The Freeman's journal, or, New-Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth, N.H.), 1777-02-18 00:00:00

Greenleaf's Journal
OR New-Hampshire Gazette.
[ Vol. I. ]
TUESDAY, February 18. 1777.
[ No. 39 ]
Conclusion of The American Crisis, NUMBER II.
Which was begun in last Week's Paper, By the AUTHOR of COMMON SENSE. To Lord HOWE.
BY what means, may I ask, do you expect to conquer America? If you could not effect it in the summer when our army was less than yours, nor in the winter when we had none, how are you to do it? In point of generalship you have been outwitted, and in point of fortitude, outdone; your advantages turn out to your loss, and show us that it is in our power to ruin you by gifts: Like a game of drafts we can move out of one square to let you come in, in order that we may afterwards take two or three for one; and as we can always keep a double corner for ourselves, we can always prevent a total defeat. You cannot be so insensible as not to see that we have two to one the advantage of you, because we conquer by a drawn game, and you lose by it. Burgoyne might have taught your Lordship this knowledge; he has been long a student in the doctrine of chances.
I have no other idea of conquering countries than by subduing the armies which defend them: Have you done this, or can you do this? If you have not, it would be civil in you to let your proclamations alone for the present; otherwise you will ruin more Tories by your grace and favour than you will Whigs by your arms.
Were you to obtain possession of this city, you would not know what to do with it more than to plunder it. To hold it, in the manner you hold New-York, would be an additional dead weight upon your hands; and if a general conquest is your object, you had better be without the city than with it. When you have defeated all our armies, the cities will fall into your hands of themselves; but to creep into them in the manner you got into Princeton, Trenton, &c. is like robbing an orchard in the night before the fruit be ripe, and running away in the morning. Your experiment in the Jerseys is sufficient to teach you that you have something more to do than barely to get into other people's houses; and your new converts, to whom you promised all manner of protection, and seduced into new guilt by pardoning them from their former virtues, must begin to have a very contemptible opinion both of your power and your policy. Your authority in the Jerseys is now reduced to the small circle which your army occupies, and your proclamation is no where else seen unless it be to be laughed at. The mighty subduers of the Continent are retreated into a nutshell, and the proud for-givers of our sins are fled from those they came to pardon; and all this at a time when they were dispatching vessel after vessel to England with the great news of every day. In short, you have managed your Jersey expedition so very dexteriously that the dead only are conquerors, because none will dispute the ground with them.
In all the wars you have formerly been
concerned in, you had only armies to contend with; in this case you have both an army and a country to combat with. In former wars, the countries followed the fate of their capitals; Canada fell with Quebec, & Minorca with Port Mahon or St. Phillips; by subduing those, the conquerors opened a way into, & became masters of the country: Here it is otherwise; if you get possession of a city here, you are obliged to shut yourselves up in it, & can make no other use of it, than to spend your country's money in. This is all the advantage you have drawn from New-York; and you would draw less from Philadelphia, because it requires more force to keep it, and is much farther from the sea. A pretty figure you and the Tories would cut in this city, with a river full of ice, and a town full of fire; for the immediate consequence of your getting here would be, that you would be cannonaded out again, and the Tories be obliged to make good the damage; and this, sooner or later, will be the fate of New-York.
I wish to see the city saved, not so much from military as from natural motives. 'Tis the hiding place of women and children, & Lord Howe's proper business is with our armies. When I put all the circumstances together which ought to be taken, I laugh at your notion of conquering America. Because you lived in a little country where an army might run over the whole in a few days, and where a single company of soldiers might put a multitude to the route, you expected to find it the same here. It is plain that you brought over with you all the narrow notions you were bred up with, and imagined that a proclamation in the king's name was to do great things; but Englishmen always travel for knowledge, and your Lordship, I hope, will return, if you return at all, much wiser than you came.
We may be surprised by events we did not expect, and in that interval of recollection you may gain some temporary advantage: Such was the case a few weeks ago, but we soon ripen again into reason, collect our strength, and while you are preparing for a triumph, we came upon you with a defeat. Such it has been, and such it would be were you to try it an hundred times over. Were you to garrison the places you might march over, in order to secure their subjection, (for remember you can do it by no other means) your army would be like a stream of water running to nothing. By the time you reached from New-York to Virginia you would be reduced to a string of drops not capable of hanging together; while we, by retreating from State to State, like a river turning back upon itself, would acquire strength in the same proportion as you lost it, and in the end be capable of overwhelming you. The country in the mean time would suffer, but 'tis a day of suffering, & we ought to expect it. What we contend for is worthy the affliction we may go through. If we get but bread to eat, and any kind of rayment to put on we ought, not only to be contented, but thankful. More than that we ought not to look for, and less than that Heaven has not yet suffered us to
want. He that would sell his Birthright for a little salt, is as worthless as he who sold it for porridge without salt. And he that would part with it for a gay coat, or a plain coat, ought for ever to be a slave in buff. What are salt, sugar and finery to the inestimable blessing of "Liberty and Safety?" Or what are the inconveniencies of a few months to the tributary bondage of ages? The meanest peasant in America, blessed with these sentiments, is a happy man compared with a New-York Tory; he can eat his morsel without repining, and when he has done, can sweeten it with a repast of wholesome air, he can take his child by the hand and bless it without feeling the conscious shame of neglecting a parent's duty.
In publishing these remarks, I have several objects in view: On your part they are, to expose the folly of your pretended authority as a Commissioner; the wickedness of your cause in general; and the impossibility of your conquering us at any rate. On the part of the public my meaning is, to show them their true & solid interest; to encourage them to their own good, to remove the fears and fallacies which bad men had spread and weak men had encouraged; and to excite in all men a love for union and a cheerfulness for duty.
I shall submit one more case to you respecting your conquest of this country, and then proceed to new observations:
Suppose our armies in every part of the Continent were immediately to disperse, every man to his home, or where else he might be safe, and engage to re-assemble again on a certain future day; it is clear that you would then have no army to contend with, yet you would be as much at a loss in that case, as you are now; you would be afraid to send your troops in parties over the Continent, either to disarm, or prevent us from assembling, lest they should not return; and while you kept them together, having no army of ours to dispute with, you could not call it a conquest; you might furnish out a pompous page in the London Gazette or the New-York paper, but when we returned at the appointed time, you would have the same work to do you had at first.
It has been the folly of Britain to suppose herself more powerful than she really is, and by that means have arrogated to herself a rank in the world she is not intitled to; for more than this century past she has not been able to carry on a war without foreign assistance. In Malborough's campaigns, and from that day to this, the number of German troops & officers assisting her have been about equal with her own; ten thousand Hessians were sent to England last war to protect her from a French invasion; and she would have cut but a poor figure in her Canadian and West-Indies expeditions; had not America been lavish both of her money & men to help her along. The only instance in which she was engaged singly, that I can recollect, was against the rebellion in Scotland in forty-five and forty-six, & in that, out of three battles, she was twice beaten, till by thus reducing
Just published and sold at the Printing-Office in Portsmouth, the Regulation Act of Prices; very necessary for every Family in Town and Country, to prevent Imposition.

their numbers (as we shall yours) and taken a supply ship that was coming to Scotland with cloaths, arms and money (as we have often done) she was at last enabled to defeat them. England was never famous by land; her officers have generally been suspected of cowardice; have more of the air of a dancing master than a soldier, and by the sample we have taken prisoners we begin to give the preference to ourselves. Her strength of late has laid in her extravagance; but as her finances and her credit are now low, her sinews in that line begin to fail fast. As a nation she is the poorest in Europe; for were the whole kingdom, and all that is in it, to be put up to sale like the estate of a bankrupt, it would not fetch as much as she owes: Yet this thoughtless wretch must go to war, and with the avowed design too of making us beasts of burthen, to support her in riot and debauchery, and to assist her afterwards in distressing those nations who are now our best friends. This ingratitude may suit a Tory, or the unchristian peevishness of a sullen Quaker, but none else.
'Tis the unhappy temper of the English to be pleased with any war, right or wrong, be it but successful; but they soon grow discontented with ill fortune, & it is an even chance that they are as clamorous for peace next summer, as the king and his ministers were for war last winter. In this natural view of things your Lordship stands in a very ugly, critical situation. Your whole character is staked upon your laurels; if they wither, you wither with them; if they flourish, you cannot live long to look at them; and at any rate, the black account hereafter is not far off. What lately appeared to us misfortunes, were only blessings in disguise; and the seeming advantages on your side, have turned out to our profit. Even our loss of this city, as far as we can see, might be a principal gain to us: The more surface you spread over, the thinner you will be, and the easier wiped away; and our consolation, under that apparent disaster, would be, that the estates of the Tories would become securities for the repairs. In short, there is no old ground we can fail upon, but some new foundation rises again to support us. "We have put, Sir, our hands to the plough, and cursed be he that looketh back."
Your king, in his speech to parliament last spring, declared to them, "That he had no doubt but the great force they had enabled him to send to America, would effectually reduce the rebellious Colonies." It has not, neither can it; but it has done just enough to lay the foundation of its own next year's ruin. You are sensible that you left England in a divided distracted state of politics, and by the command you had here, you became a principal prop in the court party; their fortunes rests on yours; by a single express you can fix their value with the public, & the degree to which their spirits shall rise or fall; they are in your hands as flock, and you have the secret of the ally with you. Thus situated and connected, you become the unintentional mechanical instrument of your own and their overthrow. The king and his ministers put conquest out of doubt, and the credit of both depended on the proof. To support them in the interim, it was necessary you should make the most of every thing; and we can tell by Hugh Gain's New-York paper, what the complexion of the London Gazette is.
With such a list of victories, the nation cannot expect you will ask new supplies; and to confess your want of them, would give the lie to your triumphs, & impeach the king & his ministers of treasonable deception. If you make the necessary demand at home, your party sinks; if you make it not, you sink yourself; to ask it now, is too late, and to ask it before, was too soon, and unless it arrive quickly will be of no use. In short, the part you have to act, cannot be acted; and I am fully persuaded that all you have to trust to, is to do the best you can with what force you have got, or little more. Tho' we have greatly excelled you in point of generalship and bravery of men, yet, as a people, we have not entered into the full soul of enterprize; for I, who know England and the disposition of the people well, am confident that it is easier for us to effect a revolution there, than you a conquest here: A few thousand men landed in England with the declared design of deposing the present king,
bringing his ministers to trial, and setting up the Duke of Gloucester in his stead, would assuredly carry their point, while you were groveling here ignorant of the matter. As I send all my papers to England, this, like COMMON SENSE, will find its way there; tho' it may put one party on their guard, it will inform the other and the nation in general of our design to help them.
Thus far, Sir, I have endeavoured to give you a picture of present affairs: You may draw from it what conclusions you please. I wish as well to the true prosperity of England as you can, but I consider Independence as America's natural Right and Interest, and never could see any real disservice it would be to Britain. If an English merchant receives an order and is paid for it, it signifies nothing to him who governs the country—This is my creed of politics. If I have any where expressed myself overwarmly, it is from a fixed immovable hatred I have, & ever had, to cruel men and cruel measures. I have likewise an aversion to monarchy, as being too debasing to the dignity of man; but I never troubled others with my notions till very lately, nor ever published a syllable in England in my life. What I write is pure nature, and my pen and my soul have ever gone together. My writings I have always given away, reserving only the expence of printing and paper, and sometimes not even that. I have never courted either fame or interest, & my manner of life, to those who know it, will justify what I say. My study is to be useful, and if your Lordship love mankind as well as I do, you would, seeing you cannot conquer us, cast about & lend your hand towards accomplishing a peace. Our INDEPENDENCE, with GOD's blessing, we will maintain against all the world; but as we wish to avoid evil ourselves, we wish not to inflict it on others. I am never over-inquisitive into the secrets of the Cabinet, but I have some notion, that if you neglect the present opportunity, that it will not be in our power to make to make a separate peace with you afterwards; for whatever treaties or alliances we form, we shall most faithfully abide by; wherefore you may be deceived, if you think you can make it with us at any time. A lasting INDEPENDENT peace is my wish, end and aim; and to accomplish that, "I pray GOD, the Americans may never be defeated, and I trust while they have good officers, and are well commanded," and willing to be commanded, "that they NEVER WILL."
COMMON SENSE.
Philadelphia, January 13, 1777.
BALTIMORE, December 31.
The printers in each of the United States are desired to take notice, that at the times when the militia have been call'd on to reinforce the army, the internal enemies of America have industriously circulated reports magnifying the number of our troops in the camp, and thereby preventing seasonable reinforcements. It is therefore hoped that they will in future avoid publishing letters or paragraphs that may have this dangerous effect, and insert this hint in each of their papers, that the yeomanry of America being apprised thereof, may at all times exert themselves when properly called on, to expel from this land an army of foreigners, that consider their customs of indiscriminately murdering, plundering and ravishing, to be consistent with humanity and the practices of civilized nations.
WILLIAMSBURG, January 3.
Capt. Lilly, of the armed brig Liberty, arrived last Friday from a cruise, and brought in with him the ship Jane, David Wallace, master, from Tortola, bound to London, with 28 hhds. 43 tierces, and 3 barrels of brown sugar, 21 puncheons and three barrels of rum, 13 bales of cotton, 1 pipe, 8 hhds, and 12 quarter casks of Madeira wine, and 18 tons of fustick.
A ship from Liverpool, bound to New-York, is brought into Hampton, taken by the Continent cruiser Montgomery. She has on board a considerable quantity of woolens, some bales of Irish linen, cheese, and a variety of other useful articles.
PHILADELPHIA, January 25 The Honorable Congress, being fully sat-
isfied with the conduct of Dr. Jonathan Potts, as Director General of the Northern Army, have thought proper to continue him in that department.
His Excellency General Washington has been pleased to appoint Benjamin Flower Esq; Commissary General of military stores for the United States, with the rank of Colonel.
Extract of a letter from Copenhagen, dated Sept. 25, 1776, to a merchant in this city.
"As soon as I arrived at Stettin, and they heard up in town that I was an American, & spoke their own language (that is German) I had one express after another to come up. When I arrived it was not as in Barcelona. That American rebel, but I thought I should have been torn to pieces. The Governor & several others sent for me to hear about America, and while talking about it the glasses went about pretty brisk, & nothing else was going but success to the Americans & to the Congress, to the brave officers, & every brave fellow that will sooner die than give up his liberty. In short through all Denmark, from the highest to the lowest, if it lay in their power, they would assist America with the last drop of their blood, for they experience a little of slavery themselves. When I lay there, it was reported I was going to America, I dare say that I had upwards of fifty officers applied, even as high as Majors, that wanted to go if they knew which way to get there."
The Managers of the United States LOTTERY are now delivering out TICKETS at the LOTTERY-OFFICE in Front-street, nearly opposite the Coffee-House.
The Printers in the different States are requested, by the Managers, to insert and continue the scheme of the United States Lottery in their several papers.
BALTIMORE, January 29th, 1777.
Extract of a letter from Gen. WASHINGTON to CONGRESS, dated January 22d, 1777.
"My last was on the 20th instant; since that, I have the pleasure to inform you, that General Dickinson, with about four hundred militia, had defeated a foraging party of the enemy of an equal number, and has taken forty waggons, and upwards of an hundred horses, most of them of the English draught bred, and a number of sheep and cattle which they had collected."
"The enemy retreated with so much precipitation, that General Dickinson has only an opportunity of making nine prisoners; they were observed to carry off a good many dead and wounded in light waggons."
This action happened near Somerset Court House or Millsten-river. General Dickinson's behaviour reflects the highest honour upon him, for though his troops were all raw, he led them through the river, middle deep, and gave the enemy so severe a charge, that although supported by three field pieces, they gave way, and left their convoy.
Published by Order of Congress.
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
NEWBURYPORT, February 13.
The following is a genuine specimen for tory benevolence, and may be depended upon as a real matter of fact.
Samuel Hale, late of Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, after his elopement from thence, visited an uncle in Connecticut, where he was hospitably entertained; but as his uncle was a Whig, and had a son, a young gentleman of a liberal education, and most amiable disposition, who strongly felt for his bleeding country, and being very active in the military way, was urged and prevailed on to take a commission in the Continental army; consequently Samuel was obliged to conduct with caution, and counterfeit, as well as he could, a whig's phiz, while he tarried, which however was but a short time, before he made his escape to General Howe in New York. Sometime after this, Capt. Hale, at the request of the General, went into New-York in disguise, and having nearly accomplished his designs, whom should he meet, but his aforesaid cousin Samuel, whom he attempted to stun, but Sam knew him too well. Capt. Hale soon found he was advertised, and so particularly described, that he could not get through Long Island, he therefore attempted to escape by the way of King's Bridge, and so far succeeded as to get the outer guard, where he was suspected, apprehended, carried back and tried, and yet would have been acquitted, had not his affectionate and grateful cousin Samuel appeared, & made oath, that he was a Captain in the Continental army, and that he was in there as a spy, in consequence of which, he was immediately hung up: however, at the gallows he made a sensible and spirited speech, among other things, told them they were shedding the blood of the innocent, and that if he had ten thousand lives, he would lay them all down, if called to it, in defence of this injured, bleeding country.
The Printers throughout the Continent are desired to exhibit this tragical scene to the public, that they may see what mercy they are to expect, if they fall into the hands of Tories.

Huc Justicia, seu pristina Fides! Virgil's Æneid 1st.
WHEN shall Justice, and public Faith (the peculiar Virtue of ancient Times) with their hoary venerable Locks, visit this oppress'd Land! — Salus Populi Suprema Lex esto.
At the present critical Conjuncture of our political Affairs, when every Thing that Freeman (would to Heaven there were more truly meritorious of so ennobling a Title) can estimate as dear to them, stands obnoxious to the rapacious Hands of an infamous Juntō of lawless Tools, employed by the infernal Malice of a British Pandemonium to subjugate three Millions of once loyal Subjects, brave and determined, (the illustrious Descendants of a noble Ancestry;) it is the indispensable Duty of every free born Son, as he would approve himself faithful to God and his Country, and inherit the Laurels of glorious Renown; which formerly crowned the Brows of their venerable Forefathers; wreath'd by the fair Hand of Liberty, as a Reward to her virtuous Sons; who unappall'd by the greatest dangers, have nobly stood forth, and with all the Calmness and Serenity of catonic Virtue — with intrepid Heroism of soul, confronted almost insuperable Difficulties, in her glorious Defence: — I say at this important Crisis, when the Womb of Fate groans, and is obviously in Travail, of some important momentous Events, which may greatly concern the Welfare not only of present, but future Worlds; it is the incumbent Duty of every one, (as we must answer to God and our Consciences) vigorously to unite, in Heart and Hand, in firmly endeavouring to drive from this afflicted Land, (the once happy Asylum of the Distressed) those Sons of Belial — those infernal Dogs of war; who, with a Spirit of Malice and Rancour, insatiate as Hell and the Grave, are, (as I said before) with horrid Zeal, endeavouring to entail Infamy and Vassalage, on Millions yet unborn — But alas! ( horribile dictu! ) how many unnatural Brethren (and still more unnatural that they are suffered to escape with impunity) Dupes to Tyrants, (some of them bosom Friends too in pretext) are now, deaf to all the en-dearing Connections of Society, or Consanguinity, firmly cooperating, (either immediately or remotely) with our unnatural Enemies, to establish a System of unbounded Despotism over a free People: than which, to a noble Mind, Death itself must be more eligible. "O Heaven! is there not some chosen Curse, some hidden Thunder, in thy magazine of Plagues, red with uncommōn Wrath" to punish the men, that thus wantonly sport with the sacred rights of their fellow Citizens — Will you then, my Countrymen, any longer be lulled asleep in the Lap of Security! When our glorious Cause is more endanger'd, (I may confidently affirm) from this Source than any other circumstance whatever, by our Neglect, to scourge from these United States, by exemplary Punishments, those loathsome Vermin, those more than Egyptian Plagues, that infest this Land; and will be the Hellish Engines (unless timely prevented) of a less corrupt Ministry, to sink us to the lowest Abyss of human Misery, by a degrading Vassalage — Heaven forbid! Let us then one and all, being knit together, in the Unity of the Spirit, and the Bond of Peace, divesting ourselves of all Prejudices, arising from any particular Connections with them, either natural or otherwise, be aroused from our Lethargy, awake to Vigilance, and rest not till we have effectually rid this Land, this infantile Soil, of those noxious Weeds — those Monsters of Iniquity, who not only greatly encumber our present Struggles in the noblest Cause (big with the Fate of America, & Worlds yet unnumbered with the Living) by every sordid, clandestine Artifice, that the Prince of the Power of the Air (for it seems as if he had them entirely at his Dispo'se) can suggest; but are instilling into, and poisoning the Minds, of their yet innocent Offspring, and those committed to their Care, with their own infernal Principles; thereby fostering up a Brood of ministerial Sycophants, contaminated with the blood of their base foul'd Ancestry, who will prove as so many Judas's ever ready "for the paltry Boon, of a little painted Trash" or, the insignificant Smiles of a frowning Despot, to betray the cause of God and their Country. Let us repair to the glorious Manes of an immortal WARREN, a MONTGOMERY, and the Host of Heroes, who, with god-like Zeal, have bled and died, illustrious Victims, (beautiful even in Death) to the sacred Shrine of Liberty; — There to hear what wholesome Lessons they will inculcate upon us; and may we, from them, "transplant one by one, their god-like virtues, till we shine like them." Speak, ye illustrious shades! ye guardian Genii of America! Speak — Is it not high time to rid ourselves of these useless Incumbrances? Have they not already, and do they not still (what demoniac Phrenzy!) frustrate in a great Measure, our important enterprizes, both by Sea and Land? Methinks I hear you echo back, through the Vaults of Death, "Alas, this is too much the Case!" At the same time murmuring your Displeasure, that none of your once associate Patriots, that are left behind, dare to arrest them in their base Career — Forbid it any longer, ye immortal departed Spirits! Inspire us with that noble Zeal, that intrepid Heroism of Spirit, which once fir'd your generous Souls, when conflicting here on Earth; and may it actuate us, to drive intirely from this Land, those vile Miscreants of the Earth, causing their Names to be hiss'd, through the Annals of every Succeeding Generation, and inscrib'd to their eternal Infamy and Disgrace, in indelible Characters, on both
Sides of every Leaf.
Heaven grant that this may be their just Lot and Portion; and may all America, in Word and Deed, exclaim their loud AMEN.
PHILOPOLITES.
[The Design of the preceding Lines was to arouse People from their Security — not to convince. The Author might have adduced many cogent Arguments (as demonstrative as Moses's Rod) from Principles, as well scriptural as social, to evince the Justness of his Sentiments; but he esteems, it would be a mere Prostitution of Time, and an Insult, to every American Understanding, for he that runs may read the Truth of them.]
BOSTON, Feb. 13.
At a full and respectable meeting of the Inhabitants of Boston, at Faneuil Hall, on Yesterday, they appeared unanimous in their resolutions to promote the salutary intentions of the late act to prevent monopoly, &c. and earnestly recommended it to all the inhabitants that have any articles more than they want for their consumption, that they would dispose of them agreeable to the prices fixed by the late regulating act, as they would regard the peace of the town, the distresses of the poor, fixing our medium to a certain value, and strengthening the hands of government, at this important Crisis. The committee of correspondence were desired to inform the committees of other towns, of the proceedings of said meeting, in order to prevent any ill impressions by false reports industriously circulated from selfish views, or in aid to the enemies of American Freedom and Independence.
By a Person lately from Halifax, we learn, That when the HOWES Proclamation was profer'd to the American Prisoners to sign, (notwithstanding they were confin'd on board a Guard Ship, and told that General Howe had got Possession of Philadelphia,) they, like true Americans, to a Man, nobly disdain'd to do it.
By an express from Ticonderoga arrived here last Tuesday, we learn, that the lakes for 40 miles together were all open & free of ice.
We hear that a vessel is arrived at Dartmouth from the West Indies, the master of which informs that an English cruizer had taken two American vessels, which were French bottomed; in consequence of which a French frigate from Martinico sailed in quest of her, took her, and carried her into said port.
Extract of a letter from Peeks kill, dated January 19, 1777.
"General Howe has discharg'd all the privates, who were prisoners in New York, one half be sent to the world of spirits for want of food — the other be beth sent to warn their countrymen of the danger of falling into his hands, and to convince them by ocular demonstration, that it is infinitely better to be slain in battle, than to be taken prisoners by British brutes, whose tender mercies are cruelty. But it is not the prisoners alone who felt the effects of British humanity. Every part of the country thro' which they have march'd has been plundered and ravaged. No discrimination has been made with respect to Whig or Tory; but all alike have been involv'd in one common fate. Their march thro' New Jersey has been marked with the most savage barbarity. But West-Chester witnesseth more terrible things. The repositories of the dead have ever been held sacred by the most barbarous and savage nations. But here, not being able to accomplish their accursed purposes upon the living, they wreaked their vengeance on the dead. In many places, the graves in the church yards were opened, and the bodies of the dead exposed upon the ground for several days. At Morristania, the family vault was opened, the Coffins broken, and the bones scattered abroad. At Delancey's farm, the body of a beautiful young lady which had been buried for two years, was taken out of the ground, and exposed for five days in a most indecent manner; many more instances could be mentioned but my heart sickens at the recollection
of such inhumanity. Some persons try to believe that it is only the Hessians who perpetrate these things, but I have good authority to say, that the British vie with, and even exceed the auxiliary troops in licentiousness. After such treatment, can it be possible for any persons seriously to wish for a reconciliation with Great Britain."
HARTFORD, February 10.
Last Thursday an express came to town from Gen: Washington's head quarters, in New Jersey, who informs, That on Saturday the 1st instant, a party of our men, about 700 in number, fell in with a body of the enemy, said to be about 1000, with 3 field pieces, at Piscataqua about 4 miles from Brunswick, when an engagement commenced, which lasted some time; but the enemy were at length obliged to retreat, leaving about 36 of their men dead in the field. However, being joined by a considerable reinforcement from their main body, with three additional field pieces, they returned and renewed the attack, when our people being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to retreat; in both actions we had 9 men killed and 14 wounded. The enemy were at the above place, procuring forage for their horses.
PORTSMOUTH.
Mr. Stavers returns his most sincere thanks to the Gentlemen of the town who were active in suppressing the late tumult at his house, who exerted themselves in preserving so great part of his Interest from the violence of an enraged populace, and adds, it is with pleasure to himself and honor to the country, that he now finds himself secure and unmolested in his person and property, and hopes in future the peace of the public, nor his own safety, will be again endangered from any proceedings that are irregular.
[DIED] Mrs. Abigail White, aged 82. Wife of Mr. Ephraim Ham, aged 41. A Child of Mr. Solomon Cotton's.
TO BE SOLD or LETT, On Reasonable Terms, By JONATHAN MOULTON, of Hampton.
A Farm situate in the parish of Deerfield, lying within about half a mile of the meeting house, containing about 150 acres of good land, with a dwelling-house, barn, and orchard thereon, the house double in length & breadth, very pleasantly situated, the more so as the building and orchard are facing the fore street, leading to the meeting house, part of which was lately owned by Robert Kelse: The land runs northerly about one mile to another road leading to Gilmantown: — This Farm may be divided into two, and each to lay upon a public road. — Also, to be Lett,
By said MULTON, several Farms laying in the Township of Moultonborough and Tamworth, some of which are very large and commodious, the land is of an excellent quality, and has convenient dwellings, &c. thereon. — Any person inclining to take on hire either of said Farms, may know the terms by applying to said Moulton; and those who incline to move on in a short time, may be supplied with Wheat, Corn, or Rye, until a new crop, delivered at the Farm at the price fixed by the General Court of this state, and good English Hay to do their Spring's Work, at half the price it is now sold in the lower towns. — Also
TO BE SOLD by said MOULTON, at Hampton, high proof Jamaica RUM by the gallon, choice SUGAR by the hundred &c. &c. at prices agreeable to the late Regulation Act of this state. Hampton, Feb. 8.
A NOTE OF HAND of £ 50 L. M. payable in boards, to Solomon Davis of Nottingham, in the year 1771, or 1772 has been discharged, and the note is mislaid or lost, therefore if any person should be in possession of said note, it is desired they would not offer it as of any value, but bring it to me the subscriber, and they shall be satisfied for their trouble, by me, John Layn. 9—1

MR. PRINTER,
I t gives me great satisfaction to find in your last paper, advertisements of several traders offering their goods at the prices limited by the regulating act lately passed.—And it equally pains me to hear that there are some persons, both in town and country, that make a clamor at it, and decline to comply therewith, or to offer their goods and provisions for market as they did when the prices were greater. These sordid avaricious wretches are much greater enemies to the country than the most abandoned villains among those who are stigmatized by the character of Tories.—these I say are a much more dangerous enemy, because it is probable they may be more numerous.—And they are actuated by the same base principles, namely, Avarice. There are among us but very few Tories (and it has been our boast) but are guided by selfish views of gain. They have been, the most of them, in places of honour, as they are called, or profit, under the late government—besides this, if any thing can be said in excuse for a Tory, at their first opposition to the measures of the country, they were deprived of their livings; and the public measures have been gradually advancing to their present head;—and as they were drawn into an opposition thereto at first from motives of interest, they have been carried along with this gradual advance to their present state, without foreseeing what would happen, till they had made themselves obnoxious;—and mutual insults, had produced mutual animosities, till they are justly become objects of our detestation, and ought to be removed from a country whose freedom hath become burdensome to them. But the wretch that now, in full conviction of so wise a regulation,—stabs his country to the heart by refusing a compliance therewith,—what does he deserve?—The necessity of this regulation no one I presume will doubt, or dispute; for were not this done—is it not evident that our paper currency would be ruined and become good for nothing. Did not every month add 15 or 20 per cent to the prices demanded the preceding month? what else but this act, would have prevented beef, which is now at 3d. to 4d. from being sold at 3s. or 4s.—what else would have prevented corn now at 3s. 6d. from being sold at 30s. or european goods now at 175 per cent from being 1000 per cent advance?—was every man a trader or producer of provisions, and were it possible they could exactly keep pace with each other in their extortion, no great evil perhaps would arise, more than the sin of their intentions to devour each other; but that is not the case; and if the farmer and trader can keep pace with each other,—what is to become of the industrious tradesman & labourer, many of whom are under contract for work, while their pay is becoming of little value?—what is to become of the honest creditor, many of whom advanced in age, are incapable of doing business, and have their little ALL in the hands of others at a moderate interest, on which only they depend to lead them on in comfort, to their approaching grave?—what is to become of the reverend Divine, who under a limited contract for a salary, which at first barely supported himself and growing infants, whom he would wish to lead into life with reputation, and bestow on one or two of them perhaps an education that his tender and affectionate parent hath bestowed on him?—but above all, what will become of the brave and generous soldier, who is resigning his life for the salvation of his country?—The congress and general court have provided for such as shall engage during the war, in a manner that does honor to such respectable bodies; and generous beyond example:—but should the vile avaricious wretches who refuse a compliance with the regulating act, be able (which God forbid they should) to prevent the execution of it,—The brave soldier who leaves his bounty money at home, and expects at the expiration of his service, to apply it, together with his monthly pay, in the cultivation of his hundred acres of land which is to be given him by congress, will have but little heart to encounter the dangers of the war, when he daily sees that at the close of it, his money will bring him nothing—but I will stop this figure, least it should in one instance discourage a brave adventurer before he is convinced that the legislature has authority to support him, and the people virtue enough by their strict adherence to the regulating act, to keep him supplied with necessaries at a reasonable price; & at his return, his bounty with what savings he can make out of his wages at its full value. True it is, that trade should in general be free, and without the least controul; but where there is so extraordinary occasion as the present,—perhaps such an one as never happened before in any age or any nation;—an infant country, attacked on every side by the whole force of a powerful nation: & the war carried on with a paper currency that will pass in no other country; the credit of which currency depends upon the virtue of the people or the power of the legislature, if the people have not virtue enough (and it is found that many have not), surely every well wisher to the country will applaud the measures taken by authority to prevent the ruin of it.
Much hath been said by those who are in possession of goods they have lately purchased at a great price, on which they are now subjected to a loss.—If a monopolist suffers by this means who will pity him? If I have purchased an article and refuse to sell it at a reasonable advance, in hopes that a greater will take place soon, when the article shall become wholly en-
grossed by myself and others of my stamp,—I am undoubtedly a monopolist, and deserve the punishment that now comes upon me. Suppose I, with ten or a dozen others, are owners of 5 or 600 hhds. of rum and sugars, and by the circumstances of the Concern, or for the convenience of making an equal distribution are obliged to offer it for public sale;—I say to my partners, come, here is a fine cargo of rums—no other will be for sale this crop—many retailers and others must purchase, let us therefore hoist it up to 8 or 9s. or some great price, and the sugars in proportion;—if it falls upon us, well, it is our own still;—and what we can get off above our limited price, will be well sold: accordingly, we proceed to the sale, we bid up to such a round price that one half the goods come into our hands, the other half hath fallen into the hands of the unwary purchaser, who really wanted the article; and who following our example, bid on till he could get it;—the sale is over—a grand sale, faith—well, here is 300 hhds. our own still,—no matter,—half is gone for the value of the whole,—the price however, is made and we shall get off the rest at private sale without much loss;—but in fact the loss is nothing;—it was our own before, & in proportion we must divide it;—therefore,—A, your share is 10 hhds.—B, your share is 5 hhds.—C, your share is 2 hhds. “boatswain your share is one hhd. if you can’t sell it, my Lads, you can drink it”—now am I a sufferer by the act, because I have bought my own goods at a great price; or if I was, do I not deserve to suffer?—I acknowledge that I should not deserve the least compassion;—and were I not most abominably avaricious,—I should be satisfied with the profits of my sale, & be at least mute about the act.—But the unwary purchaser really deserves our pity, and if it were possible to discriminate, I wish that such could be relieved by the legislature;—either by taking the goods off his hands at the price given, for the use of the government, or otherwise, as it falls heavy upon him;—perhaps half he is worth is invested in an article, on which he now sustains a loss of 30 per cent—I pity him, and should cheerfully contribute to his relief;—but is it not better that a few should suffer, than that the whole country should be involved in ruin?—the act is equitable, and no one can suffer but in this case only.
As to the farmer, in times past, he thought himself well off to get 2d to 3d per pound for his beef—2s 6d to 3s. per bushell for his corn;—12 or 14s. per cord for his wood;—indeed some years & at particular times, in the year, he could in the town of Portsmouth taking the advantage of a scarce market, get a larger price;—but it would be impossible to fix a price for every place, and every month;—and them to be varied according to the weather and conveniences of attending the market. His lands stand as near the market as they formerly did;—transportation is the same;—some trifling cost indeed is added to the cultivation by the advanced price of labor;—which I think is made up in the advanced price allowed on his produce,—I know many will say, “I could get the same price or more for my corn formerly”—but let him remember, that in most parts of the government, for many years corn hath been sold at 2s. & 2s. and 6d and 3s.—& that 3s. is now the highest price 20 or 30 miles back in every part of the country;—let him consider that the two last years providence hath favoured him with a plentiful crop—let him also consider that he ought with others to bear a part in the distresses occasioned by the war; that the honest mechanic whose business is adapted to the seaport town only,—as the carpenter, blockmaker,—the smith,—the boatbuilder,—the caulker,—and many others who formerly lived in affluence,—are now many of them,—living on the remains of their former industry,—which they intended for their support,—when they were so far advanced in years as to be unable to work;—or for a stock to set forth into the world their tender offspring;—while the farmer has all the necessaries of life in his own hands;—and can live independent of any men;—and when drawing towards the close of life, has the satisfaction to know that he leaves with his family, the sure means of their support—the farmer therefore, who is thus blessed by the hand of providence—who is thus exempted from immediate distress by the war, is without excuse if he withhold his produce in the least degree from those who have not the like means of providing for themselves, and I hope that every honest man of that class will now show his patriotic love of his country, by a generous emulation with each other who shall best supply the market—with corn, meats, and every necessary of life—at the prices limited by the act and thereby encourage others to comply with it, without grumbling.—support the value of the currency which, is the main point aimed at;—and contribute by that means a great share towards the salvation of their country. February 8, 1777. A. Z.
TWENTY FOUR SHILLINGS, old tenor is given for old pewter, by John Gooch, at the sign of the Plates: Or, One pound of new for two pounds of old.
Lost, a Calf-skin Portmantau. Whoever will return it to the Printing Office shall be rewarded. 6—8
In Committee of Safety, Portsmouth, Feb. 18, 1777.
NOTICE is hereby given, that by Order of the Hon. Committee of Safety of this state, an embargo is laid on the following articles, which are forbid being sent out of this state either by land or water, viz. Rum, molasses, sugar, cotton wool, sheeps wool, flax, coffee, cocoa, chocolate, linnen, cotton and linnen, wollen and cotton goods of all kinds.—Provisions of all and every sort;—Shoes, hides, deer skins, sheeps skins, and leather of all kinds.—In case any of the inhabitants of this town shall attempt to break through this regulation, it is desired that the maritime officers may be informed thereof, in order that they may be prevented.
By order of the Committee, H. WENTWORTH, Chairman.
STOLEN from me the subscriber, on the night of the 28th instant, a bay MARE about fifteen hands high, trots and paces has some white on one of her forelocks stands with one of her hind forelock joints as if it had been somewhat strain’d, has something of a low neck, black main and tail.
Whoever will take up said Mare, & convey her to the subscriber, & secure the thief, shall have five Dollars reward, & all necessary charges paid by me,
WILLIAM ELIOT. Exeter, January 30, 1777, 9—1
TO BE SOLD, A Few Cales of excellent GENEVA, a few Pieces of RUSSIA DUCK, CORDAGE, and two Suits Sloop’s SAILS. Enquire of Jacob Sheafe, junr.
WE the subscribers, appointed commissioners, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of Jacob Clark, late of New Castle, deceas’d, represented insolvent, hereby give notice, that we will attend upon that business at the house of Meshech Bell, innholder in New-Castle, on monday the 24th of Feb. instant, and on the first monday of the five next following months from four to six o’clock in the afternoon of said days.
Abraham Trefethen. William Vennard. New Castle, Feb. 10. 1777. 8—10
Keith Spence Has on Hand, RUM, COFFEE, COTTON, and a few other Articles, which he intends selling at the Prices fix’d by the late Regulation Act. 7—9
Benjamin Austin, Has for Sale, on Spring Hill, High Proof Jamaica RUM, At Seven Shillings and eight Pence per Gallon, agreeable to the late Regulation Bill. Also, COTTON, COFFEE, &c.
TO BE LETT, And enter’d upon the 12th of April next, A FARM in Kittery, one mile from Portsmouth, consisting of Orchard, Mowing, Pasturing, and Tillage Land, and is well accommodated with Buildings, and stock’d with Cattle and Sheep. Enquire of Joseph Whipple in Portsmouth. 7—9
TO BE LETT, A FARM in Kittery, at the Head of York River, next to Colonel John Frost’s. Enquire of John Moffatt, Esq; in Portsmouth.
BICKERSTAFF’s famous Almanack, to be sold at the Printing Office.