The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-04-05 00:00:00

NEWPORT, R. I.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED ON WEDNESDAYS,
BY WILLIAM SIMONS,
No. 15, MILL-STREET.
TERMS.
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AMERICAN ELOQUENCE.
SPEECH OF MR. GILES,
DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FEB. 13, 1809,
In support of the Resolution, moved by him on the 8th of the same month.
Continued.
In that month, a surrender of the Danish fleet is demanded. This demand is grounded upon a false suggestion. That the Danes had, by a secret article in the treaty of Tilsit, agreed to give up their fleet to France, to facilitate the invasion of Great Britain. This suggestion was utterly false and unfounded, and so the ministry were flatly told to their faces in parliament afterwards, by lord Hutchinson, at that time minister at the court of St. Petersburg. Upon the refusal of this iniquitous demand, Copenhagen was immediately sacked, and a profligate and indiscriminate slaughter of men, women and children ensued. The Danish fleet was forcibly seized, and borne off in triumph. But, sir, with their unhallowed trophies, the British bore off the distrusts and detestation of the world; and left behind them the hatred and the enmity of Denmark. Do you believe, sir, that the British ministry or the British nation, have gained any solid advantage by this wanton display of energy? Do you believe, sir, that the loss of character and the enmity of Denmark, was compensated for by the booty of the Danish fleet, which Great Britain did not want? No, sir, the one might excite in the nation a thoughtless and transitory exultation, but the others are durable losses and stains, which time itself cannot wipe away, so long as history shall remain to record the acts of men and of nations.
The next effort to display this energy makes its appearance in Sweden. A nation fighting for its independence against all Europe, and protected from their lawless power more from the inaccessibility of the country, its lakes, morasses, &c. than its resources and arms. Under these circumstances, sir J. Moore, a great military chief, is sent to offer to the king of Sweden the aid of British co-operation, probably the admission of the British fleet into Swedish ports. How was this flattering overture received by that monarch in the depth of his distresses? Sir, he instantly saw the danger of British perfidy, and he ordered the messenger to be confined—to be incarcerated; but fortunately for him, he escaped in disguise and disgrace. For this and other acts, the king of Sweden has been called a madman; but sir, this act, in my judgement, serves to shew that he is a statesman as well as a soldier. The British perfidy towards Denmark, was the cause and justification of his conduct. He had just seen the British upon a false suggestion, seize upon the fleet of his neighbour, Denmark; and he justly concluded that if he admitted a British fleet into his ports, his fleet would also be seized upon, and borne off whenever the convenience or interest of Great Britain should require it. Here, sir, are seen some of the fruits of the perfidious energy practised upon Denmark. And in the month of July, 1808, sir John Moore returned to London, to give some mysterious and unintelligible account of the disgraceful issue of his perfidious embassy.
About the same time, those generous interposers in the affairs of other nations, sent a fleet and army to Portugal, their friend and ally, to aid the Portuguese in expelling or subduing a French army, then in the bosom of their country. These wretched and devoted people, deserted by a weak and impotent government, left almost without the smallest
semblance of internal police, and struggling against a French army in their bosom, hailed with acclamations and joy the arrival of their generous deliverers. And what happens? In the month of September following, a convention for the evacuation of Portugal is made by the British and the French. The Portuguese, the principals in the war, and the allies of Great Britain, not even consulted; and upon taking down the French standard of despotism, the Portuguese with indignation and astonishment, behold unfurled in its stead, the British standard of despotism.
I now find, sir, from the London newspapers by the last accounts from Portugal, that a formidable party has risen up against the regency; or in plain English, against British insolence and despotism; for sir, the cause of the regency is the cause of the British; and is not this, the natural consequence of such conduct? Yes, sir, that miserable and devoted people are probably divided in opinion. The one half thinks the despotism of their French oppressors the most intolerable; the other half that the despotism of their generous British deliverers is still worse.
Spain is now also receiving the generous interposition of this energetick administration. The tragick scene in this devoted and commiserated country, is not yet closed, or at least not known here. But I should not be at all surprised to hear by the very next intelligence, which shall be wafted from that bloody scene of action, that the generous Britons have run away and left the Spanish patriots in the lurch, and have forcibly borne away the Spanish fleet as a slight reward for the generous aid afforded the patriots. And if such should be the fact, Mr. President, do you not believe it would be justified in this country? Yes, sir, some old rule, or some new rule, or some no rule, would instantly be hunted out for its justification. After so many atrocious acts of Great Britain, affecting the dearest interests of our own country have been justified, there is no act she could perform towards other nations, which would leave her without her advocates here.
I turn with disgust and mortification from this horrible picture of wrongs inflicted by Great Britain upon other nations, to a recollection and recapitulation of the injuries and insults heaped upon my own country, and particularly by the present energetick administration; and I feel degraded as an American, when I review and recollect our patient forbearance under them, and particularly, sir, when I hear any one of my fellow citizens say there are no causes for war, wait for a further accumulation of injuries and insults. I hope, Sir, I am mistaken in the views I have of the causes of war. A discovery of the mistake might relieve me from feelings, which as an American, I cannot but possess, but which I am unable to describe.—But sir, to call the attention of gentlemen with more certainty and precision to the injuries and insults inflicted on us, I have reduced the disgusting catalogue to writing. Sir, I believe that nearly cotemporaneous with the determination of the British ministry to seize the Danish fleet, was its determination to plunder and destroy American commerce. The principle of that determination applied with equal force to both nations. It was exclusive dominion on the ocean; and as one false suggestion was made the pretext for seizing the Danish fleet, so another suggestion, equally false, was made the pretext at once for the destruction of our commerce, and for sowing the seeds of division amongst our people. That false suggestion was, sir, that the government of the United States was acting under French influence, and engaged in some secret negotiation with the French emperor for some ridiculous and visionary division of the United States. The success of this falsehood, and the extent of its circulation, &c. &c. are now pretty generally known in all parts of the United States. Without any further prefatory observations, therefore, let me read to you the catalogue of injuries and insults inflicted by Great Britain on the United States. I think it probable, sir, I have omitted some, because it is a subject I turn my mind to with disgust, and from it with pleasure.
Catalogue of British injuries and insults.
Impressment of American seamen. Seizing and confiscating our vessels upon various unauthorised prettexts.
Blockading our ports, seizing vessels entering therein, and sending them to some neighboring port for condemnation.
Firing at, and detaining coasting vessels within our acknowledged jurisdiction, murdering a citizen in these acts of wantonness.
Violating our neutrality by destroying a French ship of war within our jurisdiction, and thus entitled to protection.
Attacking a publick armed ship of the U. States.
Rifling some, and murdering others of her crew—or refusing atonement for these outrages, regulating and restraining our commerce, colonizing and taxing us by orders of council, reduced to form of law by an act of parliament.
Interfering in our political concerns by inviting our citizens to violate our laws, and by publishing a letter from the British secretary of state, by way of appeal to the people against their own government.
Forcing a contraband trade with armed ships.
Mr. President, am I mistaken in these facts, or are they true? If true, sir, is there a gentleman here present prepared to tell the American people that all these injuries and insults have been inflicted upon them by G. Britain, and all atonement for them refused, and that there is no cause of war? That their honour and interest do not demand war, that they are not yet sufficiently degraded, but must wait for a greater accumulation of injuries and insults!! But, sir, permit me to press this enquiry still further. Its importance demands it. It is of the last importance, to the people to understand it correctly: that not a doubt should be suspended over the fact. Sir, I have said twice before this session, and I now say a third time, and I beg gentlemen to answer me explicitly, yea or nay. I have twice said, and I now say a third time, that Great Britain by her orders in council, now reduced to the form of law, has abridged the rights of national sovereignty, that she has colonized and taxed the people of the United States. Here let me stop, sir; let me single out these acts alone, and ask gentlemen if they are true? Gentlemen have not denied them. Gentleman cannot deny them.
Well, sir, are gentlemen prepared to tell the people of United States that G. Britain has abridged their rights of national sovereignty, that she has colonized and taxed her, and perseveres in so doing and in the same breath, and at the same time, to tell them there are no causes of war, that they must wait for further injuries and insults! I have so much confidence in the intelligence and patriotism of the people in every section of the union, that I do not believe such language would be justified or even tolerated in any part of the United States. No, sir, the people of Boston, enveloped as they are with prejudices, would repel the degrading expostulation if it were fairly presented to their view and consideration. But, sir, I propose to press the examination of this subject still further. I propose to select two or three of the most formidable & intolerable acts of outrage from the disgusting catalogue, & to bestow on them a more critical attention. These will be acts of the present energetick administration. I suppose that other gentlemen cannot understand the orders of council as I do; if they did, it would be impossible for an American to offer an apology for, or even a palliation of them. They shall, therefore receive my first attention: First as they effect our rights of national sovereignty. Secondly, as they effect the different occupations of commerce, agriculture and fishing. Thirdly, the prettexts upon which they are attempted to be justified.
The orders of council now reduced to the form of law, abridge our national sovereignty, in undertaking coercively to regulate our commerce in defiance of our own laws and the laws of nations, and in subjecting it to heavy taxes or tribute. The power to regulate the commerce of the United States with foreign nations, is given by the people to congress. These orders of council undertake to regulate it
by force, and in defiance of the laws of congress. Indeed, the orders extend their regulation of it further than congress is authorised to do by the people; for they have charged our exports which heavy duties which congress is prohibited from doing by the constitution. Great Britain may by municipal regulations lay any tax she pleases upon the exports of our productions from G. Britain, but she has no right to force our commerce into her ports for the purpose of collecting a tax from it, nor subjecting it to capture and condemnation for any departure from the rules she prescribes for conducting it upon the ocean. Submission to these regulations would be the surrender of some of the essential attributes of national sovereignty, and would justly exclude us from the family of all nations, because we should thereby consent to be excluded from the exercise of some of the essential rights of sovereignty, which are indispensable to the equality of nations. This result is so plain, that I suppose there can be but one opinion respecting it.
But, sir, I am the more disposed to examine the operation of these orders upon the different occupations of commerce, agriculture, and fishing, because I have lately heard it said and repeated, that they merely affect the occupation of commerce, and as a consequence resulting from this interpretation of them, it is said the merchants may go out and take care of themselves. This, sir, is an extremely fallacious suggestion, and gentlemen, particularly agriculturists, ought to be very cautious in adopting it. This mistake has probably arisen from the want of discriminating between the right of commerce, or rather the right of regulating commerce, of prescribing the rules for conducting it, and the occupation of the merchant. The right of commerce is a national right. It belongs to the nation collectively. The occupation or the exercise of the right only belongs to the merchant. The right to carry on commerce does not belong to the merchant exclusively: any other citizen may, if he chooses, exercise the right; but these orders of council affect both the right of commerce and the occupation of commerce; they also affect the rights of agriculture and of fishing still more. They affect the occupation of commerce by limiting its extent and objects; but the principle of the orders once admitted, it will regulate the occupation of agriculture, and probably destroy the occupation of fishing.—If submitted to, it would probably lessen the value of every farm in the United States, as well the farms upon the water, as the farms upon the land. Apply the orders to the articles of either flour, cotton, tobacco, or fish. I will select two articles only for the purposes of illustration: but the operation of the orders will apply equally to all—Take tobacco for example. According to the orders, every hogshead of tobacco, exported from the United States, is to be carried first into a British port, then to pay an export duty of three dollars per hundred weight, before it can be permitted to find its way to the continent of Europe, where it is principally consumed. The value of the article to the grower, is upon an average about six dollars per hundred weight. The merchant in purchasing the tobacco of the grower, will tell him, your tobacco is worth six dollars, but I can give you three only, because I am compelled to call at Great Britain, and there pay the other three to make up the price to the British treasury, and besides to incur all the charges of the ports and the circuitry of the voyage, &c. &c. The same observations will apply with equal force to every other article of agriculture. And thus, the principle of the orders of council once submitted to, will enable Great Britain as effectually to regulate the various occupations of agriculture, as if she were permitted to say at once, the colonists may raise grain, &c. If you permit her to impose taxes at pleasure, on any of your productions on their way across the ocean to their market or consumption, she can, in that way, as effectually prohibit its cultivation as if she were authorised to prohibit it in the first instance, by a positive prohibitory regulation. The effect of the principle in each case is the same, the only difference consist in the mode, or

the medium through which the principle is effectuated. It is not likely Great Britain would discourage the cultivation of grain, because she generally requires the importation of a certain quantity for her own consumption. But if the orders in council were to be submitted to, living in a part of the country where I have an election to cultivate grain or tobacco, I should certainly abandon the cultivation of tobacco altogether, because charged with the present export tax, I am persuaded it would afford nothing to the grower.
Now, sir, let me see how these orders are likely to operate on the American fisheries, and American fish. I believe no American fish is allowed to be consumed in Great Britain; yet all the American fish carried to foreign markets for consumption, must first call at a British port, and there pay a duty. I do not recollect the precise amount. Gen. Smith, of Maryland, said ninety cents per quintal. I do not know the proportion that this tax bears to the whole value of the quintal, but it is not material to my illustration. Admit the principle, and the proportion of the tax to the value of the article can be varied at the pleasure of the British government. When you come to recollect, sir, the extreme jealousy entertained at all times by the British government of the American fisheries, the importance they attach to their own fisheries, as the nursery of their seamen, and as almost indispensable to the prosperity of their navy, would you not conclude, sir, that the farms upon the ocean were in as much danger from the operation of the orders in council, as the farms upon the land; and I beg gentlemen more particularly interested upon this subject to give these observations a fair and impartial consideration.
But, Mr. President, this suggestion of withholding the protection of the government from commerce, I conceive wholly inadmissible—For exclusively of many other considerations, it must have been the result of some very cursory reflections, or superficial observations, upon the attitude the government has assumed in relation to revenue, or an entire miscomprehension of it.—Sir, the occupation of commerce is as much entitled to the protection of the government, as any other occupation, and an abandonment of it as injurious to the interests, and as derogatory to the character of the government, as the abandonment of any other. Once allow that principle, once have it understood by foreign nations, that your commerce is abandoned to its fate, and its prosperity is impossible, its destruction is inevitable, its very prosperity would produce its destruction, by inviting the cupidity and violence of foreign nations. But, sir, the attitude the government has taken upon the subject of revenue forbids the abandonment of commerce. Almost your whole revenue is derived from commerce; you have dispensed with your internal taxes, & your only internal resource is derived from the sale of your publick lands. Whatever may be the productiveness of that fund hereafter, it is not now more than equal to one twentieth of the demands of the government; hence, sir, the government must either afford protection to commerce, or renew the internal taxes. Can you doubt, sir, which of these alternatives the government would choose? We are told, sir, there are prejudices against a navy. I now there are, sir, & I believe I have partaken of them as much as any gentlemen in the United States. And stand as much committed to the nation upon that point. But the circumstances of the country at the time of discussing the question of creating a navy formerly and at the present time, are extremely different. Our commerce then was comparatively small to what it now is, the proposed expenditure upon the navy, would have been nearly equal to the whole annual products of the revenue derived from commerce. The revenue now derived from commerce is nearly quadrupled, and besides, at that time our commerce was almost exempt from foreign aggressions; its present prosperity and unprotected state has invited aggressions from abroad, and unless it is protected, it will be destroyed.—Whatever my prejudices or opinions may have been, or may now be upon this subject, I am not so weak and obstinate, as to suppose that those prejudices or opinions can control the practical progressions of human affairs, nor that there is any consistency in applying the same opinions to a different state of circumstance
and events. These facts will control prejudices and opinions.—Mr. President, notwithstanding all the existing prejudices against a navy, I now confidently express an opinion, that if you continue to draw your revenue through the medium of commerce—if that commerce should continue to prosper and increase, and if foreign cupidity and violence should continue to exist, you will have a navy to protect your commerce. I consider the effect as certain as any other effect produced by irresistible causes. When this effect will take place; when these prejudices will be overcome, whether this year or the next, or at some future time, I will not pretend to say; but that it will happen at some time, is as certain as that any other effect will happen that is impelled by irresistible causes. The extent of this protection will depend on the discretion of the government, and there is a security against its being carried too far by the great preponderating influence of the landed and mechanical interests in the United States. The present measures, dictated by the present state of things, are in my judgement peculiarly favorable to the acceleration of this result, and I am surprized that our eastern friends, instead of encouraging them should be throwing obstructions in their way. A result at all times so desirable to them, and so well calculated to give them that weight, in the scale of the union, which they now seem to think they do not possess; but which they are anxious to possess.
Whilst upon this part of the subject, Mr. President, permit me to express my deep mortification and regret at the unfortunate differences of opinion which exist between the eastern and southern people respecting our foreign relations. I will not examine into the causes of these differences of opinion, because it might excite unpleasant feelings in some gentlemen, which I wish particularly to avoid. These differences are the more to be wondered at, when we all know, that our interests are common in that respect: and that in relation to each other, they are peculiarly mutual and reciprocal. Never were there people, whose occupations rendered their interests more mutual and reciprocal, than the eastern and southern people of this union, whose wants and supplies were better suited to each other, or presented fewer points of rivalry. The eastern people have ships and seamen, and delight in employment upon the water, the southern have lands, and delight in agriculture. Their productions too are bulky and heavy, and peculiarly suited to furnish employment for the eastern carriers, not only coastwise, but to foreign trade. The southern people have no desire to enter into the competition, but are perfectly content to permit their eastern friends to take the trouble of carrying their productions to the markets of their consumption, and to enrich themselves from the fruits of their labours and their speculations; yet notwithstanding all these things, and notwithstanding we all know the horrible consequences of divisions, we still witness alarming differences of opinion, which have not only encouraged and invited the interference of a foreign nation in our political concerns, but have also pervaded social intercourse and even materially lessened the enjoyments of society. And after all, Mr. President, permit me emphatically to ask you, to whose, or to what good? Why, sir, our foreign affairs may profit by our divisions, but they are equally destructive to the real interests of all parties amongst ourselves.
Sir, without pressing this subject further, may I not be permitted to indulge the flattering hope, that when these solemn truths shall be presented to the serious reflections of all the people of the United States, in every quarter and section, that they may be impelled by a sense of common interests, and common danger, to unite heart and hand against our common adversaries; and notwithstanding present appearances, that our unfortunate differences of opinion may finally eventuate in renewed acts of reciprocal kindness, confidence, and friendship.
Permit me now, sir, to enquire into the pretexts, upon which the British ministry undertake to justify these extraordinary orders in council, and I will venture to assert, that they will be found, both false and insincere. The pretext set up for the justification of these orders, is suggested to be founded on the right of retaliation upon their enemy. The right to retaliate through the United States is
of their government to resist French aggressions upon their neutral rights, by which it is pretended that Great Britain has sustained an injury, and thus claims a right to counteract the injury through the United States. Upon the same pretext France claims and exercises what she calls the same right in consequence of the culpable neglect of the United States is not resisting the aggressions of Great Britain. The suggestion of each is false in fact. The United States have not been guilty of any culpable abandonments of its rights in relation to either of the aggressors of belligerents. The government has constantly interposed all reasonable resistance to the aggressions of both, of which reasonable resistance, it was the proper judge, at least it was entitled to its full share in the decision & any forcible resistance to that decision when made was an act of war.—I do not, therefore, propose to enter into the question, whether Great Britain or France first commenced their aggressions, since both were properly and reasonably resisted. But, if I were to express an opinion upon this question, I should have no hesitation in saying that Great Britain first began, and so far France has more pretexts for her conduct. There were many acts of the most serious aggression committed by Great Britain under pretended blockades, before the Berlin decree, and the impressment of American seamen, was cotemporaneous with the commencement of the war. This was not, and is not the less an act of aggression, because it is stale, has been long practised, and because we are habituated to it. But it was not acquiesced in. It was met by reasonable remonstrance, and therefore is no justification of the French decrees, but at the same time it takes away even the shadow of a pretext for Great Britain, upon the question who began to do wrong first? for there is a reciprocal condemnation of each other, and so far a joint exculpation of us, at least from the commencement of the wrong to either. But, sir, let me now examine the pretext of the British ministry, according to Mr. Canning's own exposition of it.
TO BE CONTINUED.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
INTERCEPTED LETTERS.
Letter from the Steward of the Duke of Medina-Celi, to His Excellency, dated the 3d December, from the town of Medina-Celi.
MY LORD,
Our army of Navarre and Rioxa under the command of Gen. Castanos has been routed; most of the runaways have taken Sarragossa on their way to Madrid, and the others have passed through this town. This flight is the result of two attacks made by the enemy; the one at Cascante, and the other at Alcunzeza. The whole country is in the greatest consternation, as it is well known that the general is repairing to Madrid by this road.
The retreat is making in the greatest disorder; only soldiers wounded, without shoes, and starving with hunger, are to be seen, and they all complain of the want of talents of the general. I have to remark to you that I have seen no officer with the troops which have passed this way. The town, in order to avoid being plundered, has determined upon making new efforts, in order to furnish to these soldiers, the bread of which they are in want; that they may the more speedily repair to Siguenza, which is to be the rallying point.
As I am well acquainted with the generosity of your excellency, I have, according to your excellency's intention, caused half a peceta to be given to each soldier, and I take the first opportunity of informing you thereof.
P. S. I have this moment been assured, that general Castanos has been taken in the palace of the bishop of Siguenza, and that he is going to be carried to Madrid.
Siguenza, 4th December, 1808.
The army of the centre is arrived here, with its general, and exhausted with fatigue and want. All the officers were on foot, having lost their equipages, and they were starving with hunger; the rear is pursued by the enemy, who, however we know is withdrawing to Calatayud.
P. S. This army set off for Quadalava on Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The runaways who had lost their way are daily arriving here; several thousands of them are already reckoned. The disorder is at its height, and our misfortunes are so great as to be with difficulty conceived.
Letter from an officer of Siguenza, dated 2d December.
My dear Uncle,
The situation of our unfortunate army, is melancholy beyond description; this is the day on which it was to be sacrificed. Castanos so favoured by the country, was, it is said, the author of this dreadful disaster. On the 20th ult. all the different divisions received orders to meet at one point, which they did.
set off at twelve o'clock at night; the enemy entered a few minutes afterwards and killed all who resisted. They then pursued our rear, and if the 4th division had not arrived in time, the disorder would have been still greater: our army is, nevertheless, pursued by the enemy: it fled in the greatest disorder as far as Cascante, near Tudela, where the disorder augmented; the French attacked that city, and when we were just about affording it succours with so much courage they gave us battle, threatening to cut off our left wing; and they carried this project into execution.
After nine hours fighting they took eight thousand prisoners of our army of Valencia; four thousand men were killed, among whom is General de Pedro. On that same night our right wing was attacked by 600 cavalry, by which we should no doubt have been cut off, if the commandant of Campo-Mayor with his battalion and two from Africa had not come up. These two corps kept up a cruel fire of three hours, and I was myself ordered upon that duty.
In that battle we had 3000 killed; all the infantry has been dispersed. The African colonel retreated with sixteen grenadiers, and they were followed by the few who remained. Our baggage, waggons and a great deal of property remain in the hands of the enemy.
At Alaca, an action took place the day before yesterday with the van under the command of Venegas, it was then that the battalion of Campo-Mayor, the military orders and the regiment of Burgos were completely routed; of these three corps scarcely 300 men out of 7000, of which they consisted, have rallied. This is our dreadful situation; and what is worse, is, that upwards of 800 men have died with hunger.
Yesterday the command of the army was taken from Castanos and an enquiry is instituted respecting his conduct. All the soldiers accuse him of treason, and I believe them, since he has deceived us during two months.
Siguenza, 4th Dec.
My dear friend, I suppose you are informed of all that has happened, I will nevertheless add that our army which was under the command of Castanos and consisted of 60,000 men, has passed through this city in a disorder difficult to be believed; it is impossible to describe the damage they have caused throughout the country, by their robbery and pillaging. Only 10,000 men now remain.
General Castanos has been put under arrest; he is to be carried before the supreme Junta: we cannot say what will be the result.
We found at Madrid in the Palace of the duke of Infantado two caskets containing papers belonging to the Princes of Asturias, in which matters of the highest importance are spoken of. This passage of a letter from her mother, dated 15th January, 1806, makes known what opinion the Queen of Sicily herself has of the English.
These letters are full of proofs of the conspiracy which was forming to break the friendship that subsisted between France and Spain.
Copy of what is written in sympathetick ink in the letter from Queen Charlotte to the Princess of Asturias, the 15th Jan. 1806.
My beloved child, I am infinitely uneasy about your situation, about the increase of grief which you will experience upon learning our cruel situation. But rely upon my truth. Believe in no fright which people will no fail uncharitably to give you, and be prudent. I will always write to you, and very sincerely, and believe in no other news, for I promise to the heart & tenderness of my dear child to conceal nothing from you; thus believe only in me. We all support ourselves in good health.— We are very uneasy; Massena is with 30,000 men at our frontier, since that fatal & cursed disembarkation of the English, who with a perfidious & unexampled cowardice, after having compromised us, quitted us at the moment when the danger was the most violent. Those people have ruined us. Bonaparte causes nothing to be said or written, and in all likelihood we shall be undone. We have only 800 men in arms; for the two years and a half that the French have been in our country, they required that we should not recruit our army; they thereby rendered all our forces useless, and behold we are now at their mercy, without any hope of defence against a force of 50,000 men, and if they please of 100,000 men. Austria destroyed, disabled, and for 50 years annulled; in fine it is an unexampled misfortune, to which nothing but our holy religion can make us be resigned; that sole consolation under all misfortunes. Your dear father and the whole family are in desolation. Every thing is packing up, for from the entrance of the frontier to come to Naples, is the affair of six or seven days, and one cannot lose one's self be taken prisoner; thus, we are preparing every thing for a disastrous and eternal departure, and this rends my heart. The king has sent the Cardinal General Russo to Rome, and has dispatched to Paris. But neither Felch, nor Alquier, nor Eugene Beauharnois, nor Messena are able, according to their declaration, to stop the march of the troops; thus St. Theodore, who has been dispatched in order to join Gallo, and speak to him of all that, has remained at Rome to superintend our affairs, and the Cardinal is set off in search of Bonaparte, either to Munich, or to Paris, wherever he may be to be found, to endeavor to save us.
Your good father is ready in order to satisfy the general wish, to abdicate and leave Francis king, reserving to himself a good pension, the fruit of part of the money which he has advanced to the royal finances. Many people think that this will suffice to lay the

get that they wish to have the kingdom of Naples.
If the danger approaches, we shall retreat to Messina and Calabria in order at least there to defend ourselves, and prevent the taking of Sicily: Think Leopold, your two sisters, my daughter in law seven months gone with child, who will lie in at Massina, Palermo, God knows where, two little children so interesting! in fine, every body is weeping; nobody is willing to remain; every one frightened at the thoughts of lost time, wishes to set off. We have neither squadron nor vessel, nor scarcely any thing but two ships; in fine, it is a desolation. You shall always know every thing. Be prudent. Show no ill humour at the wicked things that will be told to you. Let them talk; that is nothing; God will judge us and posterity. No false interpretations. Your two sisters are in desolation. Leopold and Francis will go to Calabria to defend the post. In fine, God has permitted it; his holy will be done. Think, my dear child, of re-establishing your health, of being well. Behave yourself well; life is short; the other is eternal and sure; think not of afflicting yourself with any thing; give no credit to any ill news. I shall find means to give you information of every thing that concerns and regards us; but do not be uneasy, God will help us. Adieu, my very dear child, think of your health. Endeavor to recover your strength. I bless you, I embrace you, and am for life your tender mother and friend.
In the relation of Cotugno, there is nothing written.
Write me word whether you have received the whole untouched, and can read me well. Adieu from my heart and soul, and notwithstanding my violent sorrow, wholly yours.
MISCELLANY.
For the RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
THE REVIEWERS REVIEWED.
No. 1.
IT is curious to observe through what a vast variety of channels the disappointment & chagrin of the tory faction are displayed; and though philanthropy may be disgusted at the view, yet, when the good of society is in question, it becomes our indispensable duty, to scrutinize into the dark designs of the enemies of man, and carefully to lay them open to the publick view.
While from the preses of the disappointed party, wrath and vengeance have been showered upon us in no less profusion than the plagues in Egypt, the good sense of the people has generally prevailed, the malicious lies and gross misrepresentations of murmuring aristocracy have met with their merited contempt, and the country mostly preserved from the evils they have threatened. From the past, therefore, we derive our hopes of the future.
But British principles have not been confined to our newspapers; they have often crept into works where party politics ought entirely to be avoided. This remark is peculiarly applicable to that impartial publication, "The Monthly Anthology, and Boston Review," which it is our present design to handle, and whose editors, after telling us they are "A Society of Gentlemen," make it their constant business to dabble and decide in the most trifling matters of religious and political dispute; and besides the appearance of gross ignorance on many points, exhibit numerous works of malice and unjust predilection, and are evidently hostile both to "Cis-Atlantick" improvement in Literature, and to the Liberty and Equality which our revolution was intended to establish.
As our design is rather favourable to "the lad, of cent per cent," undoubtedly the "gentlemen" editors of the "gentleman" review will accuse us of "high whig notions." That, however, cannot prevent us from continuing a course of candid observation on their "Refactory of the sound literature of New-England," and of calling upon our countrymen to examine into the truth of what we propose; and although we are, in many respects, exposed to the awful tribunal of our gentlemen reviewers, it is upon the publick decisions we mostly depend.
What are the names of the said editors, we neither know nor care; whether they be Englishmen or American tories, is likewise a question which we are at present, unable to determine; but judging them by their works, which, bad as it is, we suppose is the choicest product of their teeming intellect, we hope to summon sufficient proof of all our accusations. Notwithstanding, if we should fall short of our mark, we should be guilty of any injustice to the gentlemen Reviewers, let it be borne in mind, that the Anthology must remain its own witness.
From the abusive manner in which they have treated the works of many excellent authors in this country, added to the circumstance of their interfering in matters of opinion, foreign to their duty, and the prejudice against republicanism and attachment to mother Britain, they frequently discover, with several faults of less moment, these most excellent "Cis-Atlantick" Reviewers, "with all their various and vigorous exertions," their "exploits in the republick of letters," have never been able to make their Anthology "a favourite with the publick," and probably will find it less so.
This is among the inducements to our undertaking. He who will put himself to the trouble of perusing their work for three or four years past, if he have any faith in popular
But leaving their prior numbers, we will first take a look at 1808; and from the necessity of conciseness, the great body of excellence must be passed over, and detached remarks substituted.
Looking at their Review of Thacher's Discourse , (page 52, Jan. 1808,) we have hit upon a few kicks at FRANKLIN, who, (with awful submission to the gentlemen Reviewers be it said!) we have generally thought deserved better treatment. But the thing shall speak for itself—"That Dr. Franklin had uncommon native powers, will not be controverted; [very well.] but his superiority in economical or political science will not now be universally acknowledged. His chief merit rests on the ease and simplicity of his style. His philosophy was often visionary, and he had no religion; his political integrity is questionable among his friends, and his moral purity is the jest of his enemies," &c. The vile abuse which this paragraph contains, can hardly need comment. Should a refutation be of any use, we leave it to some other opportunity.
Almost any person but the gentlemen Reviewers, would have told us that the Doctor had other traits of merit more important even than his "simplicity of style," however highly he might excel in either. As a PHILOSOPHER, STATESMAN and MORALIST, which characters have acquired him immortality, our excellent Reviewers reject him with contempt!
Under the same article they express, with consternation, their "wonder and regret at the HIGH WHIG notions, which run through" Mr. Thacher's Discourse; and speak as wonderfully of "the unsubstantial visions on civil liberty of Price and Pries t., and many of their literary associates and admirers," and of the romantick liberality of the doctrines of Mr. Thacher on the same subject," &c. &c. But this may suffice for the present.
AN AMERICAN.
Newport, March, 1809.
NEWPORT:
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 5, 1809.
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION.
By the "Commercial Line" we last evening received the Boston Palladium, of yesterday, which gives the votes of nineteen towns, the total of which is
Table with 2 columns: LINCOLN (4978), GORE (5270)
making a trifling Federal gain over the last year. We are happy to observe that in most of the towns, except Boston, the republican ticket has had an increased number of votes. We also learn by a gentleman, from the eastward that the towns of Dighton, Swansey & Rehoboth have given 190 votes more for Republican Candidates this Spring, than at the election last fall.
NEW-HAMPSHIRE ELECTION.
The Boston Gazette of Monday last, states, that Mr. SMITH is elected by a majority of 1079.
The Chronicle of the same day, states, on the authority of a letter, dated Amherst, N. H. April 1, from a gentleman of veracity, that "there is no choice by the people, being more than 400 scattering votes. That of the Council, three Republicans and two Federalists are elected. Of the Senate, there are chosen six Republicans and five Federalists—in one district there is no choice. In the House of Representatives, it is ascertained there will be a Republican majority of four."
We do not pretend to say which of the above statements is correct; but we cannot refrain from noticing that the account given in Wednesday's [last week] Centinel, was nearly similar to that of the Boston Gazette, given above; but that the Centinel, on the Saturday following, reduced the majority to about 500—while the statement in the Chronicle, on the authority of a number of different letters, appears to have been uniformly the same.
We have received very late verbal news direct from Spain; which says the English army under Sir, J. Moore, and the main body of the French had a most obstinate battle near Valladolid; that after a dreadful carnage on both sides, the reserve commanded by Bonaparte in person, arrived on the field—night closed the sanguinary conflict, and the British were forced to retreat to the mountains of Asturias. [Boston Chronicle.]
FROM SPAIN.
(From the Philadelphia Aurora.)
By the ship Bordeaux, Captain Law, 51 days from Cadiz, the advices are such, as every man who was not infatuated, expected.
The Spaniards, destitute of science, discipline, confidence in each other, or adequate knowledge of the proper mode of using the means which they possessed, have suffered defeat, wherever they have waited for close action, and dismay and disaster pervades the whole of those, who made at first so formidable an array of armies. The 12 great armies of 50,000 men, have disappeared as the snow before the vernal sun; and the usual consequence of imbecility holding the reins of government, has been the total loss of confidence, and the secession of the ablest men, who were placed only in secondary or obscure places.
Gen. Morla, who governed Cadiz, when the French fleet was summoned to surrender, and who was subsequently appointed captain general of the Spanish artillery; and who was sent to settle terms of capitulation for Madrid, has submitted to the new dynasty, and been re-appointed governor of Cadiz, at which place he had arrived, and at that place perfect order and tranquillity is stated to have been restored.
The Spanish general, Blake, who in the early stages of the conflict, displayed so much intrepidity in resisting the French, has also submitted to the new dynasty, and with a considerable force under his command, joined the French army.
The fate of some of the unfortunate Spanish generals may, no doubt, have led to this state of things; one commander who was unfortunate, was stoned to death by the troops he commanded.
Another was executed on a publick gibbet.—Whether these generals were ignorant themselves, or that their soldiery were at once ignorant, undisciplined, and ferocious, or whether the commanders and soldiers were all alike, is not certain; but the fate of these commanders was not calculated to inspire genius nor to stimulate virtuous valour.
The Spanish general Cuesta escaped barely with disgrace; notwithstanding his prowess and success over Dupont.
The Spanish general Castanos, after suffering a total defeat, had no method of escape from the vengeance of those soldiers whose own imbecility was perhaps the true cause of the defeat, than by being placed under a military escort and conducted to Seville as a prisoner.
than estimated! The style of the correspondence which passed between the besieging and besieged generals at Saragossa, exhibits to every discerning man the different characters of the combatants; Mancey, the talents of a man who knows the art of war, and goes straight forward to his object; Palafox, the inflation of Quixotism, which arrays the progeny of the imagination in arms, and menaces with pomp only as a prelude to a vain glorious submission.
The British division under Baird, had made a rapid march for Coruna, pursued by a French division, there not being sufficient shipping to receive them, it is supposed that a considerable part of the division, &c. has been captured by the French.
The British division under sir John Moore, commander in chief, has been overtaken by the French, and suffered in a severe action, near Valladolid. The account of this action is very obscure and inconsistent in the advices received; as sir John Moore is made to retreat after his defeat, in the direction of which the French had possession, and were they could have less chance of rendering service or escaping. We cannot yet believe, that the British were such absolute fools, as to go into action with the French, were they must be certain of defeat; and were they could not hope to reap any thing but disaster. If they, or any part of them, have been engaged, it must be from their inability to make their escape.
The fate of Spain and Portugal was decided at Tula. The inquisition is abolished.
MARINE LIST.
PORT OF NEWPORT.
Entered—sloop Maria, Matthewson, New-York; do. Fame, Waldin, do.; do. Fame, Brown, do. Cleared—brig Pegasus, Rathbone, Havana; do. Hercules Courtney, Phillips, Charleston; sch. Portsmouth, Chace, Madeira; sloop Aurora, Cahoon, N. York; sch. Ocean, Barney, St. Bartholomews; do. Federal, Gardner, Margaretta; sloop Polly, Norris, St. Jago; ship Franklin, Cozzens, Charleston, S. C.; sloop Mary, Brown, Baltimore; do. Betsey, Pearce, Boston.
DIED,
In this town, on the 25th ult. of the hooping-cough, ELIZABETH ROBINSON, aged 8 months and 12 days, only child of Mr. George B. Robinson. This was erroneously inserted in our last paper.
On Sunday morning last, Mrs. MARY HAZARD in the 60th year of her age. An infant child of capt. PHILLIP M. TOPHAM.
BY AUTHORITY.
STATE OF RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.
In General Assembly, March Session, A. D. 1809.
An ACT to regulate process against Banks and Insurance Companies, and for other purposes therein mentioned.
SECTION 1. BE it enacted by the General Assembly, and by the authority thereof it is enacted, That whenever final judgment for any sum, in any Court, shall be rendered against any incorporated Bank or Insurance Company in this State, execution on such judgement shall be issued against the goods, chattels and real estate of such Bank or Insurance Company.
SEC. 2. Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That when any execution which shall have been issued, pursuant to the first section of this act, shall be by the officer charged with the service thereof, returned that he cannot find sufficient property of such Bank or Insurance Company, whereon to levy the same, it shall and may be lawful for the party, in whose favour such judgment shall have been rendered, to sue out of the Clerk's Office of the Court in which such judgment was rendered, a writ of scire facias against the President and Directors of such Bank or Insurance Company, returnable to the next term of such Court; and on the return thereof, unless such President and Directors shall make it appear, at the Court to which such writ of scire facias shall be returned, that they have not, within their possession nor control, sufficient property of such corporation to satisfy said judgment, said Court shall and may issue an execution against such President and Directors, for the amount of such judgement, with interest and cost as for their own private debt.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the President and Cashier of every Bank in this State, shall annually, on the third day of October session, make return under oath or affirmation, to the General Assembly, of the state of their Bank, stating the amount of their Bills or Notes in circulation, the amount of specie in their Bank, the amount of deposits, the amount of Bills of other Banks in their possession, and the amount of debts due to their Bank, which return shall bear date within ten days next preceding the third day of the session to which such return shall be made, under the penalty of five thousand dollars, to be recovered by the General Treasurer, by action of debt, to and for the use of the State, before any Court proper to try the same.
SEC. 4. And be it further enacted. That the General Assembly may at any time appoint a committee from their own body, who shall have a right to inspect such general accounts in the books of the several Banks in this State, as shall relate to the return required by the third section of this act. Provided. That this shall not be construed to imply a right of inspecting the account of any private individual or individuals with the Bank.
SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That the total amount of the debts which any Bank in this State, shall at any time owe, whether by bond, bill or note or other contract, shall not exceed their capital stock actually paid into said Bank, over and above the monies actually deposited in such Bank for safe keeping; and in case of excess, the Directors under whose administration it shall happen, shall be liable for the same in their private and natural
try the same, by any creditor or creditors of such corporation, and be prosecuted to final judgment and execution, and this shall not be construed to exempt the said corporation, or their lands, tenements, goods or chattels from being also liable for and chargeable with the said excess. But such of the said Directors, who may have been absent when the said excess was contracted or created, or who may have dissented from the act or resolution whereby the same was contracted or created, may respectively exonerate themselves from being so liable, by forthwith giving notice of the fact of their absence or dissent to the Stockholders, at a general meeting which they are hereby empowered to call for that purpose.
SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That if any Bank in this State, shall make and issue any check, note or bill for a less sum than fifty dollars, payable at any place out of this State, the President and Cashier or other person who shall sign such checks, note, or bill, shall each forfeit the sum of fifty dollars, to be recovered by an action of debt in any Court proper to try the same: one half to and for the use of the State, and the other half to and for the use of the person who shall sue for the same.
SEC. 7. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the first day of June next, if any person shall pass any note, bill, order or check of any Bank out of this State, of a less sum than five dollars, he shall forfeit and pay for every such offence, the sum of five dollars, to be recovered by indictment or information in the Supreme Judicial Court, or the Court of General Sessions of the Peace for the proper county, to the use of the State: or by action of debt in any Court of competent jurisdiction, one half thereof to the use of the person who shall sue for the same, and the other half to and for the use of the State.
SEC. 8. And be it further enacted, That if any President, Director, Cashier or other officer of any Bank in this State, shall fraudulently manage or conduct the affairs or business of such Bank, whereby the publick or individuals dealing at or with said Bank, shall be defrauded in the payment of their just demands against said Bank, such President, Director, Cashier, or other officer, shall and may be prosecuted in the Supreme Judicial Court by indictment or information, and on conviction shall and may be fined, to and for the use of the State, at the discretion of the Court, not exceeding five thousand dollars.
Resolved. That the foregoing act be published in all the newspapers printed in this State. A true Copy: Witness. SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'ry.
For CHARLESTON, S. C. THE sch. WILLIAM, JOHN CLARKE, master, will sail in 10 or 12 days. For Freight, apply to the master on board, lying at GILES' wharf, or at his house, No. 10, Young-street. April 5.
ABNER HATHAWAY, BROAD-STREET, HAS for sale, many kinds of LUMBER, consisting of Timber, Joist, Boards, and Shingles; Cedar and Pine Clapboards. Also—white oak Plank and round Timber; with a good assortment of birch and maple Bedstead Joist. Nails and Hollow Ware, of many kinds; cast iron Oven Frames and Doors, on an approved construction. Corn and Potatoes, by the bushel or larger quantity. Newport, March 5.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS the keeper of the Hospital on Coaster's Harbour, is about leaving it; and it is the opinion of the Town Council that some suitable person should go on immediately. Application may be made to JONATHAN ALMY, Town Clerk.
SAMUEL VINSON, President Town Council. April 5.
FOR SALE, or TO LET,
And immediate possession given. THAT pleasantly situated HOUSE and Garden, situated at the upper end of Broad-street, late the residence of William Stall, deceased.—Also, A two-Story Building, and Garden adjoining the same, fronting on Broad-street, which has been occupied as a work shop.—Also, One other Garden Lot, adjoining the same. The whole will be Sold or Let together, or separate. For terms, apply to the Subscriber.
THOMAS D. STALL. April 5.
TO BE LET.
And possession given on the first of May. THAT commodious Dwelling HOUSE, in Mill-street, now occupied by Capt. WILLIAM HAZARD, with a spacious Garden, good well of water, excellent Cistern; with the Store Stable and Chaise-House adjoining. For terms apply to ROBERT LOWTON. April 5.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice, to the Cabinet making business. A smart active Lad, about 14 or 15 years of age, who can produce good recommendation, may hear of a situation by applying at the office of the Rhode-Island Republican.
N. B. One from the country would be preferred. April 5.

ON TIME.
MOVED by a strange, mysterious power, Who hastens along the rapid hour, I touch the deep-ton'd string: E'en now I saw his wither'd face Beneath your tower's mouldering base, Where mossy vestments cling.
Dark roll'd his cheerless eye around, Severe his grisly visage frown'd, No locks his head array'd; He grasp'd a hero's antique bust.... The marble crumbled into dust, And sunk amidst the shade!
Malignant triumph fill'd his eyes, "See, hapless mortals, see," he cries, "How vain your idle schemes; Beneath my grasp the fairest form, Dissolves, and mingles with the worm; Thus vanish mortal dreams."
"The works of God and man I spoil; The noblest proofs of human toil "I treat as childish toys; "I crush the noble and the brave; "Beauty I mar; and in the grave "I bury human joys."
Hold! ruthless phantom...Hold, I cry'd.... If thou canst mock the dreams of pride, And nearer hopes devoure, VIRTUE, beyond thy reach, shall bloom, When other charms sink to the tomb; She scorns thy envious power.
On frosty wings the demon fled, Howling, as o'er the walls he sped, "Another year has gone!" The ruin'd spire...the crumbling tower, Nodding obey'd his awful power. As TIME flew swiftly on.
Since beauty, then, to Time must bow, And age deform the fairest brow, Let brighter charms be yours; The female mind, embalm'd in truth, Shall bloom in everlasting youth, While Time himself endures.
ANECDOTE.
A painter was employed in painting a West-India ship in the river, suspended on a stage under the ship's stern. The captain, who had just got into the boat alongside, for the purpose of going ashore, ordered the boy to let go the painter (that is the rope which makes fast the boat) the boy (who had never been to sea, and was ignorant of the term) ran instantly aft, and let go the ropes by which the stage was held. The captain, surprised at the boy's delay cried out, "You lazy dog, why don't you let go the painter?" The boy replied, "He's gone, sir, pots and all."
AMUSING MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ANTHOLOGY.
Original Letters, from an American Traveller in Europe, to his friends in this country.
LETTER SECOND.
(Concluded.)
I HAD a very good opportunity in this place to prove, what I had always before suspected, the propensity of Dr. Moore to sacrifice truth to a good saying or a witty thought; and you may rely upon it, that his travels, though extremely witty and entertaining, are little better than a pleasant Romance. I would not be thought to undervalue the merit of this excellent work, which will always be admired, and ought to be considered as a model of fine epistolary writing, but its excellence does consist in the truth of its narration, nor in the correctness of its descriptions. Dr. Moore, upon observing in the church which encloses the Casa Santa, a beautiful bas relief of the Death of Abel, remarks, that "Poor Abel has been always unfortunate—had he been placed by the artist a foot higher or lower, he would have been safe; but coming opposite to the mouths of the Pilgrims while kneeling, the poor fellow has been kissed almost out of existence, while Cain stands frowning and fierce as ever." If this was intended as a mere sally of the imagination, I confess I cannot see much wit in it; but if it was designed to convey to the mind of the reader the impression of a fact, I must say that it is wholly without foundation. I viewed this bas relief, in all its beauty, thirty years after Dr. Moore made the remark, and there was no apparent difference in the two brothers—Abel was full as perfect as Cain, and they were both wholly unimpaired. You know enough of bronze bas reliefs, to be convinced, that this could not have been repaired, and of course you will join me in opinion, that, in this instance, at least, Moore preferred a reputation for wit, to one for veracity.
Since our arrival at Rome, we have made the tour of the city, and have visited several of the modern churches; and we will, if you please, pursue the history of credulity at this time, that we may not be obliged to debase our future and more noble pursuits, by blending with them these pictures of human weakness.
At Santa Maria Maggiore, one of the most magnificent churches in Rome, they show you a chapel under ground, over the entrance to which a lamp is perpetually burning, and in which they preserve what they affirm is the real cradle in which our Saviour was laid while an infant, and in the same church are preserved likewise some of the hay upon which he was first placed, and the swaddling clothes with which he was wrapped at his birth. When we recollect the persecution and poverty of Joseph and Mary, their flight into Egypt, to avoid the vengeance of Herod, and the itinerant life which our Saviour was obliged to lead, the improbability of their being able to preserve these relicks, even during his life, and the total unimportance of them if preserved, one would suppose would be sufficient to convince even the most ignorant and illiterate of the absurdity of such tales; but when we add further, the state of the early church, fugitive and persecuted, free from every sort of superstition, and that it is not pretended that these relicks were procured till after the capture of Jerusalem by the Christians, it is almost impossible to believe even the evidence of one's senses, that a church, administered by enlightened men, professing the most undismembered piety, could, in an age like the present, continue to countenance, and even encourage such opinions.
At the church of Santa Croce di Gerusalemme, or the Holy Cross of Jerusalem, they exhibit a piece of the real Cross of our Saviour, which is shown with great pomp to the mob, in an annual procession, at which all the dignitaries of the church assist. At the entrance of the church of the Scala Santa, or Holy Stair-Case, they have erected a magnificent flight of marble steps, which they pretend were taken from the house of Pontius Pilate, and were the same which our Saviour ascended, when he went to have his hearing before that officer. They allege,
These steps, about twenty in number, the devotees are obliged to ascend on their knees; and so great has been the concourse of the faithful, that they had seriously impaired the marble, and indeed threatened the destruction of this precious remnant, if the Pope had not prudently ordered them to be covered with oak planks, which, in their turn, are nearly demolished by this holy fervour. We saw two of these devout believers ascending Pilate's Stair-Case in this painful, but no doubt from the good effects they expected to derive from it, to them pleasurable way.
I cannot say that white marble is not plenty in Palestine as in Italy; but if not, it must have been a very expensive article to Pilate , for these steps were fifteen feet long, of a single block; and the transportation must therefore have been very troublesome. I could not help remarking that this marble very much resembled that of Italy, and I believe is peculiar to that country. You are shown also in this church a picture of our Saviour by St. Luke, which I think must be the oldest in Christendom; and a bronze door, which was taken down from the palace of Pontius Pilate in Jerusalem. By the way, you can inform me, what were the particular merits of Pilate , which should render even the threshold of his door the object of religious veneration?
At St. John in the Lateran, which, an inscription informs you is the oldest church in Christendom, having been built by Constantine, the first Christian Emperor, you will expect to find an extraordinary collection of sacred things, and your expectations will not be disappointed. It has the honour to possess the real head of St. Peter. It boasts of having the pillars of the portico of the palace of Pilate. It undoubtedly has the happiness to inclose within its walls the real Sanavitum well, mentioned in John iv. 6, 7, or rather the curb of that well, as they could not very conveniently transport the well itself; but in order to preserve the resemblance, they have dug a well in the church yard, and placed the curb over it, and they now oblige you to remark the channel worn by the rope when employed in raising the water in Samaria. This curb is also of beautiful white marble, and is covered with elegant bas reliefs. I say nothing of the probability of their having so expensive an ornament to a well in a village in Samaria; but I must remark, that marble must have been very abundant in Palestine; and that the popes have been singularly fortunate, as well as industrious, in finding all these relicks five hundred years after the period of the events which had rendered them interesting.
They have also in this church a little monument consisting of a flat stone on the ground, upon which four pillars are placed, which support another stone at the height of about six feet, and which you are gravely told represents the exact height of our Saviour. How this was ascertained, they do not inform you, but one marvellous circumstance they never forget, which is, that no person ever was found, whose size corresponded exactly with this measurement of our Saviour. This tale is always accompanied with a look of uncommon awe, and an astonished countenance. In this church there is also an altar, the history of which is equally surprising, and will go far to make you credit the doctrine of the real presence in the elements. This altar has a large hole through it, the cause of which is affirmed to be, that a priest was administering the sacrament over this altar, and held in his hand the consecrated bread; but not believing that it was the real body of our Lord, he attempted to cut it, and the blood immediately followed from the wound. The piece of bread fell from his hand, and instantly made its way through the marble altar, which is preserved in perpetual remembrance of the miracle. The astonished priest, no doubt, was converted at this unquestionable proof of the truth of the Catholic doctrine; and you must be hardened indeed, if you still refuse your assent to an opinion so miraculously supported.
I could go on, and tell you, that I have seen the original oaken table, at which our Saviour and his disciples partook of the last supper—and the actual print of our Saviour's foot, made upon a piece of marble, when the devil carried him into the mountain to tempt him—and a thousand other equally important relicks; but I think that enough has been already stated to show, that revolutions have not effected the impressions of bigotry, nor annihilated the reign of credulity in this celebrated country.
It is indeed to be regretted, that the pure and simple religion of Christianity should be thus debased in its practice by the grossest idolatry , for it deserves no other name:—and it is still more to be lamented, that we can scarcely hope for a change, beneficial to religion, in this country; for experience teaches us, that men usually go from one extreme to the other, and it is therefore to be feared, that these unfortunate people would proceed from blind credulity to open infidelity and atheism. Yours, &c.
NOTICE,
IS hereby given, that the subscriber has been appointed, by the Hon'ble Court of Probate, for the town of Newport , Administrator upon the Estate and Effects of HANNAH MIN-TURN, late of Newport , deceased; and given bonds as the law in that case directs.—Therefore persons having any demands upon said Estate, are requested to exhibit them for settlement; and those indebted to make immediate payment to
JOHN EARL, Jun. Administrator.
Newport, March 22, 1809.
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
DESERTED on Saturday evening, the eighteenth instant, the following men, privates in my company—Stationed on Rose-Island, Harbour of Newport .
JAMES HELTON, born in Portsmouth, State of New Hampshire , 23 years of age, 5 feet 7 and a quarter inches high, light complexion, dark eyes, and dark hair, had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry pantalettes, uniform vest and hat, and several articles of infantry summer cloathing.
GEORGE ALEXANDER, born in Lowas, Eng. 21 years of age 5 feet 9 inches high, light complexion, light eyes and light hair. Had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry uniform vest and pantalettes, and several articles of infantry summer cloathing.
JAMES HARLAN, born in Philadelphia, State of Pennsylvania , 23 years of age, 5 feet 10 and an half inches high, dark complexion, dark eyes and dark hair had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry uniform pantalettes, and several articles of infantry summer Cloathing.
Whoever will apprehend the above named Deserters and deliver them to me, or to the commanding officer of any military post in the U. States, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges, or 10 dollars for either of them. W. C. BAEN.
Capt. in 4th U. S. Regt. Inf. Rose Island, March 19, 1809.
THE fast-sailing sloop CON-NECTICUT, JOSHUA APPLEBY, master, 70 tons burthen, will sail on the 28th inst. For Freight or Passage apply to BENJAMIN WIGHTMAN, HENRY Y. CRANSTON, or the master on board, at Newman's wharf. March 22.
For CHARLESTON, S. C.
THE brig HERCULES COURTNEY, JAMES B. PHILLIPS, master, to sail in all this month. For Freight or Passage, apply to the master on board. March 22.
JASON SPRAGUE,
Offers for sale, at his Store, in Washington-Street, No. 4.
100 bbls. fresh superfine Alexandria and New-York Flour, by the barrel or larger quantity; 2000 wt. Cabin Bread; 60 barrels pickled Cod; dry Codfish by the quintal or larger quantity; Pork; Beef; Rice by the tierce; loaf, powdered and brown Sugar; Souchong and Bohea Teas; Coffee; Molasses; West-India, New-England and Cherry Rum; Wine, Brandy and Gin, by the barrel or less quantity; Ginger, Allspice, Pepper, Cinnamon, Soap, Candles, Starch, negro-head, pigtail and leaf Tobacco; Segars by the thousand or less quantity; Men's and Women's Shoes; Boots; writing and wrapping Paper; merchantable and clear pine Lumber; Hog-head Shooks, Oars; black and bright Varnish; Rosin; a few barrels gurry Oil. Also, a small quantity of Flax.
Which Articles may be had on reasonable terms, for Cash or approved credit, and the smallest favours gratefully received. Newport, March 21, 1809.
STEPHEN & BARKER,
Offer for sale, At the Brick Market. 40 bbls. mess Pork, and 20 bbls. mess Beef. March 22.
JAMES WESTGATE, BAKER, No. 195, Thames-Street, Offers for sale, 100 bbls. excellent Ship Bread. Groceries of all kinds, Crackers and Ginger Bread put up at the shortest notice. Newport, March 23.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS it has been represented in the town of Providence , that I went with my packet to transport the Custom-house officers of the district of Newport to Plumb-Beach , (in the west passage) to take possession of the sloop Betsy of Pawtuxet —now this is to notify all whom it may concern, that the above report is an absolute falsehood, circulated by some malicious or evil-disposed person or persons, solely to injure me in my packeting business in said town of Providence , and thereby to deprive me of obtaining an honest livelihood.
JONATHAN HEATH, Master of the Newport Packet , Eleonora . March 18, 1809.
FIVE CENTS REWARD!
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, on the 25th of December last, an indentured mulatto Boy, named THOMAS COYHIS, aged between 18 and 19 years; is about 4 feet 10 inches high. Had on when he went away, a felt hat, a short kersey grey outside jacket, a blue nankin sleeved jacket, in lieu of a waistcoat, a striped flannel shirt, a pair of grey fulled cloth trowsers, black yarn stockings, and an old pair of shoes. He carried away no cloathing except what he wore. Whoever will take up said Runaway, and return him to me, the subscriber, shall receive the above reward, and no charges paid. Masters of vessels and others are hereby forbidden carrying away, trusting or concealing said Runaway, on penalty of the law.
ENOCH CRANDALL. Charlestown, March 20, 1809. [29]
TO CARPENTERS,
WHEREAS the subscriber is under the necessity of building a school-House immediately—Therefore, those Carpenters who wish to assist in erecting the building and take their pay in Schooling, will please to leave their names at this office.
ELEAZER TREVETT. N. B. Lumber, Stone, &c. wanted for the same. March 22.
TO BE LET,
THE Dwelling-House and garden, in Syring-Street , occupied by the late John Banister, Esq.—For further particulars and terms, apply at the house. March 22.
TO BE LET,
And possession given the 25th inst. THAT Commodious DWELLING-HOUSE in Pelham-street , now occupied by William Thompson, with a Garden, and an excellent well of water in the yard.—For terms, apply to DANIEL B. VAUGHN. Newport, March 22, 1809.
TO BE LET,
AND possession given the tenth of June next, that large, commodious, well situated and elegant New Store, now occupied by Mrs. Sarah Sands. For terms and particulars, apply, to the subscriber. PAUL M. MUMFORD. Newport, March 22.
BOOKSELLER and LIBRARIAN;
HAS received Many additions to his Bookstore and Circulating Library, of such works as cannot fail to please the publick. The Regulations of his Library will be strictly adhered to.
His Spring Assortment of HOUSE PAPERS and BORDERS , will be very shortly received; which, with his present stock, will consist of the most elegant Patterns, at the most reasonable prices of any in the State.
Mr. D. receives his Papers from one of the best Manufactories in the Union, and no other person in Newport has any of his patterns.
Also for sale as above,
A few sets of a new and elegant folio edition of the EMBARGO LAWS , in two volumes—aiming at two important purposes; first, to perpetuate in remembrance the passing of our political jordan; 2d, to expel the disagreeable sensations it has excited, with the pleasing Games of Backgammon, Chess, Checcerds, or Draughts—price 7 dols. 50 cts. a set.
BOOK BINDING
Executed in a handsome style, on Reasonable terms. Blank Books made to any pattern, with Spring Backs.
Old Books re-bound. March 22.
REAL ESTATE, AT AUCTION.
THE following Estates, will be sold at Publick Auction, on WEDNESDAY, the 12th of April, at 11 o'clock A. M. if not sold before at private sale, viz.
A large Lot of Land, Dwelling House thereon standing, situated on the Hill in Newport , lately improved by Mr. H. DEXTER.
Also, Four large Buildings Lots in front of said House. Also, one Lot of Land, at the South part of the Town—Also, one half of a lot of Land and House thereon, standing on Thames Street , next North of Capt. EDWARD EASTON's—improved by Mr. FREEBORN COGGESHALL.
Also, on THURSDAY, the 26th April, 11 o'clock, A. M. a large Lot and House thereon, Standing on Thames Street , next North of William Ellery, Esq. and directly opposite Liberty Tree, now improved by SILAS DEAN.
Also, one other Lot of Land with a Store and Stable thereon, standing on Pfeffer Street .
Also, one other Large Building Lot, next North of SILAS DEAN. Also, on TUESDAY, the 25th April, at 11 o'clock, A. M. on the premises, a small Farm in Tiverton , containing about sixty acres, being part of the Farm, called the White Wine Farm , about one Mile from the Stone Bridge, in Said Tiverton . A plat of said Land can be seen by calling on Silas Dean .
If the weather should not be fair on the above days, the sale will be on the first fair day after. Conditions made known at the sales.
Also, at private sale—40 bbls. Pork. S. DEAN, Auctioneer. Newport, March 22, 1809.
GREEN BURROUGHS,
Has for sale, at his store, near Mr. BANNISTER's wharf, and opposite Mr. TOWNSEND's Coffee-House,
SUNDRY articles of Ship Chandlery, Hard Ware, and W. I. Goods—among which are the following articles, viz.
Cordage, Spunyarn, Marlin, Housing, Bitt-rope, Log Lines, Latchet Lines, Deep Sea Lines and Leds, Fishing Lines and Hooks, of different kinds; Oars, Handspikes, Mast Hoops, Hanks, Chalk, Oakum, old Junk, Tar, Rosin, Sheathing Paper, Sole Leather, Hammers, Gimblets, a general assortment Spikes and Nails; a variety of Cooper's, Carpenter's and Cordwainer's Tools; various kinds of Locks; Knives and Forks, iron Ladies and Skimmers, large and small iron Spoons, mettle do.; iron Pots, Kettles, Bake-Pans, Skillets, Spiders, Gridles, Potato-Boilers, Cast and wrought Handirons, cart Boxes, waggen and chaise do.; new Pewter and Earthen Ware; Pails, Kegs, Bowls, Piggins, Barrels, half Barrels, Mortars, Writing and Wrapping Paper, Log do. Letter do.; first and second quality of Lime, by the cask, Log-wood, Redwood, Fustick, Copperas, Allura, Lampblack, Glue, Indigo, Rice, Pepper, hard Soap, Candles, cotton Wick, Paint-Brushes, Whitewash do.; Salt Fish, by the quintal; Sugar, Coffee, Flour, white Beans, Bar Iron, Cast and Scrap do. old Copper, Brass, Lead, Pewter, case and quart Bottle, &c. &c.
N. B. Cash, or any of the above Articles given for old Junk, Wrought, Scrap and Cast Iron, Copper, Brass, Lead and Pewter, cotton and linen Rags and old Canvas, and junk Bottles. March. 22.
ORATION.
LATELY published, and for sale at the Office, of the Rhode-Island Republican, Mill-street.
An Oration delivered on the Fourth of July, 1808, before the Hycarpedian Society, by I. B. PRINCE.—Price 20 cents. March 21, 1809.
FOR SALE,
A DWELLING HOUSE, No. 50, situated on Bridge Street , with a good Cellar and Shop adjoining, suitable for a Cabinet-maker's yard, garden, stable, and a good well of water. For further particulars, inquire of BENJ. HAMMOND.
Newport, March 22, 1809.