The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1802-02-23 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
Appointed to publish the LAWS of the UNITED STATES for the District of New-Hampshire.
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY NATHANIEL S. & W. PEIRCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Cheshire, ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the pro-
Nonresident list for 1797. Table with columns: ORIGINAL PROPRIETORS NAMES, No. of Lots, Tax of acres, Tax of Second division, Tax of Third division.
Nonresident list for 1799. Table with columns: Original Proprietors Names, No. of Lots, Tax of acres, Tax of Second division, Tax of Third division.
WILLARD MARCY, Collector. New-Granham, Feb. 16, 1802. A pleasing assortment of Small BOOKS.
Important Miscellany.
For the New-Hampshire Gazette. MESSRS. PRINTERS, I HAVE seen with pleasure that the observations of a Stockholder in the late New-Hampshire Union Bank which were last year published in the Republican Ledger, have been republished in your paper.
To the PEOPLE of New-Hampshire.
Friends & Fellow-Citizens, AT the opening of a new year it seems peculiarly proper that a people favored of Heaven, as we have been, should pause a moment from the ordinary pursuits of life, to take a retrospective view of our high and more important concerns.
declares that "all men are born equally free and independent," and that "they all have certain, natural, essential and inherent rights;
The extensive grants of lands made without any valuable consideration, and most liberally to those who were most successful in flattering the vanity and vices of the petty monarchs of those days,
Peace being restored, by the acknowledgment of our independence by the British government, these gentlemen were admitted to a full participation of the blessings acquired by the long and bloody conflict as if they themselves had contributed their full share to its successful issue
The affair of the British treaty, that indelible blot in American history, gave a second opportunity to call from their ashes the latent principles of Toryism, which before had seemed to be forever buried, and to show to the world that British influence had only slept to renew its strength and to return to the charge with redoubled vigour.
I have already represented to you, in general terms the situation of public affairs in this state, prior to the late happy change in the administration of our general government;
ed only to be treated with hatred and contempt, and their former exertions considered as disqualifications for any office of honor or profit, or even for enjoying privileges in common with those who of late have appeared fortunate in having taken part with Britain to enslave us.
Until the opening of the year 1799, aristocratic measures were deftly, and without much appearance of method; about this time the plans of the high aristocratic party in Massachusetts (known there by the name of the Ilex Juno) had extended their influence to New-Hampshire and began to operate by system; extraordinary exertions were made at the same time in almost every part of the state to prevent the election of any professed republican to either branch of the legislature.
The commercial business of Portsmouth being no longer confined in the monopolizing hands of a wealthy few, who for many years had fettered the attempts of almost every young adventurer; men of an enterprising spirit began to surmount the obstacles that had been placed in their way and to show that the sons of New-Hampshire, under similar advantages would vie with their brethren in other states, and in a short time render Portsmouth what it ought to be, a sufficient mart for the produce of our own state.
THE time is at hand when you will be called upon to give your suffrages for a chief magistrate. It is generally understood that every exertion will be made, I may say is now making to prevent the re-election of our present Governor.
As long as the subject of popular elections is treated with candor and a sacred regard to truth; as long as the character and conduct of those in office, and the pretensions of those who wish to be in are examined and impartially weighed, the effect is salutary; and the public are indebted to those who institute, and conduct such an examination.
extraordinary of the kind, ever known in New-Hampshire. The Senate, ripe for the business, were immediately employed in fabricating a bill for suppressing the new bank. While this was going on, emissaries were sent to the adjacent towns, summoning the attendance of such influential characters, as were willing to appear, to assist by their presence and exertions, in changing the minds of the majority;
For the New-Hampshire Gazette.
MESSRS. PRINTERS, It is most sincerely to be hoped, that the bare profession of impartiality on the part of your Newspaper, will not be all we shall realize: This I feared would be the case, when I read your last Gazette, which was almost entirely filled with a long communication from the high Democratic part of our citizens;
Having read in last Saturday's Oracle, the productions of Lucius, and believing them, (from the knowledge I have of the person therein referred to) to contain incontrovertible facts, that ought to be known at this critical juncture, request you to give them insertion in your next Gazette, and thereby convince nine-tenths of your present customers, (which I am well assured are Federalists,) that you mean your paper shall not only be impartial in profession but in REALITY.
From the ORACLE.
TO THE Independent Electors of New-Hampshire. No. I.
THE time is at hand when you will be called upon to give your suffrages for a chief magistrate. It is generally understood that every exertion will be made, I may say is now making to prevent the re-election of our present Governor.
Those who are actuated by sinister motives, who are more desirous of promoting their own private views, than the good of the public, unfortunately have an advantage in this warfare. They are not restricted as to the weapons they may use. They can even make use of truth, when it will best serve their turn: as to calumny and detraction, they are skillful in the manufacture, and indefatigable in the application of them.

ford no protection to the unfortunate possessor. They are indeed the very things which excite opposition, and stir up hostility.
It is easily seen that the people, if left to the freedom of their own choice, will cherish with their favor, and reward with their confidence, those who deserve it. These claims on public esteem must be removed; and for that end, suspicions, jealousies, and insinuations whispered about; and if these will not do, direct and palpable falsehoods put into circulation, to blast the character and make it the object of popular odium. According to the theory of our government, the best men will be elected to office: the people have sufficient discernment to know the good from the bad:—to choose the one and refuse the other. But if the source is poisoned, the streams must be corrupt. If the worst men are permitted to choose for the whole, or to influence the election beyond the number of their suffrages, in no possible form of government is the chance of obtaining upright and independent magistrates, so small as in ours. Let us then, fellow-citizens, apply the only possible remedy to correct the evil. Let every good man, every independent elector consider, that he has an interest in the choice:—that by inattention and negligence he either exposes himself to be misled by the arts of others, or leaves the election in the worst hands. Though we suffer ourselves to remain indifferent spectators, the election will still go on, and the restless and busy spirits, who have an interest in confusion and every evil work, will choose for us. But will they choose such a man as you can approve? It is ascribing too much to wisdom and virtue, to suppose that wise and good men will be the objects of their choice; as well may we expect sweet waters from a bitter fountain, and good fruit from a corrupt tree. We are restrained from the use of unlawful weapons—we must not even return railing for railing. We can only use the weapons of strict truth, and sober reason. Let us not then be sparing of these. It would be a reflection on the good sense and patriotism of our fellow-citizens, to suppose that a large majority are not sincerely desirous of acting right. Under this persuasion I have ventured to address you, as one embarked with you in the same cause. The writer asks your serious attention to him, so far, and no farther than he shall appear to deserve it. If he praises the undeserving, consider him as your enemy, and a deceiver. If he calumniates good men, consider him no less your foe than he is theirs. If he brings to your view facts, examine for yourselves. If he offers reasons in support of his opinions, suffer them to influence your conduct so far as your own judgments approve, and he will be abundantly repaid the trouble he has taken.
He is a candidate for no office either in your gift, or in that of the person you shall elect: and he is not conscious to himself that he feels the smallest personal animosity against any of the candidates for your favor. If he was so conscious, he would desist, and leave the ungrateful task to others who might bring with them minds entirely free from personal bias.
It is generally understood who are the candidates at the ensuing election. 'Till the year before last, our present Governor has been without a rival. I would not infer from this, that he is the only man in the state fit for the office. I believe this is as far from his opinion, as it is from yours or mine. Pride, vanity and self-conceit are not among the ingredients that compose his character. The unanimity displayed in his repeated elections—the satisfaction manifested in every part of the state with his official conduct, in pretty troublesome times, and amid the agitations of party spirit, must have afforded him the highest gratification. I think I may venture to say that the approbation of successive Legislatures, and of the people no less free and enlightened than their representatives, was the most precious reward he did receive, or which could be bestowed upon him.
At the election before the last, it was found convenient to interrupt this harmony by the introduction of a new candidate for the chair. I am bound to suppose that the Gentleman alluded to, was as much surprised at the measure, as the good Citizens were: He must have viewed it as a mere electioneering manœuvre, calculated to mortify the Governor, by shewing him that of the votes he had annually received; a part, at least, might, by the arts usually practised on such occasions, be turned into any channel. But the authors of this plan were in earnest not to make him governor: nothing was further from their thoughts, and some of them were at no pains to conceal it—but to use him as a tool to build up a party, and when the party was strong enough, to use him as demagogues always do the ladder, by which they climb to power, kick it a-
way, as a thing for which they have no further use.—The great argument then urged for the measure, was the propriety, and indispensable necessity of having the chief Magistrate live in the centre of the state. This argument, which coming from Portsmouth, had every appearance of disinterestedness on the part of those that urged it, having already answered all the purposes intended by it, is now laid aside as of no weight.
The persons who brought forward the new candidate for the chair, had address enough to satisfy him that they were in earnest to place him there, and to sooth him for the disappointment which followed.—Not being quite prepared to introduce their real hero on the stage, till he had practised a little more behind the scenes , they were obliged to act the same farce a second time. It was not quite so well received by the public as before, though it must be owned that sufficient pains were taken by the managers to prepare the public taste for the entertainment; and that the several actors performed their parts to admiration.
It was apprehended that no small difficulty would occur in settling the plan of the next campaign, as they were incumbered with two candidates, (one too many for one party at the same time) both in earnest, and equally zealous to turn out the in and take his place. But the more knowing ones saw that this difficulty might be surmounted—They knew, if they could get the ruling passion on their side, all would be quiet.—According to the fashion of the day, a change of chief magistrate is attended with an entire change of the subordinate officers. The Treasurer's office was probably destined to sooth disappointed ambition. There are men so formed by nature, or twisted by education and habit, that money will heal all mental wounds, even those of pride and ambition. At first view this may seem improbable, the office being filled by one of the most amiable and respectable men among us; one who has the entire confidence of every body: one who is " honest, capable, and faithful to the Constitution ." But can it be imagined that these qualities will be asked here, when they are not yet asked respecting candidates for more exalted stations? Though we are told that sometime hence, when the orthodox sect have had a little time to acquire them, or at least the appearance of them, honesty, capacity, and love of the constitution may be considered as among the qualifications of candidates for office.
I would not be understood in any thing I have said to make any comparison between the new and old democratic candidates or to insinuate any thing to the disadvantage of the former. He is known to the Public. By the Public opinion let him stand or fall. I feel confident that he has abundantly more cause to complain of his friends than of his enemies. I mean the persons he may dominate such. Nor is it my intention to compare together the candidates at the approaching election. Every Elector may do this for himself. I shall endeavor to state their pretensions; it will remain with you to decide. I shall avoid touching on any thing, as it respects either of them, which has no immediate relation to the office, and the question before us. I may have prejudices, but I shall use my best endeavors that they neither draw me from the line of truth nor strict impartiality. If I err, it will be an error of the judgment, not of the heart.
The Gentleman held up to view by our friends at Portsmouth is not, I admit, to be rejected merely because he is supported by that town. These gentlemen have been, and may yet be a little too assuming in dictating to their brethren of the country. The inhabitants of the capital, who are generally mercantile men, somewhat acquainted with the world, are too apt to look upon their country brethren, as of a lower order; and cannot help discovering surprise, when the latter pretend to the privilege of perfect equality—to think and act for themselves.—Perhaps I do them injustice—perhaps their zeal (and it is attended with considerable expense, to send runners thro' the State, and occasionally to traverse the country themselves) is to be ascribed wholly to their benevolence; that their sole intention are to enlighten their ignorant brethren of the country, not to influence their votes.
Mr. L. living in that town, if it be no reason why he should not be chosen, certainly is no reason why he should, notwithstanding the great pains his friends may take to procure his election.
It is natural to presume that those friends will at least bring forward every argument their ingenuity can suggest in his favor: that they will place his pretensions in the most favorable light. It shall be my business to examine them.
"His early and steady patriotism, and adherence to the cause of his country, in her struggle with Great-Britain, and his sacrifices and sufferings in consequence of his patriotism."
It would be un candid in me to deny that this is meritorious. Having a small claim of the same kind myself, I would not willingly depreciate the commodity. But is Mr. Langdon's claim of the exclusive kind? Is there no other man in the State who has pretensions of the same nature.
There was a sect which sprung up in France, some time ago, with one Robespierre at their head, who claimed the title of exclusive patriots . But it so happened that they were mistaken, in engrossing the whole flock of patriotism to themselves.—There were a few greater patriots still, who, out of pure love of country, conducted them to the Guillotine; and I cannot learn that the French have to this day regretted it.
But to return, is Mr. L.'s claim superior to that of others? If it is, let it be passed to his credit. But let us not, I speak out of regard for Mr. L. too hastily admit the claim without examination and without inquiry. Let us have the particulars, and see whether a great deal of it is not assumption, the effect of his own vanity, or the indiscriminate praise of his friends. A little praise, honestly earned and sincerely bestowed, is worth more than a great deal of the disputable kind.
Mr. L. will not pretend that he prepared the public mind for the revolution, by his conversation or writings. He made no sacrifice of a lucrative employment under the crown, as some of our citizens did.—Mr. L. was a single man—of moderate property
as well as moderate talents, and if possible still more moderate mental acquisitions. I insinuate nothing against his character. I believe it stood fair. But certainly his merit consisted chiefly, if not entirely, in adopting the popular opinion of the day, ready formed to his hand by others, among whom the late Governor Bartlett deserves to be honorably mentioned. Mr. L. did what he could, and God forbid that I should depreciate his services. We read that the widows mite was graciously received. But the debt of Patriotism , like every other debt, may be cancelled by payment. If there is one man in the state who has been better rewarded for his services than Mr. L. let him be named. There are men whose lives were hazarded in the high places of the field. Men who have diminished their health and have not added to their estates by the revolution. There are among us the children of Patriots who died for their country.—Mr. L. yet lives and enjoys very good health. Indeed I have never heard that either were much exposed during the war.—He certainly never was so near a battle as Sir Roger De Courcey's relation who only left camp the day before, and who might have been killed if he had not gone away.
Perhaps it will be said that Mr. L.'s services were in the civil department. But are there not many whose claims are no less respectable even here, than Mr. L.'s? It would be invidious to mention names, for I should omit many.—But was not our worthy Governor, from the beginning to the end of the revolutionary struggle, zealously devoted to the public service.
But what were Mr. L.'s sacrifices, or rather what have been his rewards?
It is a fact well known, that Mr. L. at the commencement of the war, was possessed of a moderate estate. I feel confident that I do not lessen it when I say, that it was below a twentieth of his present fortune, which is ample; and it will not be denied that his stile of living has been splendid and expensive. I think too, that I am in no hazard of contradiction, when I say that he has done little, I believe no business since the war.—How thin was his fortune acquired? It is impossible for me to say that Mr. L. would not have been equally rich if we had remained colonies of Great Britain to this day; but I do not believe he would. I believe his fortune grew out of the revolution, and out of his Patriotism .—He was early appointed Commercial Agent, purchasing agent, naval agent, &c. &c. &c. for the public: and every body knows that the Trade of Commercial agent was not only less exposed to danger, but that it was a more thriving trade than that of a soldier.—Mr. L. is not the only one who has made a fortune out of it. I believe there was no instance where a fortune was not made. And there are at this day some of the greatest fortunes in the United States (which proves that it was an honest trade) which sprung from this source. It is not necessary for me to contend that Mr. L. defrauded the public in this office. I make no such suggestion. If his conscience acquits, I will not condemn. But shame on the man who under such circumstances can complain of losses and sacrifices by the revolution! would to God that all our revolutionary virtue had been as well rewarded as Mr. L.'s.
After the war, when those who had fought our battles, retired to their farms, (those who had any) with their paper depreciated seventy or eighty per cent, Mr. L. returned to his palace, or to build him one, and with money enough to buy that very paper, if he chose it.
The contest between Mr. L. and another gentleman for the chair, is fresh in the mind of every body. Without impeaching the conduct of the gentleman referred to, there is not, I apprehend, a candid man in the state who will not acknowledge that we were the sufferers by their squabbles for power. Each candidate was in duty bound to court and reward his Partisans, and he was unfortunately at that day, who, in the successive revolutions which the office of President underwent, did not obtain from his Patron some office to reward his merit and quicken his zeal.
Let Mr. L.'s friends mention instances of his independence while he sustained the office of President.—Let them speak of his services in the convention for forming the present constitution. Let them point out the article or clause originally proposed, modified or defended by him. Let them tell us of his services in the state convention called to consider and ratify it:—the opposition induced by his arguments—the dark passages illuminated by his information, and the clauses explained and defended by his wisdom and eloquence. Without meaning to depreciate his services in either of these bodies. I may venture to say that the money he received from the state Treasury was an adequate reward. LUCIUS.
No. II.
TO THE Independent Electors of New-Hampshire. WE come now to the period when proceedings were commenced under the new constitution. Mr. L. was then a gentleman of independent fortune, and no business, of good manners and pleasing exterior. For these, or better causes, he was chosen one of the Senators to represent this State in the Senate of the United States. Of his conduct while a member of that body, it is to be regretted that we have no better means of information. A majority of the Senate for several years refused access to the citizens to hear their debates; they even refused to permit the representatives of the people to attend. It is well known that the journals are extremely defective, as to almost every thing we ought to know. Suffering an account of the measures and deliberations of that body to be published in the newspapers, is perhaps, the best means of diffusing general information (especially among our citizens who live at a great distance from the seat of Government) concerning the principles, motives, and conduct of individual members. This was refused. And Mr. L., the republican Mr. L. against the express request of the representatives of the people here, voted with the majority, till opposition at last became unavailing.
But from the materials we do possess, I flatter myself it will not be difficult to shew that his claim to the highest place in your confidence, a right indeed to your confidence exclusively, is altogether unfounded. It is well known that in the first Con-
gress, provision was made for the public debt. It was just and proper that some provision should be made, for satisfying the public creditors: But at that time many with us thought, and Mr. L.'s southern friends still think, that more was done for those holders of the debt, who were mostly speculators, than justice or good faith required: yet it will be found, on inspecting the journals, that Mr. L. voted for the best terms that could be obtained for those persons;—and indeed for terms that a majority would not agree to offer. On this subject he was opposed throughout by his colleague. And here let it be remembered that Mr. L. was at that time deeply interested in the question. I do not say that his interest influenced his vote; but I believe there are few men, except Mr. L. who do not in some small degree feel the force of this same influence. How can Mr. L. bear to hear his southern friends declaring and publishing to the world that the funding system originated in corruption, and was enacted by men deeply interlaced in the question, and who thereby put large sums into their own pockets.—But, my Fellow Citizens, there is another part of this business in which I think Mr. L. will find it still more difficult to obtain your approbation of his conduct; I allude to the assumption of the State debts. It is well known, that Massachusetts, Connecticut and South Carolina were extremely anxious to be relieved from the pressure of the debts incurred by the war, and still remaining upon them.
It was found convenient to connect the assumption with the funding system, and to tack on to both, the bill for establishing a permanent and temporary residence of Congress. It was known, that Mr. L. was in favor of the funding system. The measure dragged heavily: it is said southern gentlemen were induced to lend their votes to this bill, which they did not like, to be repaid, in votes for the permanent residence bill, which was not much liked in this quarter. Mr. L. was one that swallowed the whole.
I flate with confidence that the interests of this State were abandoned and sacrificed by the assumption; but I would not have my fellow citizens take this on trust from my declarations merely. I will state the grounds of my opinion. If I am wrong in my facts, or erroneous in my conclusions, I shall rejoice to be set right. Let every elector judge for himself.
It was known at that time, and acknowledged by the other States, that our services and our exertions in the war were among the first. Were our own citizens and those selected to watch over our interests ignorant of the fact? or were they ready to admit that we had done the least, towards acquiring our independence of any state in the union? We were not indeed at that time so heavily pressed with state debt as some others; because we had made the most unexampled efforts to diminish and discharge it; and had taxed our good citizens as deeply as they could bear. Indeed I ascribe it to their patriotism, that they bore a burthen (which in another state produced a revolution) without murmuring, I may even say with cheerfulness.
Twenty-one millions five hundred thousand dollars of the State debts were assumed: our proportion of this sum was upwards of $40,000 dollars. But the proportion assigned to us in the bill was only 300,000. That is, we were exonerated from a burthen of 300,000 dollars, and saddled with 840,000, and this is precisely what we gained by the assumption. The State of New-York was then known to be a debtor state; it was known that she owed but little to her creditors; she had done less in the war than others, and she gained an immense portion of uncultivated territory; while we gained none, by the establishment of our independence. From her one million two hundred thousand dollars were assumed and for the greater part of that very sum is she now receiving from the public, and we are paying the annual interest. If our just and equal proportion had been assumed, we upon the same principles would have been now in the receipt of twenty-seven thousand dollars, annually from the United States, estimating the interest at 5 per cent, that is, a sum more than adequate to the honorable support of our government, and which would have rendered all taxation on the part of the state unnecessary, as it is in New-York. Our Citizens would not then have been leaving us and joining them.
New-Hampshire in proportion to her numbers, had the smallest sum assumed of any state in the union. This could be justified only on the supposition that our's was the most delinquent state. Are you willing my fellow-citizens to admit that such was the fact? Though the ultimate settlement was unfavorable to us, inasmuch as our vouchers were deficient, yet even that proves us a creditor state. Where was the Patriotism of Mr. L. on that memorable occasion? Why did not he oppose the assumption altogether? Or why not move that justice might be done to that portion of the people who had committed their interests to his care? Was he like the god Baal on another occasion, "talking" about something else, "or on preliminary" some other objects, "or on a journey," or peradventure he "slept," and his colleague or somebody else ought to have awakened him. I beg pardon for the comparison. I know that comparisons are always unpleasant. Our other Senator opposed this measure throughout. The Senate were nearly equally divided, and I believe Mr. L.'s vote would have prevented the measure, or procured for us justice.
Did Mr. L. think of us, what his friend Mr. Mason, of Virginia, has in effect lately said of Delaware: that it was a little insignificant state, not worth regarding. If he did think so, he may be a friend to the funding system, but he was not in this a friend to the interests of his own state. If he could not make these calculations he is unfit to be our Governor; if he could and did not, he was grossly negligent or something worse. It has not been my desire to open wounds which I had hoped might remain forever closed. With at least as much sincerity as Mr. Jefferson, I can declare that I desire above all things to see harmony restored to social intercourse. But if Mr. L.'s friends will not let him alone, if they bring him forward as the man exclusively entitled to your confidence and favour—when they tell you that he is the greatest patriot, and that we ought to discard a faithful and tried
Public servant, to accommodate him merely because he has taken a fancy to the chair. When they tell you these things, I will tell them the truth.
Let us now attend to Mr. L.'s political conduct, since the period of the funding system and assumption, and let us see whether there is any thing in it calculated to attract towards him the homage of your high respects.
For sometime Mr. L. voted on great questions with those who have been called the high toned government men. Whether it was that he now obtained a more enlarged view of the whole ground, or whether he was flattered with the idea of being called to the second office in the union, for which the Southern members were then busily employed in finding a suitable character; or from whatever cause it might arise, the fact is, that Mr. L. as the journals will testify, generally voted with the Southern members on great questions, and against the Northern.
It cannot have escaped your recollection, that about this time the French Minister, Genet, came intrusted from his government, "to excite to the utmost the zeal of the Americans, and to induce them, if possible, to make a common cause with France;" or in plain English to a second war with England. We were called upon at least to exclude the English commerce from our Ports; a measure in itself extremely injurious to us, but deemed to be of advantage to France. Our Government were threatened with an appeal to the people. On the presumption that judgment would be in favor of the appellant, and that the decrees of our Government, with the great Washington at the head of it, would be reversed. Genet proceeded by way of anticipation, to arm and commission privateers in our ports, and to seize British vessels within our territory, and in our rivers, and consequently under our protection, by the law of nations (and which by the way, we are obliged to pay for.) This same Genet claimed the right of having French judges among us, and of selling the prizes taken by French armed vessels in our country. Fauchet pursued the same system, but in a milder tone. Instead of threatening and bullying our Government into compliance, which it was found had no good effect on Washington, he adopted the milder and more gentle method of bribery and corruption. In the fullness of time, Adet came. He made the appeal to the people which Genet threatened. By these three good American Patriots, we were very modestly told that Washington's Proclamation of Neutrality was infidious . That we partaking of the tyrannous and murderous rage of Great-Britain, and joining with her to plunge France into all the horrors of famine, had sacrificed France to her enemies. Prostitute (remember reader it was the great Washington who had prostituted) our rights to Great-Britain—by a perfidious compliance, permitted England to violate rights which our honor and interest required us to defend. In the same modest strain we were likewise told that if we were not able to maintain our sovereignty, the French who supported it while we were slaves, and who knew how to make it respectable (as respectable as the sovereignty and independence of the Dutch, the Swiss, &c. &c.) would now support us. Finally Adet signified to us the resolutions of a Government terrible to its enemies. That we should not be heard on the subject of our complaints, for indemnifications for millions plundered from our peaceable citizens, till we redressed their pretended grievances.
The times and the language of the times, a small part of which I have detailed, did not admit of neutrality; we would think that they did not admit of any division of opinion. They did, and the Northern states ranged themselves on the side of our government, or if you please the administration of our government, and the Southern states, with some honorable exceptions, on the side of opposition.
Mr. L. will not accuse me, of misrepresentation, when I say that he was not friendly to the latter part of Washington's, and all Adams' administration, and that he generally on great questions, voted with Mason, Brown, Tazewell, Cocke, &c. against almost every measure of our government. On the bill to suspend our commercial intercourse with Great Britain, Mr. L. and Governor Robinson voted in favor of the bill. But on the question relative to protecting our trade and commerce against French depredations—fortifying our harbors and arming our vessels—on measures of reprisal for depredations on our property, he was found on the other side.—He was in favor of suffering the French to fell their prizes in our ports—a measure Washington found pregnant with evils.—Mr. L. was against the bill for establishing a navy department.—He even opposed with his negative vote the bill for enabling our citizens to prosecute their claims for property taken by the belligerent powers.
And on a memorable occasion gave his solemn opinion (by his vote) that our government had not been just and impartial in its conduct towards foreign nations. I might greatly enlarge this part of my subject by transcribing from the journals his votes on a great variety of questions of a political nature which came before that body. But let every citizen who wishes for further information recur to the journals and judge for himself.
It may be said that Mr. L. had a right to vote with the Virginians, (for I do not accuse him of speaking on any side) I freely admit it. If he thought them right he could do no otherwise.—But did he act according to your sentiments? I admit that his vote has been generally agreeable to the majority in Portsmouth. But is Portsmouth the whole state?
A Senator may vote against the opinion of his constituents I grant, but does not a decent respect for their opinions require that he should inform them of the reasons which governed his vote? Mr. L. had a right (a right I would not controul nor even abridge) to vote for the assumption—he has a right to think it a measure advantageous to the interests of the state—He is at free liberty to think Mr. Jefferson a much better man than the great and good Washington—He has a right to believe, that liberty in France is a serious thing—a reality and not a name only, that the French Government is a republican, and more free than ours.—But will

their opinions give him any new claim to our confidence and esteem.
It may be said that it is as likely that the Virginians are wise and virtuous men as that the New England men are not. Suppose we admit the fact. Does it follow that they will be as attentive to the interests of New England as to their own? Senators and Representatives—If they will, there will be great convenience in dispensing our own and adopting the Virginia delegation to legislate for us. Their lack of patriotism I am confident is so great as to induce them to accept the trust. The measure will be an economical one too. It may be among the prejudices of my education, early imbibed and therefore not easily eradicated, but I am free to confess, that I prefer New England men to take care of New England interests. That our own native citizens without chariots, coaches, race horses, dogs, cocks, negroes, and unincumbered with a load of debts—brought up among ourselves, with all the old fashioned prejudices in favor of christianity on their minds—acquainted with our New England notions, may be nearly as well qualified, (for I do not wish to be positive) to legislate for free men as the holders of slaves—to protect the interests of Commerce as those who have none—to understand and promote husbandry and manufactures as those who seem to labour with their own hands, and who dominate our labourers white slaves. It is generally supposed that there is a diversity of interests in the U. States. If this be the case will not ours be nearly as safe in our own keeping as in the custody of others?—I would be obliged to some mercantile Gentlemen to inform me how much rusty old money remains in the vaults of the Bank at Amsterdam since the French have taken the trouble to keep the Key.
LUCIUS.
For the GAZETTE.
To the FREEMEN of N. Hampshire.
Friends and Fellow-Citizens,
AS the season is approaching when we shall be called upon to exercise the most important privilege secured to us by our Constitution, that of choosing our own rulers, it is peculiarly proper; nay, it is our indispensable duty to take the subject into our most serious and deliberate consideration, left through carelessness and inattention on our part, the free principles of our government under the administration of ambitious and designing men, be perverted and the public good be sacrificed to selfish and party purposes. The office of Chief Magistrate being highest in rank and importance will doubtless employ your first attention. The candidates that have been brought into public view for that dignified station, are Mr. Langdon and Mr. Gilman, your present Governor. As it is your prerogative to judge between them it is proper that their respective qualifications should be equally known. It is an unhappy consideration and much to be lamented that the propensity of the human heart to prejudice and misrepresentation, so generally precludes a fair and candid examination: a writer in the Oracle of Saturday last under the signature of Lucius, has under the fairest pretensions to truth, candour and disinterested regard to the public good commenced a most artful and insidious attack on the public character of Mr. L. but were Mr. L.'s cotemporaries alone to judge, the attack would be harmless, and a thousand such as Lucius might play off their artillery with safety.
It is not my design to undertake a vindication of the injured character of Mr. L. that, if necessary will, be left for one more capable than myself of doing justice to his merits. It shall be my task however unpleasant, to examine a little into the political conduct of Mr. Gilman, his services, sacrifices and sufferings in the cause of his country—this I would gladly have avoided but Lucius has made it necessary. He contends that Mr. L.'s services however great have been amply rewarded and of course he has no claim to public favor—he is so—but if on examination it should prove to be the same with Mr. G. he must be willing to admit the same conclusion. As extraordinary pretensions to truth, candour, integrity, impartiality, &c. often excite suspicions, and the conduct of those who make them generally shew those suspicions just. I shall be cautious on this head and only say that it shall be my endeavour to conduct my enquiries with truth and with as much fairness as is in my power—that I have prejudices is possible and even probable—but I will try to lay them aside.
At the opening of the American revolution Mr. G. was at an age capable of rendering essential services to his country, he was called to no important duty at home and although at a suitable age to distinguish himself in the public cause abroad and his family of sufficient influence to have procured for him a military commission or almost any other appointment of which he was capable, still we find him contented with the less hazardous and probably more lucrative employment of clerk to his father in the treasury department—in this he shewed his wisdom—in times of difficulty and danger they generally fare best who stick by the stuff. Here Mr. G. remained till the death of his father made room for him as his successor, which appointment, in reward of "his zeal in the public service" he immediately received. In that office he remained until he was appointed one of the commissioners for settling the accounts between the individual States and the United States. Unfortunately for Mr. G. and for his State the duties of this appointment were beyond his abilities to perform. Educated with his father in an employment of which a lad of fifteen with one year's apprenticeship in a counting house would be capable, he was ill qualified to support the claims of the State with men so much his superiors both in the knowledge of accounts and in gen-
eral information; of this he was probably made sensible and after near two years service, resigned his commission and returned home, informing his fellow citizens that nothing had been and that nothing could be done with their demands. Soon after this however, Judge Langdon was appointed to the same office, by whose exertions and those of his colleagues this important business was brought to an issue, far more favorable to New-Hampshire than from the representation of Mr. G. could possibly have been expected; that it was not more so, was wholly owing to inattention in the proper departments, in not seasonably collecting and preserving the proper vouchers, for want of which many thousands of dollars were lost to the State—where and by what means this unaccountable deficiency took place I know not—perhaps in the treasury department where Mr. G. had been clerk.
Mr. G.'s next object was to get himself reinstated in his former office, which with some contrivance and the assistance of friends was soon accomplished. Once more in possession of the keys of the treasury with fifty thousand dollars in its coffers and at a time when speculations were carried on with great advantage, what situation could be more eligible than Mr. G.'s, especially if the doctrine which has since been advanced was then believed, viz. that if the State had sufficient security that the money should be ready to meet the demands on the treasury—all further enquiries respecting it were superfluous and it made, need not be answered.—In this situation Mr. G. continued until the death of that worthy and truly republican Governor Bartlett left vacant the office of Chief Magistrate. The affairs of the State had been ably and economically conducted by that amiable man, and the confidence of the people so thoroughly secured as to destroy all competition; no parties then existed in the State, nor probably would even to this day, had that upright and enlightened republican have lived to check by his virtues the overbearing influence of a junto, whose party schemes have much disturbed the public tranquility and spread discord and dissensions throughout the State.
In the year 1794, Mr. G. was chosen to succeed Governor Bartlett. The duties of that office which had been gradually lessening from the establishment of the federal government, had now become trifling and within the compass of very moderate abilities—Mr. G. discharged them with a few small exceptions, to general satisfaction for several years; for although he early shewed a disposition to exercise his constitutional powers by opposing his veto to the proceedings of the legislature, they in turn had wisdom to adhere, in the more important instances, to their own doings; thus giving a check to executive arrogance and saving the State from any essential injury—No considerable event took place in which Mr. G. rendered himself conspicuous until the winter session of 1797. At this session he distinguished himself by an act, which, as it was without example, deserves to be mentioned. On his accession to the office of Chief Magistrate, the salary which before had never exceeded 250 £. was increased to 500 £. and had so continued until this time. His more particular friends, and undoubtedly at his instigation had formed a plan to procure an increase of his salary from 1000 to 1200 dollars, a committee judiciously selected reported favorably; the report was rejected by a large majority in the House and 1000 dollars voted—the Senate concurred and sent down their vote for 1100 dollars, this was negatived by the House who adhered to their former vote—thus rested the business for several days, till at length a message was received by letter from the Governor magnifying the duties of his office, and urging the necessity of enlarging his salary, accompanied by a very strong intimation, and as some termed it a threat, that unless his salary should be increased he could no longer be Governor. The alarmment excited on this occasion is easier conceived than expressed, it had however the desired effect, the sum of 1200 dollars was granted. At the session of December 1799, an attempt was made for a further increase viz. from 1200 to 1500 dollars, failing in this his friends proposed a grant of 500 and afterwards of 200 dollars as a reward for reviewing the Militia; but failed in every plan, and Mr. G. fearing a rival, all has been quiet on that head and nothing has since been heard, of an increase of salary. From the death of his father, which took place at an early period of the revolution, Mr. G. has constantly enjoyed lucrative and honorable offices under the State. He has with but a short interruption, lived at home at ease and leisure with his friends and family; his prosperity when first appointed to the treasurer's office was small—he has visibly done little or no other than public business to increase it, and notwithstanding his family has been expensive and his salary as Governor for eight long years far inadequate to his services—he is at this day, not merely in circumstances independent, they are affluent—he is rich—second perhaps to few in the State—and from whence has this arisen? directly or indirectly from the public offices he has held no doubt. I do not accuse Mr. G. of using the public monies for purposes of private speculation, it is not necessary, if his conscience acquits, I will not condemn. Mr. G. has seldom been called to act on important political questions, of course he has escaped those flouts of calumny and abuse to which others have been exposed—I have not represented Mr. G. as a very bad man, because I do not believe him so. I believe him however, a little too strongly attached to his own interest; or for the paltry consideration of two hundred dollars he would not so far have transgressed the bounds of common prudence and discretion—I believe him to be a strong party man, because his conduct has constantly shewn him so, and I know him to be a man of very moderate abilities & acquirements. As he has already been Governor of the State for eight successive years, I believe it will be for the public good that he be permitted once more to mix with the people, and learn what it is to be governed.
JUNIUS.
Charles C. Pinckney, President of the Library Society, Charleston, S. C. John Beckley, Librarian of U. S. Library at Washington.
We learn that John M. Forbes, of New York, is appointed Consul at Hamburg, vice J. Pincarnere, resigned.
Domestic News.
MAIL ROBBERY.
AUGUSTA (Georgia) JAN. 27.
Last evening was committed to jail in this place, William Fuller, the western post-rider, charged with robbing the mail of the United States—with the particulars of the transaction, we are not at present fully acquainted. It appears that the rider was observed on the road travelling towards Augusta with the Mail behind him, and with the remnants of several letters in his hand, which he appeared to be destroying—several parts of letters, and post-bills, and one letter were found in the road, and the covering of a mail directed "Augusta." These circumstances induced the Post-Master at Columbia Court-House, when the rider arrived at his office, to arrest him, when he confessed that a small box had been worn in the Mail Portmanteau, through which he contrived to get a packet or mail of letters; that out of one of the letters directed to Peterborough Virginia, he took 75 dollars, and out of another directed to a Mr. Rhodes, in Savannah, he took 200 dollars—the money he pocketed, and destroyed all the letters in that packet; 200 dollars of the money were found upon him—these are all the particulars at present within our knowledge.
The post master at Augusta, is sorry to have occasion to mention, that the mail coming from the western part of this state was robbed on Sunday last by one of the post riders. What letters were destroyed or what money taken, is not known; the rider informs that the packet from Sparta only was opened, but as he acknowledges also, that money was taken from a letter directed to Virginia, and also from one for Savannah, both of which would not probably be in the famemail; it is more than possible other mails may have been opened and their letters destroyed. If the post masters to the wellward will transmit to this office, copies of the post bills sent by that mail, such letters as were missing for places out of this state, may possibly be ascertained.
WM. J. HORBY, P. M.
ALBANY, Feb. 12.
On Tuesday, the two branches of the Legislature met in convention for the purpose of choosing a Senator of the United States. The Senate had previously nominated Matthew Clarkson, Esq. and the House De Witt Clinton, Esq.—On the joint ballot, Mr. Clinton had 85 votes, Mr. Clarkson 43.—On Wednesday Mr. Clinton left this city for Washington.
PORTSMOUTH:
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1802.
TO gratify our numerous electioneering friends, on both sides, we are obliged this day to present our worthy patrons with another supplement to the Gazette, which we lament is no better furnished with news, but the violent storm of yesterday and last night, prevented the arrival of the mails due last evening.
*****
Electioneering Communications for the New-Hampshire Gazette.
Fellow-Citizens,
To your Posts! to your Posts!
By public notification you are commanded to assemble in this town on MONDAY next, to give your suffrages for suitable Characters to fill important State Offices the ensuing year. Let not your stupidity and negligence, prove your ruin, but at an early hour be at your posts, provided with the following list of votes, viz—
Hon. John Langdon, Governor. Levi Bartlett, Esq. Counsellor. John Goddard, Esq. Senator. Nath'l Folsom, Esq. County Treasurer. Josiah Adams, Esq. Recorder of Deeds.
These are the men that will serve you faithfully. These are the men which will preserve your rights and privileges, unimpaired to generations yet unborn! AMICUS.
Messrs. Printers.
A writer in your last Gazette, under the signature of "A friend to justice," was pleased to say, he had always held Gov. Gilman in the highest respect until he gave his approving signature to the Bank retraining act, when he had reason to withdraw that respect.
I would wish to ask Mr. "Friend to justice," if he would not have formed a much more unfavorable opinion of that worthy gentleman, if he had withheld his signature, when he thought it his duty to have given it? you will recollect it has always been held up to public view, that this Bank was set on foot solely from Political views, to revolutionize this state, and change the present happy form of government, we now so highly enjoy, in a total Democracy.
Now Mr. "Friend to justice," if Gov. Gilman thought this really the case, (which I am well assured he did) it became him! it would have become you, and every Citizen of New-Hampshire to have exerted all the powers & energy they were masters of, to have crushed, in its infancy, so hellish a plot!
But further, Mr. "Friend to justice," I still have reason to think, you have not yet sufficient cause to alter your former high opinion of, and respect for the worthy Governor Gilman, for there is not that person on earth that can come forward, with one well founded charge against his public or
private character! and can you say this of any other candidate brought forward to your view?
And further, I am well assured, that Gov. Gilman would be one of the first to support a Bill in favor of incorporating the N. Hampshire Union Bank, at the next session of the General Court, provided he is convinced, that the Bank was established from any other, than political motives! Therefore, let me entreat you, to shew yourself a man of more stability than to be whirled about with the flimsy Democratic clamor of the day, and come forward at the approaching election and support the man who is worthy your confidence, and who is the steady, firm Patriot, and supporter of your rights, as well as redresser of your grievances. I mean the Hon. JOHN T. GILMAN, Esq. for your Governor; and at the same time give your supporting energy to JOSEPH BLANCHARD, for your Counsellor, THOMAS LEAVITT, for your Senator, OLIVER PEABODY, for your Treasurer, and NATHANIEL PARKER, for your Recorder of Deeds,—And thus you will convince the world you mean to be the supporter of our present happy form of Government, and not an instrument of turning our liberty into licentiousness, and making it a curse, instead of a blessing to the rising generation.
A friend to Government.
Messrs. Printers,
I profess to be no party man, no news-monger, no politician, no office seeker! but a lover of peace, harmony and concord, which are all words of one and the same meaning. I am also a friend to equal rights, privileges and immunities; I love to see justice impartially administered between a man and his neighbor; and not that wicked, arbitrary disposition either in government or rulers, to keep those up, that are already up, and those who are down; to trample still further into misery and wretchedness!
I would ask, whether this disposition has not been too visible in our government and rulers for several years past? witness the cruel, (and may I not with equal propriety and justness say,) the UNJUST treatment of our government toward the proprietors of the New-Hampshire Union Bank! Tho' I am no stockholder therein, and no party man, yet my blood has boiled in my veins, in beholding just RIGHTS, PRIVILEGES and IMMUNITIES, withheld! what did I say, withheld! I will add dabarred! yea, excluded and even taken from, one class of our citizens and heaped on others, that perhaps were greater favorites, of the powers that are, and have been, (but it is to be hoped, will never be again,) until that seemingly wicked partiality shall be entirely eradicated from their breast!
Therefore being thoroughly convinced, that a change in our State officers, is highly important and necessary, permit me to recommend to the Citizens of New-Hampshire, the following gentlemen, viz.—
Hon. JOHN LANGDON, Governor. LEVI BARLETT, Esq. Counsellor. JOHN GODDARD, Esq.
Senator for District No. 1. BENJAMIN BARNARD, Esq.
Senator for District No. 2. JOSIAH ADAMS, Esq.
Recorder of Deeds. NATHANIEL FOLSOM, Esq.
County Treasurer. Should the above gentlemen be chosen,—New-Hampshire might, with propriety be hailed, thrice happy re-generated STATE!!!
No Stockholder.
* A true statement of which, I was happy to find, in your last Gazette, and hope, that every Constitutional voter will peruse and re-peruse it, and let it have proper weight on his mind, prior to giving his vote at the ensuing election of State officers.
Bill of Mortality.
Died at Stratham, Caleb W. Milimote, an amiable and promising child of the Rev. James Milimote, aged two years. In this family, a child of Mr. Burleigh.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being duly appointed Executrix to the last will and testament of
WILLIAM CURRIER, late of Portsmouth, blockmaker, deceased, has accepted the trust and given bonds as the Law directs.
All Persons having demands against the Estate of said William Currier, are desired to exhibit them, and all persons indebted, are requested to make immediate payment to HANNAH CURRIER, Executrix. Portsmouth, Feb. 23, 1802.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the estate of
JOSHUA RAND,
late of Rye, yeoman, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the subscriber for settlement, being appointed by the Hon. Judge of Probate for said county, administrator to said estate. SAMUEL RAND. Rye, Feb. 22, 1802.
Samuel Hill,
Informs his friends and customers that he imported last Fall, a general assortment of
FISHING GEAR,
Which is now ready for Sale, by Wholesale and Retail, cheap for CASH or approved Credit.—VIZ.
SALMON Nets, & Herring do. of different sizes; Hard-head Nets; Salmon Twine; Herring do. Sewing do. and Hard-head ditto; 18, 15, 12, 9 thread Fishing Lines; Squid Lines; Large Cod, Large Quarter Middling ditto; Small ditto; Hooks; Mackerel ditto; Bar Lead.
May be had at the same place,
English & West-India Goods, as usual.
100 Qts. POLLOCK FISH.
Hyson, Souichong & Bohea Tea, by the Chest or less quantity.
Portsmouth, Feb. 23, 1802.
NOTICE.
To be sold at public auction on Monday the 12th day of April next, at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises,
SO much of the real estate of RICHARD MILLS, deceased, consisting of half a dwelling-house, the land on which it stands and the lot adjoining, situate in Broad-street in this town, opposite the house of Joseph Whipple, Esq. as will pay the following taxes and incidental charges, unless prevented by previous payment, to me at my house in Portsmouth. —viz.—
  Rich'd Mills, for 1799,  D. C.    do. do. 1800,  4 31    Estate of Rich'd Mills, deceased, for 1801.  3 34    JOSEPH AKERMAN, jr. Collec'r.  3 34    Portsmouth, February 23, 1802.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,
Rockingham, ss.
THE creditors to the Estate of JOHN BROWN, late of Portsmouth, in said county, Merchant, deceased, represented insolvent, are hereby notified that a further time of five months from the 17th inst. is allowed by the Judge of Probate, for them to exhibit their claims, and the commissioners will attend that service at the Store of Jeremiah Libbey, in Market-street, in said Portsmouth, on the last Monday of this and the four following months, and on the second Monday of July next, from 3 to 6 o'clock P. M.
THOMAS THOMPSON, Com. JEREMIAH LIBBEY, } nise. EDWARD SARGENT, } sion's. Portsmouth, February 19, 1802.
To PETER CARLETON, Esq. one of the Justices of the Peace within and for the county of Grafton, in the State of New-Hampshire.
WE the undersigned being owners and proprietors of more than one sixteenth part of the town of Concord, in the county of Grafton aforesaid, request your Honor to notify and call a meeting of the proprietors of Concord aforesaid, to be holden at the dwelling-house of Samuel Young, Esq. in said Concord, on the 18th day of March next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, to act on the following articles:—
 1. To choose a Moderator, proprietors' Clerk and Treasurer.  2. To vote any or all the settlers in said Concord such quantities of land therein, as shall appear just and reasonable.  3. To see if said proprietors will quiet such persons as have made improvements on land in said Concord, which they may not be allowed by said proprietors to hold as settlers, by assigning the same to such right or rights as they have lawful title to.  4. To see if said proprietors will complete their survey and allotments of said Concord.  5. To see if said proprietors will raise a tax of one cent per acre, on all the common lands in said town, or any other sum for the purpose of cutting and making passable a road through an unsettled part of said town.  6. To see if said proprietors will agree to commence an action or actions against any person or persons who are trespassing on the common land in said Concord, and to choose an Agent to prosecute the same.  7. To raise such sum or sums of money, as may be thought necessary, and to appoint Assessors and a Collector.  8. To see if said proprietors will choose a committee to ascertain the boundaries and lines of Concord, and treat with any committee of the proprietors of the adjacent towns, and make report.  9. To see if said proprietors will ratify and confirm any vote or votes by them heretofore passed. 
JESSE YOUNG, ROBERT YOUNG, JOSIAH BISHOP, SAMUEL JAMMESSON, EBEN R. RICHARDSON, BENJAMIN WHITCOMB, ISAAC MOORE, HENRY CRUGER, by WM. WOODWARD, his Attorney. Concord, Jan. 25, 1802.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
Grafton ss.
Londoff, Jan. 21, 1802.
AGREELY to the foregoing request, these are to notify and warn the proprietors of the town of Concord aforesaid, to meet at the aforementioned time and place, and for the foregoing purposes.
PETER CARLETON, Justice Peace.

Supplement to the New-Hampshire Gazette ; Feb. 23.
National Legislature.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
JUDICIARY ESTABLISHMENT.
[DEBATES CONTINUED.]
[Mr. MASON's Speech concluded from our last.]
I WILL say, that not an argument was urged in favour of the bill, not a word to shew the necessity or propriety of the change. Yet we are told that there was great dignity, great solemnity in its progress and passage!
But there is something undignified in thus hastily repealing this law! In thus yielding ourselves to the fluctuations of public opinion! So we are told! But if there be blame, on whom does it fall? Not on us, who respected the public opinion when this law was passed, and who still respect it. But on those who in defiance of public opinion passed this law, after that public opinion had been decisively expressed. The revolution in public opinion had taken place before the introduction of this project; the people of the United States had determined to commit their affairs to new agents; already had the confidence of the people been transferred from their then rulers into other hands. After this exposition of the national will, and this new deposit of the national confidence, the gentlemen should have left untouched this important and delicate subject; a subject on which the people could not be reconciled to their views, even in the flood-tide of their power and influence; they should have borne, till agents, better acquainted with the national will, because more recently constituted its organs, had come into the government. This would have been more dignified than to seize the critical moment when power was passing from them, to pass such a law as this. If there is error, it is our duty to correct it; and the truth was, no law was ever more execrated by the public.
Let it not be said postpone the repeal till the next session. No. Let us restore those gentlemen to private life, who have accepted appointments under this law. This will be doing them greater justice, than by keeping them in office another year, till the professional business, which once attached to them, is gone into other channels.
[Mr. Mason went into an examination of the number of suits depending at the time the law was passed, and particularly the number brought within the twelve months preceding its passage, from the fewness of which, and their being in a state of diminution, rather than increase, he inferred the inutility of the additional judges.]
He continued: If on this review, we find the number of suits decreasing instead of increasing; if the Courts then established were found competent to the prompt and faithful discharge of all the duties devolved upon them, the law was unnecessary; and if unnecessary, the additional expence incurred by it was unnecessary; and all unnecessary expence should be saved. It is true that 50,000 dollars divided among the people of the United States, amounted to but one cent a man; but the principle was still the same. It has been very fashionable of late, to justify every unnecessary expence, by stating each item by itself, and dividing it among the whole people. In this way every expence is held forth as of little consequence! Gentlemen say in this case, it is only one cent a man! In the case of the Mausoleum, 200,000 dollars came to only 4 cents a man! In the direct tax, it is only 40 cents! They talk of our army, it only comes to a few cents for each person, who may sell as many cabbages to the soldiers themselves as to pay it! So in a navy. In this way are the most extravagant expences wittled down to a mere fraction. But this kind of federal arithmetic I can never accede to. It may suit an expensive Government; but it is an imposition upon the people.
It has been urged with some force by the gentlemen from New-York and Connecticut that the small number of suits is an evidence of the efficacy and ability of our courts of justice. I am willing to admit the force of this remark, but I must apply it very differently from those gentlemen. I must apply to the state of the dockets when this law passed; and from their being
very few at the time, I must infer that the system existing then was an excellent one, as it wielded the power of the laws so effectually, that there was but little necessity for enforcing the law against delinquents.
From the remarks made by the gentleman from Connecticut, it might be inferred that we were about to destroy all our courts, and that we were in future, to have no courts. Is this the case? Are we contending for breaking down the whole judiciary establishment? On the contrary, we barely say the courts you had before the passage of this law, were sufficient; return, therefore, to them. This law which we wish repealed, imparts no new authorities to your judges; it clothes them with no additional terrors; it adds not to their axes, or increases not the number of their rods. It only enlarges their number, which was before large enough.
The gentleman from New-York has amused himself with a great deal of handsome rhetoric. But I apprehend without bearing much upon the question.
There is one idea, however, which he has seized with ecstasy, the idea of a great state kneeling at the altar of federal power; and he deplores that this spectacle, the most sublime that his imagination can conceive, is vanished forever. But if he will consult those stores of history with which he so often amuses and instructs his audience, he will find still more splendid humiliations; he will find the proud monarchs of the east, surrounded with all the decorations of royalty, dragged at the chariot wheel of the conqueror.
In more modern times he will behold a King of England and of France, one holding the stirrup and the other the bridle, while the Pope mounted his horse. If not contented with the contemplation of these illustrious degradations, he may resort to sacred writ, to which he so often appeals; and in the very book of Judges, he will behold a famous king of Jerusalem, surrounded by three score and ten dependent kings picking up the crumbs from under his table, and what made the humiliation more charming, all these kings had their thumbs and great toes cut off.
But if the gentleman from New-York, wishes to be gratified with a more modern idea of sovereign degradation, I would refer him to the memorable threat of an individual, a servant of the people, to humble a whole state, a great state too, in dust and ashes . A State upon her knees before six venerable judges decorated in party colored robes, as ours formerly were, or arrayed in more solemn black, such as that they have lately assumed, hoping, though a state, that it might have some chance for justice, exhibits a spectacle of humble and degraded sovereignty far short of the dreadful denunciation to which I allude! If the gentleman feels, as I know many do, rapture at the idea of a state being humiliated and tumbled into the dust, I envy him not his feelings.—At such a thought I acknowledge I feel humbled. If the degradation were confined to kings and tyrants, to usurpers who had destroyed the liberties of nations, I should not feel much commiseration; but when applied to governments, instituted by the people for the protection of their liberties, and administered only to promote their happiness, I feel indignant at the idea of degraded sovereignty. I should feel the same interest for any state, large or small, whether it were the little state of Delaware herself, or the still more insignificant Republic of St. Marino.
After a few additional remarks, and asking the indulgence of the House, for the want of method imposed upon him from the necessity of replying to the arguments of gentlemen as they had stated them, General Mason sat down.
Mr. STONE, of North-Carolina. The importance of the present question might I presume justify any member in delivering his sentiments without apology. But from the able manner in which the subject has already been discussed, I should have been induced to adhere to my usual course since I have been a member of this body, and leaving its elucidation to others of greater experience and more talents, have been contented with a silent vote. As however, the state whose servant I am, and whose faithful servant I wish at all times to be found, has instructed her members on this subject, I will
endeavor in the plain way of which alone I am capable to assign the reasons for my vote. And in doing this, I rather wish than hope that I may state any thing worthy the consideration of this enlightened assembly.
The argument upon this question has naturally divided into two parts, the one of expediency—the other of constitutionality. If the repeal of this law shall be deemed expedient; the Senate will doubtless consider it their duty to repeal it if no constitutional objection opposes it; but if it shall be deemed unconstitutional to repeal it, then no considerations of expediency can stand in the way of that solemn instrument, we are all sworn to support.
Before entering into an examination of the expediency of the repeal, it may be proper to remark that gentlemen who have spoken against the repeal, whose talents and eloquence I highly admire, have not correctly stated the question. The true question is, not whether we shall deprive the people of the United States of all their courts of justice; but whether we shall restore to them their former courts. Shall we, or shall we not, continue an experiment made, or attempted to be made. I will not say improperly, because my respect for this body and for my country forbid the imputation; but I will say that the length of time we remained without this system, and the repeated unsuccessful attempts made to establish it, present strong reasons for inferring that there are not those great apparent reasons in favor of it that have been stated. A system, somewhat similar to the present, had been rejected by the legislature because they preferred the former system. Another evidence to the same purport is, that during the last session when the subject was again revived, and the present plan adopted, an amendment was offered, to amend by extending and enlarging the former establishment.
[Here Mr. Stone read the amendment proposed, which augmented the number of judges of the Supreme Court, and assigned their circuits.]
This amendment was rejected, and from the vote entered on the journal of that day, it appears that the difference of votes against the amendment was formed of those gentlemen, who were nominated to appointments made vacant by the promotions under the new law. I do not state this circumstance as an evidence that these gentlemen were influenced by improper motives; but to shew that the manner in which the new system was formed was not calculated to establish in the public mind a decided preference of it over the old system.
Having made these remarks on the great deliberation said to have been manifested in the adoption of this plan, I hope I may be permitted to express my perfect coincidence with the gentleman from Connecticut, that courts are necessary for the administration of justice, and that without them our laws would be a dead letter.
But it appears to me essential to the due administration of justice, that those who preside in our courts should be well acquainted with the laws which are to guide their decisions. And I apprehend that no way is so much calculated to impart this knowledge as a thorough acquaintance with them, by attending courts in the several states, and hearing gentlemen, who are particularly acquainted with them, explain and discuss them. It is, therefore, absolutely necessary in my mind, that the judges of the Supreme Court, whose power controls all the other tribunals, and on whose decisions rest the property, the reputation, the liberty, and the lives of our citizens, should, by riding the circuits, render themselves practically acquainted with their duties. It is well known that the knowledge of the laws of a state is not to be suddenly acquired, and it is reasonable to conclude that that knowledge is most correctly possessed by men whose whole life has been devoted to the acquisition. It is also perfectly well known that the knowledge of the modes and principles of practice in the different states, or of any state, is most effectually to be acquired in courts, where gentlemen of skill and experience apply those principles to use upon existing points.
This defect then, of the present plan is in my opinion, so radical, that of itself it would decide with me the question of expediency.
With regard to the expence of this new system, I will say that it weighs as much as it is worth. The single consideration of an expenditure of 20,000 dollars may not be deemed of much importance, when weighed with the benefits derived from an administration of justice over this extensive country. If this great object can be better effected with the additional expence, then it is proper to consider whether the amelioration is worth the price; but if it is not better effected, it surely cannot be the wish of any gentleman to incur a useless expence. If, when this law passed, the business, to the transaction of which the old courts were fully competent, was lessening,
then surely there was no occasion for additional tribunals.
The more important consideration involves the constitutional question: Can we, according to that sacred instrument, repeal this law, and destroy the offices created by it? If we cannot, I hope the Senate will reject the proposition on your table.—But if we can, as on examination I think we may, I trust the resolution will be adopted.
The gentleman from Kentucky, who introduced this subject, has so fully and forcibly stated that part of the argument which establishes, that the office of judge being declared by the constitution to be during good behaviour, must evidently apply to existing offices, and not to confer the power of the legislature in doing away offices, that I shall not touch it.
I have taken a view of the constitution, which though new in this argument, appears to me to be correct and conclusive. The 4th section of the 2nd article of the constitution declares that "the President, the Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors."
This section being added to the article establishing the executive power, evidently operates as a restriction and curb to that power—to prevent the President, Vice-President or any officer in the appointment of the President from remaining in office, when, in the opinion of the legislature, the public good requires them to be displaced. The practical construction put upon this article in connection with other parts of the constitution, is, that all officers in the appointment of the President may be removed at his will; but that those officers, together with himself and Vice-President, shall be removed upon impeachment and conviction by the legislature. No part of the constitution expressly gives the power of removal to the President; but a construction has been adopted and practiced upon from necessity, giving him that power in all cases in which he is not expressly restrained from the exercise of it. The judges afford an instance in which he is expressly restrained from removal. It having declared by the first section of the 3d article of the constitution, that the judges both of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour.—They doubtless shall (as against the President's power to retain them in office) in common with other officers of his appointment, be removed from office by impeachment and conviction; but it does not follow that they may not be removed by other means. They shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and they shall be removed from office upon impeachment and conviction of treason, bribery and other high crimes and misdemeanors. If the word impeachment of high crimes and misdemeanors, be understood according to any construction of them hitherto received and established, it will be found that although a judge, guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, is always guilty of misbehaviour in office, yet that of the various species of misbehavior in office, which may render it exceedingly improper that a judge should continue in office, many of them are neither treason, nor bribery, nor can they properly be dignified by the appellation of high crimes, and misdemeanors. And for the impeachment of which no precedent can be found; nor would the words of the constitution justify such impeachment. To what source then shall we resort for a knowledge of what constitutes this thing called misbehavior in office? The constitution surely did not intend that a circumstance so important as the tenure by which the judges hold their offices, should be incapable of being ascertained. Their misbehaviour certainly is not an impeachable offence; still it is the ground upon which the judges are to be removed from office. The process of impeachment, therefore, cannot be the only one by which the judges may be removed from office, under and according to the constitution. I take it, therefore, to be a thing undeniable that there resides somewhere in the government a power to declare what shall amount to misbehaviour in office by the judges, and to remove them from office for the same without impeachment. The constitution does not prohibit their re-

moval by the legislature, who have the power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the constitution in the government of the United States. But, says the gentleman from New-York, the judges are officers instituted by the constitution to save the people from their greatest enemies, themselves—and therefore they should be entirely independent of, and beyond the controul of the legislature.—If such was the design of those wise men who framed and adopted the constitution, can it be presumed they would have provided so ineffectual a barrier as these judges can readily be shewn to be? It is allowed on all hands, the legislature may modify the courts—they may add judges, they may fix the times at which the courts shall sit, &c. Suppose the legislature to have interests distinct from the people—and the judges to stand in the way of executing any favorite measure. Can any thing be more easy than for the legislature to declare that the courts instead of being held semi-annually, or oftener, shall be held only once in six, eight, ten, or twenty years; or in order to free themselves from the opposition of the present Supreme Court to declare, that court shall hereafter be held by thirteen judges. An understanding between the President and the Senate would make it practicable to fill the new offices with men of different views and opinions from those now in office—And what, in either case, would become of this boasted protection of the people against themselves. I cannot conceive the constitution intended so feeble a barrier—a barrier so easily evaded.
What danger is there to the people from the legislature which the courts can control? The means of oppression nearest at hand to the legislature, and which afford the strongest temptation to their use, are, the raising extravagant and unnecessary sums of money, and the embodying large and useless armies.—Can the courts oppose effectual checks to these powers? I presume not. The constitution permits their exercise to any extent within the discretion of the legislature.
The objects of courts of law, as I understand them, are to settle questions of right between suitors—to enforce obedience to the laws—and to protect the citizens against the oppressive use of power in the executive officers.—Not to protect them against the legislature; for that I think I have shewn to be impossible with the powers which the legislature may safely use and exercise; and because the people have retained in their own hands the power of controlling and directing the legislature, by their immediate and mediate elections of President, Senate and House of Representatives.
It is not alone the sixteen rank and file, which the gentleman from New-York has so ludicrously depicted, that I apprehend immediate danger from, but it is the principle which converts the office of judge into an hospital of incurables, and declares that an expiring faction, after having lost the public confidence, may add to those sixteen until they become 1600, or 16,000; and that the restored good sense of the legislature, the whole government and constitution retains no means of casting them off, but by destroying itself and restoring to revolutionary principles.—The legislature may repeal unnecessary taxes, may disband useless and expensive armies, may declare they will no longer be bound by the stipulations of an oppressive treaty; and if war should follow the constitution is still safe. But if the construction which gentlemen contend for be correct, a band of drones to any amount in number under the denomination of judges, may prey upon the substance of the people, and the government retains not the power to remove them but by destroying the constitution itself.
I beseech this enlightened assembly to pause before they adopt a construction capable of producing so great mischief, and so ineffectual to the ends proposed.
The question is not now, as it would seem from the arguments of gentlemen, they understand it to be; whether we shall abolish offices without compensating the officers for the sacrifices they may have made. If a proposal to compensate them shall be brought forward, the legislature will surely do what honor and justice shall require.
If I possessed equal powers of speech
with the gentleman from Connecticut, I might be tempted to make as impressive an address to the feelings of the Senate. Sure I am, I feel as deep an interest in, and solicitude for, the constitution, as that gentleman. I view it with him as the bond of our union and the foundation of our safety. But it must be supported on reasonable and practical grounds. My understanding is incapable of seeing how the absurdities and evils of the construction contended for, can be avoided. I hope therefore that the power of the legislature to put down as well as to build up, courts of justice, as the public good may require, will be established.
Not having accustomed myself to deliver my sentiments in this or the other branch of the legislature, I may not have comprized them in so short a compass, nor in such orderly shape, as would be proper in submitting them to this enlightened assembly. If, however, I have succeeded in stating intelligibly the grounds of my conviction, I am satisfied. If my remarks have contributed to elucidate the subject to others, I shall rejoice; but if failing in this, they also are mixed with error, I trust gentlemen will set them right.
House of Representatives.
FRIDAY, JAN. 9. ENGROSSED resolutions, respecting the sense of Congress of the gallant conduct of Lieutenant Sterret, &c. were read the third time and passed.
An engrossed bill to allow drawback upon goods exported from the United States to New-Orleans for a prescribed period, &c. was read a third time; and on motion of Mr. Griswold, who thought its provisions were not sufficiently explicit to protect the revenue from fraud, was recommitted to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Nicholson moved the following resolution:
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for the payment of such loan office and final settlement certificates, as may have been lost, and for the payment or renewal of which application was made prior to the 1st of June 1799.—Referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Giles said as a report was soon expected from the committee of Ways and Means, it was important to ascertain the sense of Congress on the continuance of an establishment attended with a considerable expense. He said he alluded to the mint. If it should appear that this establishment cost more than the benefit derived from it, he presumed it would be discontinued. He, therefore, submitted a resolution, declaring that the several acts in relation to the mint ought to be repealed.
Ordered to lie on the table.
The House then went into committee of the whole on the bill respecting Phillip Sloan, which was reported to the House without amendment, and the bill ordered to be engrossed for third reading on Monday.
MONDAY, FEB. 1. Dr. Eustis presented a memorial from an assistant to a Commissary General, praying for the settlement of his account, which was referred to the committee of claims.
A bill for the settlement of the account of the hon. Samuel Dexter, relative to the suit of Joseph Hodgdon, was read a third time. Mr. Alston moved to postpone the farther consideration of the bill, until the first Monday of December next. This was objected to by Dr. Eustis and Mr. Bayard, as being flagrantly wrong and unjust; and after some further debate the motion was taken and lost. The bill was then referred to a committee of the whole; and so amended as to authorise the Treasury department to settle the account for expenses incurred by the suit, and for his time and personal attendance, not exceeding six dollars per day. The bill was then engrossed for a third reading.
TUESDAY, FEB. 2. A petition was read and referred praying that Marietta (on the Ohio) may be established as a port of entry and delivery.
A message, was received from the President of the United States, enclosing, 1. A return of ordinance, arms, and military stores belonging to the United States. 2. Returns of muskets and bayonets fabricated at Harper's Ferry, and Springfield, with the expenses thereof; and 3. An estimate of Expenditures necessary for fortifications and barracks for 1802.
The President states his opinion of the propriety of establishing an additional magazine in some point convenient for N. Carolina, S. Carolina, and Georgia.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to furnish the House, with copies of any documents in his office relative to the object of the voyage or crews of the frigate Insurgent, and brigantine Pickering; and also to state the time when, and the place from whence they sailed, together with any other information respecting their loss, which it may be in his power to furnish.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 9. A discussion took place on the subject of military land warrants; and a bill was ordered. Local and private business as usual.
THURSDAY, FEB. 4. A bill was received from the Senate, to repeal certain acts for the organization of the Courts of the United States, and for other purposes.
The bill being read twice, Mr. Bayard
moved that it be referred to a select committee, and Mr. Randolph that it be referred to the Committee of the whole. A debate ensued on the last motion, which was supported by Messrs. Randolph, Giles, Milledge, Smilie, and S. Smith; and opposed by Messrs. Bayard, Rutledge, Griswold, and Dana. Mr. Randolph's motion, of course, obtained—ayes 54. Made the order of the day for Monday, the 15th inst.
FRIDAY, FEB. 5. The House went into a committee of the whole, on the bill for the relief of Isaac Zane, when after considering the same, the committee rose and asked leave to sit again.
Leave refused—and the bill recommitted to the select committee who brought in the bill.
Leave of absence granted to Mr. Perkins for remainder of the session.
Mr. Randolph presented a bill making certain partial preparations for 1802—read twice and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
Mr. Smilie moved the appointment of a committee, to enquire into the propriety of providing by law for securing to the United States, the property of public officers indebted to them, and for the eventual release of such persons from imprisonment. Ordered to lie on the table.
The House went into committee of the whole, on the report of a select committee on the bill, allowing a drawback on goods exported to New Orleans, &c. who reported their concurrence therein.
The House concurred in the report of the committee of the whole, and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday.
Mr. Giles moved, that the committee appointed on a message of the President, respecting the debts due by the city of Washington to Maryland be instructed to enquire into the expediency of discontinuing the offices of the commissioners of said city; to report by bill or otherwise.
Agreed to.
European Intelligence,
By an Arrival at Portland from Liverpool, London dates to the 17th December.
LONDON, DEC. 6. IT appears by the speech of Fleurieu, Counsellor of State, in treating on the peace between France and Russia, that the Scheldt is to be opened, and Antwerp restored to its former consequence.
DEC. 7.—Lord and Lady Elgin are about to take a trip to Egypt, the Government of which is to be in future under Pashas instead of Beys. A Pacha has already been appointed.
According to advices from Vienna, tranquillity had been re-established in Belgrade, to the satisfaction both of the Porte and the Janissaries.
The Prince of Orange has had an interview with General Dumourier at Rainville-lez, near Altona.
DEC. 8. M. Otto, will be introduced to His Majesty, as Minister Plenipotentiary from the French Republic, to-morrow at the Levee; and Madame Otto will be presented to Her Majesty at the next drawing-room.
We understand that M. Otto is to retain this new situation, which is similar to that Mr. Jackson holds at Paris, only until the signing of the definite treaty, and the arrival of a regular ambassador from France. He is then to be appointed Minister to the United States of America.
The Journal du Commerce of the 1st inst. states that Marquis Cornwallis left Paris on the 30th ult. at noon, for Amiens.
DEC. 11.—Lord Nelson attended on Wednesday at the Admiralty Board, and took leave of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, previous to his leaving London, to take upon him the command of a fleet going on a secret expedition.
DEC. 15. A letter from St. Petersburg, dated 10th Nov. says, "The last week has been the most tempestuous weather in our recollection, and has completely stopped all business; 100 sail of British ships are ready for sea; the fleets are covered with snow, but we trust they will get away. A new tariff is expected by the 1st of January—the alterations are not yet known. Goods continue high, (hemp excepted, which, in consequence of the peace, has fallen about 25s. per cwt.) Several ships loading for France."
The French expedition to St. Domingo, at present, we believe, engages the principal part of the attention of the Consular Government, and of the British Cabinet. No permission has been given by this country for its sailing; but, notwithstanding, it is daily expected to put to sea. In the mean time, Admiral Mitchell is near Cork with a strong Squadron, having instructions to follow the French fleet, for which purpose vessels are stationed to give him the earliest advice. He is to keep sight of the French expedition all the way to St. Domingo, and to act as a fleet of observation, guarding against any sinister design on our Colonies, from the suspicion of which the French are not entirely free in the minds of persons in this country. The marine force of Britain, in the West Indies, will, during the first years of peace, be more than double what it has been during the war; and the military, so far from being withdrawn, will be augmented.
DEC. 16.—The violent tempests of last month, did very considerable damage on the Dutch coast. While the North was ravaged by tempests, the South of Europe was deluged by incessant rains. The accounts from Italy are full of the most distressing particulars: all the rivers overflowed their banks, desolated large tracts of land, and destroyed bridges, houses, and mills. The
Tecino and the Po, near Pavia, form but one impetuous river.
The Porte heaps almost daily honors upon the British embassy at Constantinople. Lord Elgin has been informed by the Grand Signior, that as an acknowledgment for the important services rendered by the English to the Porte in recovering Egypt, he has ordered a new palace to be built at Pera, which is to be the permanent property of the English embassy.
GENERAL MENOU TO HIS BROTHER, THE MAYOR OF BOUSAI.
"Alexandria.
"The fortune of war has turned against me; attacked by 40,000 English, Ottomans, and Seapoy of India on the land side, by upwards of one hundred ships of war on the sea; a prey to hunger, thirst, and diseases of all kinds, having no longer the necessary medical remedies for the hospitals unable to reckon more than 1800 men under arms, and almost all having the scurvy; having eat all the horses, asses and camels which were in Alexandria (it was our only food,) I have been obliged to capitulate, after we had fought with desperation.
"Eighty pieces of cannon, mortars or howitzers by land, and upwards of 2000 other pieces by sea, battered us, and would have reduced us to ashes; the siege or blockade lasted six whole months: if we have fallen under the greatest force the English ever collected in an expedition by sea, we have at least preserved our honour. I shall not bring back to France a single soldier that has not been wounded; several have more than fifteen wounds.
"I am going to set out for France: my conscience is tranquil; I have done all that honor and probity, as well as attachment to my country, commanded.
"ABD. J. MENOU.
Deal, Dec. 9. It has blown a hard gale of wind the whole of this day, and several vessels have parted from their anchors, and taken shelter in Ramsgate harbour; a large America ship from Boston, bound to Hamburg, has lost her bowsprit and foremast, but rode the gale out without further damage.
Hague, Nov. 28. The terrible storm which began here on Saturday evening, continued with most unusual violence until yesterday morning, that is six days and six nights, and did incredible damage on our coasts. We yesterday received accounts that from the Vlie to Goree, 33 ships of different nations were wrecked. The lower part of Amsterdam is laid under water. At Haerlem great damage has been done by the sea overflowing the Sloper-dyke.
FROM A PARIS PAPER OF NOV. 28.
COMMERCE.
THE following is extracted from the letter addressed by the Minister of the Interior to the members of the Councils of Commerce, established in the seaports:
"I invite you to give, to the following questions, answers expressed with precision and such as may present a conclusion.
1. Do you think it would be beneficial to commerce to re-establish the great Companies which formerly existed, such as the India company, the African and Senegal companies, &c.? In case of the affirmative, under what conditions would it be proper to revive them?
2. What changes have taken place in our commercial relations with our American Colonies? Do the new order of things which has been introduced, and the present state of their cultivation, require any new measures of administration more adapted to their circumstances?
3. Is there, in our navigation laws relative to foreign vessels, any regulations which tend to obstruct our intercourse with the nations in the North of Europe? What are the most proper means of increasing that intercourse and of rendering it more active.
4. Does not the state of our commercial navigation require, that some measures shall be taken to favour maritime expeditions, by giving greater facility to the acquisition and construction of merchant vessels, to the procuring of hands, and the greatest economy in our navigation.
5. Do the list of duties for 1791, and the laws and regulations which have since been adopted, and which are now in force, allow the opportunity for any claims? And upon what are they founded.
6. What are the obstacles which oppose our commerce in foreign countries, produced by their regulations and their imposts? Point out the countries, the objects and at the same time, the means for opposing them.
7. What are your ideas as to the most economical means for keeping your harbours in good order, for the direction of the works, and the management of this department?