The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-01-19 00:00:00

H. & B. Penhallow, Have for sale at their Store in Market-street, the following articles just received—viz—  SHOP & Parlour STOVES. A complete assortment of Cast-Iron Dogs, some of which are very handsome new-patterns; Brass Hand-Irons, and wrought-iron Hand-Irons with Brass Heads; GUNS; Bayonets; Sword & Hanger Blades; Brass & Steel Barrel PISTOLS; Gun and Pistol Locks; Brass Gun-mountings & Gun Flints; best Holland Scates; Sley-Bells; Warming-Pans; London and Bristol Pewter; block-tin Measures and Tea-Pots; church Plate in complete sets; Brass Kettles; Patent Shot; Anvils and Vices; English blister'd Steel; German Mill-Saws; Iron Shovels; German and Halbach Steel; 6 by 8, 7 by 9 and 8 by 10 Bristol crown Window-Glass in 50 feet boxes. Large IRON-KETTLES, and a complete assortment of other IRON HOLLOW WARE; together with a great variety of Shelf HARD-WARE GOODS. Portsmouth, January 5th, 1808. (6w.)
LIME. Nath'l Adams & Son, No. 20, Merchant's Row. Have for Sale, Stone LIME; Winter strained SPERMACETI OIL; Hylon, Young Hylon, Hylon Skin & Souchong TEAS, warranted of the best quality. And a general assortment of GROCERIES, at the most reasonable prices. January 12. FOR SALE,
Several valuable lots of Land lying in the townships of Piercy, Chebacco, Barrington, & Wendell. Also to Let, A HOUSE in Fleet-street, For particulars enquire of NATHANIEL TREADWELL, Sen'r. At a meeting of the committee of the subscribers of St. John's Church, held on Monday the 11th of January, 1808— VOTED, that a Tenth assessment of Twenty Dollars on each and every share, be, and is hereby made—payable to the Agents, or their order, on or before the first day of February next. WILLIAM GARDNER, Chairman.
Now landing from J. Jones' Eddy, and for sale on Samuel Hill's wharf, 24 Puncheons of excellent Grenada RUM; Likewise in store, A few Hhds. Trinidad MOLASSES, 17 Kegs of FIG TOBACCO. Jan. 12 Inquire of JOSEPH ELA. FLAX-SEED, pot & pearl Ashes. CASH given for FLAX-SEED, BEES-WAX, Pot and Pearl ASHES—by Abel & Robert Harris, at their Store No. 15, Merchants-Row. Portsmouth, Nov. 10.
WANTED to assist in a family, a young MAN, from 15 to 18 years of age; such an one with a good recommendation will find steady employ.—Enquire of the Printers. Portsmouth, Jan. 12, 1808. FOR SALE,
The BELL TAVERN Estate. SITUATE on Congress-street, near the Court-House, Portsmouth; Containing in front 66 feet, and upwards of 200 in depth. The unequalled advantages this stand possesses from its situation on the principal entrance to the town, its central position, its proximity to the Markets, and having been occupied upwards of 30 years as an Inn, are so well, & so generally known, that it is considered almost superfluous, to mention them in this advertisement. ALSO FOR SALE—
Three Lots of Ground, situate on Mason-street, adjoining the above premises, containing each forty feet in front, and sixty feet in depth—or, in such portions as may suit the convenience of those who may wish to purchase. A draft of the premises, taken from a survey made the 10th ultimo, may be seen, by application to Mr. Brown, at the Bell Tavern. For terms of sale apply to GEO: W. SMITH, at Mr. Payson's Boarding house, Market-street: Or JACOB SHEPARD, Esquire. Portsmouth, January 11, 1808.
To Let,—half a House in Chapel-street—enquire of JOSEPH LOWE. Portsmouth, Jan. 1808.
J. H. Goddard & Co. Have just received by the ship Washing-ton, Grocer, from London— A LARGE SUPPLY OF BRITISH RIBBONS, including a complete variety of plain and figured of every description. Also by the same conveyance, BLACK PELISE VELVETS, mens ineam Beaver Gloves, black sewing Silks all qualities, Light dyes ditto, Gauzes, Modes, Capwire, green and other colored Sarfnet, mix'd and bundle Pins, & BRITISH QUILLS of superior qualities. Also on hand, SILK SHAGS of every colour; all which are offered on favourable terms at their store in Market-street. Portsmouth, Dec. 8th, 1807.
Randall & Wendell, Have for sale at their Store opposite the N. H. Hotel, COGNAC Brandy per pipe; Rum per hhd.; Rice per cask; Sugar per hhd. or barrel; Hylon, Hylon-Skin, Souchong and Bohea Tea per chest; Liverpool Salt per hhd. Also, constantly on hand, A general assortment of GROCERIES, warranted good. Portsmouth, January 5, 1808.
William Garland, Has for sale, No. 9, Merchant's Row, 15 Hhds. W. I. RUM; 30 chests Hylon-Skin TEA; 20 do. Hylon, Souchong & Bohea do. 20 bbls. FLOUR; MOLASSES per hhd.; bbls SUGAR; COTTON per bag; boxes SOAP; BRANDY, and American GIN per pipe, &c. &c. January 5.
ÆSOP'S FABLES, (FOR SCHOOLS.) JUST PUBLISHED BY Thomas & Tappan, at the request of the School Committee of this town, & for sale at their Book-Store, No. 1, Sheafe's Buildings, Market-street. HISTORY of the Life of ÆSOP, according to Sir Roger L'ESTRANGE. To which is added, a choice collection of FABLES, with illustrative Morals: for the benefit of Youth. This Book is printed on a fine paper, and new type, and sells for only 25 cents. School Committees and Instructors of youth in the neighbouring towns are desired to call and examine it. Jan. 5. N.B. The above Book is also sold by C. PIERCE, Daniel-street, and W. TREADWELL, Buck-street.
NEW GOODS. STEPHEN HARDY, Market-street. Has received a variety of Jewelry and other Goods, viz. GOLD NECKLACES; pearl set gold Pins and Rings; jet Rings and Pins for hair; plain gold Pins, Rings and Brooches for hair or without; gold Seals and Keys; gilt Pins; Watch-keys, Seals and Chains; ornamented Combs; Pocket-Books; Thread cases and Purses; Spangles; silver Thimbles; steel Snuffers and Trays; Candlesticks. JAPAN'D WARE, &c. Gold and imitation bordered, morocco and black ground Tea Trays; knife and snuffer ditto; table and desert Knives and Forks; floor, hearth, cloth and hair Brushes; Bellows; Penknives; Scissors; Jackknives; Horse and Chaise Whips; Blocktin and Britannia Tea Pots; table Bells; Japan'd Lamps—Also, a general assortment of silver table, tea & salt Spoons; sugar Tongs, etc. with a variety of other articles to numerous to mention. Portsmouth, November 24.
REMOVED. Benjamin Floyd, INFORMS his Friends and the Public, that not having so convenient a place for his business as he could wish, he has removed to the chamber he formerly occupied, over Mr. Nathan B. Folsom's, opposite the Court House, Congress-street, where the BOOK-BINDING BUSINESS in its various branches will be carried on with neatness, punctuality and dispatch, and the smallest favor thankfully received. January 5, 1808. For Charleston, (S. C.) THE Brig Dolphin, Rich'd Tripe master, will sail on or before the 20th inst. for freight or passage, Apply to JOSEPH S. AYERS. January 5. Cash given for RAGS, at the Book-Store of C. PIERCE.
JUST PUBLISHED AND FOR SALE BY ELIAS SMITH, Portsmouth, and the BOOKSELLERS, THE CHRISTIAN'S MAGAZINE, No. VIII. Containing—An history of the Clergy in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries; Description of Eternal Judgment; Anecdotes of Luther and the Clergy; A description of Massachusetts State Religion, consisting of a compound of good words, paganism, tradition, superstition, inequality, oppression, bondage, pride, gain to a few, and loss to many, upheld by human laws; Description of a human Sabbath; Account of Pharoah; The Potter and the Clay; Religious Intelligence; Revival of Religion in Salisbury; Elder Hathaway's letter; Letter from Rev. Mr. Briggs of Kittery to Esq'r Chandler, concerning Elder Stinchfield; An Ode on the death and burial of State Religion. The above are sold by Norris & Sawyer Exeter, Thomas Trundy Wiscasset, Jonathan Carlton Haverhill, Benjamin Page Cabot, Vt. New in the press and will be published in a few weeks, A small volume on ELECTION, in three Sermons; containing a spiritual account of the election of Christ, of Angels, of the Patriarchs, of the Jewish Nation, of the Prophets, of the Apostles, and of the Saints. Jan. 19.
State of New Hampshire, County of Grafton. NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of COVENTRY, in the county and State aforesaid, who have not paid their highway, county, town, and school taxes for the year A.D. 1807; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes, with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Mr. Daniel Davis, innholder in said town, on the 25th day of March next, at 10 o'clock before noon, unless prevented by previous payment to me the subscriber. The names of the delinquents are as follow, viz:
   Original Grantees Names. Division. No. of Lots. Quantity Acres. County tax. Town tax. School tax.     James Banks, 1 27 G 50 40 1 4 8 5 0   2 49 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Samuel Weed, 1 3 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 34 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Gideon Leads, 1 7 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 97 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Obadiah Sealey, 1 37 G 50 40 1 4 8 5 0   2 87 G 50 10 0 4 2 1 3   undivided 75 5 0 2 1 0 6   Deodate Davenport, 1 4 M 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 40 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   James Smith, 1 90 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   2 undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Peter Husted, 1 39 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 64 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   14 M   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Samuel Bowton, 1 2 R 2 G 50 10 0 4 2 1 3   Zebulon Husted, 1 119 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 3 R 2 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 3   Charles Smith, 1 110 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 99 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 3   John Bates, 1 3 M 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 30 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 3   Nathaniel Loundsbury, 1 36 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 24 M 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 3   Obadiah Stevens, jr. 1 5 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 32 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Eleazer Bowton, 1 6 M 87 1/2 70 2 4 14 8 2   2 33 G 87 1/2 17 1/2 0 6 3 1/2   undivided 131 8 3/4 0 1 1 1/2 0 7   Eliphalet Sealey, jr. 1 5 M 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 9 M 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Silas Hoit, 1 37 G 25 20 0 7 4 2 5   2 75 G 25 5 0 2 1 0 6   undivided 37 1/2 2 1/2 0 1 0 4   Theophilus Hanford, 1 71 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Nathaniel Waterbury, 1 83 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 25 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Thomas Seymore jr. 1 57 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Matthew Fountain, 1 92 G 100 80 2 8 16 10 0   2 67 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Mark H. Wentworth, Esq. 1 2 G 50 40 1 4 8 5 0   2 28 G 50 10 0 4 2 1 2   undivided 75 5 0 2 1 0 6   Theophilus Fitch, Esq'r. 1 7 M 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Benjamin Weed, 1 50 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Ebenezer Hoit, 1 16 M 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Josiah Waterbury, 1 undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Hezekiah Weed, 1 undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Samuel Crissey, 1 55 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Samuel Belding, 1 65 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Ephraim Smith, 1 26 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   John Bettes, 1 38 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Reuben Weed, 1 103 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Admer Stephens, 1 22 M 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Daniel Benedict, 1 76 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Enos Weed, 1 78 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2   Sylvanus Weed, 1 69 G 100 20 0 7 4 2 5   undivided 150 10 0 4 2 1 2  
Coventry, December 31, 1807. DAVID MARSTON, Collector.
From the Trenton True American. KEEP A GOOD LOOK OUT!
That the Federal Editors are in British pay, would be difficult positively to prove, by testimony admissible in a court of law, but it is easy and natural to believe, upon evidence irresistible to the understandings.
Their conduct on all occasions is just such as men hired and sent here by the British to revolutionize these United States might be expected to pursue.
They seize every opportunity to ridicule and abuse Republicanism—
They omit no chance of panegyricizing the British monarch (or more properly speaking, oligarchy) for its energy, power, splendor, riches, &c.
Our own administration, at the head of which is one of the best and wisest men which any country or any age can boast, is calumniated and reviled, for its wickedness and weakness; while
The British administration, headed ostensibly by a man who was always but little better than an idiot, who never gave any evidence of possessing one drop of the "milk of human kindness," one spark of sensibility for the miseries and sufferings of mankind—and who becomes more stupid and more hardened as he advances in years—is extolled for his wisdom, humanity, and piety!
The principles and measures of our government, which tend to peace with all foreign nations; to tranquility and happiness at home; to freedom from oppression and release from taxation; to punctual payment of existing debts, and such an economy as shall prevent the necessity of contracting debts hereafter; to the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the natives of America from their barbarous habits and prejudices—Such principles and measures, which would naturally lead to as high a state of national dignity and individual happiness as is possible to be attained in this world—are the constant theme of the reproachers and execrations of these hirelings or tools of Britain—
At the same time the theory and the practice of the British government is by them approved and applauded—They admire and extol the policy of provoking quarrels and wars in every part of the world—of plundering, oppressing and insulting all who are so unfortunate as to be subjects of their power—of plunging the nation deeper and deeper in debt, so that it is impossible even to keep down the interest, much less ever reduce the principal—of a routine of extravagance, profusion and corruption which all the revenues of the earth would scarcely be competent to satisfy—and of a system generally which has reduced a large portion of the inhabitants of the British empire to slavery, poverty, starvation and supreme wretchedness—and keeps the world in a state of continual convulsion, uproar, havoc and destruction.
In short, every thing America, however wise, virtuous, just or patriotic, is contemned and decried—
Every thing British, be it ever so stupid, vicious, cruel and unjust, is advocated and upheld—
The attack of the British upon Constantinople at the moment they were negotiating as friends,
Their invasion of South America—
Their outrage upon all the principles of good faith and the laws and usages of civilized nations, in their attack, devastation, conquest and plunder of Copenhagen—
Are all, by their emissaries here, justified or palliated—
The impressment of our seamen, and the plunder of our property, is as far supported as their own safety will admit.
The Conspiracies which the British set on foot here—Miranda's and Burr's—meet their hearty approbation—and they take the part of the conspirators and traitors in opposition to our own constituted authorities—
But their cloven foot was never as naked to every eye as in the affair of the Chesapeake—
That cowardly, cruel and treacherous outrage, which will stamp with indelible infamy the conduct of Britain towards America, is treated by them as a guiltless, and by some of them as a laudable transaction!
They contend that Britain had a right to take her own seamen wherever she could find them—
And if she has this right, she has a right to take every seaman from our vessels—since no other proof is required that they are hers, but her own assertion—
They contend that Barron was wrong in refusing to comply with her requisition; and that Humphreys was right in resorting to massacre and carnage to enforce his claim.
They strive to defeat every measure that leads to redress or satisfaction—
The non-importation act they deride, as impotent and ineffectual, and "irritating"—
War is too great a calamity to be engaged in for the sake of a few seamen!—and
Torpedoes are too terrible and inhuman to employ against a civilized enemy—
They are willing to build ships of the line—because they well know that every ship of the line built by us would be built for the British—as their superior force would enable them to carry our navy if we had one, as they have the navies of Spain, Holland, France, Denmark, &c. But,
They ridicule and abuse gun-boats, which wisdom pronounces, and which experience proves to be the surest as well as cheapest defence for our extensive coasts and numerous cities, towns and harbors.
They now denounce the administration for its blood-thirsty and war-like disposition!—the same administration which they have so long and so greatly reviled for its peaceable and pusillanimous nature.
In short, were a cargo of British pensioners shipped from London, and distributed with prefixes through the several states, they could not show more devotion to Britain—more hostility to America—than the mass of the Federal Editors do, on every occasion where the interests of the two nations come in collision.
These are truths which may be denied by these false British appendages—they are truths which some besotted partisans will not acknowledge—but they will carry conviction to the heart of every honest and unprejudiced American—and show the necessity of vigilant discrimination in all appointments and trust where love of country and faithfulness to its interests and honor are desirable.

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, Since your adjournment an unfortunate circumstance has happened, which with the causes that produced it, have placed our na- tion in a political point of standing, with one of the European powers seriously diverse from what it was when you returned from this House to your counties and towns. This is yet a subject of national negotiation, and be- ing constitutionally in the hands of the na- tional authority—I forbear to state any fact, or to utter any opinion respecting it.
Since the independence of the U. States was recognized, by the power from whence they originated, twenty-seven years have been wit- nesses to our political happiness; as well as to our public and private prosperity. Our na- tional government has been conducted on the principle that we ought to remain in a state of perfect neutrality, as to the controversies of Europe. This is, certainly, our wisest pol- icy—it is found amongst the maxims of the illustrious Washington, who made the glory, and happiness of his country, his particular study.
The convulsions of Europe, resulting from great and unexpected revolutions and calam- itous wars among the nations there, have caus- ed them to assume a policy too peculiar and novel, and to project plans too extensive, and interesting, to allow us, though at so great a distance from them, to remain in that secu- rity and quiet, which our equal indifference, as a government, to them all, encouraged us to hope for.
The rights of neutrality, founded in moral principle, and unequivocally established as law, by the common consent of nations; as- sured by the freedom of commerce to neutrals, with all places that were not besieged by an enemy, with an expectation of a surrender— The idea of holding the whole of an enemy's country under a siege by words, and prohib- iting the commerce of neutrals by proclama- tions, has been lately adopted, first by one, and then by another power, but this is noth- ing less than an assumption of the prerogative, to control or direct the affairs of other na- tions against their consent.
As two of the most powerful nations, in that quarter of the globe, have adopted such an extraordinary principle, and the United States remain the only neutral power that can be affected by it, we are in danger of being drawn into the vortex of their general, and expensive war.—Thus situated, our govern- ment has passed an act laying an Embargo on our own outward bound navigation.—Why should our vessels go to sea? if France takes all that are going to England and her prov- inces; and Great Britain takes all going to France, her dependencies, or the countries of her allies, where are our vessels to be sent to?
This Embargo operates in a grievous man- ner, upon those, who depend on commerce or any of its appendages for support; but we can have no reason to believe, that this mea- sure is adopted either wantonly or with wrong intention in our government.—If these block- ading decrees are to be rigorously enforced by the powers who have issued them, our gov- ernment wants time to consider of the mea- sures we ought ultimately to adopt, and per- manently pursue.
To suffer our country to be stripped of its maritime property and seamen, before we de- liberate, would be the height of folly.—If we are to contend with more than one power, we need not hurry to the contest, if with one only, as an incidental ally against the other, we ought to proceed with caution, under a com- pact of alliance, and not to rush with rash- ness, and without due preparation to the com- bat. To extend our hand to either of the bel- igerent powers as an ally, without a preliminary invitation, would lay us completely at the feet of that power, and make her enemies, the enemies of the United States.—The Act of Embargo is a measure of our constitutional government, and can be done away in a day whenever our national situation shall render it eligible to do it.
We have no claim to an exemption from these calamities, which are incident to other powers. We yet enjoy privileges, and pub- lic advantages, that render us the envy of others, therefore to murmur at the appear- ance of misfortune is to express our ingra- titude, in the strongest language.
Had we continued our civil and political connexion with Europe, the wars of the power we should have been connected with would have been our wars; and the measure of our burdens in their support would have been given by men, not elected or appointed by us: by men over whom we could have had no control, and whose own burdens must have been lessened in proportion as they should have increased ours.
As a free people—under free constitutions of civil government, we have a right to ex- press our sentiments on public concerns.—But our constitutions were not intended to carry this principle so far as to excise in any form, sedition against our governments, or to allow wicked men to invite foreign powers to the invasion and conquest of our country.—The governments we are under may err.—The people may make a wrong choice of rulers; but neither of these errors can justify an op- position to, or an attempt to change the na- ture of the government.—It is the first prin- ciple of the social compact, to submit to the voice of the majority. The second is an en- tire and ready obedience, to the voice of our Rulers, issued within the authority given them by the constitution.
At this important crisis, when our wisest and best men cannot decide, with satisfaction to themselves, what are the best measures to pursue, we ought to be instructed, as a people, from this, not rashly to condemn the mea- sure adopted, or suddenly to censure our Lead- ers for their decisions.
It is clear beyond all controversy, that no measure can effectuate our security, unless we are firmly united among ourselves. A divi- sion of the States, would instantly dissolve the nation; and destroy every obligation to civil and social duty. This our enemies see. They know that if the present national constitution was dissolved, the United States could never again exist as a sovereign and independent power; but must fall a contemptible victim to foreign despotism, or what is more likely, be- come the object of dependent petty tyrants among themselves. Under those circumstan- ces, our contests and bloody civil wars, which might with sound reason be expected, are too difficult to bear a description.
As our security, and even our existence, as a nation, depend on our union; and as a union cannot be preserved, without an effi- cient, vigorous government, it is very extra- ordinary, that men, under any party designa- tion, or political appellation, should assume
the character of friends to their country, while they are endeavoring to destroy the national union, and to overthrow the prin- ciples on which the federal government is founded.
To furnish powers, with whom we are engaged in controversy, with arguments a- gainst us, to expose to them our weakness, to originate and dress up new claims which these powers have never conceived of; to gratify our enemies by treating our own government with contempt, and its consti- tution with ridicule, must be a strange kind of patriotism. If this is the business of men owing allegiance to the country, it is highly criminal. If it is by a few foreigners, who have gained a residence in the country, as no doubt a greater part of it may be, it must be considered, as a base misfortune of the in- dulgence they derive from their situation. Under these circumstances, we must rely up- on the intelligence and good understanding of the great body of American citizens.— They know that men will differ, in their opinions, on the principles and the admin- istration of governments, as much as they do in their features and countenances; and that, the exercise of a prudent candour, is necessary in relinquishing their own, and acquiescing in the opinion of a constitutional majority.
It is time that our eyes were opened, not only to our danger, but to our true interest. It is time that we had become one people; without invidious distinctions; having no appropriate appellation, but that of Ameri- can Citizens. We may rely upon it, that an elective government can never destroy our nation, or overthrow our Liberties. Yet we may be assured from the nature of things, as well as from ancient and modern history, that a want of union among ourselves, will inevitably involve us in Slavery and ruin.
GENTLEMEN—This is an important crisis in our national concerns. Our country, filled with enterprise and industry, delights in commerce; but lately, adverse circum- stances have opposed, themselves to its ac- customed success; some of these I have al- ready mentioned.—There are others (among which may be numbered an unsubstantial & excessive medium) which have resulted from the economy of the particular states. The disastrous consequences flowing from these, are now, unfairly ascribed to the administra- tion of the national government. The de- sign is apparent—but I am happy in being satisfied, that your proceedings and senti- ments in this session, will be such as shall convince our foreign and domestic enemies, that Massachusetts yet holds her very im- portant rank in supporting the federal Gov- ernment on its own principles as predicated on those of the revolution; and that no cir- cumstances, however perilous, or appear- ances however doubtful and gloomy, can cause this Commonwealth to shrink from a con- test wherein the Honor and Independence of the United States are drawn into question.
JAMES SULLIVAN.
Council-Chamber Boston, January 7th, 1808.
EMBARGO.
The old story of French influence is again resuscitated, in the vain hope of enlisting popular odium against the embargo and the administration.— This fiction has been so often propa- gated, and to so little purpose, that we could not have imagined that any ra- tional being would have resorted to it on this occasion.—For, if there be a measure of the strictest impartiality within the power of our government, the embargo is that measure. Being one intended too chiefly for our own security, even if it should have an un- equal operation on the different pow- ers of Europe, should we be under the less obligation to adopt it? Let one plain question be sincerely answered, and we shall be content. Supposing it merely probable that our whole trade is at this moment exposed to the most imminent peril, was there any other measure of equal safety that could have been adopted? If there was not, could any one expect us to omit protecting ourselves because in so doing we might injure others?
If an injury is inflicted on others it is not our fault; and if that injury operates unequally, the inequality a- rises from circumstances over which we have no control. For, is it owing to us that Britain is the mistress of the ocean, and that her enemies have few ships upon it? Is it owing to us that her power is there as irresistible as that of France on the continent? Did we, by any conduct of ours, give rise to the new principles interpolated by Britain into the laws of nations, or to the retaliations of her enemy, which, unfortunately, affect us in this instance more even than her? No. These are things in the existence of which we had no agency, and over the duration of which we have no direct control.
But we are, by no means, satisfied that the embargo will operate so une- qually as some profess to think, or, perhaps, giving way to their fears, re- ally do think. Admit that England will greatly suffer, will not the French and Spanish colonies, of whose pro- ductions we are the great carriers, suffer also? England carries on near- ly the whole of her trade; consequent- ly our withdrawing from the ocean will have on this trade but an inciden- tal effect; while it will have on the trade between France and Spain and their colonies a direct and vast effect.
We repeat then that the embargo is a measure of strict impartiality, nei- ther justly imputable in motive or ef- fect to any foreign influence.
In addition to this reasoning, which we humbly presume conclusive, there are two extrinsic considerations, both of great weight.
The embargo is the measure pro- posed by the executive; by Thomas Jefferson. Has this man ever abused
the confidence of his fellow-citizens? Has he ever crouched to foreign influ- ence? Has he ever recommended a national measure, which has not pro- moted the public interest? It is true, that he has been charged ten thousand times, and in language almost beneath contempt, with yielding to French influ- ence; but we demand the proof. It has not; it cannot be adduced.— Events have invariably belied the pro- phetic spirit which has predicted a storm from every passing cloud. In such a crisis then as this, we say Thom- as Jefferson deserves the confidence of the nation. We rejoice that he pos- sesses it; and we know that this con- fidence will, if possible, be augmented by the angry invective of his enemies. Let us not be misunderstood. We are not the friends of a blind confidence in any executive; but we do say that at a period like this, when the whole world is convulsed, when justice is unknown by those nations with whom we have intercourse; when we have every reason to dread an explosion pe- culiarly fatal to us; when, from the organization of the executive power, he alone knows the precise ground on which we stand, and that on which, in future negotiations, it is meant to place us; when this executive too has uniformly manifested a love of peace; under all these circumstances we hes- itate not to aver that confidence is the best of virtues, and that it is such a virtue as a true republican will not blush to own.
The other consideration to which we have adverted, is, that without the existence of equal danger, the embar- go of 1794 was laid under the aus- pices of Gen. Washington, and by a fed- eral Congress.
The circumstances which gave rise to that act were these. Great Britain, in violation of justice, issued orders to seize all vessels destined to France with provisions.
To obtain security or redress, vari- ous propositions were submitted in Congress. One of which was a non- importation from G. B. and another a sequestration of British debts. These were not adopted. An embargo was preferred.
The danger evidently was not then so imminent as it now is, as France still retained some share of the dominion of the seas. Yet the same measure was adopted, by a vote probably unan- imous, as the yeas and nays do not appear to have been called, by a fed- eral Congress, in which we perceive the names of Goodhue, Sedgwick, Tracy, Dayton, Fitzsimons, Ames and Wm. Smith, and on the same day on which it was proposed.
And yet we heard nothing in those days of French influence; we heard nothing of prejudice, although the embargo was passed at the same sitting in which it originated, while, in the present instance, four days were consumed, and there was as much de- bate as there generally is in eight days of ordinary discussion, and altho' the enemies of the measure, as we are told, were almost exclusively indulged with the floor.
We further find by the journals of Con- gress, that the embargo was laid on the 29th of March, 1794, for thirty days; and was extended, on the 17th of the ensuing month, for thirty additional days. The merchants then appear to have acquiesced, not seeing in it then, as some individuals now see for them, their complete destruction. Indeed, they did not merely acquiesce in it as a mea- sure of security, but we find the merchants of the respectable towns of Salem and Wil- mington were sensible of its wisdom that they memorialized Congress on its further continuance.
One word more. In 1794 an embargo did not produce a war. We hope in 1807 it will avoid it. If in this, however, we shall be disappointed, it will at least yield us the means of waging it to better effect.
[National Intelligencer.]
National Legislature.
TENTH CONGRESS—FIRST SESSION.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JAN. 4.
Mr. Porter presented a memorial from sundry merchants of the city of Philadelphia, stating that several vessels in that port had already received their cargoes and taken out clearances at the time of the passage of the law laying an embargo, and praying that such vessels, some of which had already de- parted the port of Philadelphia, and were detained in the river, be excepted from the general embargo, which was read.
Mr. Burwell moved to refer this petition to a select committee, that it might be en- quired into, and that the merchants of the United States might be given to understand that the House would pursue that course which would enforce the continuance of the embargo. He thought that by a reference to a select committee such a report might be obtained as would evince to the nation the propriety of adopting the measure and the reasons in its favor.
Mr. Smilie said the question now was, whether the petition should be referred to the committee of commerce and manufac- tures. A proposition had been made to re- fer it to another committee. He hoped the House would not deviate from the common rule; for, if any subject was proper to be referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, it was this.
The question of reference was then decid- ed by Yeas and Nays:—Yeas 91—Nays 16.
Mr. Bacon presented a memorial from the governor, by the direction of the legisla- ture of Massachusetts, praying Congress to consider or compromise claims of certain citizens of that state and others to lands for- merly granted by the state of Georgia and afterwards ceded by that state to the United States, (the Yazoo-claims); specifically pray-
ing "that their claims be satisfied by an equitable compromise, or settled according to known principles by an impartial tribu- nal." A motion being made by Mr. Bacon to refer it to the committee of claims,
Mr. Bibb moved that it be rejected; but the Speaker declaring a motion for reference to have precedence, Mr. Bibb called for the Yeas and Nays on its reference.
Mr. Marion moved that it be referred to a committee of the whole; which latter motion was agreed to, 71 to 37, after a de- bate of three hours.
The motion for reference of this petition was supported by Messrs. Smilie, Livermore, W. Alston, Holland, Bacon, Elliot, Chand- ler, Marion, Quincy, Macon, Crowninshield, and Cook; and opposed by Messrs. Bibb, Troup, Nelson, Randolph, & Alexander.
A question being made as to the day on which it should be taken up,
The first Monday of June was named and disagreed to, 51 to 38.
The first Monday in May was negatived, by Yeas and Nays, 56 to 41.
This day was named, but the most distant day took preference of course.
The second Monday in February was a- greed to, 55 to 45.
Mr. Randolph called for the considera- tion of a motion made by him a few days ago and postponed till this day—(relative to General Wilkinson.)
A motion for adjournment took prece- dence of this, and was carried—Ayes 63.
Mr. Crowninshield presented the memo- rial of Jonathan Grout, praying that some person may be authorized on the part of the U. S. to treat with him respecting the erec- tion of Telegraphs; which was referred to a select committee consisting of Messrs. Crowninshield, Nicholas, Findley, Thomas, and Troup.
TUESDAY, JAN. 5.
The House were this day wholly engaged in the discussion of the resolution offered by Mr. Randolph on Thursday last, in relation to General Wilkinson.
The question at the last consideration was on its reference. It had been then moved to refer it to a select committee, for power to send for persons, papers, &c. and a motion made to amend this motion by striking out the words in italic was then under consider- ation and of course was first taken into con- sideration this day.
The motion for striking out these words was supported by Messrs. Lyon, Campbell, Milnor, Holland, Sloan, Dana, Fisk and Al- ston; and opposed by Messrs. Stanford, Gar- denier and Elliot; and was carried, by yeas and nays, 72 to 38.
The question was then taken on the refer- ence of the resolution, and negatived, only one or two rising in favor of it.
The question then recurring on the orig- inal resolution, Messrs. Burwell, Troup and Quincy supported, and Messrs. Blackledge, Milnor, Campbell and Gardner opposed it; when
Mr. Bibb said it was now a late hour (half past four) and several gentlemen who would wish to express their opinions had not yet had an opportunity; he therefore moved to adjourn.—Carried, 60 to 43.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 6.
The Mediterranean Fund continuation bill, was ordered to have a third reading.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the Committee of Commerce was directed to consider the expediency of an extension of credit for du- ties on goods intended for exportation, pro- vided the merchandise was deposited as security.
A resolution passed the House calling on Messrs. Randolph and Clark to communi- cate information respecting Gen. Wilkinson.
THURSDAY, JAN. 7.
Mr. Dana offered the following resolu- tion:
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to inquire into the propriety of allowing an extension of credit during the continuance of the ex- isting embargo for duties secured on import- ed goods or merchandise, which might other- wise be exported, for the benefit of draw- back according to law, in case such goods or merchandise shall be deposited with the collectors of the customs, respectively, in pledge, for satisfying such duties with char- ges of safe keeping.
This resolution after a short debate was agreed to.
Mr. Southard moved the following resolu- tion, and which was agreed to:—
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the propriety of establishing by law, a standard whereby all weights and measures in the United States may be fixed with uniformity, and precision, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The amendments made by the Senate to the bill for erecting fortifications were a- greed to. The bill only requires the signa- ture of the President to be a law.
The bill appropriating one million of dol- lars to fortifications has passed both houses. The report on the subject of the expul- sion of John Smith, a Senator from Ohio, has been taken up in the Senate.—It was supported by Mr. Adams, who drafted it; and opposed by Mr. Bayard. Mr. Smith's request, that he may have the assistance of counsel, was granted.
NEW-YORK, JAN. 9.
Sailors meeting.—In consequence of the prudent measures taken by the mayor and Corporation yesterday, the sailors omitted to assemble, excepting perhaps about two hundred. His honour the Mayor went up to them, and made something like the follow- ing short but admirably appropriate address:
"My lads, I am very sensible how hard this embargo bears upon you, but it is the Captain's orders, and you know your duty too well to refuse obe- dience. I can assure you that the corporation will do every thing possi- ble for your relief; but your present measure is an improper one, and I hope you will disperse without doing any thing further."—They seemed quite satisfied, and immediately dis- persed.
A committee has been appointed by the New-York Chamber of Com- merce, to confer with the Mayor and Aldermen as to relieving the seamen.
Gen. MOREAU was descending the Ohio on the 2d December last.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 19. 1808.
According to our last European accounts it was not expected that any resistance would be made to the good pleasure of the French in Portugal. The declaration of the Court, and the capture of Madeira by the English, and the neglect of any attempt to withdraw, had established the public opin- ion that the French would direct the affairs of Portugal. The late commotions in Spain had rendered doubtful all former arrange- ments which had been proposed or imag- ined for the two kingdoms. Spain subjected to the will of France, could hardly be sup- posed to be able to assert any claims, or to be in a condition to profit from any ex- change. While the domestic arrangements of the two countries remain uncertain, the public attention is engaged by the move- ments of the English. Already have ap- peared such documents as prove, that valu- able as the trade of England with Portugal has been, it has been much over-rated, es- pecially in its advantages to the Mercantile interest. But should the balance in favor of England be less than has been imagined, this affords little consolation in having a commerce long under their control, wrest- ed from their hands. But as England can make little resistance by land, the fate of Copenhagen has led the world to expect some expedition to seize the Fleet which the Portuguese hold in the Tagus. Such an expedition has been imagined, and this object has been assigned to some naval pre- parations made in England. As the state of Portugal is unknown, and the situation of the French troops, it cannot be conjectur- ed in what state of defence this Fleet may be. But as the French can approach by land to the place in which it is anchor- ed, such embarrassments cannot arise as proved fatal to the generous Danes in the late attack upon their capital.—Salem Reg.
It is said that Mr. Rose, the English A- gent, has arrived at Washington, and care is taken to insinuate, that he has such ex- tensive powers, that if war with England takes place, it must be altogether from our government. The Opposition have for a long time been busy in giving currency to such an opinion, so as if possible, to make blame fall upon the administration. We hope that Mr. Rose's errand is a good one. But we are not confident on the subject, be- cause it is barely declared to be so. We have too many examples of the policy of European nations, and too intimate ac- quaintance with the characters of some mea in office, to rely upon any pretensions. Our government are to satisfy his majesty by their conduct. Something is expected on our part besides our honest claims. We think there- fore the American people have every cause for national firmness and national jealousy. And that we should recollect, that we ne- gotiate with a nation that has been our en- emy. [Ibid.]
Circular instructions for Collectors.
Treasury Department, Dec. 30, 1807. THE substance of the instructions respect- ing the embargo of 1794, and alluded to in my Circular of 22d inst. were, that the reg- isters of all vessels deposited with the Col- lectors, shall be detained until the expiration of the embargo; and that the surrender of no licence, in order to the proceeding on a foreign voyage, should be received.
I add, by direction of the President, that no sales subsequent to the date of the act must be considered as changing the char- acter of an American vessel, so as to entitle her under the name of foreign vessel, to the exception provided by the provision of the first section of the act.
I am, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
Treasury Department, Dec. 31. Sir—You are instructed by the President, during the continuance of the embargo, first, not to exchange registers for licences; and secondly, whenever from the nature of the cargo of a vessel ostensibly bound coastwise or from other circumstances, there is reason to believe that she is actually destined for a foreign port, to stop her, and refer the case to him through this department.
No American vessel, purchased by for- eigners, subsequent to the embargo, can be considered as excepted from the operation of the act. Force may be used to detain vessels. I am respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
To — On the 22d Dec. John Mc'Kean was executed at Chambersburg, Penn. for the murder of his wife. The crimi- nal was from Ireland, and had with his wife been long addicted to intem- perance. With the loss of every do- mestic virtue and consolation, this shameful vice was accompanied with incessant domestic contentions and quarrels. His brutal severity at last terminated her dreadful existence.— The stupid insensibility which attends this vice, remained in his last moments, and afforded an awful example of the consequences of intemperance to a vast concourse of spectators. He had got- ten rid of every thing but the human form; of all hopes from life, and of all power to think of the future conse- quences of his actions. The account of this melancholy end is closed with these memorable words: "Who hath woe! who hath sorrow! who hath contentions! They who tarry till strong drink inflame them. In the end it biteth like a serpent, and poisons like the adder."
It appears that the General Craig, who commands in Canada, was in the British ar- my which surrendered to the American forces in 1777, and well known by the name of Burgoyne's army. And Gen. James Wil- kinson who now commands the American troops was the person who negotiated that convention. The following is the note which concluded that important affair.— "Col. Wilkinson presents his compliments to Capt. Craig—Gen. Gates will admit the alteration proposed by Lieutenant General Burgoyne." Gen. Wilkinson now commands on the Mississippi, and Gen. Craig on the St. Lawrence, and may have another trial of their military talents. [E. New Reg.]

COMMUNICATION. To the Physicians of Portsmouth.
GENTLEMEN, PERMIT me again to disuade you from the practice of exhibiting general accounts to your debtors—the more the practice is examined, the more evident appears its impropriety. Whether we consider the subject in a physical or moral point of view, in either case imprudence is the result; it is inconsistent with wisdom, and irrelevant to the rules of morality; Honor disowns it, and virtue will not give it support; it is the genuine offspring of sloth, and claims (at least a distant) affinity with avarice and vice. Thanks to heaven the laws of our country are impartial; we have no companies of merchants (as in other countries) authorized by law to traffic with foreign nations with exclusive privileges; nor is any citizen clothed with legal authority to claim pecuniary demands on his neighbor without producing sufficient evidence for the charge; all the citizens are on an equal footing, and all are equally entitled to the protection of government. There is a law of this State enacted for the benefit of indigent persons; its object being to prevent neglect of medical aid in times of sickness, and also to prevent a tax on the benevolence of the Physician, to the injury of himself and family, and to secure to himself payment in the last sickness of his patient , to the exclusion of all other creditors. The wisdom and utility of this law will not be disputed by any one, either as it respects the creditors of the indigent patient or the Physician. But you surely will not pretend to dispute the legality of a general account against an estate as above mentioned—such an account would be illegal and unenforceable; it would be unjustifiable to the extreme, if put in the scale of competition with errors and dishonest Physicians, for all will deny infallibility to every individual of your profession. Suppose gentlemen, the general account mentioned in my address to you in the Gazette of the 5th instant, should be presented to a respectable merchant, for services rendered his family; should the amount exceed his expectation, (for we are too apt to believe ourselves indebted to a less amount than in reality we are) he would be dissatisfied, and perhaps ask the physician for a particular account, as he has reason to fear there must be some mistake; the physician may reply that the account of 47 dols. 11 cents, is perfectly correct, and in the mode usually practiced by Physicians, that his time is too much taken up to particularize accounts, and therefore he will give no other account than the one delivered. The merchant, perhaps an irritable man, might retort; you have taken up a few articles from my store the year past, I shall follow your method, and render an account similar to yours; when you are more particular in your demand, I shall express in my account against you the several articles that you have received, and will cheerfully pay any balance that may be due; until I am satisfied in this reasonable request, I will not exhibit particular charges. The unhappy affair thus circumstanced, Doctor C. D. might conceive it necessary to consult you gentlemen collectively on the subject. After a thorough investigation C. D. is advised to put his account in suit—The presumption is the merchant will make the following charge, viz. Doctor C. D. to A. B. Dr. To sundry articles delivered him from the 1st January 1807, to the 1st of January 1808— 47 11
It is probable that the judgment of the court would set aside the Doctor's account as inadmissible for want of evidence to substantiate the demand; or if more agreeable we will suppose the account is admissible; on the same principle the merchants plea would be admitted as an offset—the result is evident, the plaintiff would lose his cause and be charged with cost of court. On a second consultation you might think it advisable for Doctor C. D. to propose to the merchant a decision by reference; the merchant we will say consents, referees are appointed and meet to adjust the business, the parties produce their claims, each zealously urge the rejection of the others account and the propriety of the admittance of his own. After a full and impartial hearing of the parties, the referees are convinced that both are on an equal footing with respect to law, equity, probity and respectability of character;—this court of equity, with regard to the accounts, coincide with the court of judicature, that they are inadmissible, but from a consideration of all the circumstances they are constrained to award as follows, viz. that each of the parties receive back his account, neither being duly supported, and that Doctor C. D. pay 4 dols. 50 cents for expenses accruing for this reference, he imprudently refusing to comply with the reasonable request of A. B. in producing the original charges which constitute the amount of his demand. Thus I conceive would end the second trial. Doctor C. D. at this unfortunate crisis, would earnestly solicit your convention a third time in his behalf; and really gentlemen, his direful situation at this period, if thus circumstanced, would require your joint efforts, and the exertion of all your powers; after close consultation and a due consideration of the subject, the following salutary method might be considered the most feasible, viz. That doctor E. F. transact the business in behalf of C. D. and inspect the books of the merchant, permitting the merchant at the same time to examine the original entries of C. D.—thus would end the assistance afforded to C. D. a third time. It will not be doubted, nor will the Physicians of Portsmouth deny the position, that the gentlemen of your profession, generally are less acquainted with book-keeping and the knowledge of accounts, than are the merchants; therefore they are the more liable to commit errors, consequently disqualified for the exclusive privilege of making out general accounts; but gentlemen we will pursue the progress of doctor E. F. and the merchant, in the settlement of C. D's demands. We will suppose (what I conceive is not impossible) that in scrutinizing the specific items in the doctors books, a discovery is made of one or two small errors in his waste book, in carrying off the amount of several charges in the same line, and also an essential mistake in calling up the columns in his ledger, the real amount being 37 dols. 11 cents, instead of which was footed (I presume innocently and unintentionally) as in his general account 47 dols. 11 cents. Perhaps you will say that I have exercised too much severity, and given the whole business too high a colouring; should this be your belief, I can only say that I am of an opposite opinion; however, I will make a few suppositions, in the answers to which we may be more united, they shall be within
the limits of probability, and I will appeal gentlemen to your decision for an unbiased and candid reply. I will suppose, if all the errors that have been committed by the Physicians of Portsmouth in consequence of their general demands, could be easily ascertained without trouble or expense to any one, in order that justice may take place by the correction of those errors, would such an attainment be either pleasing or desirable to you? would you not much rather they should lie dormant, and remain in their present oblivion? I will further suppose that a strict and impartial scrutinizing of your general accounts for several years past should be effected, in this case is there not reason to fear that your debtors would be convinced of having paid to a greater amount than would have been the case had those accounts been particularized? the questions, in my opinion, scarcely admit of a doubt. Your continuance in this erroneous method, will induce many distrustful Physicians in the state (for as before observed undoubtedly there are some,) to practise impositions on their patients; this is a further argument to disuade you from the continuance of the dangerous practice. Pride and partiality are ingredients in the human composition, and if not kept within the control of reason, will surely lead from the paths of propriety. If you are convinced gentlemen that exhibiting general accounts have a dangerous tendency, like honest men, let no consideration in future induce you to practise the error; and if you are not convinced of the evils resulting from your conduct, I intrat you to desist therefrom, until you shall by fair argument satisfy your debtors, and the public of the innocence and propriety of the method. This is a duty due to yourselves and to society, and if not complied with, it becomes the business of every man to oppose your practice and reject your accounts—From some remarks that have been made, it may be proper for me to say, that C. D's account of 47 dols. 11 cents, was not intended to apply to any particular person, but the amount was merely accidental and without design of attachment to either individual, in your private capacities and as a fraternal, gentlemen, I esteem you as useful & respectable members of society; but your injudicious conduct of exhibiting general accounts, meets not only mine, but the disapprobation of almost every citizen. My motive for addressing you was not from ill-will, but from a desire to benefit the community by calling your consideration to a subject which if duly examined, cannot fail to produce the effect of abolishing the dangerous practice. Adieu to the Physicians.
The friends of Sedition reason too strongly, when they represent the consequences of the Embargo. If no doubt exists, that Canada and Nova Scotia can supply the West Indies, how happens it that in Jamaica they are disposed to ask a partial trade with the United States, even if a war should break out between England and these States. And why should the English dread an Embargo, as their friends in America shews us, if the ruin is sure to the States, and they can thus induce a powerful rival in Commerce to destroy itself? All the high colouring we see in our Capital, indicates too freely that the men are to be found in this country pointed at in the National Intelligencer, whose schemes are consistent with the prosperity of no country, and which are directed to self aggrandizement at any risk and by any means. And it is to be hoped, that as this number is known to be too great for the interest of the country, the sober sense of the people will not be afraid to check the means of their increase, when the salvation of the country requires it, even should they be clamorous at the attempt.
[Essex Register.] If as the Tories pretend, the farmers are "distressed," "impoverished," "half-ruined," and about to be utterly undone: it must be allowed that their patience and resignation was never exceeded by Job himself; for not one word of murmuring or complaint do we hear from "our poor farmers"! All the noise and clamor about their calamities and afflictions comes from—the merchants of Boston and their hiring editors!! Yes—the monied speculators of our metropolis, with Park and Russell, and the Lord knows who, are raising their voice in favor of the farmers, while the farmers themselves are quietly pursuing their own business, regardless of the uproar of these new defenders, whom they never engaged or hired, and who may be assured they will never be thanked for their pains.
If a foreigner were to arrive in Boston, read a few paragraphs in the newspapers, walk to Exchange, and saunter into a few compting-rooms, he would think the country at the brink of utter ruin and destruction, in a blaze of commotion and would wonder why he did not see a mob parading the streets and plundering the houses—but let him take a ride into the country and there see the people tranquil, industrious and happy, united in support of government and ready to take upon their shoulders any burthen, necessary for its honor and its good, what must be his opinion of Boston politics? It is by the noise of a worthless faction in our sea ports, that foreigners have conceived an idea of the confusion and distraction of the nation; they peruse federal prints, (for many of these are sent to England) and from thence form an opinion of the state of our politics; they see the most bitter and malignant abuse of the administration perseveringly continued, and are possessed with a belief that the measures of government are hateful and unpopular: they see our claims upon England, and her's justified; and are persuaded that the American people will surrender their rights before they will plunge into war: they see frequent misrepresentations of the state of our affairs, continual murmuring at imaginary difficulties, and predictions of approaching ruin, and believe the nation to be grievously oppressed and embarrassed. If the men who create all this disturbance were constrained either to leave the country and take up their abode in what they seem to think the paradise of the earth, that free and happy Isle, Great Britain, or to keep their peace and be silent with regard to our public concerns, it would be much better both for the community and themselves. [Worcester Regt.]
THE Members of the Eastern District New-Hampshire Medical Society, are hereby reminded that their meeting will be held in the house of Mr. SAMUEL ADAMS, in Exeter, on Wednesday the 3d day of February ensuing, at 10 of the clock in the forenoon. JOSHUA BRACKETT, Notary. Portsmouth, January, 1808.
POSTSCRIPT. NEW YORK, JAN. 13. MR. ROSE.
Capt. Treat, left Hampton Roads, on the 9th inst. and informs that a British frigate was at anchor in the Roads, and a line of battle ships in Lythaven Bay.—Capt. T. further states, that on Thursday last he was informed at City Point, that Mr. Rose had landed at Hampton, and proceeded immediately to Washington.
The Washington Federalist of Saturday says, "Mr. Rose has not yet arrived, but may be hourly expected. The difficulties which he supposed to exist to his landing have been removed by government."
Mr. Rose had not arrived at Washington on Friday evening last. Much vague and contradictory rumour is afloat, relative to the cause of his delay. An express went down a few days since direct from the President, relative to this subject.
With what cold blooded impudence British imposture dares to insult the American people daily—in Relf's Gazette of Monday, a paragraph appears as usual, "from the most respectable and authentic sources." I suppose that Relf has declared on Friday at Washington, that his instructions were the most ample—behold it now appears that Mr. Rose had not left Norfolk at the time he was stated to have made these declarations at Washington—instruments of John Bull, are miserable bunglers in their vocation, British millions are sadly wasted. [Aurora.]
We never believed that the British agents in this country were friends to American commerce. The readiness with which they consent to abandon our seamen, to the demands of the tyrants of the ocean, proves that our commercial interests have no greater enemies. [Trenton True Amer.]
A countryman came into this town a few days since, with his produce, and was vexed that he could not get as much for it as formerly. He enquired the reason, and was told by a Federalist that it was owing to the rascally Jacobin Administration. Well, says the Farmer, I wish it was in topet, and I hope we shall soon have a new one. After having disposed of his articles, he went to a store to buy some cod-fish, and got what he wanted for nine shillings per quintal. Why are fish so cheap, they used to be four or five dollars per quintal? This is all owing to the rascally Jacobin Administration, exclaimed the Federalist. Ah! (replied the countryman) succeeds to the Administration, then; I will always support it.—Let the honest Farmers reflect in future before they join with Englishmen, Old Tories and Federalists to abuce the Administration. [Portland Argus.]
Enquiries have been made respecting the motor which discharged its contents in Connecticut. The report upon a cursory examination at Yale College is, that the substance contained flex, iron, magnesia, nickel and sulphur, but chiefly the two first.
DIED —In this town, on Friday evening last, very suddenly, Mr. JAMES JONES, sen't aged 53. An industrious, honest, and valuable member of society. He has left a widow and several children to lament a kind husband, and affectionate tender parent, snatched in a moment from their fond embraces.—May that holy and wise Being who has thus severely wounded, d. pour in the wine and oil of heavenly consolation, and heal the breach he has thus made, by his presence, and a union of each of their souls to himself. Also, A child of Mr. Clivers.
MEDICAL.
THE Members of the Eastern District New-Hampshire Medical Society, are hereby reminded that their meeting will be held in the house of Mr. SAMUEL ADAMS, in Exeter, on Wednesday the 3d day of February ensuing, at 10 of the clock in the forenoon.
JOSHUA BRACKETT, Notary. Portsmouth, January, 1808.
DRUGS & MEDICINES.
Jonathan Greeley, HAS taken a shop on Dover Landing, where he has a handsome assortment of Drugs, Medicines, and Confectionaries; which he is determined to sell as cheap as can be purchased in this town, or elsewhere, for cash or approved credit. Dover, January 18, 1808.
New Hampshire Turnpike.
THE Proprietors of the New Hampshire Turnpike Road, are notified that their annual meeting for the choice of Directors, Treasurer and Clerk for the ensuing year, will be held at the east chamber of the Court-House in Portsmouth, on the second Tuesday of February next at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. JOSEPH AKERMAN, jun'r. Proprietor's Clerk. January 16, 1808.
Estate of Timothy Dexter.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscribers have been duly appointed executors to the last will and testament of MR. TIMOTHY DEXTER, late of Newburyport, in the county of Essex, Common-wealth of Massachusetts, merchant, deceased—and have taken upon themselves that trust, by giving bonds as the law directs; all persons having demands upon the estate of said deceased, are requested to exhibit the same; and all persons indebted to said estate, are called upon to make payment without delay, to ENOCH TITCOMB, } Executors. NATHAN HOYT, } Newburyport, January 13, 1808.
Now Landing from Schooner Washington, and for Sale by Isaac Waldron, jun.
340 barrels superfine and fine Philadelphia FLOUR, of a superior quality. January 19, 1808.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned that he has taken upon himself the trust of an administrator, upon the estate of DAVID FURBISH, late of Kittery, in the county of York, yeoman, deceased, and as such he requests all persons who have any demands upon the estate of said deceased, to bring in the same, and those who are indebted thereto, to make payment without delay, to JOTHAM LORD. Kittery, January 7th, 1808.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in NEW CHESTER, who have not paid their county, town, school and highway taxes for the year 1807; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at my dwelling house in said New-Chester, on Monday the 28th day of March next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by speedy payment.
   3rd Division. No. Lot. Acres. Value. Value. Value.     Samuel Searle, 43 100 5 11 50 100   John Telford, 28 100 5 11 50 100   James Shirly, jun. 31 50 3 5 25 50   Samuel Gault, 35 100 5 11 50 100   Timothy Ingalls, 54 100 6 14 63 125   Samuel Emerson, 73 25 1 2 6 12   John Underhill, 83 15 1 2 6 15   Mathew Thornton, 87 100 5 9 45 90   Do. 88 100 5 9 45 90   Do. 90 32 1 3 13 25   Fourth Division of Lots.   Thomas Shirla, 14 100 6 14 63 125   John Gordon, 18 60 18 22 100 200   Lt. Thomas Craige, 25 100 4 8 40 80   Joshua Pierce, 36 100 8 11 50 100   Mathew Thornton, 87 100 5 11 50 100   John Durost, 57 50 3 5 25 50   First Division of Lots.   James Sheila, jun. 89 51 3 5 25 50   Common Land.   Timothy Ingalls, 1 100 3 5 25 50   2 100 3 5 25 50   5 13 1 3 7 13    MOSES STEVENS, Collector. New-Chester, December 4th, 1807.
State of New Hampshire, Hillsborough ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in HILLSBOROUGH, who have not paid their State, county and highway taxes for the year 1807; that so much of their land as will pay the same with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, at the house of John Dutton, Esq. innholder in said Hillsborough, on Thursday the 26th day of May next, between the hours of ten o'clock in the forenoon and six o'clock in the afternoon of said day, unless prevented by previous payment.
   William Whiting, 3d division No. Lot. Acres. Value. Value. Value.     west end of No. 15, 52 acres 16 7 80   Heirs of John Hill, a gore of land between 16 and 50, 3d division, estimated at 40 acres 12 5 60    JAMES WILSON, Collector. Hillsborough, Nov. 17, 1807.
State of New Hampshire, Hillsborough ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in HILLSBOROUGH, who have not paid their highway, town, school and county taxes for the year 1807; that so much of their land as will pay the same with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, at the house of John Dutton, Esq. innholder in said Hillsborough, on Thursday the 26th day of May next, between the hours of ten of the clock in the forenoon, and six of the clock in the afternoon of said day, unless prevented by previous payment.
   William Whiting, 2d division, No. 53 40 acres No. Lot. Acres. Value. Value. Value.     Ditto, west end of No. 15, 3d division, 52 acres 40 11 10 2   John Moor, 2d division, No. 1, 36 acres 80 22 20 3   50 14 13 2    JAMES WILSON, Collector. Hillsborough, Nov. 17, 1807.
State of New Hampshire, Hillsborough ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in ANTRIM, who have not paid their highway, county, town and school taxes for the year 1807—that so much of their land as will pay the same with incidental charges will be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder at the house of Capt. Mark Woodbury, innholder in said Antrim, on Thursday the seventh day of April next, between the hours of ten of the clock in the forenoon and six o'clock in the afternoon, of said day, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Alexander Cunningham, No. Lot. Acres. Value. Value. Value.     George Cunningham, 35 103 9 69 26   James Wilson, 100 275 23 183 69   Samuel Allis, 90 225 19 150 56   Isaac Hunt, 280 140 12 93 35   Simon Chase, 140 70 6 47 18   Asa Mansfield, 130 65 5 43 16   Allen Farnwell, 80 40 3 27 10   Jonathan Davis, 27 27 2 18 7   James Fergus, 40 56 5 38 14    ABRAHAM McNEILL, Collector. Antrim, January 2, 1808.
AT AUCTION,—THIS DAY. Notice is hereby
given, that all the Pews in the UNIVERSALIST NEW MEETING-HOUSE, will be sold at Public Auction at said house on TUESDAY the 19th instant—Sale to commence at 10 o'clock in the forenoon—The house will be open to accommodate those who may wish to examine the Pews on Friday, Saturday and Monday preceding the day of sale. Wm. WALKER, Clerk. January 19, 1808.
THE subscriber, purposing to leave this town in a few days, requests all persons indebted to him to make immediate payment, and all persons to whom he is indebted, to exhibit their accounts for payment. He offers at private sale his school tables, benches, desk, and two iron stoves.
AUCTION To-Morrow. TO-MORROW, at 10 o'clock, he will sell at Auction a considerable variety of household Furniture, at his dwelling house in Buck Street. TIMOTHY ALDEN, jun. Portsmouth, January 19
Public Auction at Chester.
BY virtue of an order from the Honorable Nathaniel Bages, Judge of Probate of Wills, &c. for the county of Rockingham, State of New Hampshire, granted to the subscribers, executors of the last will and testament of TIMOTHY DEXTER, late of Newburyport, in the county of Essex, Common-wealth of Massachusetts, merchant, deceased. NOTICE is hereby given that all the real estate which belonged to the late TIMOTHY DEXTER, aforesaid, lying in Chester, State of New Hampshire, will be sold at Public Auction, on Thursday the fifth day of May next, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, consisting of a lot of land of one acre and an half with the buildings thereon, viz.—a large convenient Dwelling-house, two stories high, four rooms on a floor, well built and finished, an excellent cellar under the whole, with two good arches under the chimneys—a large and convenient Stable and Shed, with a yard paved with flat stones, a Wood-house & Barn with a good well of water near the house.—Also, A good Store well fitted for the sale of English and West India Goods, situated on the main street in Chester, about a quarter of a mile below the turnpike from Pembroke, on the post road from Concord to Boston and Newburyport. also, A Pew on the broad aisle in the Rev. Mr. Bradstreet's meeting-house, which is within a quarter of a mile of the estate aforesaid,—and a good Hay-scale near the dwelling house.
The above estate is very pleasantly situated for a gentleman's seat, a trader, or taverner, and was formerly owned by Mr. Toppan Webber, who built the house. Sale to be on the premises, when the conditions will be made known. ENOCH TITCOMB, } Executors. NATHAN HOYT, } Newburyport, 13th Jan. 1808.
LIST OF LETTERS
Remaining in the Post-Office Portsmouth, N.H. January 9th, 1808.
 B. Joseph Bridge; Nathan Barker, Stratham; Josiah Bartlett, Stratham; Josiah Batchelder, North-Hampton; John Batchelder, North-Hampton; Jacob Barney; David Barker; Thomas Bailey; Philip Ball; Samuel Becket.  C. Eunice Crummett; Samuel Cate; William Call.  D. Simon Dearborn, N. Hampton; John Dix; John Dean; Sally Dodge; Samuel Davis; Samuel Davenport.  E. Jacob Ela; Mr. Elwell.  F. Peter Folsom; Mark Fernald; James Folsom.  G. Martin Gerts; Justin Granger; Lucy Gerrish; Daniel Green; Sarah Goodwin; James Griffin.  H. Nathl & Benjamin Ham; Elizabeth Hodgdon; Samuel Hooper; Mary Hooper.  I. J. Joseph Jennis, Rye; Joseph Jewett; Jacob Johnson, Newington.  K. Olive Kimball.  L. Major Langdon; John Lizenby; Arthur Lake; Daniel Lord; Esther Lattapce; Samuel Lane; Samuel Libbey, Rye.  M. Wm. W. Mester; Polly Millings; Nancy Molineaux; Alexandria Montgomery; N. Mason Norton; Newell Noyes; Job Norton, jun.; James Nutter; John Neilson; Nathaniel B. Neal, North-Hampton.  O. George Osborne.  P. James Patridge; Alex'r Pariss; Wm. Peirce; John Price; John Pitman, jun. Robert Power.  R. Stephen Rider; James Robinson; Robert Ritchie; Ephraim Ballings, Newington.  S. Moses Stevens; Thomas Stacy; Charles Stephens, Kittery Point; Stephen Seavey; Henry Southwick; Samuel Skinibin; Alice Spiney; Lidy Smith, Stratham; Mary Sunbury; Caleb Spiney.  T. Phineas Tyler; Joseph Tatherly; Capt. Tuttle; John Trefethen.  U. & V. John Veasey; Benjn Usher.  W. Henry B. Williams; Lemuel C. Whiting; Newton Willey; Nancy Walker; Aaron C. White; John Walton; William Whitewell; Clement Weeks, Greenland; Mary Welch; Samuel