Samuel Moore, late of Canterbury, deceas'd. Conditions of sale are to be seen at Time and Place of sale.
Canterbury, June 19, 1778.
To be sold by Public Vendue,
On Thursday the 9th of July, at Ten o'Clock, before Noon, in a Room adjoining the Printing Office in Portsmouth,
A Number of Frailes of RAISINS, Beaver and Felt Hatts, Andirons, Augures,—Cotton Counterpins—Men's Shoes—Yellow Earthen Ware, with sundry other Articles, &c. &c.
YORK-TOWN, June 13:
In CONGRESS, June 6. 1778.
Letter of the 27th of May, from Lord Howe, and one of the 3d of June, from Gen. Clinton, at Philadelphia, accompanied with three Acts of Parliament were read—The Letters are as follows:
SIR, Philadelphia, May 27, 1778.
HAVING by a packet just arrived from Great-Britain, received the King's commands to transmit to the Congress, and the Commander in Chief of their troops, the copies of two acts, passed this session of Parliament, for quieting the disorders now subsisting in these Colonies, and preparing the way for the return of peace, I embrace the earliest opportunity to forward the inclosed copies of those acts, and of one other act relating to the government of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay, for the information of the Congress thereon; most sincerely hoping that this communication will be productive of the desired good effects.
I am with due consideration, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant, H. HOWE.
Henry Laurens, Esq; President of the Congress.
SIR, Head Quarters, Philad. June 3. 1778.
I AM directed to transmit to Congress, and the Commander in Chief of their troops, printed copies of three conciliatory acts of Parliament: Let me add my most sincere wishes, that they may produce the desirable effect is hoped from them.
I have the honor to be Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble Servant,
Henry Laurens, Esq; H. CLINTON.
President of Congress.
Ordered, That they be referred to a Committee of five. The Members chosen, Mr. Drayton, Mr. R. H. Lee, Mr. G. Morris, Mr. Witherspoon, and Mr. S. Adams. Ordered, That the Committee retire into the next room, and prepare an answer to Lord Howe and Gen. Clinton's letters.
The Committee appointed to prepare answers to Lord Howe and General Clinton's letters, brought in a draught which was read and agreed to, as follows:
My Lord, York Town, June 6, 1778.
I HAVE had the honor of laying your Lordship's letter of the 27th of May, with the acts of the British Parliament inclosed, before Congress; and I am instructed to acquaint your Lordship, that they have already expressed their sentiments upon bills, not essentially different from those acts, in a publication of the 22d of April last.
Your Lordship may be assured, that when the King of Great Britain shall be seriously disposed to put an end to the unprovoked and cruel war waged against these United States, Congress will readily attend to such terms of peace as may consist with the honor of independent nations, the interest of their constituents, and the sacred regard they mean to pay to treaties. I am, my Lord, with all due consideration,
Your Lordship's most obedient Servant,
HENRY LAURENS,
President of Congress.
Lord Howe. York-Town, June 6. 1778.
SIR, I HAVE had the honor of laying your letter of the 3d instant, with the acts of the British Parliament which came inclosed, before Congress; and I am instructed to acquaint you, Sir, that they have already expressed their sentiments upon bills not essentially different from those acts, in a publication of the 22d of April last.
Be assured Sir, when the King of Great Britain shall be seriously disposed to put an end to the unprovoked and cruel war waged against these United States, Congress will readily attend to such terms of peace as may consist with the honor of independent nations, the interest of their constituents, and the sacred regard they mean to pay to treaties. I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your most obedient, and
Most humble Servant,
HENRY LAURENS,
His Excellency, President of Congress. Sir Henry Clinton, K. B. Philadelphia.
June 16.
Congress resumed the consideration of the motion respecting the letter from the Commissioners of the King of Great Britain, which being postponed,
A motion was made, "That the letter from the Commissioners of the King of Great Britain lie on the table." Passed in the negative.
On motion, Resolved, That the letter, and the papers accompanying it, be read. Whereupon the letter of the 9th, and one dated June 1778, both signed "Carlisle, William Eden, George Johnstone, and a paper endorsed "copy of the commission, for restoring peace, &c. To the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Viscount Howe, Sir William Howe, or, in his absence, Sir Henry Clinton, William Eden and George Johnstone," were read, and also three acts of the British Parliament, one intitled "an act for repealing an act passed in the fourteenth year of his present Majesty's reign, intitled an act for the better regulating the government of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay in New-England." The other two the same as the bills already published.
The letters are as follows: To his Excellency HENRY LAURENS, the President, and other the Members of Congress.

Gentlemen,
WITH an earnest desire to stop the further effusion of blood and the calamities of war, we communicate to you, with the least possible delay after our arrival in this city, a copy of the commission with which his Majesty is pleased to honour us, as also the acts of Parliament on which it is founded. And, at the same time that we assure you of our most earnest desire to re-establish, on the basis of equal freedom and mutual safety, the tranquility of this once happy empire, you will observe that we are vested with powers equal to the purpose, and such as are even unprecedented in the annals of our history.
"In the present state of our affairs, though fraught with subjects of mutual regret, all parties may draw some degree of consolation, and even auspicious hope, from the recollection that cordial reconciliation and affection have, in our own and others empires, succeeded to contention, and temporary divisions not less violent than those we now experience.
"We wish not to recal subjects which are now no longer in controversy, and will reserve to a proper time of discussion, both the hopes of mutual benefit, and the consideration of evils, that may naturally contribute to determine your resolutions, as well as our own, on this important occasion.
"The acts of parliament which we transmit to you having passed with singular unanimity, will sufficiently evince the disposition of Great Britain, and shew that the terms of agreement in contemplation with his Majesty and with Parliament are such as come up to every wish that North America, either in the hour of temperate deliberation or of the utmost apprehension of danger to liberty, has expressed.
"More effectually to demonstrate our good intentions, we think proper to declare, even in this our first communication, that we are disposed to concur in every satisfactory and just arrangement towards the following among other purposes.
"To consent to a cessation of hostilities, both by sea and land.
"To restore free intercourse, to revive mutual affection, and renew the common benefits of naturalization, through the several parts of this empire.
"To extend every freedom to trade that our respective interests can require.
"To agree that no military forces shall be kept up in the different States of North America without the consent of the general Congress or particular Assemblies.
"To concur in measures calculated to discharge the debts of America, and to raise the credit and value of the paper circulation.
"To perpetuate our union by a reciprocal deputation of an Agent or Agents from the different States, who shall have the privilege of a seat and voice in the Parliament of Great Britain; or, if sent from Britain, in that case to have a seat and voice in the Assemblies of the different States to which they may be deputed respectively, in order to attend to the several interests of those by whom they are deputed.
"In short, to establish the power of the respective legislatures in each particular State, to settle its revenue, its civil and military establishment and to exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and internal government, so that the British States throughout North America, acting with us in peace and war under one common sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege, that is short of a total separation of interests, or consistent with that union of force, on which the safety of our common religion and liberty depends.
In our anxiety for preserving those sacred & essential interests we cannot help taking notice of the insidious interposition of a power, which has, from the first settlement of these colonies, been actuated with enmity to us both. And notwithstanding the pretended date, or present form of the French officers in North America, yet it is notorious that these were made in consequence of the plans of accommodation previously concerted in Great Britain, and with a view to prevent our reconciliation, and to prolong this destructive war.
"But we trust that the inhabitants of North America, connected with us by the nearest ties of consanguinity speaking the same language, interested in the preservation of similar institutions, remembering the former happy intercourse of good offices, and forgetting recent animosities will shrink from the thought of becoming accession of force to our late mutual enemy, and will prefer a firm, a free and perpetual coalition with the parent state, to an insincere and unnatural foreign alliance.
"This dispatch will be delivered to you by Doctor Ferguson, the Secretary to his Majesty's Commission. And for further explanation and discussion of every subject of difference, we desire to meet with you either collectively or by deputation, at New York, Philadelphia, York Town, or such other place as you may propose. We think it right; however, to apprize you, that his Majesty's instruction, as well as our own desire to remove from the immediate seat of war, in the active operations of which we cannot take any part, may induce us speedily to remove to New York. But the Commander in Chief of his Majesty's land forces, who is joined with us in this commission, will, if it should become eligible, either concur with in a sus-
pension of hostilities, or will furnish all necessary passports and safe conduct to facilitate our meeting, and we shall of course expect the same of you.
"If, after the time that may be necessary to consider this communication and transmit your answer, the horrors and devastation of war should continue, we call God and the world to witness, that the evils which must follow are not to be imputed to Great Britain. And we cannot, without the most real sorrow, anticipate the prospect of calamities, which we feel the most ardent desire to prevent. We are, with perfect respect,
Gentlemen,
Your most obedient and most humble servants
CALISLE
Philadelphia, 9th June, 1778.
WM. EDEN, GEO. JOHNSTONE.
June 17th, 1778.
To their Excellencies the Right Hon. the Earl of Carlisle, William Eden, Esq; George Johnstone, Esq; Commissioners from his Britannick Majesty, Philadelphia.
I HAVE received the letter from your Excellencies of the 9th instant, with the inclosures, and laid them before Congress. Nothing but an earnest desire to spare the farther effusion of human blood could have induced them to read a paper, containing expressions so disrespectful to his most Christian Majesty, the good and great Ally of these States; or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honor of an Independent Nation.
"The acts of the British Parliament, the commission from your Sovereign, and your letter, suppose the people of these States to be subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, and are founded on the idea of dependence, which is utterly inadmissible.
"I am further directed to inform your Excellencies, that Congress are inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this war originated, and the savage manner to which it hath been conducted. They will, therefore be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with the treaties already subsisting, when the King of Great Britain shall demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition will be, an explicit acknowledgement of the independence of these States, or the withdrawing his fleets and armies. I have the honor to be,
Your Excellency's most obedient & humble servant, Signed by order of the unanimous Voice of the Congress, HENRY LAURENS, President.
York-Town, June 17, 1778.
Published by Order of Congress, CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
To the Printers of the Pennsylvania Gazette.
Gentlemen,
WHILE I regret that Governor Johnstone has thought it proper to write private letters into these States, upon the subject of his public commission, and highly respect the determination of Congress to prevent a private correspondence with the enemy, I think I tender a satisfactory service to the public in laying the following letters before them. The answer was written immediately after the receipt of Governor Johnstone's letter, but was not sent as was intended. However, thinking it too valuable to be lost, I prevailed upon my friend the President to allow it to be published, with the letter which gave occasion to it. I now send them for publication, and am, Gentlemen,
York Town, June 17, 1778. Your most humble servant, W. H. DRAYTON.
[Private]
Dear Sir, Philadelphia, June 10. 1778.
I BEG to transfer to my friend Dr. Ferguson, the private civilties which my friends Mr. Manning and Mr. Oswald request in my behalf. He is a man of the utmost probity, and of the highest esteem in the Republic of Letters.
"If you should follow the example of Britain in the hour of her insolence, and send us back without a hearing, I shall hope, from private friendship, that I may be permitted to see the country, and the worthy characters she has exhibited to the world, upon making the request in any way you may point out.
I am, with great regard, dear Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant, GEO. JOHNSTONE. His Excel Henry Laurens, Congress.
Dear Sir, York Town, June 14, 1778.
YESTERDAY I was honored with your favour of the 10th, and thank you for the transmission of those from my dear and worthy friends Mr. Oswald and Mr. Manning. Had Dr. Ferguson been the bearer of these papers, I should have shown that Gentleman every degree of respect and attention, that times & circumstances admit of.
"It is, Sir, for Great Britain to determine whether her Commissioners shall return unheard by the Representatives of these United States, or revive a friendship with the Citizens at large, and remain among us as long as they please.
"You are undoubtedly acquainted with the only terms upon which Congress can treat for accomplishing this good end; terms from which, altho' writing in a private character, I may venture to assert, with great assurance, they never will recede, even admitting the continuance of hostile attempts, and that, from the
rage of war, the good people of these States shall be driven to commence a great westward of yonder mountains. And permit me to add, Sir, as my humble opinion, the true interest of Great Britain, in the present advance of our contest, will be found in confirming our independence.
"Congress in no hour have been haughty, but to suppose that their minds are less firm in the present, than they were, when, destitute of all foreign aid, even without expectation of an alliance--- when upon a day of general public fasting & humiliation, in their House of Worship and in the presence of God, they Resolved, "to hold no conference or treaty with any Commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless they shall, "as a preliminary thereto, either withdraw their Fleets & Armies, or, in positive & explicit terms, acknowledge "the Independence of these States," would be irrational.
"At a proper time, Sir, I shall think myself highly honored by a personal attention, and by contributing to render every part of these States agreeable to you; but until the basis of mutual confidence shall be established, I believe, Sir, neither former private friendship, nor any other consideration, can influence Congress to consent that even Governor Johnstone, a Gentleman who has been so deservedly esteemed in America, shall see the country. I have but one voice, and that shall be against it. But let me intreat you, my Dear Sir, do not hence conclude that I am deficient in affection to my old friends, thro' whose kindness I have obtained the honor of the present correspondence, or that I am not, with very great personal respect and esteem,
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, HENRY LAURENS.
The Hon. Gov. Johnstone, Esq; Philadelphia.
Goffstown, June 10.
The following is in Addition to the Advertisement of the Sale of Lands in Goffs Town the 14th of July next, which has been already published three Weeks in this Paper, to be sold at the House of William Rogers, landholder in Goffs Town.
   Lots. A. P. S.    Benjamin Stevens 1 0 7  George Jaffrey, Esq; 2 0 17  Peter Herriman 2 2 4  Sam. Moore & Pierce, Esq; 2 1 6  Matthew Patten, Esq; 1 0 6  John Goffe, junr. 1 0 3  Thomas Packer, Esq; 1 0 10  Sampson Stoddard, Esq; 2 0 15  Benjamin Richards 1 0 15  William Parker, Esq; 1 0 7  Mason for Seley & March 2 0 15  Aaron Wells 1 0 6  Timothy Corles 1 0 6  James Walker 1 0 6  John Goffe, Esq; 2 0 10  John Moore 1 0 7  James Kenady 2 0 14  John Coombs 1 0 6  John Wentworth, junr. 1 0 7  Nathaniel Meserve, Esq; 1 0 7  Thomas Fellows 1 0 4  Mark Wentworth 2 2 2  Caleb Dutton 1 0 8  Mark Wentworth, Esq; 1 0 12  Jeb Kidder 1 0 6  
Alexander Todd, Constable in Goffs Town.
State of New-Hampshire, Hillsborough, ss. WHEREAS there are a Number of Proprietors and Owners of Lands in that Tract of Land called the Society, who are delinquent in paying their Taxes for the Year 1777. This is therefore to notify such Delinquents to come immediately and pay their respective Taxes in order to save further Expences. Society, June 5, 1778.
Public Vendue.
On Monday the 20th of July Inst. at 3 o'Clock, P.M. will be Sold at PUBLIC VENDUE, at the House of Mrs. Tilton's, in Portsmouth,
TWO or three Hundred Acres of LAND in the Town of Nottingham, about two Miles from the Meeting-House, being Lots numbered Two and Three, lying upon Cross-Street, and is Part of the original Right of Joseph Dodge, but now belonging to the Estate of Joshua Peirce, Esq; and sold for the Payment of the deceased's Debts. Conditions of Sale will be made known at Time and Place. Portsmouth, July 4, 1778.
To be sold by Public Vendue,
On Thursday the 16th of July Instant, on Captain Moffat's Wharfe, at Ten o'Clock A. M.
EIGHT Four Pound CANNON. Six Three Pound ditto. Iron Mill Cases, Cog Wheels, and other Iron Work of a Sugar Mill. Fire Stone and Free Stone. A Quantity of damaged Beef and Bread—And sundry other Articles. Portsmouth, July 6, 1778.

From the PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE. Mess. HALL and SELLERS, The defenders of British cruelty have uniformly denied the American charges against our enemies for their inhumanity, practised upon the unfortunate whom the chance of war has put into their hands. As the history and execution of Francis Mercier will throw some light upon this subject, you are requested to insert the same in your Gazette, as it has been published in a London paper the 10th of December last.
Francis Mercier, executed on Monday last for the murder of Monsieur de Moudrey, a French jeweller, was in the year 1773 transported to Maryland for horse stealing. On his arrival in the country he had his freedom; but being suspected a few days after he got his liberty, of administering poison to Capt. M c Culloch, the master of the vessel he went out in, and who treated him with great tenderness; he was taken up, and some effects and money of the Captain's found upon him, which he had stolen upon a supposition the Captain must die; he recovering, and getting his property, Mercier was again set at liberty. A very short time after this he was condemned to be hanged for breaking open a druggist's shop in Baltimore; but by the intervention of Mr. Chamier, who seems to have been a particular friend to this man, he was pardoned by Mr. Eden, the Governor of Maryland, upon condition of his quitting the province, which he neglected to do for some days, and threatening vengeance against his prosecutors, search was made for him, and he fled. Not being heard of there for some time, it was generally reported and believed he was hung at New York. But from hence he made his way to Halifax and afterwards to Boston. At both these places he met his friend Mr. Chamier, who being then in a situation of continuing his kind offices to Mercier, recommended him as a surgeon to the army then at Boston, at 5s. per day. Two days after the affair of Bunker's Hill, he was taken prisoner by the Americans, as he was conducting some waggons with wounded soldiers, and was carried to Cambridge. Having obtained laudanum under pretence of making him sleep, he gave it to the centinels placed over him, and thereby effected his escape, made his way on foot to Philadelphia, and took up his residence there, depending upon his not being known. Here he acted for some time as a dentist. After this, he went to New York while in possession of the Provincials, and was present at several meetings of the conspirators there, who, he said, with the Mayor of the town at their head, had determined to destroy all the Provincial magazines, and put to death Washington, Mifflin and Putnam. The design being discovered by the means of one Low, several of them were apprehended, and one condemned to be hung. Mercier going to see this man executed, was known by some people who were there from Cambridge, who charged him before General Livingston with having made his escape from thence, and that he was a surgeon to the regular army; he denied that he was there, or that he was a surgeon. He was however committed to prison, where he continued until the men of war arrived before New York. The goaler then let him out, and he making his escape on board the Niger, made them sensible who he was, and gave them information for the better landing the troops, and with a party that day took 303 prisoners with their baggage. For these services, and the
laughable manner in which he informed General Howe he had killed an American Major, he received one hundred guineas, and an advance of 5s. per day on his pay as surgeon; as such when General Howe took possession of New York, the care of the American prisoners was entrusted to him; and though the manner of discharging that trust was attended with the most glaring marks of inhumanity, the recital of them seemed to give him singular satisfaction. The goaler of New York, in whose custody Mercier and the other conspirators had been, was the first victim of his brutality. He said the Mayor desired him to be very careful of that man. The man died in three days time. — Low, who had discovered the conspiracy, was the next object; Mercier was desired to pay great attention to him likewise; he died too. Low's wife, who had been suspected of conveying intelligence, and who had actually several valuable trinkets about her, did not long survive. The effects of all persons who died under Mercier's care, became his property: Many of these poor people were in want of necessary cloathing; none was given them, except a single shirt; but when they died, the infected cloaths were given to the survivors: This encreased the pestilential disorder, which raged with such violence, that in the course of five months 573 perished. In short, according to his own expression, "The rebels died like fun." That upon General Howe's expressing his surprize that the people should die so fast, and doubting their being properly fed, Mercier told him they had more provisions set before them than they could eat; and so proved, for the dead and dying before whom these provisions were so set, had but very little appetites. Being asked since he came to England the reason of this extraordinary mortality, he replied, they were so faint hearted, that he never told any one he would die but he died accordingly; however, he said, the rebels dying in an uncommon manner was not confined to New York, for that in Philadelphia, while he was there, 3000 died in a short time, and to his knowledge, it arose from the wells being poisoned.
One cannot but be grieved to find this wretch placed in a situation, wherein he was enabled to do such mischief, as to bring on this nation the imputation of inhumanity, which it will not easily efface. With respect to him, he might consider himself as the friend to what is called Government, and therefore warranted, as others are, in using every means which God and Nature put in his power to make away with those, whom he looked on as enemies. It is certain, he had a clear ideas of the right, and was as eager in support of the authority of Parliament, as most country gentlemen; for he got more than they ever will, in the attempt to carry it into execution. In short, bad as his moral character may appear, he undoubtedly had much political merit, or, at least, as much as Half, M c Quirk, and such like.
***** Just Imported from France, And TO BE SOLD, By SUPPLY CLAP, At JOHN MOFFATT, Esq r 's Wharfe, SALT, Brandy, Bourdeaux Wine, Sweet Wine, 3, 4, & 6 Pound Cannon, French Duck, Cordage, Barr-Lead, Cod-Lines, Cod-Hooks, Castle-Soap, Sweet-Oyl, Grindstones, Barr-Iron, Graplines, Spikes, Deck-Nails, and a few smaller Nails. Portsmouth, June 23, 1778.
TO BE SOLD, By Public Auction, On Wednesday the 8th of July next, at the Store of Capt. William Pearn, North End of the Town, THE Prize Schooner HERO, about 50 Tons Burthen, a prime Sailor, with all her Appurtenances as she now lays. Also, The Schooner Betsey, about 60 Tons, with Part of her Cargo, consisting of about twenty-eight Pipes, Hogheads and Quarter Casks of Port Wine, some Sugar in Barrells, a few Hogheads of Rum and Molasses, and about eight hundred wt. of Cocoa. Also, Part of the Rigging & Sails of a Brigantine, The above Schooners now laying at the North end of the Town. The Sales to begin at 10 o'Clock Forenoon, at which Time and Place, Conditions of Sales, and Inventory of said Vessels may be seen.
( Henniker. ) State of New Hampshire, Hillsborough, ff. PUBLIC Notice is hereby given to the Proprietors of the Township of Henniker, and to all others whom it may concern, to pay their proportion of Taxes for the year 1777, to the subscriber, at or before the seventeenth of August next, to prevent further proceedings thereon, agreeable to the last tax act of this state. Each owner's respective proportion is as follows, Name, y, Range Lot, d.     Name  Range  Lot  d.     John Wentworth 1 9 3 6  Ditto 5 1 3 6  Ditto 3 14 3 6  William H. Ives 4 2 3 6  John Moffat 1 18 3 6  Ditto 3 11 3 6  Ditto 7 6 3 6  James Smith 8 1 3 6  John Barr 2 17 3 6  Ditto 5 9 3 6  George Duncan 2 19 3 6  James Humphry 6 4 3 6  Robert Wire 6 8 3 6  Alexander Willison 6 16 3 6  James Ewens 6 18 3 6  Ditto 12 4 3 6  Lt. Hugh Wilson 3 3 3 6  George Jaffray, Esq r 3 16 3 6  Ditto 4 15 3 6  Ditto 11 10 3 6  Thomas Packer, Esq r 3 19 3 6  Ditto 4 11 3 6  Ditto 8 12 3 6  Nathaniel Aiken 4 1 3 6  Capt. Andrew Todd 4 7 3 6  William Parker, Esq r 4 10 3 6  Ditto 6 17 3 6  John Kidside 5 6 3 6  John March 12 2 3 6  Daniel Lessy 1 1 3 6  Ditto 1 14 3 6  John Logan, junr. 1 5 3 6  Ditto 2 6 3 6  John Taggart 5 7 3 6    JAMES JOSLIN, Constable for Henniker. Henniker June 9. 1778.
§ Holles. § State of New Hampshire, Hillsborough, ff. PUBLIC Notice is hereby given to the Proprietors of the Township of Holles, and to all others whom it may concern, to pay their proportion of taxes for the year 1777, to us the subscribers, in said Holles, within eight weeks from the date of this advertisement, to prevent further proceeding thereon, according to the Law directs. Each proprietor's respective proportion is as follows, In Ebenezer Jewett's List.     Name  l.  s.  d.     Col. Eleazar Ting 31 1 1  Capt. Joseph Shipley 1 12 0  Jonathan Curwin 1 18 4  Capt. Joseph Kelley 5 7 4  Joseph Parkhurst 2 7 8  Col. John Ting 6 4 3  Col. William Brown 8 1 0  Joshua Simons 9 3 3  In William Brooks's List,  A Lot of Land called Olivers 7 1 0  A Lot of Land called Hepson's 4 17 4  Major Jonathan Minet 0 15 10    Ebenezer Jewett | Constables of the William Brooks | Town of Holles. Holles, June 24, 1778.