The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1788-01-30 00:00:00

1788  THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE AND GENERAL WEDNESDAY, PORTSMOUTH: By JOHN MELCHER,
[VOLUME XXXII.—No. 1638.] GAZETTE, THE ADVERTISER, JANUARY 30, 1788. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED IN MARKET-STREET.
"WHEN ANGRY NATIONS PART IN LEAGUES OF PEACE, LET PRIVATE FEUDS AND CIVIL DISCORDS CEASE."
PROCEEDINGS of the Convention of the state of Massachusetts, now in session.
(Continued from our last.)
IT was objected by some gentlemen, in the course of the debates, on Tuesday last, that the lengthening of the time for setting in Congress was rendered more ineligible from the want of a provision for a rotation in office, and for recalling the Delegates. In case of misbehaviour it is much better to drop them by silent neglect, than to turn them out by impeachment. The necessary information of a representative is to be obtained at home as well as at Congress. It is at home he is to verify himself in the interests and feelings of his particular constituents, and if a long time is necessary to give him an understanding of to reign affairs, the opportunity may be afforded him by re-elections, which have taken place, in almost every instance with respect to the present and late Delegates of Massachusetts. As to the saving of expense, the observation cannot apply to this state, as the elections are annual, and no additional trouble would be created from chusing Representatives to Congress, at the same time with those of the Commonwealth. This too was applicable to most, if not to all the states, except South Carolina, in some of which the elections were even semi-annual.
The inquiry in the latter part of Mr. Ames's speech, being directed to the honorable Mr. ADAMS—that gentleman said, he only made the inquiry for information, and that he had heard sufficient to satisfy himself of its propriety.
Mr. DENCH said his objections to biennial elections were removed—But he wished to recur to the 4th sect. and to inquire, whether that election was secured—as by this sect. Congress has power to regulate the time, place, and manner of holding it.
(A question now arose, whether the consideration of the 4th sect. was in order, and much debate was had thereon; but the propriety, as expressed by a worthy member, of "illuminating scripture by scripture" being generally admitted, the motion made by the honorable Mr. Dana, passed which put an end to the conversation.)
The honorable Mr. BOWDOIN remarked on the idea suggested by the honorable gentleman from Scituate, (Mr. Turner) who had said that nature pointed out the propriety of annual elections, by its annual renewal—and observed, that if the revolution of the heavenly bodies is to be the principle to regulate elections, it was not fixed to any period—as in some of the systems it will be very short—and in the last discovered planet it would be 80 of our years. Gentlemen, he said, who had gone before him in the debate, had clearly pointed out the alteration of the election of our federal representatives, from annual to biennial to be justifiable.—Annual elections, may be necessary in this state—but in the choice of representatives for the continent, it ought to be longer—nor did he see any danger in its being so. Who, he asked, are the men to be elected? Are they not to be from among us? If they were to be a distinct body, then the doctrine of precaution
which gentlemen use, would be necessary:—But, sir, they can make no laws—nor levy any taxes, but those to which they themselves must be subservient—they themselves bear a part—therefore, our security is guaranteed, by their being thus subject to the laws, if by nothing else.
General HEATH—said, he considered himself not as an inhabitant of Massachusetts, but as a citizen of the United States—and his ideas and views were commensurate with the continent—they extended in length from the St. Croix, to the St. Maria, and in breadth from the Atlantick to the Lake of the Woods. Having premised this, the worthy general said, he should not have risen, had he not heard gentlemen speak so lightly of lengthening of elections. The opinion of all great writers on government was, that the liberties of the people have always been dependent on the duration of parliament—that this was the opinions of Montesquieu, and several other celebrated legislators: And, says he, the history of our own country will shew us in what respect frequent elections have been held—It was the wisdom of our ancestors that formed the measure of annual elections, and it is sanctified by age: Therefore, sir, before we alter it, we should carefully examine, if it be for the better. It is a novel idea, said the general, that the representatives ought to have time to learn their duty—he thought they ought always to have a general knowledge of the interest of their constituents. Having mentioned a circumstance, that the British parliament have frequent occasion, before they can determine some important points, to return home to their constituents, to obtain information; and as Congress are to have but one session in a year and may want such an opportunity to gain information, he sat down by observing, that he was in favor of biennial elections.
The honorable Mr. TURNER, in reply to the honorable Mr. BOWDOIN, said, he thought it an important consideration whether the elections were to be for one or for two years—he was, he said, greatly in favor of annual elections—and he thought, in the present instance, it would be establishing a dangerous precedent to adopt a change—for, says he, the principle may so operate, as in time, our elections will be as seldom as the revolution of the star the honorable gentleman talks of.
Mr. DAWES, in answer gen. HEATH, said, that the passage quoted from Montesquieu, applied to single governments, and not to confederate ones.
General BROOKS, (of Medford) in reply to general Heath, said, he recollected the passage of Montesquieu—but he also recollected that that writer had spoken highly of the British government. He then adverted to the objection to this section, of general Thompson, and others, that biennial elections were a novelty, and said we were not to consider whether a measure was new, but whether it was proper. Gentlemen had said that it had been the established custom of this country to elect annually: But he asked, have we not gone from a colonial to an independent situation? We were then provinces—we are now an independent empire—our measures, therefore, says
he, must change with our situation. Under our old government, the objects of legislation were few and divided—under our present, they are many and must be united—and it appears necessary that according to the magnitude and multiplicity of the business, the duration should be extended—he did not, he said, undertake to say how far. He then went into a view of the history of parliaments. The modern northern nations, he said, had parliaments, but they were called by their kings—and the time, business, &c. of them, depended wholly on their wills—We can, therefore, says he, establish nothing from these:—One general remark was, that in the reigns of weak princes, the power and importance of parliaments increased—in the reigns of strong and arbitrary kings they always declined—and, says he, they have been triennial, and they have been septennial. The general combated the idea, that the liberties of the people depended on the duration of parliament, with much ability. Do we hear, asked he, that the people of England are deprived of their liberties—or that they are not as free now as when they had short Parliaments? On the contrary, do not writers agree, that life, liberty, and property, are no where better secured than in Great-Britain—and that this security, arises from their parliaments being chosen for seven years: As such is the situation of the people of England, and as no instance can be given wherein biennial elections have been destructive to the liberties of the people, he concluded by asking, whether so much danger is to be apprehended from such elections as gentlemen imagined.
General THOMPSON. Sir, gentlemen have said a great deal about the history of old times. I confess, I am not acquainted with such history; but I am, sir, acquainted with the history of my own country, I had the honor to be in the general court last year, and am in it this year. I think, sir, that had the administration continued one year longer, our liberties would have been lost, and the country involved in blood. Not so much, sir, from their bad conduct, but from the suspicions of the people of them. But, sir, a change took place: from this change pardons have been granted to the people, and peace is restored. This sir, I say, is in favor of frequent elections.
(Gen. T. was called to order, on the idea that he reflected on the last administration—a debate ensued—which ended, on the honorable Mr. White saying, he wished to 'put out every spark of the fire that appeared to be kindling' therefore moved to adjourn.)
P. M.
Dr. JARVIS, opened the conversation of the afternoon, by calling upon general Thompson to proceed.
General THOMPSON accordingly said, that however just, however good, and however upright the administration may be, there was still a great necessity for annual elections.
He thought a change of election was for the best, even if the administration pleased the people. Do the members of Congress, says he, displease us we call them home, and they obey: now where is the difference of their having been elected for one or two years? It is said that the members cannot learn
sufficiently in that time: sir, I hope we shall never send men who are not learned. Let these members know their dependence upon the people, and I say it will be a check on them: even if they were not good men; here the general broke out in the following pathetic apostrophe, "O! my country, never give up your annual elections, young men never give up your j-wei!" He apologized for his zeal. He then drew a comparison between the judges, &c. of this country before the revolution, who were dependent on Great Britain for their salaries, and those representatives dependent on the continent: he concluded by hoping that these representatives would be annually elected, and they feel a greater dependence on the people.
Mr. GORE. It has been observed, that in considering this great and momentous question, we ought to consult the sentiments of wise men, who have written on the subject of government, and to regulate our decision on this business. A passage is addressed from Montesquieu, stating. That where the people delegate great power, it ought to be compensated for by the shortness of duration. Though perfectly agreeing with the author, I see not that it here applies to the subject under consideration. This might be perfectly applicable to the ancient government, where they had no idea of representation, or different checks in the legislature or administration of government: But in the proposed constitution, the powers of the whole government are limited to certain national objects, and are accurately defined, and the house of representatives here is but one branch of the system—and can do nothing of itself—Montesquieu must have had in his mind the epitates of Athens, or the dictators of Rome, but certainly no such observations can have weight in considering things so essentially different:—But, sir, gentlemen have said that annual elections were necessary to the preservation of liberty, and that in proportion as a people lengthens the time which the representative held his office, they lost their liberties—and that all writers have agreed in this.—I may be mistaken, but I know no such thing as a representation of the people in any of the antient republics—in England, from whence we receive many of our ideas on this subject, king John covenanted with his people to summons certain classes of men to parliament—by the constitution of that country, the king alone can convoke, and he alone, previous to the revolution, could dissolve the parliament—but in the reign of William III. the patriots obtained an act limiting the duration of parliaments to three years—but soon after, a parliament then sitting and near expiring, a rebellion broke out, and the tories and Jacobites were gaining strength to support the pretender's claim to the crown:—Had they dissolved themselves, and a new parliament been convoked, probably many of the very opponents to the government might have been elected. In that case they might have effected by law, what they, in vain attempted by arms.
The parliament, therefore, extended their duration from triennial to septennial; this was acquiesced in by the people, and the next parliament sanctified the act—no evil, but great good, has been supposed to follow from their duration being thus extended; and if Montesquieu and doctor Adams think the British constitution so perfect, how much greater must be our security, when we reflect that our representation is equal; that the powers of the government are so limited, and the checks so nicely appointed. If there be a repre-

sentation of the people in any other countries, and annual elections therein have been considered as the basis of their freedom, I pray gentlemen to mention the instances—I confess I know of none. People adopt a position which is certainly true, viz. that elections ought to be frequent; but then, as we have been in the custom of chusing our representatives annually, we have determined annually to be frequent, and that biennially, or any longer term than annual, is not frequent; but if gentlemen will only consider the objects over which this government is to have rule and authority, and the immense and wide extended tracts of country over which the representatives are to pass before they reach the seat of government, we shall be convinced that two years is a short time for the representatives to hold their office; but, sir, we must consider this subject with respect to the general structure of the constitution. The senate represents the sovereignty of the states, the house of representatives the people of the United States. The former have a longer term in their office; it is then necessary that that body which represents the people should have a permanence in their office, to resist any operations of the senate which might be injurious to the people; if they were annual, I submit it to the good sense of this house, whether they would be able to preserve that weight in the system, which the constitution intended they should have, and which is absolutely necessary for the security of the rights of the people.
The honorable Mr. KING said, he would not detain the Convention by any exordium, for the purpose of obtaining their attention.—He declared, however, that he thought the subject might be freed from certain prejudices connected with its examination, and that thereby the question might receive a fairer decision: this should be the object of his address.
The honorable gentleman observed, that the Convention would do well to lay aside the terms annual or biennial, and consider the subject as it could be supported by principle.—Much had been said of the instruction to be derived from history on this point; he said, he presumed to doubt whether this was the case.—From the continent of Europe he believed, that we could receive no instruction; their parliaments after the overthrow of the Roman empire, were not constructed upon the principle of a representation of the people. The conqueror of a given district of country, was, by the feudal system, the prince or king of the people within his conquered territories; when he wished the advice of any persons, he summoned usually a number of his principal officers, or the barons of his kingdom, to give him their council; but the people, or as they were degradingly called, the vassals, were never consulted—this certainly cannot be considered as a representation of the people: This mode of assembling a parliament probably obtained in the early stages of the English history; but those who have written on this subject agree that their information is very imperfect relative to the origin of English parliaments; they are not certain, who composed the parliament, how long they held their office, or concerning what points they were consulted.
Nothing clear on this subject appears before the 12th century. Magna charta is the foundation of the imperfect representation of England; improvements have since been made in favour of the more equal and certain representation of the people; but it is still extremely imperfect and insecure. Perhaps the people of America are the first, who by the social compact, ever obtained a right to a full and fair representation, in making the laws of their country.
If then, continued Mr. K. history can afford little or no instruction on this subject, the Convention must determine the question upon its own principles.—It seems proper, that the representatives should be in office time enough to acquire that information which is necessary to form a right judgment; but that the time should not be so long as to remove from his mind the powerful check upon his conduct, that arises from the frequency of elections, whereby the people are enabled to remove an unfaithful representative, or to continue a faithful one. If the question is examined by this standard, perhaps it will appear, that an election for two years is short enough for a representative in Congress; if one year is necessary for a representative to be useful in the state
legislature, where the objects of his deliberations are local, and within his constant observation; two years does not appear too long, where the objects of deliberation are not confined to one state but extend to thirteen states—where the complicated interests of united America, are mingled with those of foreign nations, and where the great duties of national sovereignty will require his constant attention. When the representatives of the colony of Massachusetts were first chosen, the country was not settled more than fifteen or twenty miles from Boston, they then held their office for one year. The emigrants from Massachusetts, who settled on Connecticut river, appointed the representatives to meet in the General Court of that colony for only six months—Massachusetts, although her settlements have extended over almost her whole territory, have continued to depute representatives for only one year, and Connecticut for only six months; but as in each of these colonies, when under the British government, the duties of the representatives were merely local, the great duties of sovereignty being vested in their king, so since the revolution their duties have continued local, and many of the authorities of sovereignty being vested in Congress—this will increase the duties of the representatives, and they must have a reasonable time to obtain the information necessary to a right discharge of their office.
It has been said, that our ancestors never relinquished the idea of annual elections—This is an error—In 1643, the colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Haven, united in a confederacy which continued about 40 years: Each colony sent two commissioners as their representatives, and by the articles they were to be annually elected: About the year 1650, the General Court of Massachusetts instructed their commissioners to propose that the elections, instead of being annual, should be only once in three years. The alteration did not take place, but the anecdote proves that our ancestors have not had an uniform predilection for annual elections.
Mr. K. concluded by observing, that on a candid examination of this question, he presumed, that the constitution would not be objected to on account of the biennial election of the house of representatives.
Judge DANA. The intention of my rising, sir, is to acquiesce with the gentleman from Newburyport, in favour of the expediency of biennial elections of our federal representatives. From my own experience, I think them preferable to annual elections. I have, sir, seen gentlemen in Congress, and delegates from this state too, sitting in that honorable body, without a voice—without power to open their mouths, or lift up their hands, when matters of the highest importance to their state have been under consideration. I have seen members in Congress, for the space of three months without power, sir, waiting for evidence of their re-election. Annual elections, sir, are not long enough in so great a continent. They keep the members always travelling about; and I am of opinion, that elections for two years are in no way subversive of the liberties of the people. I sir, am one of the people, thank God! and am happy in having an opportunity of expressing my personal satisfaction of such elections. For these, and a variety of other reasons, Mr. D. suggested that he thought this state ought to be the first to adopt this method of election.
The honorable Mr. WHITE still tho't that Congress might perpetuate themselves, and reign over us.
Honourable Mr. GORHAM observed (in continuation to Mr. Dana's observation) that there was not now a Congress although the time of their meeting had considerably elapsed. Rhode-Island, Connecticut, and several other states had not gone on; that there was now only five states in Congress, when there ought to have been thirteen two months ago.
Mr. CARNES rose to confirm it, and accordingly read part of a letter from the honorable Mr. OTIS, the purport of which was, that there was much business to do—that only five states were represented, and that the probability of an Indian war, &c. evinced the great necessity of the establishment of an efficient federal government, which will be the result of the adoption of the proposed constitution.
Dr. TAYLOR rose to answer two objections which had been made against annual elections; The distance of place was not so great but the delegates might
reach Philadelphia in a fortnight; and as they were answerable to the people for their conduct, he thought it would prevent a vacancy; and concluded by saying he did not conceive the arguments in favor of biennial elections well founded.
WEDNESDAY, January 16. P. M. The 2d part of the 2d sect. of the 1st art. was read at the table—a desultory conversation ensued on the mode of conducting the discussion—it was again agreed, that in the debate on any paragraph gentlemen might discuss any other part he might suppose had relation to that under consideration.
Mr. PIERCE (from Patridgefield) after reading the 4th sect. wished to know the opinion of gentlemen on it—as Congress appeared hereby to have a power to regulate the time, place and manner of holding elections. In respect to the manner, said Mr. P. suppose the legislature of this state should prescribe, that the choice of the federal representatives should be in the same manner as that of governor—a majority of all the votes in the state being necessary to make it such—and Congress should deem it an improper manner—and should order that it be, as practiced in several of the southern states, where the highest number of votes make a choice—have they not power by this sect. to do so? Again, as to the place, continues Mr. P. may not Congress direct that the election for Massachusetts shall be held in Boston: And if so, it is possible that previous to the election, a number of electors may meet, agree upon the eight delegates—and propose the same to a few towns in the vicinity—who agreeing in sentiment, they meet on the day of election, and carry their list by a major vote. He did not, he said, say that this would be the case; but he wished to know if it was not a possible one. As the federal representatives, who are to form the democratical part of the general government, are to be a check on the representatives of the sovereignty, the senate, he thought the utmost caution ought to be used, to have their elections as free as possible. He observed, that as men have been ever fond of power—we must suppose they ever will continue so—and conclude by observing, that our caution ought in the present case to be greater as by the proposed constitution no qualification of property was required in a representative—and it might be in the power of some people, thereby to choose a bankrupt for the representative, in order to give such representatives employment, or that he might make laws favourable to such a description of people.
General PORTER (from Hadley) endeavoured to obviate the objections of Mr. PIERCE, by shewing the almost impossibility of Congress' making a law whereby eight men could be elected as Mr. PIERCE had supposed—and he thought it equally impossible for the people to choose a person to take care of their property, who had none himself.
Mr. BISHOP rose and observed, that by the 4th. sect. Congress would be enabled to controul the elections of representatives: It had been said, says he, that this power was given, in order that refractory states may be made to do their duty: But if so, sir, why was it not so mentioned? If that was the intention, he asked why the clause did not run thus, "The time, places and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but" if any state shall refuse or neglect so to do, "Congress may, &c." This, he said would admit of no prevarication. I am, says Mr. B. for giving Congress as much power to do good as possible. It has been said, Mr. president, that the conduct of Rhode-Island, in recalling its delegates from Congress, has demonstrated the necessity of such a power being lodged in Congress. I have been informed by people belonging to Rhode-Island, sir, that that state never has recalled its delegates from Congress, I do not believe it has. And I call upon the gentleman who mentioned it, to authenticate the fact.
The honourable Mr. KING rose, and assured the Convention that the State of Rhode-Island did, by a solemn resolution, some time since, recall its delegates from Congress.
The honourable Mr. GORHAM confirmed what Mr. K. had said, and added, that during the session of the federal Convention, when seven States only were represented in Congress, application was made by two companies for the purchase of lands, the sale of which would have sunk 7 or 8 millions of
dollars, of the continental debt, and that the most pressing letters were sent on to Rhode-Island to send on its delegates, but that state refused—the consequence was the contract could not then be made.
Mr. BISHOP confessed himself convinced of the fact. He proceeded to observe; that if the states shall refuse to do their duty, then let the power be given to Congress to oblige them to do it.—But if they do their duty, Congress ought not to have a power to controul elections. In an uncontrouled representation, says Mr. B. lies the security of freedom: And he thought by this clause, that that freedom was sported with.—In fact, says he, the moment we give Congress this power, the liberties of the yeomanry of this country are at an end.—But he trusted they would never give it—and he felt a consolation from the reflection.
(To be continued.)
LIFE OF MAN.
THE life of man is a journey; a journey that must be travelled, however bad the roads, or the accommodation. If, in the beginning, it is found dangerous, narrow, and difficult, it must either grow better in the end, or we shall by custom learn to bear its inequality.
Citizen of the world.
DRESS.
ALL things rare and brilliant will ever continue to be fashionable, while men derive greater advantage from opulence than virtue; while the means of appearing considerable are more easily acquired than the title to be considered. The first impression we generally make, arises from our dress; and this varies in conformity to our inclinations, and the manner in which we desire to be considered. The modest man, or he who would wish to be tho't so, desires to shew the simplicity of his mind by plainness of his dress: the vain man, on the contrary, takes a pleasure in displaying his superiority, "and is willing to incur the spectator's dislike, so he does but excite his attention." History of Animals.
ANECDOLE of a Scotch preacher.
THE Rev. Mr. Brodie, at a kirk in Edinburgh, took his text from these words, Resist the Devil and he will flee from you ; and began in this manner: My beloved, ye are all here to-day but wot ye wha is among ye, even the mickle horn'd de'il. Ye canna see him. But by the eye of faith I can see him. But some of you will say, What shall we do with him now we have him hear? How shall we destroy him? We will hung him. Alas, my beloved, there are not so many tows in the parish as will hung him; he's as light as a feather. Then some of you will say, we will drown him. Ah! my beloved there, is too much cork in his a-se; he will not sink. Others of you will say, we will burn him; Na, na, Sirs, you may scald your fars, but ye canna burn him; for all the fire of h'll could never yet singe a hair of his tail. Now Sirs, you canna find a way among ye all to kill him, but I'll find it. What way will this be, Sirs?—We shall even shoot him. But wherewith shall we shoot him? We shall shoot him with the Bible. Now Sirs, I shall shoot him presently, (So presenting the Bible as soldiers to their muskets, he cries out,) Toot, toot, toot; now he is shot; there lies the foul thief as dead as a heron:
WEEKLY ALMANACK For PORTSMOUTH.—Lat. 43d. 5 N.
   D. Mo. Tu. We. Th. Fr. Sa. Su. Calendar.     30 7 9 5 0 3 8 44   31 7 8 5 1 36 5 37 Now the   Fb. 7 7 5 2 26 6 26 snow falls   2 7 5 5 3 28 7 15 in plenty.   3 7 4 5 4 10 8 4 D Apoge.   4 7 3 5 4 28 8 52   5 7 1 5 19 9 39 CCP. Lenox.  
NEW-YORK, Jan. 11.
Capt. McClenaghan, who arrived at Marcus-Hook, in the Delaware 36 days from Dominica, says that between four and five thousand negroes were daily employed in fortifying that island, that five sail of British men of war were arrived at Antigua; and there was a very hot press there, and in other of the English islands; that two French frigates were then cruising off Dominica several days before Capt. McClenaghan failed.

BOSTON, January 23.
A lengthy letter from his Excellency the Governor of Virginia, addressed to the Speaker of the House of Delegates of that State, has been published—in which he paints, in the most striking colours, the actual and probable evils of our present system of national government; and proves the expediency of adopting the proposed Constitution, at least with some amendments; and his principal reason for refusing to sign it seems to be, that, however necessary they might be found, no amendments were to be admitted—however, if they are not to be obtained, he would be willing to accept it as it is.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Amsterdam to his friend in this town.
"In order to understand the present state of the dispute between the prince of Orange, the nobility of the country, and the people at large, it will be necessary to state the origin of the government of this country, the different changes that have taken place relating to the three great parties above-mentioned, and the present relation they stand in to each other; by which you will see the merits of the dispute, which at this moment are of the most alarming nature.
"The antient government of Holland, from the time of Julius Cæsar's conquest of that country, to the year 1558, when they revolted against the Spanish government was feudal. The antient counts of Holland enjoyed the most absolute authority in the appointment of all officers, both legislative and executive; but as these appointments were continued, for along succession of time, in certain families, they gradually became of greater consequence among the people; and from thence acquired a distinction, since termed NOBLE. At the commencement of the revolution, the prince of Orange was elected captain-general of the forces combined to oppose Spain; and as the king of Spain was hereditary count of Holland, of consequence the province of Holland was left without a count, and so it remains to this day. At this time the government of the country was in the hands of the people; and each city, having a separate and independent jurisdiction of its own, elected their own magistracy, leaving that class, who exercised the government under the counts of Holland, to enjoy independent privileges of equal magnitude with those that were enjoyed by one city; for as each city had a right to one voice in the assembly of the state, so the nobles were intitled to the same. By this regulation there were 19 votes in the assembly of the states of Holland and West-Friesland, arising from the privileges of 18 cities and the nobles, and these 19 voters elect the members for the states of Holland and West-Friesland, to the states general. Thus the people elected the magistracy, or (as it is here called) the regency. They, with the nobles, elected the members to the states, and they to the states general. In this mode there were rights enjoyed by the people. But the subsequent distresses of the provinces induced them to elect an officer, whom they called stadtholder, and to invest him with their whole powers, for the general defence.
"This office has ever been in the families of Orange and Nassau; and as the dangers of the provinces increased, his demands were augmented. Many of the cities gave him the right of nominating their regency: others gave him the hereditary right of captain general of the troops: in short, the powers he possessed from one city and province were very different from the other. And so lost were the people in general to a sense of their own rights, that, in the year 1672, the
regencies of the different cities declared, that the meeting of the people to elect persons to fill up any vacancies was unnecessary, and from that time they have proceeded in electing or appointing persons for that purpose.
"Thus the people have submitted to the assumed power of the regencies, and have been silent without the enjoyment of a single article of freedom.
"Since the revolution in America, the people have made some inquiry into their situation, and are now resolved to assume their rights and elect the regencies. Accordingly, the city of Utrecht has taken the lead; and on the 28th of August deposed the regency—elected a new body of men from among themselves to the different offices, first offering the places to those who sided with them, provided they would hold them as elective. The town of Hattem and Elborey, in the province of Guelderland, were proceeding the same manner, when the province of Guelderland directed the prince of Orange, as captain-general of their troops, to give orders for those proceedings to be stopped by armed force. This order the prince has complied with. In consequence of which, the states of Holland and West Friesland have declared that he has forfeited his appointment of captain-general."
PORTSMOUTH, Jan. 30. Extract of a letter, of a late date, from the illustrious President of the late federal Convention, to his friend in Frederickburg, Virginia, extracted from Mr. Green's Virginia Herald.
"I thank you for your congratulations on my safe return from the Convention, and am pleased that the proceedings of it have met your approbation. My decided opinion of the matter is, that there is no alternative between the adoption of it and anarchy. If one state, however important it may conceive itself to be, or a minority of them, should suppose that they can dictate a constitution to the union, unless they have the power of applying the ultimo ratio to good effect, they will find themselves deceived. All the opposition to it, that I have yet seen, is, I must confess, addressed more to the passions than to the reason; and clear I am, if another federal Convention is attempted, that the sentiments of its members will be more discordant or less accommodating than the last. In fine, that they will agree upon no general plan. General government is now suspended by a thread, I might go further, and say it is really at an end, and what will be the consequence of a fruitless attempt to amend the one which is offered, before it is tried, or of the delay from the attempt, does not in my judgement need the gift of prophecy to predict."
"I am not a blind admirer, (for I saw the imperfections) of the constitution I aided in the birth of, before it was handed to the public; but I am fully persuaded it is the best that can be obtained at this time; that it is free from many of the imperfections with which it is charged, and that it or disunion is before us to choose from. If the first is our election, when the defects of it are experienced, a constitutional door is opened for amendments, and may be adopted in a peaceable manner, without tumult or disorder."
NAVAL OFFICE. PORT OF PISCATAQUA, Jan. 30, 1788. C L E A R E D, FOR. Brig Montpelier, Miller, Tobago. Brig Dolphin, Cutts, West-Indies. ALL persons having any demands upon the estate of SAMUEL HALE, late of London (formerly of Portsmouth,) Esq. deceased, are desired to exhibit the same, and those indebted to make payment to JOHN PARKER, administrator. Portsmouth, Jan. 30.
State of New-Hampshire: NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Wakefield, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Thursday the 14th day of February next, so much of their lands will be sold at public vendue, at my dwelling house in said town, at ten of the clock, A. M., as will pay said taxes and incidental charges.
   Q'ty N. div. s. d. q.    Eben'r Downs 100 30 1 1 4 0  ditto. 110 30 2 1 1 2  Thomas Miller 110 1 2 1 4 0  John James 34 33 1 7  E. Wentworth 50 53 1 1 8 2  ditto 110 53 2 1 5  Samuel Dame 90 70 1 2 5 3  William Huzzey 100 79 1 2 6 3  ditto 110 79 2 1 1 3  William Downs 100 86 1 1 8 2  Samuel Downs 100 93 1 5  Benjamin Ham 50 84 1 1 3 3  S. Page's heirs 149 2 7 7 3  M. H. Wentworth, Esq. 110 21 2 1 1 3  Thomas Miller 62 22 2 1 1 3  William Siles 110 23 2 1 1 3  Richard Hussy 110 26 2 1 1 3  Benj. Roberts 110 28 2 1 1 3  Daniel Young 110 29 2 1 1 3  Stephen Varney 70 38 2 2 3 2  Nathaniel Horn 110 43 2 1 4  Wm Twombly 110 47 2 1 8 2  M. H. Wentworth, Esq. 110 73 2 1 8 2  John Marden 55 74 2 7  Soly & March 110 77 2 7  John Ham 70 82 2 2  John Moler 52 83 2 1 6 1  John Gage 110 17 2 6 3  
JONA. PALMER, Collector. Wakefield, January 14th, 1788.
State of New Hampshire: NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Middletown, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Wednesday the 20th day of February next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges will be sold at public vendue at my house in Middletown, on said day, unless prevented by previous payment.
   No. Q'ty s. d.    Benjamin Roberts 38 100 2 6  Timothy Roberts 35 100 1 8  Benj. Wentworth 19 100 2 6  Thomas Varney 89 100 1 8  John Kelley 20 100 2 6  Nathaniel Austin 10 50 1 8  Richard Philpott 14 100 2 6  Zebulon Davis 41 50 8 4  Capt. J. Collamay 41 50 6 8  James Clements 80 100 2 6  Benning Wentworth 99 100 3 4  Stephen Roberts 46 50 10  John Tasker 59 50 1 8  Nathaniel Varney 77 50 10  Samuel Varney 49 100 6 8  Benjamin Evans 78 100 1 8  George Hanton 76 100 1 8  Andrew Horn 67 50 10  Nathaniel Young 47 100 2 6  Tho's Wallingford 43 60 1 8  Bedfield Plummer 75 100 2 6  Eph'm Wentworth 18 100 1 8  
SOLOMON PERKINS, Constable. Middletown, Dec. 4th, 1787.
To the Honorable NATHANIEL FOLSOM, Esquire, one of the Justices of the Peace throughout the State of New-Hampshire. WE the subscribers owners of more than one sixteenth part of the township of Concord, in the county of Grafton, the same being held in common and undivided, pray your Honor to warn a meeting of the proprietors of said township or tract of land to be held at the house of Capt. William M'Hard, in Portsmouth, within the county of Rockingham, on Thursday the twenty-eighth day of February next, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, then and there to act on the following articles, viz.
1st, To choose a Moderator, Clerk
and any other officers they may think necessary.
2d, To determine on what principles they will transfer their right to lands in said township or tract of land to the persons who claim the said township, or part thereof under the name of the Proprietors of Gunthwaite, and to pass any legal votes for that purpose, if they shall think it best to make such transfer.
3d, To see if the Proprietors, in case they shall not agree at said meeting to transfer their right, will choose a Committee, and give them full power and authority to agree with said Proprietors of Gunthwaite, or any Committee that may be chosen by them, and to make a transfer of the right of the said Proprietors of Concord, of, in and to the lands in said township of Concord, to the said Proprietors of Gunthwaite on such terms as they can agree, and to give good deeds of release and conveyance for that purpose.
4th, To determine whether the said Proprietors will pursue an action commenced in their name, and now pending in the Inferior-Court of Common Pleas for the county of Grafton, against Timothy Bayley, to defend which action Leonard Whiting, Esq. was vouched, and to authorize one or more persons to represent the Proprietors, and declare said action, whether the same shall be then pending in said Court, or in the Superior-Court, and also to disclaim any other action or actions that have or may be brought in the name of the Proprietors, without some future vote of said Proprietors.
5th, To determine by whom and in what manner future meetings shall be called.
Jonathan Warner, John Peirce, attorney for Elizabeth Wentworth, Leonard Whiting. Portsmouth, Dec. 14.
PURSUANT to the foregoing request, the Proprietors of Concord are hereby notified and warned to attend at the time and place, for the purposes aforesaid.
NATHANIEL FOLSOM, Justice Peace. Exeter, December 17, 1787.
State of New Hampshire: NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Middletown, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1784, unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Tuesday the 19th day of February next, so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold on said day at my dwelling house in Middletown, at public vendue, unless prevented by previous payment.
   No. Q'ty s. d.    Stephen Roberts 46 50 0  John Tasker 59 50 1 6  Nathaniel Varney 77 50 9  Benjamin Evans 78 100 1 6  Peter Cook 91 50 1 6  Alexander Hodgdon 45 50 6  John Peal 13 100 3  George Hanson 70 100 1 6  Andrew Horn 67 50 9  Nathaniel Young 47 100 2 6  Tho's Wallingford 43 60 1 6  Bedfield Plummer 75 100 2 3  Eph'm Wentworth 18 100 1 6  Benjamin Roberts 38 100 2 3  Timothy Roberts 33 100 1 6  Benj. Wentworth 19 100 2 3  Jonathan Gage 37 100 3  Thomas Varney 89 100 1 6  John Kelley 20 100 2 3  Nathaniel Austin 10 50 1 6  Richard Philpott 14 100 2 3  Zebulon Davis 41 44 7  Capt. John Collamay 41 75 5  Samuel Clements 80 100 2 3  Benning Wentworth 99 100 2 3  Samuel Varney 49 50 8 3  Law Lott 31 100 3  
ISAAC STANTON, Constable. Middletown, Dec. 18, 1787.

Parnassian Spring.
The Bulls and the Lion: A FABLE.
Recommended to the serious consideration of the opposers of the new Constitution.
SAFE on the Lion's old domain, The Bulls enjoy'd the flowery plain; To conquer oft the Lion tried, But sorely push'd on every side, The monarch soon was taught to yield— The Bulls united kept the field. With grief we read the dismal tale, That art suppli'd, where strength did fail New schemes and trickings Leo tries To make the sturdy Bulls his prize, And by his jealous hints and fears, Sat all together by the ears.
His engines were not set in vain, Suspicion agitates their brain, They soon grew fearful of each other. Each scorn'd and slunn'd his faithful brother.
Each feels his consequence—his pride; They doubt each other—they divide.
For want of friendship's powerful stay, The Bulls become an easy prey— The Lion sees his conquest done, And slays the thirteen ONE BY ONE.
WE thus (it must appear to all) United stand—divided fall. PAT.
State of New Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Canaan, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1786, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the 29th day of February next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at 10 o'clock, A.M. on said day, at the dwelling house of Capt. Robert Barber in said town, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Specie. Cert'ate.   1st 2d 3d 1st 2d 3d     100 100 100 s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q.   Tho's Gustin 1st r. 0 1 4 0 0 7   Ebenezer Harris 1 9 0 0 0 9   Daniel Harris 0 0 0 0 0 4   A. Walworth half 11   Allen Whitman 1 4 7   Jedediah Lathrop half 5 2   Clement Daniels 9 4   David Chamberlin 1 4 7   William Fox, jr. 1 9 1 4 9 7   Aaron Cady 1 9 9   Nathaniel Cady 1 4 9 7 4   Samuel Meacham 9 4   W'm Chamberlin 9 1 4 7   W. Chamberlin jr 9 1 4 9 7   Thomas Miner half 8 5   Jonathan Beebe 3d 1 4 7   T. W. Waldron 1 9 1 4 9 5   W. Wentworth 1 9 1 4 9 7   J. Newmarch, Esq. 1 4 7    JOHN SCOFIELD, Collector. Canaan, Jan. 14.
State of New Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Hopkinton, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Thursday the 6th day of March next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at one of the clock on said day, at the dwelling house of Isaac Babson, unless prevented by previous payment.
   No. acres. s. d. q.     Lots 8 120 0 6 1   10 120 0 6 1   11 110 1 3 3   17 81 1 3 3   half 20 50 0 9 1    ISAAC BAYLEY, Constable. Hopkinton, January 19.
To Mr. NATHANIEL FOLSOM, Clerk of the Proprietors of the township of Gunthwaite.
WE the subscribers Proprietors of more than one sixteenth part of the township of Gunthwaite, in the county of Grafton and State of New-Hampshire; request you to call a meeting of said Proprietors to be held at the house of Captain William McHard, at Portsmouth, in the county of Rockingham, on Wednesday the twenty seventh day in February next, at three o'clock on the afternoon, then and there to act on the following articles, viz.
1st, To choose a Moderator and any other officers that may be necessary.
2d, To see if the said Proprietors will agree to the purchase of certain rights of land made by Leonard Whiting Esq. of Charles Ward Abbe, Esq. in the township of Concord, so called, with a view of extinguishing the controversy between the said Proprietors of Gunthwaite and Concord.
3d, To authorise the Assessors to assess such moneys as may be voted by the Proprietors for the purpose aforesaid, or any other purpose that may be agreed on at this meeting.
4th, To raise any sum of money that may be necessary to procure said rights to the Proprietors or for the purpose of farther completing a settlement and compromise of the dispute with the proprietors of Concord, and procuring a transfer of their claim or right to said township of Concord to the Proprietors of Gunthwaite and to determine what sum shall be raised for these purposes.
5th, To see if they will agree with the proprietors of Concord on such transfer as is mentioned in the preceding articles, & on what terms.
6th, To appoint a committee if they see fit to negotiate a compromise and settlement of said controversy, and make a bargain for the transfer of the rights before mentioned, on such terms as they may see fit, if the same shall not be completed at this meeting.
7th, To examine and allow any such accounts against the Proprietors as shall appear reasonable.
Dated at Portsmouth, Nov. 16. John Lowell, Jonathan Warner, Leonard Whiting, John Parker, Isaac Rindge, Leonard Whiting, jr. John Peirce, attorney for Elizabeth Wentworth.
To the Proprietors of Gunthwaite, YOU are hereby notified and warned to meet at the time and place, and for the purposes above mentioned, pursuant to the warrant aforesaid. NATHANIEL FOLSOM, Clerk. Portsmouth, Dec. 14. 1787.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in Hopkinton, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1783, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Thursday the 6th day of March next, so much of their lands as will pay the same, together with incidental charges will be sold at public vendue at one o'clock on said day, at the dwelling house of Isaac Babson, innholder in said town, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Lot No. 100 Acres s. d. q.     Received in part 3/9. 8 6 2   Lot No. 7 100 Acres 11 4 1   Lot No. 8 120 Acres 2 10 0   Lot No. 10 120 Acres 5 8 1    JOSHUA MORSE, Constable. Hopkinton, January 19.
State of New Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors or owner of land in Andover, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1786, that unless they pay the same to the subscriber, on or before Tuesday the 4th day of March next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold on said day at my dwelling house in said town, at public vendue, unless prevented by previous payment.
   N. R. Q'y cert'ate. specie. cert'ate.   s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q.     Ebenezer Lovering 7 1 31 0 2 0 0 3 0 0 4 0   ditto 7 1 70 0 4 3 0 9 1 1 2 2   Joseph French 10 2 100 0 4 3 0 9 1 1 2 2   ditto 10 4 50 0 2 1 0 4 2 0 7 0   Jonathan Weare 10 4 50 0 2 1 0 4 2 0 7 0   John Sleeper 12 4 100 0 4 3 0 9 1 1 2 2   Daniel Cram 13 1 100 1 2 0 2 4 0 3 7 1   William Swain 14 2 93 0 9 1 1 6 3 2 4 3   Joseph Gove 15 1 36 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 3 0   ditto 15 1 70 0 1 3 0 3 3 0 6 2   Edward Brown 16 2 100 0 7 3 1 3 2 2 0 0   Thomas Siley 22 3 60 0 5 2 0 10 3 1 5 0   Samuel French 24 2 100 0 4 2 0 9 1 1 2 2   ditto 24 2 80 0 4 2 0 9 1 1 2 2   ditto 24 4 100 0 3 3 0 7 3 1 0 0   Benjamin French 26 3 60 0 2 1 0 4 2 0 7 1   Benjamin Sweet 28 3 10 0 0 3 0 1 2 0 2 1   Amos Dunnel 31 4 30 0 1 2 0 3 0 0 4 3   David Norton 34 4 50 0 1 3 0 3 3 0 6 0   Jonathan Leavett 34 4 100 0 9 1 1 6 3 2 4 3   Samuel Blake jr. 35 1 80 0 3 0 0 6 0 0 9 2   Joseph Weare 37 1 80 0 3 0 0 6 0 0 9 2   ditto 37 3 100 0 7 0 1 2 0 1 9 3   Simon Marston 38 4 100 0 9 1 1 6 3 2 4 3   Hizkiah Carr 42 4 100 0 7 0 1 2 0 1 9 2   Joshua Towle 50 1 60 0 2 1 0 4 2 0 7 1   ditto 50 2 80 0 9 1 1 6 3 2 4 3   ditto 50 4 100 0 3 0 0 6 0 0 9 2   ditto 50 4 80 0 5 2 0 11 0 1 4 0   Samuel Soley & Clement March 52 4 56 0 2 0 0 4 0 0 7 0   ditto 52 4 32 0 1 3 0 4 0 0 6 0   ditto 52 2 48 0 2 3 0 5 0 0 7 0   Nathaniel Healey 55 3 90 6 1 1 0 2 1 7 1 1   Richard Smith 58 4 100 2 1 4 2 7 1   ditto 58 4 80 5 2 11 1 6 0   John Marston 61 3 50 3 2 6 1 1   ditto 61 3 80 5 2 11 1 5   Jesse Prescott 65 3 50 3 6 10   ditto 65 3 40 2 1 4 2 7 1   John Sanborn 66 2 50 7 3 1 3 2   Thomas Wallingsford 67 3 100 5 10 1 3 1   ditto 67 4 60 6 1 1 2 1 7 1   Anthony Emery 69 4 18 1 2 3 2   John Brown 71 1 35 2 4 7   ditto 71 3 45 3 6 9   David Lowel 74 2 100 4 3 9 1 1 2 2   Tobias Lakman 75 1 100 4 3 9 1 1 2 2   John Lock 75 3 80 4 3 9 1 1 2 2   Joseph Prescott 76 2 100 3 6 1 9 2   ditto 76 4 100 4 3 9 1 1 2 2   John Huit 77 1 80 6 1 3 2 4 3   John Leavitt 78 4 80 1 2 3 4 3  
NATHANIEL EMERY, Constable. Andover, January 24. 1788.
State of New Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Canaan, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the 28th day of February next, so much of their land as will pay the same together with incidental charges will be sold at public vendue, at ten of the clock before noon, at the house of Capt. Robert Barber in said town unless prevented by previous payment.
   s. d. q.   1st 2d 3d     100 100 100   Tho's Gustin 1st r. 3 2 5   Jedediah Lathrop 0 0 1   William Fox, jr. 3 0 0   Samuel Meacham 0 0 1   James Nevins, Esq. 0 0 1   Capt. J Wentworth 0 0 1   Tho's W. Waldron 3 2 5   J. Newmarch, Esq. 1 4    EZEKIEL WELLS, Collector. Canaan, Jan. 14.
BLANKS of all sorts for sale at this Office, at the lowest Boston prices.
TAKE NOTICE!
THAT I Walter Bryant, of Newmarket, in the county of Rockingham, and State of New-Hampshire, administrator to the estate of Walter Bryant, jr. and Jeremy Bryant, Esq's. both late of Newmarket, deceased, find among their papers above forty deeds of land in the towns of Tamworth, Eaton, Burton and Chatham, not recorded, and many of them not acknowledged, and being persuaded that many of them were sold by said deceased in their life time, and many sold at vendue for taxes, some of which I have redeemed, and if I do not soon hear from the purchasers, I shall sell them; therefore I give this public notice, that all purchasers may have the original proprietors deed authenticated, least they be lost—The subscriber hath upward of a THOUSAND DOLLARS in Loan Office Notes with considerable interest due thereon, belonging to the estate that was said Walter's, deceased, which will be sold at public vendue on Tuesday the 22nd day of January, 1788, at one of the clock, P. M. at the dwelling house of the subscriber, in