The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1802-02-02 00:00:00

THE New Hampshire Gazette.
"WHEN ANGRY NATIONS PART IN LEAGUES OF PEACE, LET PRIVATE FEUDS AND CIVIL DISCORDS CEASE."
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE)—PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY BY JOHN MELCHER, PRINTER TO THE STATE, AT HIS OFFICE CORNER OF MARKET STREET, WHERE SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THIS PAPER, ADVERTISEMENTS, AND ARTICLES OF INTELLIGENCE ARE THANKFULLY RECEIVED.
No. 6, of Vol. XLVII.]
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1802.
[One Dollar & half pr. Annum.]
From the New-York Evening Post.
THE EXAMINATION.—No. III.
HAD our laws been less provident than they have been, yet must it give us a very humble idea of the talents of our President as a statesman, to find him embarrassed between an absolute abandonment of revenue, and an inconvenient accumulation of treasure. Pursuing the doctrine professed by his set , that our public debt is a national curse which cannot too promptly be removed, and adhering to the assurance which he has virtually given, that a sponge, the favorite instrument , shall not be employed for the purpose, how has it happened that he should have overlooked the simple and obvious expedient of using the supposed excess of income as a remedy for so great a mischief?
After all we have heard in times past, it would ill become either the head, or any member of the orthodox set to contend, that a too rapid reimbursement of the debt might be attended with evils. In courtesy however, this shall be supposed to be urged by some new convert, who has not entirely shaken off the prejudices of former modes of thinking; and it shall be examined, whether this argument will afford a justification of the measure recommended.
It shall not be denied, that the immediate payment of our whole debt, if practicable, would be likely to be injurious in various ways. It would, in the first instance, produce a money-plethora, (if the phrase may be allowed,) which experience has shown to be insidious to the energies, and especially to the morality and industry of a nation. The quick efflux of this money to pay a considerable part of the debt in the hands of foreigners, and to procure from abroad the means of gratifying an increased extravagance, would, after some time, substitute a too great vacuity to a too great fulness; leaving us to struggle with the bad habits incident to the latter state, and with the embarrassments of a defective circulation. To these, other reasons might be added, which, tho' equally just and solid, are omitted as being more liable to dispute.
Tho' an extreme case is here presented, the immediate reimbursement of the entire debt; yet it must be admitted, that the same considerations are applicable in a less degree to a summary, or very rapid repayment by large installments. But the answer to all this is, that it would have been full time to adopt precautionary measures against evils from such a source, when experience had realized the danger. Till full time it is certainly the highest wisdom to continue the employment of a fund which is already provided, & without overburdening the people, for the all important purpose of exonerating our nation from debt, and of placing it in a condition, with competent resources to meet future contingencies which may threaten its safety. On the other hand, is it not a mark of the highest imprudence and folly, to throw away an important part of this fund on the mere speculation that it may possibly be superfluous?
But admitting it to be already ascertained, that the fund is already greater than is requisite to extinguish the debt, with convenient celerity; does it follow that the excess, if retained, must be suffered to accumulate, and that no different method could have been found to employ it which would have been productive of adequate utility?
Whatever diversity of opinion there may be with regard to military and naval preparations, for the defence and security of the country, there are some things in which all well-informed and reflecting men unite. Arsenal, foundaries, dock-yards and magazines, (especially those containing materials for the construction and equipment of ships,) so that upon the breaking out of a war there may be a sufficient supply of warlike implements, and of means for the speedy creation of a navy; are by all deemed eligible objects of public care. To provide for these objects upon a competent, though moderate scale, will be attended with expense to considerable, as to leave nothing to spare from the amount of our present income. To persons unacquainted with the subject, the quantities of several articles on hand may appear ample; but to good judges there is hardly any one class of supplies which will not be thought to require much augmentation. As far as a navy is concerned, the deficiency is palpable.
If dock-yards are to be established in earnest, they ought certainly to be well protected. For this purpose, fortifications of a substantial and durable nature, very different from the temporary shifts hitherto adopted, ought to be erected. And if the President will enquire into the cost of even these trifling constructions, in the instances where they have been managed with all practicable economy, he will become convinced that the erection of proper works would call for an expenditure forbidding the supposition of a superfluity of revenue.
In addition to objects of national security, there are many purposes of great public utility to which the revenues in question might be applied. The improvement of the communications between the different parts of our country is an object well worthy of the national purse, and one which would abundantly repay to labor the portion of its earnings, which may have been borrowed for that purpose. To provide roads and bridges is within the direct purview of the Constitution. In many parts of the country, especially in the Western Territory, a matter in which the Atlantic States are equally interested; aqueducts and canals
would also be fit subjects of pecuniary aid, from the General Government. In France, England, and other parts of Europe, institutions exist supported by public contributions, which eminently promote agriculture and the arts; Such institutions merit imitation by our Government; they are of the number of those which directly and sensibly recompense labor for what it lends to their agency.
To suggestions of the last kind, the adepts of the new school have a ready answer; Industry will succeed and prosper in proportion as it is left to the exertions of individual enterprise. This favorite dogma, when taken as a general rule, is true; but as an exclusive one, it is false, and leads to error in the administration of public affairs. In matters of industry, human enterprise ought, doubtless, to be left free in the main, not fettered by too much regulation; but practical politicians know that it may be beneficially stimulated by prudent aids and encouragements on the part of the Government. This is proved by numerous examples too tedious to be cited; examples which will be neglected only by indolent and temporizing rulers, who love to loll in the lap of epicurean ease, and seem to imagine that to govern well, is to amuse the wondering multitude with sagacious aphorisms and oracular sayings.
What has been observed, is sufficient to render it manifest, that independent of the extinguishment of the Debt, the revenues proposed to be yielded up, would find ample and very useful employment for a variety of public purposes. Already in possession of so valuable a resource; having surmounted the difficulties, which, from the opinions and habits of our citizens, obstructed, in this, more than in any other country, every new provision for adding to our public income, certainly without a colourable pretence of there being a grievous or undue pressure of the community—how foolish will it be to resign the boon, perhaps in a short time to be compelled again to resort to it; and for that purpose to hazard a repetition of the obstacles which have been before encountered and overcome; which, however, gave birth to one insurrection, and may give birth to another? Intuited must be the councils from which so injurious a project has proceeded!
But admitting the position that there is an excess of income which ought to be relinquished, still the proposal to surrender the internal revenue is impolitic. It ought to be carefully preserved, as not being exposed to the casualties incident to our intercourse with foreign nations, and therefore the most certain. It ought to be preferred, as reaching to descriptions of persons who are not proportionably affected by the impost, and as tending for this reason, to distribute the public burden more equitably. It ought to be preferred, because if revenue can really be spared, it is best to do it in such a manner as will conduct to the relief or advancement of our navigation and commerce. Rather let the tonnage duty on American vessels be abolished, and let the duties be lessened on some particular articles on which they may press with inconvenient weight. Let not the merchant be provoked to attempt to evade the duties, by the sentiment that his ease or interest is disregarded, and that his capital alone is to be clogged and encumbered by the demands of the treasury.
But who and what are the merchants when compared with the patriotic votaries of whiffey in Pennsylvania and Virginia? LUCIUS CRASSUS.
National Legislature.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. FRIDAY, JAN. 8.
Continuation of the debate begun in the last GAZETTE, on the subject of the JUDICIARY ESTABLISHMENT.
MR. OLCOTT, of New-Hampshire, followed Mr. Brackenridge. He thought the subject was of so much importance, as to merit further consideration. The arguments of the gentleman from Kentucky, however ingenious, had not convinced him that the law ought to be repealed. It had not risen like a mushroom in the night, but the principles on which it rested had been tested after mature reflection. He thought it would be extraordinary before any inconvenience had been discovered, to set such a law aside. For these reasons Mr. O. moved the postponement of the consideration of the question.
MR. COCKE, (of Tennessee.) This act is said to be entirely experimental, and it is further said, that no inconveniences had arisen under it. He thought serious inconveniences had arisen. The inconvenience of paying 137,000 dollars a year was truly serious; and it was an inconvenience which ought to be got rid of as soon as possible. It was expected that gentlemen opposed to the resolution would come forward with their arguments against it. If, however, they had no arguments to use, he thought his friend from Kentucky had brought forward reasons so cogent and experimental that the house must be convinced of the propriety of the repeal.
MR. DAYTON, (of New-Jersey) trusted it was not the disposition of the mover to press a decision to-day. He thought it would be improper to postpone the discussion, as gentlemen would thereby be precluded from offering their opinions on the subject. He hoped the motion for postponement would be withdrawn, that other
gentlemen might have an opportunity to speak.
Motion withdrawn. MR. JONA. MASON, (of Massachusetts) said it would be agreed on all hands that this was one of the most important questions that ever came before a legislature. When he not of this opinion he would not be likely to offer his sentiments. But it is to deep an interest in the question, and from the respect which he entertained for the district of country he represented, he deemed it his duty to meet the subject, and not to be satisfied with giving to it his silent negative.
It was well known, and he presumed it would be readily agreed to, that no people on earth, for the last twenty-four years, had been so much in the habit of forming systems of government as the people of the United States. Nor had any people been so fortunately situated for cool and correct deliberation. In the constitutions they had formed, it would appear that there had been an uniform concurrence in the establishment of one great prominent feature, and also in the application of one uniform principle to that feature. That the legislative, the executive and the judicial should form the three great departments of government, and that they should be distinct from and independent of each other. And the more the proceedings and sentiments of the people were examined, the more clearly would it appear that all the new and additional checks created, had been applied to adjust the relative weakness or strength of the several departments of government. The same principle had been observed in the old world, whenever an opportunity presented for forming a constitution, having for its object, the protection of individual rights. It accorded too with the uniform opinions of the most celebrated historians and politicians both of Europe and America; with the opinions and practices of all our legislatures. Nor had Mr. Mason ever heard any one hardy enough to deny the propriety of its observance.
He well recollected that among the great grievances, which had roused us into an assertion of our independence of England, it was declared in the instrument asserting that independence, "that the crown had the appointment of judges dependent on its will and favor."
From all these circumstances he concluded that the people of America, when they formed a system for their federal government, intended to establish this great principle: and the conclusion would be confirmed by an examination of the constitution, which in every section recognized or referred to it.
The constitution, in the construction of the executive, legislative, and judiciary departments, had assigned to each a different tenure.—The President was chosen for four years; the Senate for six years, subject to a prescribed rotation biennially; the House of Representatives for two years; and the judiciary during good behaviour. It says to the President, at the expiration of every four years, you shall revert to the character of a private citizen, however splendid your talents or conspicuous your virtue. Why? Because, you have assigned to you powers which it is dangerous to exercise.—You have the power of creating offices and officers.—You have prerogatives.—The temptation to an abuse of your power is great. Such has been the uniform experience of ages. The constitution holds the same language to the Senate and House of Representatives: It says, it is necessary for the good of society that you also should revert at short periods to the mass of the people, because to you are consigned the most important duties of government, and because you hold the purse strings of the nation.
To the judiciary: What is the language applied to them? The judges are not appointed for two, four, or any given number of years; but they held their appointments for life unless they misbehave themselves. Why? For this reason. They are not the depositaries of the high prerogatives of government. They neither appoint to office, or hold the purse strings of the country, or legislate for it. They depend entirely upon their talents which are all they have to recommend them. They cannot, therefore, be disposed to pervert their power to improper purposes.—What are their duties? To expound and apply the laws. To do this with fidelity and skill requires a length of time. The requisite knowledge is not to be procured in a day. These are the plain and strong reasons which must strike every mind, for the different tenure by which the judges hold their offices, and they are such as will eternally endure wherever liberty exists.
On examination, it will be found that the people, in forming their constitution, meant to make their judges, as independent of the legislature as of the executive. Because the duties which they have to perform, call upon them to expound not only the laws, but the constitution also; in which is involved the power of checking the legislature in case it should pass any laws in violation of the constitution. For this reason it was more important that the judges in this country should be placed beyond the control of the legislature, than in other countries where no such power attaches to them.
Mr. Mason challenged gentlemen to exhibit a single instance, beside that lately furnished by Maryland, of a legislative act, repealing a law passed in execution of a Constitution, under which the judges held their offices during good behaviour. In truth, no such power existed, nor was it the power of any legislature, to circumvent
ed, by a single law to dash them out of existence.
The opinion of Mr. Mason, therefore, was that the legislature have no right to repeal the judiciary law. For such an act would be in direct violation of the Constitution.
The Constitution says, "The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office."
Thus it says, "the judges shall hold their offices during good behaviour." How can this direction of the Constitution be complied with, if the legislature shall, from section to section, repeal the law under which the office is held and remove the officer. He did not conceive that any words, which human ingenuity could devise, could more completely get over the remarks which had been made by the gentleman from Kentucky. But that gentleman says, that this provision of the Constitution applies exclusively to the President. He considers it as made to supersede the powers of the President to remove the judges. But could this have been the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution, when even the right of the President to remove officers at pleasure, was a matter of great doubt, and had divided in opinion our most enlightened citizens. Not that he stated this circumstance, because he had doubts. He thought the President ought to have the right; but it did not emanate from the Constitution; was not expressly found in the Constitution; but sprang from legislative construction.
Besides if Congress have the right to repeal the whole of the law, they must possess the right to repeal a section of it. If so they may repeal the law so far as it applies to a particular district, and thus get rid of an obnoxious judge. They may remove his office from him. Would it not be absurd still to say, that the removed judge held his office during good behaviour?
The Constitution says, "The Judges, shall at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office." Why this provision? Why guard against the power to deprive the judges of their pay in a diminution of it, and not provide against what was more important, their existence.
Mr. Mason knew that a legislative body was occasionally subject to the dominance of violent passions; he knew, that they might pass unconstitutional laws; and that the judges, sworn to support the constitution, would be bound to carry them into effect; and he knew the legislature might contend for the right of placing the judges above the influence of their passions; and for these reasons the Constitution had put them out of the power of the legislature.
Still gentlemen would not agree with him as to the constitutionality of the measure proposed. Would it, was it expedient? Voted not great doubts existing.
United States? Ought not each gentleman to say, though I may have no doubts or hesitancy, are not a large portion of our citizens of opinion, that it would violate the Constitution? If this diversity of sentiment exists, ought not the evils under the judiciary law to be very great before we touch it? Ought we not to aim at harmonizing instead of dividing our citizens? Was not the Constitution a sacred instrument; an instrument ever to be approached with reverence; an instrument which ought not lightly to be drawn from its hallowed retreat, and subjected to the flux and reflux of passion. But where is the evil complained of? This system was established only last session; scarcely had it been yet organised; scarcely had we tried it on its very threshold; where then the necessity of being so pointed, as to destroy a system scarcely formed three days ago? Does not this manifest precipitation? Will it not manifest more magnanimity, more rationality to abide by it until we try it; instead of taking up a pen and dashing it out of existence?
The reason that the suits depending were not so numerous, arose from the nature of the old establishment.—That establishment had no parallel. It carried with it the seeds of its own dissolution. No set of judges could be found physically hardy enough to execute it. Such was the labour of their duties; that they were denied time for study or improvement. Besides a case was heard at one term by one judge, and postponed for consideration to the next term. At that term another judge appeared and all the arguments were to be gone over anew; and the same thing might happen again and again. Was this the way to extend justice to our citizens? Was not the delay equivalent to a denial of justice? It was a fact that three-fourths of the time of the judges had been taken up in traveling.
It may be true, that the number of suits in the federal courts is lessened; and if the internal taxes are to be swept away, it may be still more lessened as far as depends upon that source. But it is possible, that suits will go on diminishing as the gentleman seems to think? Is reason so predominant? Is the millennium so near at hand? On the contrary is not our commerce increasing with great rapidity? Is not our wealth increasing? And will not controversies rise in proportion to the growth of our numbers and property? Controversies, which will
go to federal tribunals as soon as the judiciary system is fully established, by the documents quoted by the gentleman from Kentucky, it appears, that more business has been lately done in the federal courts, than in any other antecedent time, except in one or two counties in Pennsylvania.
Besides, (said Mr. Mason,) even if there be not a great pressure of business, had we not better pay the paltry sum of 30 or 40,000 dollars for a system too broad, than have one that is too narrow? Is it not a melancholy consideration, that in many of the European States, the costs are equal to the principal contended for? It would be honorable to the United States to exhibit a different example.—It would be honorable to them to hold out an example, even if confined to foreigners, of prompt and efficacious justice, though at the expence of 100,000 dollars. Such an example would be a cause for national triumph, and our people would exult in it.
Inasmuch therefore, as to render the judges respectable, it was necessary to make their appointments, permanent, as time, labour experience and long study, were required to perfect any man in a knowledge of the laws of his country; inasmuch, as it has been thought good policy, that the judges should be well paid; and that they should be so well placed as to be divested of all fear, and neither to look to the right or to the left; inasmuch as they should be so placed as to render them independent of legislative as of executive power; he hoped this law would not be repealed.
These were the reasons, which Mr. Mason assigned as those which would influence his decision. He acknowledged, that he had not entered the House prepared to offer his sentiments; but as the question was about to be put, he had thought it best to offer them, such as they were, rather than to give a silent vote on a subject of such great importance.
MR. MORRIS, (of New-York.) Mr. President, I am so very unfortunate, that the arguments in favour of the motion have confirmed my opinion, that the law to which it refers ought to be repealed. The honorable mover has rested his proposition on two grounds.
1st. That the Judiciary law passed last session is unnecessary, and 2dly. That we have a right to repeal it, and ought to exercise the right.
The numerical mode of argument made use of to prove this, is perfectly novel, and commands my tribute of admiration. This is the first time I ever heard the utility of courts of justice estimated by the number of suits carried before them. I have read that a celebrated monarch of England, the great ALFRED, had enacted such laws, established such tribunals, and organized such a system of police, that a purse of gold might be hung up on the highway, without any danger of being taken. Had the honorable gentleman from Kentucky existed in those days, he would perhaps have attempted to convince old ALFRED, that what he considered as the glory of his reign, was its greatest evil. For by taking the unfrequency of crimes as a proof, that tribunals were unnecessary, and thus boldly substituting effect for cause, the gentleman might demonstrate the inutility of any institution by a system of reasoning the most fallacious.
But, Sir, if with that poor measure of ability which it has pleased God to give me, I march on that ground, which I have been accustomed to deem solid, I should say that in so far as the terror of our judicial institutions prevented the perpetration of crimes, in that same degree are those institutions useful.—This would be my mode of reasoning, but for the wonderful discovery made by the honorable mover of the resolution.
We have been told of the great expence of the judiciary—that it amounted to 137,000 dollars. And thus attributing the whole expence of the establishment to this particular law, it has been assumed in argument that to repeal the law would be to save 137,000 dollars. If the other arithmetical arguments of the gentleman were equally incorrect, his inferences will be entitled to but little attention.
Of this sum, it appears from a report of the Secretary of the Treasury that 45,000 dollars are for the contingent expences of juries, witnesses, &c. which serves in some measure to shew that it is expected much business will be actually done.
The expence arising under this law, that it is proposed to repeal; amounts to thirty thousand dollars, exclusive of fifteen thousand dollars estimated for contingent expences, making together 45,000 dollars. But let us not flint the allowance; throw in a few thousands more, and let the whole be stated at 51,000—apportion this sum among the people of the United States according to the census lately taken, and you will find that each individual will pay just one cent. And for this insignificant saving of a cent a man, we are called upon to give up all that is valuable to a nation.
One of the great purposes of a government is to secure the people from foreign invasion: To be ready to repel such invasion requires a great revenue and many officers become necessary to collect it. Such an invasion, however, may or may not take place. If a judge from certain documents laid before us, those who administer our affairs have but little apprehension of that event. If then there be little or no such danger, or if the people be sufficiently secured against it, what else have they a right to ask for in return for their money expended in the support of government? They

have a right to ask for the protection of the law in proper courts of justice, to secure the weak against the strong, the poor against the rich, the oppressed against the oppressor. And is this little which they ask, to be denied? Are the means by which the injured can obtain redress, to be curtailed and diminished? Much may be feared from arms—They may turn their swords against our bosoms, they may elevate a chief to despotic power. But what danger is to be apprehended from an army of judges.
Gentlemen say, recur to the ancient system. What is that system? Six judges of the supreme court to ride the circuits of America twice a year, and sit twice a year at the seat of government. Without enquiring into the accuracy of a statement made by the gentleman respecting the courts of England, in which, I apprehend, he will find himself deceived; let me ask what would be the effects of the old system here. Cast an eye over the extent of our country, and a moment's consideration will shew, that the first magistrate, in selecting a character for the bench, must seek less the learning of a judge than the agility of a post-boy. Can it be possible, that men advanced in years, for such alone can have the maturity of judgment fitting for the office, that men educated in the closet, men who from their habits of life must have more strength of mind than of body; is it, I say, possible, that such men can be running from one end of the continent to the other? Or, if they could, can they find time to hear and decide causes? I have been told by men of eminence on the bench, that they could not hold their offices under the old arrangement.
What is the present system? You have added to the old judges seven districts, and sixteen circuit judges. What will be the effect of a desired repeal? Will it not be a declaration to the remaining judges, that they hold their offices subject to your will and pleasure? And what will be the result of this? It will be that the check established by the constitution, willed for by the people, and necessary in every contemplation of common sense, is destroyed. It had been said, and truly too, that governments are made to provide against the follies and vices of men. For to suppose that governments rest upon reason, is a pitiful fallacy. If mankind were reasonable, they would want no government. Hence checks are required in the distribution of power among those who are to exercise it for the benefit of the people. Did the people of America vest all powers in the legislature? No, they had vested in the judges a check intended to be efficient; a check of the first necessity, to prevent an invasion of the constitution by unconstitutional laws, a check which might prevent any faction from intimidating or annihilating the tribunals themselves.
On this ground, said Mr. Morris, I stand to arrest the victory mediated over my country; a victory mediated by those who wish to prostrate that constitution for the furtherance of their own ambitious views. Not of him who had recommended this measure, nor of those who now urge it; for on his uprightness and their uprightness I have the fullest reliance; but of those in the back ground who have further and higher objects. These troops that pass the outworks are to be first dismissed. Those posts which present the strongest barriers are first to be taken, and then the constitution becomes an easy prey.
Let us then, secondly, consider whether we have constitutionally a power to repeal this law, [Here Mr. Morris quoted the third art. and first section of the constitution.] I have heard a verbal criticism about the words shall and may , which appeared the more unnecessary to me, as the same word, shall , is applied to both members of the section.—For it says, "the judicial power, &c. shall be vested in one supreme court and such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish."—The legislature, therefore, had without doubt the right of determining in the first instance, what inferior courts should be established; but when established the words are imperative, a part of the judicial power shall vest in them.—And "the judges shall hold their offices during good behaviour." They shall receive a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office." Therefore, whether the remarks be applied to the tenure of office, or the quantum of compensation, the constitution is equally imperative. After this exposition, gentlemen are welcome to any advantage to be derived from the criticism on shall and may .
But another criticism, which, but for its serious effects, I would call pleasing , has been made; the amount of which is, you shall not take the man from the office, but you may take the office from the man; you shall not drown him, but you may sink his boat under him; you shall not put him to death, but you may take away his life. The constitution secures to a judge his office, say he shall hold it, that is, it shall not be taken from him during good behaviour; the legislature shall not diminish, though their bounty may increase his salary; the constitution provides perfectly for the inviolability of his tenure; but yet we may destroy the office which we cannot take away, as if the destruction of the office would not as effectually deprive him of it as the grant to another person. It is admitted that no power derived from the constitution can deprive him of the office, and yet it is contended that by repeal of the law that office may be destroyed. Is not this absurd? It had been said, that whatever one legislature can do another can undo; because no legislature can bind its successor, and therefore that whatever we make we can destroy.—This I deny on the ground
of reason, and on that of the constitution. What! can a man destroy his own compact? Can you annul your own compacts? Can you annihilate the national debt? When you have by law created a political existence, can you by repealing the law dissolve the corporation you had made? When by laws you give to an individual any right whatever, can you by a subsequent law rightfully take it away? No. When you make a compact you are bound by it. When you make a promise you must perform it. Establish the contrary doctrine and what follows? The whim of the moment becomes the law of the land; your country will be looked upon as a den of robbers; every honest man will fly your shores. Who will trust you, when you are the first to violate your own contracts? The position, therefore, that the legislature may rightfully repeal every law made by a preceding legislature, when tested by reason, is untrue; and it is equally untrue when compared with the precepts of the constitution; for what does the constitution say? "You shall make no ex post facto law."—Is not this an ex post facto law?
Gentlemen say the system of the last session is mere theory. For argument sake it shall be granted; and what then is the language of reason? Try it, put it to the test of experience. What respect can the people have for a legislature that without reflection, meets but to undo the acts of its predecessors. Is it prudent, is it decent, even if the law were unwise, thus to commit our reputation and theirs ? Is it not highly dangerous to call upon the people to decide which of us are fools; for one of us must be.
And what would be the effect on the injured man who seeks redress in a court of justice, and whom, by this repeal, you shall have deprived of his right? You have saved him a miserable cent, and you have perhaps utterly ruined him.
But the honorable mover of the resolution has told us, not only what is, but what is to be. He has told us not only that suits have decreased but that they will decrease, and, relying on his preconception, informs us that the internal taxes will be repealed; and grounds the expediency of repealing the judiciary law on the annihilation of these taxes. Thus taking for granted the non-existence of a law that yet exists, he infers from its destruction, and the consequent cessation of suits under it, the insutility of the judicial establishment. And when he has carried his present point, and broke down the judiciary system, he will tell us perhaps that we may as well repeal the internal taxes, because we have no judges to enforce the collection of them.
But what will be the effect of these repeals, and of all these dismissions from office? I impeach not the motives of gentlemen who advocate this measure. In my heart I believe them to be upright. But they see not the consequences.—We are told that the States want and ought to have more power. We are told that they are the legitimate sources from which the citizen is to deprive protection. Their judges are, I suppose to enforce our laws—Judges appointed by State authority, supported by State salary, and looking for promotion to State influence, or dependent upon State party. There are some honorable gentlemen now present, who sat in the Convention which formed this Constitution. I appeal to their recollection, have they not seen the time when the fate of America was suspended by a hair; my life for it if another Convention be assembled they will part without doing any thing.—Never in the flow of time was there a moment so propitious, as that in which the Convention assembled. The States had been convinced by melancholy experience, how inadequate they were to the management of our national concerns. The passions of the people were lulled to sleep—State pride slumbered—the Constitution was promulgated—and then it awoke; and opposition was formed—but it was vain. The people of America bound the States down by this compact.
One great provision of the Constitution, a provision, that exhibited the sublime spectacle of a great State bowing before the tribunal of justice, is gone! Another great bulwark is now to be removed. You are told, you must look to the States for protection; your internal revenues are to be swept away; your sole reliance must rest upon commercial duties.—In this reliance you will be deceived. But what is to be the effect of all these changes? I am afraid to say—I will leave it to the feelings and consciences of gentlemen. But remember, the moment this Union is dissolved, we shall no longer be governed by votes.
Examine the annals of history, look into the records of time, see what has been the ruin of every republic? The vile love of popularity. Why are we here? To save the people from their greatest enemy; To save them from themselves. What caused the ruin of
the republics of Greece and Rome? Demagogues, who by flattery gained the aid of the populace to establish despotism. But if you will shut your eyes to the light of history, and your ears to the voice of experience—see at least what has happened in your own times. In 1789, it was no longer a doubt with enlightened Statesmen, what would be the event of the French revolution; before the first of January, 1790, the only question was, who would become the despot. The word liberty, indeed, from that day to this, had been found in our ears, but never had any real existence; there is nothing left but the word.
We are now about to violate the Constitution. Once touch it with unhallowed hands, sacrifice but one of its provisions, and we are gone. We commit the fate of America to the mercy of time and chance.
I hope the honorable gentleman from Maryland will pardon me, if from the section of the law which he has cited, I deduce an inference diametrically opposite to that for which he has contended. He has told us, that 'the last Congress in reducing the Judges of the Supreme Court from six to five, have exercised the right which is now to be used, and made a legislative construction of this clause in the Constitution.' But look at the law. It declares, that this reduction shall not be made, until by death or resignation only five judges shall remain. Thus in the very moment when they express the opinion, that five judges are sufficient, they acknowledge their incompetency to remove the sixth judge, and thereby make the legislative declaration, that they had not the right now contended for.
[Mr. Morris here noticed some other remarks which had fallen from the gentleman from Maryland, Mr. Wright, on the construction of the Constitution. But as they are substantially comprised in the preceding statement we omit them.]
He concluded by recapitulating his arguments. A contract, said he, is made between the government and the judge—The President appoints—The legislature fixes his salary—He accepts the office. The contract is complete. He is then under the protection of the Constitution, which neither the President nor Congress can infringe. The contract is a solemn one. Can you violate it? If you can, you may throw this Constitution into the flames—It is gone, it is dead.
House of Representatives. WEDNESDAY, JAN. 13. Mr. Dexter's indemnity bill was read twice and referred.
A bill for the relief of John Hobby, late marshal of Maine, was discussed.—It was opposed by Messrs. Stanley, Bacon and Elmdendorf; who thought defaulters should be rigorously dealt with to deter others from violating the public confidence reposed in them. Messrs. Davis, Perkins, Wadsworth, and S. Smith advocated the bill, as Mr. H. had surrendered all his property. The bill passed to be engrossed 44 being in favour of it.
Mr. Randolph, with leave, laid on the table a bill providing for the collection of the arrearages of the land tax.
On motion of Gen. Smith, a committee was raised to report a bill to continue in force the present law on the subject of foreign coins.
THURSDAY, JAN. 14. The bill "authorising the discharge of John Hobby from confinement," was read the third time and passed.
Mr. Randolph from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill to prevent intrusion on the public lands, and for other purposes, which was read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Mr. Randolph, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1802; which was read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole on the 1st Monday of February.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters; and having made some progress therein, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again—Granted.
John Dawson, from Virginia, appeared and took his seat.
FRIDAY, JAN. 15. Mr. Dawson observed, that since he had taken his seat in the house yesterday, he had understood that some opinions had been expressed that there was a constitutional incompatibility between that seat and the appointment which he lately received from the Executive. However he might be flattered by that appointment; he was far from wishing in the least degree to infringe that constitution, on the observance of which depended all our happiness. He hoped, therefore, that if there existed any objection, it would be now offered, that he might know the ground on which he stood.
A petition of sundry citizens of Columbia, in opposition to a petition for erecting a bridge over the Potomac, was presented, and referred.
The house again went into a committee of the whole, on the act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters, and having made some amendments thereto, reported them to the house.
The house took them up, but adjourned without coming to a decision upon them.
MONDAY, JAN. 18. Petitions from hatters at Wilmington, Del. and New-York, for an increase of the duty on imported Hats, were presented and committed.
A resolution, calling for a statement of the expenses of collecting the internal revenue, was laid on the table.
Some progress was made in the bill for fixing the military establishment.
THE CHESHIRE PRESENT.
The following address of the inhabitants of the town of Cheshire, accompanied the Cheesee, which was presented the 1st of January, to the President.
"THE GREATEST CHEESE IN AMERICA—FOR THE GREATEST MAN IN AMERICA."
"SIR, NOTWITHSTANDING we live remote from the seat of national government, and in an extreme part of our own State, yet we humbly claim the right of judging for ourselves."
Our attachment to the National Constitution is strong and indissoluble. We consider it a description of those Powers which the people have submitted to their Magistrates, to be exercised for definite purposes, and not a charter of favors granted by a sovereign to his subjects. Among its beautiful features, the right of free suffrage, to correct all abuses—The prohibition of religious tests, to prevent all hierarchy—The means of amendment, which it contains within itself to remove defects as fast as they are discovered, appear the most prominent. But for several years past our apprehension has been, that the genius of the government was not attended to in sundry cases; and that the administration bordered upon monarchy: Our joy, of course, must have been great, on your election to the first office in the nation. Having had good evidence, from your announced sentiments and uniform conduct, that it would be your strife and glory to turn back the government, to its virgin purity. The trust is great! The task is arduous! But we console ourselves, that the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, who raises up men to achieve great events, has raised up a JEFFERSON for this critical day, to defend Republicanism and baffle all the arts of Aristocracy.
SIR, we have attempted to prove our love to our President, not in words alone, but in deed and truth. With this address, we send you a CHEESE, by the hands of Messrs. John Leland and Darius Brown, as a pepper-corn of the esteem which we bear to our Chief Magistrate, and as a sacrifice to Republicanism. It is not the last stone in the Bastile, nor is it of any great consequence as an article of worth; but, as a free-will offering, we hope it will be received. The Cheesee was not made by his Lordship, for his sacred Majesty; nor with a view to gain dignified titles or lucrative offices; but by the personal labor of freeborn farmers (without a single slave to assist) for an elective President of a free people; with the only view of casting a mite into the scale of Democracy.
The late triumphant return of republicanism has more animated the inhabitants of Cheshire, to bear the burthens of government, and treat characters and persons of those in authority with all due respect, than the long list of alien—sedition—naval and provisional army laws ever did.
SIR, we had some thoughts of impressing some significant inscription on the Cheesee; but we have found such inconvenience in stamps on paper, that we choose to send it in a plain Republican form.
May God long preserve your life and health, for a blessing to the United States, and the world at large. Signed by order of all Cheshire.
DANIEL BROWN, HEZEKIAH MASON, JONA. RICHARDSON, JOHN WATERMAN, JOHN WELLS, Jr.
P. S. The Cheesee was made July 20, 1801, and weighed 1235 lbs.
THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY.
To Messrs. Daniel Brown, Hezekiah Mason, Jonathan Richardson, John Waterman, and John Wells, Jr. a committee of the town of Cheshire, in Massachusetts.
GENTLEMEN, I concur with you in the sentiments expressed in your kind address on behalf of the inhabitants of the town of Cheshire, that the constitution of
the United States is a charter of authorities and duties, not a charter of rights to its officers; and among its most precious provisions are the right of suffrage, the prohibition of religious tests, and its means of peaceable amendment. Nothing ensures the duration of this fabric of government so effectually, as the due sense entertained by the body of our citizens, of the value of these principles and their care to preserve them.
I received with particular pleasure the testimony of good will with which your citizens, have been pleased to charge you for me; it presents an extraordinary proof of the skill with which those domestic arts, which contribute so much to our daily comfort, are practised by them, and particularly by that portion of them most interesting to the affections, the care, and the happiness of men.
To myself this mark of esteem from free-born farmers, employed personally in the usual labors of life, is peculiarly grateful, having no wish but to preserve to them the fruits of their labor, their sense of this truth will be my highest reward.
I pray you, gentlemen, to make my thanks for their favor acceptable to them, and to be assured yourselves of my high respect and esteem.
THOMAS JEFFERSON. Jan. 1, 1802.
"Boston Franklin Association," Held their First Anniversary on Monday the 18th ult. at the Exchange-Inn, State-Street, Boston.
THIS Association is composed of Journeyman Printers, who have served regular apprenticeships at their profession. The following preamble to their Constitution, will show some of the objects they have in view:—
AS Man in this world is subject to misfortune, and ever dependent on his fellow-men: As society tends to lessen his misery, as well as to increase his felicity—For the purpose of being mutually beneficial to each other, to support the credit of our profession, and to eradicate the stain brought upon it by the employment of persons not initiated into the Art, as well as to prevent the injury done by hired apprentices—We, THE JOURNEYMAN PRINTERS of the town of Boston, fully impressed with these ideas, do form ourselves into an Association. JUSTICE IS OUR PRINCIPLE—REASON OUR GUIDE—AND HONOR OUR LAW.
The greatest order and happiness prevailed.—The following are the Toasts, &c. given on the occasion:—
1. The Seventeenth of January—The Birth-day of FRANKLIN, and the proof-sheet of our Institution. 2. The Press—"Where liberty dwells, there is my country." 3. Dr. FAUST—The great inventor of the first of Arts—Gunpowder for wild beasts; the Mariner's Compass for luxury, but Printing for MAN. 4. BENJ. FRANKLIN—The Printer, the Statesman, and the Philosopher; who was once what we are—May we ever set our characters from this great original. 5. Health to the Friends of our Association—Dry ribs and foul cakes to its enemies. 6. Irregular workmen—Remove bad types from the case to the old shoe. 7. Literature—The token of a nation's glory, and the tympan-sheet of our profession. 8. The Worthies of Columbia—Forever be their memories revered; these golden types were cast in Heaven's high foundry, to impress law and liberty on man. 9. The Constitution of the United States—The form was imposed, and a proof taken by able masters; may it never be corrected by tools, nor thrown into pie by bad workmen. 10. The American Navy—As they have locked up and well beat barbarians, may the impression learn them to respect our flag, and the rights of humanity. 11. The Militia—Keep your cannon fed, and your balls ready. 12. A winter without Spring, a hard screwed head, and a strong gallows to the enemies of our country. 13. Our Sisters of Columbia—May they have handsome head-pieces, fair characters, and good pressmen. 14. The Human Race—When the GREAT COMPOSITOR above shall set his types, every line will be justified. 15. The Peace in Europe—Now won't blood-stained sheet is off, may Science flourish with the olive, and the press well oiled, forever run to advocate the rights of man. 16. The New-Year—May we all correct our old errors, and our future lives need no errata.
VOLUNTEERS. The American Press—May they copy virtue, be ruled by decency, and give proof of affection.
The benevolent heart that feels another's woe—a full capital and a ready hand to relieve the sufferer.
WASHINGTON—Although in his coffin, has a place in the heart of every true American.
May the late squabble among the nations of Europe, teach them to respect each other's rights.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN—The Son of Boston, the pride of his country, whom the Fire of Heaven, as well as Tyrants obey.
In our conduct through life, may we so justify with the virtues, as not even to require a hair's space of propriety to complete the line of goodness.
The Memory of FRANKLIN—A bold and elegant type of human excellence.
Governor STRONG—A proof-sheet that requires no correction.
N. B. The words in Italics , are principally, certain technical phrases used in the art of printing.

WASHINGTON, Jan. 21.
On Tuesday last a detachment of 27 Marines under the command of Lieut. Hall proceeded from this city, for the Constellation in the Delaware — one of 22 under Lieutenant Howard, for the Enterprise at Baltimore, and yesterday another of 47 under Capt. Carmick for the Chesapeake, at Norfolk.
BALTIMORE Jan. 22
Whilst we can congratulate our readers on the well grounded hope of the President not being captured, we are under the painful necessity of detailing an event far more distressing to the nation than even the loss of the President. On Tuesday last, whilst riding at anchor the Constitution was struck with a flaw from the southward and westward, which has completely set this valuable ship on her beam ends; and little hope is entertained of preserving either the vessel or the inestimable cargo on board!!!
BOSTON, Jan. 27.
From Washington, Jan. 14.
"I inclose to you a copy of the message from The President of the United States, transmitting a letter to him from the Secretary of State, and an estimate of the sum necessary to be appropriated for carrying into effect the Convention between the United States and the French Republic, of the 30th September, 1801. For captures made prior to the date of the Treaty on which no final condemnation had then passed, and of which the property was brought into the United States, 187,770
For captures made subsequent to the date of the Treaty, 70,851 For captures, where the property was not brought into the United States, nor any condemnation had, 122,156 For cases of capture not at present known, and for a possible excess of the indemnities to be paid above the estimate, say 19,728
Dollars 350,000 annum, to cover the allowance to an Agent at Paris, to perform the office of soliciting the claims for restitution under the Convention, has been included in the general estimate for the service of the year 1802. The repairs put upon the Corvette Berceau before her delivery to the French Republic, are not included in the above estimate: They amount to Dollars 3,783 54 cents.
JAMES MADISON, Sec'y of State. "Thus you see, my friend, THREE HUNDRED AND FIFTY THOUSAND DOLLARS are to be paid the French, for their prizes, and other vessels, which our gallant and vigilant cruisers have taken; besides a pretty round sum in repairs for the Berceau. But where is the provision, you will ask, for the Millions of property piratically taken by the French? — No where that I know of. Can it be possible that Americans will cheerfully acquiesce in this flagrant, shameless, injustice?"
On Addressing the President.
THE Democrats are good hands to make a difficulty, and then to urge that very difficulty as a justification of their own conduct. They say, it would be a great piece of indecorum to negative a proposal to address the President, as it would imply a want of confidence in his administration. — Whose fault is that? Are the movers to blame, who knew all this beforehand, or the Legislature, who place confidence or refuse it, according to their knowledge and experience.
In 1800, all Massachusetts voted for another Candidate as President; and every body knows, that the public voice of the people of the State was not in his favor. In 1802, if he had acted very well, it would be very early to shift about and contradict, in words, what we had signified by conduct. He could scarcely do this sooner himself; — indeed the dates of his Inaugural Speech and his Bishop Letter might decide that point, if they were before us; but it is not necessary they should be, as nobody ought to vie with the Chief Magistrate, in the readiness to accommodate speeches to circumstances. But what has the President already done to justify this hasty applause? He has but recently addressed Congress for the first time; and they have but just began the work of meriting our confidence, by pulling down what the former administrations had long and arduously labored to build up. Shall we lend confidence, or shall it be earned? — Shall we lend it without security? Is the ripping up of the Judiciary any security? Are the Virginia proposed amendments pledges for confidence? Are the removals from office of scores of honest men; is the appointment of Mr. Gallatin, of Alexander Wolcott, and of the aged Mr. Bishop the blossoms, that promise good fruit? Then men shall gather apples from thorns, and figs from thistles.
A letter from Washington, states, that the repeal of the Judiciary Law has been determined on in the Senate 15 to 13. Among other questions, addressed to the consciences of the majority, it may be asked, Is this a measure of patriotism or of party spirit? Did it arise from objections to the law or to the Judges?
The Senate have concurred in most of the appointments made by the President during the recess. Care should be taken that such concurrence be not deemed a matter of course, for the power of the "Monarchical Branch" of our government would be much increased thereby.
The Senate divided on the appointment of Mr. Charles Pinckney, as Minister to Madrid; but that gentleman being already sent to Madrid, it perhaps occasioned a dilemma, in which, at length, a disposition to economize might overrule objections to his appointment.
The appointment of Mr. Gallatin is probably dissatisfactory to three-fourths of the people of Massachusetts.
Counterfeit U. S. Bank Notes have been detected at New-York. They were made in New-Jersey. One of the manufacturers was taken, but afterwards escaped.
A subscription has been filled at Portland for a new Bank, to be called the Maine Bank. Money is to be loaned on landed security.
ST. JOHNS, (ANTIGUA) DEC. 10. A FREE PORT. This port by a late Act of Parliament, is continued Free, until the Tenth of July 1805.
HAVANA.
Capt. Eder, arrived at Portland from the Havana, who failed Jan. 4, states, that the port had been opened to American vessels for 30 days.
The Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce have announced the receipt of information from Cuba, "that every possible indulgence should be shewn to vessels arrived under the expectation of finding the ports open."
Capt. Torriano, at Charleston from the Havana; failed Jan. 10. He informs, that American vessels were not admitted to an entry. Vessels allowed to anchor are obliged to pay 50 dollars pr. day. No prospect of better times.
The above intelligence is strangely contradictory. It is extraordinary that some official publications are not made — that merchants may possess correct information.
GUADALOUPE.
Capt. Freneau, who failed from Guadalupe Jan. 1, has arrived at New-York. He says, that the democratic blacks, on the receipt of the news that troops were coming from France, had attempted to assassinate their chief, Pelage. The whites and mulattoes were for welcoming the troops. — Business was dull. — An embargo had been laid for 15 days on all vessels, and still continued on French.
A squadron of French ships for the West-Indies, was to sail from Havre de-Grace, about the 20th of Nov. A squadron under Admiral Latouche Treville, was under orders for the same part of the world, and consisted of Le Doudroyant of 80 guns, Les Heros 74, L'Aigle 74 Le D. Trouin 74, L'Argonaute 74, L'Union 74, Le Guerrier 44, La Franchise 44, and L'Ambuscade 44.
Information has been received, that the Port of Honduras has been closed against American vessels; and those there have been ordered to sea.
FIRES.
On Wednesday night an incendiary attempt was made on a building on the south side of FORT-HILL. The fire had spread considerably before the discovery, which, however, was made in season to avert the threatened calamity.
On the 18th inst. the store of Mr. Abel Harvey, at Brookfield, was destroyed by fire. The loss is estimated at 1200 dollars.
The house of Mr. David Rowland, in Harrisburg, (Penn.) was consumed in the night of the 10th inst. The ladies formed a lane to pass the buckets, with water to the engines!
From Plymouth, Jan. 23, 1802.
Messrs. Editors, I AM sorry that we have to relate to the public, that this place has, in some measure, participated with the capital, the destruction by fire. The circumstances are as follows: — On Thursday last, as Mr. Salisbury Jackson, was at work in his Rope-walk (in Water-street, near the Draw-bridge) his tar-kettle boiled over, and the whole building was instantly wrapped in flames. The roof being composed of combustibles, such as tar, paper, &c. burnt with the greatest fury imaginable, and seemed to threaten unexampled devastation, but by unexampled exertion, it was got under, with the loss of the Rope-walk and stock, amounting to about 6000 dollars, with some damage done to several vessels and stores, but no other building was entirely consumed. On Friday, the temporary Light-house on the Gurnet, was nearly destroyed by fire.
PORTSMOUTH, FEBRUARY 2.
From ENGLAND — the Latest. By the barque Belfast, Capt. Waterman, 35 days from Falmouth, for New-York, which touched in at New-London on Friday the 22d ult. A Falmouth paper of Dec. 12, was received. — The contents are unimportant. The British and French Plenipotentiaries set out from Paris on the 4th December, for Amiens, where the Definitive Treaty is to be negotiated. The Duke of Cambridge, is to go from England to Nova Scotia in the Spring, and it is said, with the appointment of Commander in Chief. — At Hamburg, the house of Thierry's, mer. have failed for 1,200,000 marcs banco.
FROM WASHINGTON, JAN. 19. "Yesterday in the Senate the resolution of Mr. Breckenridge was further discussed. Mr. Calhoun spoke against it; he is a new member from South Carolina, and has ever been considered as a democrat, though we have many reasons for supposing him a Republican. We have witnessed but seldom a speech more fraught with reason, with moderation and sound argument, than that of Mr. Calhoun. At the close of his speech, after having added many new arguments to prove the unconstitutionality and inexpediency of adopting the resolution, he offered another resolution, the substance of which was, to have a committee appointed to see whether any and what alterations are necessary in the federal judicial system. Mr. Calhoun grounded the propriety of this resolution by observing, that for his own part he conceived the direct repeal of the law passed last winter, as a violation of the constitution; that the senate were themselves nearly equally divided in their opinions whether this repeal were or not, a violation of the constitution; that thousands and thousands out of the senate, whatever might be their political sentiments, were of the same opinion; that it appeared to be the wish of those who favored the repeal of the law of the last session, to make alterations and amendments, and that the resolution he would offer would subserve every purpose wished by them, and would save the constitution."
"Mr. Burr then informed Mr. Calhoun that such a resolution would not then be in order. Mr. Dayton obviated this difficulty by proposing an amendment to the resolution of Mr. Breckenridge, by striking out the word repeal, and inserting the words revise and amend. The yeas and nays were demanded on this amendment, and were as follows:
YEAS. "Messrs. Chipman, Calhoun, Dayton, D. Foster, Hillhouse, Howard, Jon. Mason, Morris, Osgood, Sheafe, Tracy, Wells and White. 13.
NAYS. "Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Brown, Cooke, Ellery, T. Foster, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, S. T. Mason, Nicholas, Stone, Sumpter, Wright. 15.
"On the main question, whether the resolution should be agreed to, the yeas and nays were exactly reversed.
"For the present we shall only say, that we conceive it to have been highly honorable to Mr. Calhoun to have washed his hands from this murder of the constitution: the amendments to the resolution would have answered every purpose, pretend d to be wished by the advocates of the resolution, yet was it rejected. The constitution is now a mere old woman's story; its evanescent authority will soon be forgotten.
"A bill must be brought in to repeal the law of the last session, which will probably undergo much debate in the Senate, and more in the House, the expense of which to the United States will probably be three times as much as the pretendedly unnecessary expenses of the newly-established judiciary — We forbear at present. — The time will soon be here when such comments on this funeral of our constitution will be read as are written in blood."
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman in Lisbon, to a respectable House in Philadelphia, dated 26th Nov. 1801.
"This market is overstocked with flour and corn; 15,500 bbls. flour arrived in one day, and is selling at 700 rials (equal to 8 dols.) per bbl. corn in proportion, the sales are dull even at that. Salt provisions are scarce and in demand, beef, 20 to 23 dols. per bbl. pork, 27 to 30 do."
That excellent work, entitled "The Federalist," written by Gen. Hamilton, in 1788, is to be republished in New-York.
Mr. Asa Shaw, an ingenious mechanic at the South part of the town, has constructed a press screw, on a new principle, which bids fair to be of general utility to Farmers, Packers, Tobaccocons and Book-binders.
The screw of this press runs into the follow — or as Book-binders and Printers term it, the platten, and rests on four iron rollers which play round on a plate of iron. The strength of one man with this screw, is equal to at least four with the common ones now in use. To Book-binders we think it will save the laborious but at present necessary task of heating. The press is now standing in Mr. Luke Leighton's shop, south end, where any person who will take the trouble of calling, may see it.
The town of Amiens, in France, was celebrated before the Revolution for its manufactures in linen and woolen cloth, which, it is said, employed 30,000 people. This ancient town is remarkable for having been taken by the Spaniards in 1597, by the following singular stratagem. A number of soldiers, disguised like peasants, were con-
ducting a cart loaded with walnuts, and let a quantity of them fall from the machine just as the gate was opened, and while the unsuspecting guard were busy in gathering up the nuts, the Spanish army entered and took possession of the town. It was retaken by Henry the Fourth. Amiens is on the road from Calais to Paris, 75 miles north of that city.
Sometime in September, 1800, Mr. Pinchbeck Pratt of Saybrook, inoculated a Peach tree, with the bud of another tree, from which sprung 49 branches, from 1 inch to 5 feet 11 inches in length, the largest being 5 inches in circumference at the butt; the aggregate length amounting to 77 feet 1 inch. All the growth of one year. Con. Paper.
From a late London paper. Addresses to the First Consul, on account of the conclusion of the Peace, continue to be received.
On this auspicious event a very splendid Ball was given by Earl Stanhope, to several hundred of the principal yeomen and tradesmen in his neighbourhood. Among the very appropriate toasts given on this occasion, we notice the following, which were drunk with the most enthusiastic applause, and three times three cheers:
The King: and may all kings be convinced that the welfare of their subjects, justice to all nations, and a pacific system, are the brightest ornaments of their crowns.  Citizen General Bonaparte, First Consul of the French Republic — may all men remember that they are brethren, and may all Rulers remember that they are men.  JEFFERSON, the Whig President, and all the other Citizens of the United States.  Marine Intelligence.  So lately as the 13th ult. an American vessel was plundered by a Spanish privateer of articles to the amount of 500 dollars, and the Captain was struck several times.  New-York, Jan. 20.  Arrived yesterday, the brig Commerce, Semple, in 36 days from Kingston, Jamaica. Spoke off the Isle of Pines, the British frigate Santa Margaretta, on a cruise. A lieutenant informed Capt. Semple, that a few days before, the British sloop of war Bonetta, was lost on the Jardines, when a great number of her crew perished. — January 4, off Havana, spoke the Schooner Royal Charles, 14 days from Boston for Havana. [The Commerce is quarantined, on account of her having lost 5 men at Jamaica, where it is very sickly.]  Cleared at the CUSTOM-HOUSE. Brig Good-Intent, Walden, Barbadoes. Ship Resolution, Oxnard, Cape-Good-Hope.  Hymeneal Register.  MARRIED  At Baltimore, Mr. WILLIAM EWIN, aged 25, to Miss WILSON, aged 65, both of that city.  At Somersworth, Mr. MARK WENTWORTH, to Miss PATIENCE WENTWORTH.  This comely pair was dress'd in love, Protected by the hand above, And virtue spread her golden ray, Crowning with peace the joyful day. In this town, Mr. DANIEL MUANS, to Miss ELIZABETH HULL.  Bill of Mortality.  Life, like a meteor, glows, then flies away; Man's frail existence seems but as a day: Thrice happy those, who, when their summons come, Can welcome with a smile, the dreary tomb.  DIED  At Philadelphia, Capt. WILLIAM RUGG, of this town, aged 33.  At the seat of his son, Joseph Ayers, in Canterbury, Mr. JONATHAN AYERS, senior, late of this town, aged 78. — Mr. Ayers supported through a long life, the character of an honest, industrious, worthy citizen. And was a kind neighbour, a sincere friend, an indulgent husband and a good father. Having lived to see a numerous family rise around him, who are happily and honorably settled in life; and long been renewed in the infant persons of the second generation, he bade a quiet adieu to the valley of time, and our hope is, that like the good old Patriarch, he hath gone up yonder, to worship the Living-GOD. How blest that summons, at the end of days, Which calls the way worn pilgrim to the skies;  Bids age itself on eagle's pinions rise, And nerves the failing tongue to ever-lasting praise.  At Exeter, on the 17th ult. Mr. WILLIAM ROBINSO, aged 30 years, whose death is greatly lamented by all his friends and acquaintance — But for a consolation to his mourning friends he left an evidence that he was by divine grace, made a partaker of those joys which are uninterrupted in the mansions of glory above.  At Newington, very suddenly, Mr. JOHN NUTTER, aged 75. In this town, a child of Mr. Samuel Woodbury.  WHEREAS some evil minded person hath published in the Gazette of Tuesday the 26th of January last, that at Durham was married by the Rev. Mr. Cox, Mr. JONATHAN HOIT, of Newington, to the agreeable Miss SALLY DURGIN, of Durham; this is therefore to give notice, that any one who will prove such marriage already published in said Gazette, shall have a reward of TWENTY DOLLARS, by applying to me the subscriber.  JOSEPH PICKERING.  French Spoliations.  AT a meeting of sufferers by French captures, convened at the east chamber in the State-House, in pursuance of public notification —  Voted, That JACOB SHEAFE, Esq. be chairman of this meeting.  Voted, That THOMAS THOMPSON, NATH'L A. HAVEN, JOHN GODDARD, STEPHEN CHACE & EDWARD CUTTS, be a committee to receive the claims of those who have suffered in this town and its vicinity, by capture and spoliation by the French, to correspond with committees appointed in other towns for the same purpose, and forward such representations to Congress as they shall deem proper — with power to call any future meeting. The committee appointed as above, give public notice to all the citizens of this town and its vicinity, that they will attend and receive the claims of those who have suffered by French captures and spoliations, at the New-Hampshire Hotel, on Thursday next, at 3 o'clock P. M. and that they will continue to meet at the same hour and place the remainder of the present, and the whole of the ensuing week, and they request that the claimants in their exhibits, would state in each case, the name of the vessel, the master, the owner, and the actual cost or value of the property captured, both vessel and cargo in gross with the time and place of capture, with such circumstances as may be thought useful to represent.  Per Order.  THO'S THOMPSON, Chairman. Portsmouth, February 1, 1802.  GREAT BARGAINS.  THIS DAY.  By AUCTION, and without reserve, AT THE STORE OF ABRAHAM ISAAC, A VARIETY OF ENGLISH GOODS, Consisting of FEARNOUGHTS; COATINGS; CASSIMERES; BAIZES; FLANNELS; HATS; WORSTED HOSE, &c. for Cash only. ABRAHAM ISAAC, Auctioneer. Feb. 2, 1802.  The SALES at AUCTION, Which commenced on SATURDAY, the 23d inst. at the Auction Office of  Alexander Ewen,  In Market-street, Portsmouth, will be continued from time to time 'til the whole of  18 Packages of Merchandize are sold. — Consisting of SUPERFINE, fine and low priced Broad Cloths, Coating, Duffels, Rose Blankets, Swansdowns, Velvets, Cassimeres, Plains, Linens, Britannias, Ribbons, Flannels, Baizes, Hats, &c.  The above articles will be sold for Cash only. N. B. He has at Private sale a few chests Bohea and Hyson TEA. Portsmouth, Jan. 26, 1802.  Wanted Immediately, ONE OR TWO  Journeymen Shoemakers, who are neat, approved workmen, at Boots and Calf-skin Shoes, — to whom generous wages will be given, if well recommended. Application may be made to the subscriber any time between this and next May.  JACOB KIMBALL. Hanover, College Plain, Jan. 23, 1802.  Letters of Shahcoolen.  THE Editors are happy to inform the friends of Literature, that they have received a complete set of the LETTERS OF SHAHCOOLEN, forwarded by the Author, with his Notes and Corrections, accompanied with a prefatory Address. Thus early favored with a copy, revised by the writer, they have commenced, and already made such progress in the publication, that they will be able in a short time, to present the public with this elegant morceau of American Literature, impressed on a new type, and on the best paper the season affords. It was at the express request of a number of literary gentlemen, and from their own wish to patronize the native genius and literature of America, that they were induced to offer proposals for publication; and should this little volume be so fortunate as to meet the smiles of the public, the author will probably, have the ambition, to furnish a second in the same masterly manner; as he has entered an extensive field, where many flowers of genius and taste may be gathered, to decorate the cause of virtue and morality.  Our brother printers, of the federal cap. who have ever manifested themselves ready and willing to assist and encourage the progress of sound principles, in religion, morals, and politics, will oblige us by giving the above notice a place in their several papers, or connect it with the original proposal. RUSSELL & CUTLER. Boston, Jan. 28, 1802.

From SEWALL'S POEMS.
A SAILOR once was cast on Cornwall's coast, Naked and hungry! pinch'd with chilling frost;
In this sad state, a player took him in, Bound up his bruises, pouring oil and wine, Disdain'd not a whole month to feed and dress him,
Then gave one half he had and bid God bless him. The honest tar while sighs his bosom heave,
With eyes that stream'd with gratitude took leave, Some few years rounded with far better claims,
Our tar returns and anchors in the Thames; Ask'd by his messmate, to the play he hies; There view him fix'd in wonder and surprise.
With rapture gazing on the splendid shew, Bright scenes and nymphs who yield to none but—YOU.
At length a player enters—"Heav'ns! 'tis he!"
"The friend that succor'd misery, and me!" What strong emotions in that bosom roll! What grief, what anguish, wrung thy might-y soul?
An ambush rises here, from the thick wood
Six ruffians rush! their poignards thirst for blood!
Will none assist? the trembling player cry'd, "Yes, I by G—!" the gen'rous tar reply'd, Nor staid, but swifter, than the lightning's rage,
Leapt from the gallery upon the stage.
One universal peal ascends the sky, And tears of transport burst from ev'ry eye. The play was o'er—eclips'd its fading ray's
And ev'ry tongue reounds the sailors praise. Such is the force of nature, such of art,
And both combin'd o'er pow'r, the firmest heart, From every breast each selfish barrier roll,
And in elysium lap th' imprisoned foul! What ne'er I more? th' example you sup-
ply, And the bright comment sparkles from each eye.
THE COMFORTS OF THE SEASONS.
IN Summer's cool shades how delightful to sit!
In Winter, how social when true friends are met!
In Autumn ripe fruits may our palates regale;
In Spring we delight in the sweet blossom'd vale.
Each season has pleasures and blessings in store;
Be contented and happy, and ask for no more:
Would you know the best season to laugh and to sing,
'Tis Summer, 'tis Winter, 'tis Autumn, 'tis Spring.
MEDLEY.
EFFECTS OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. The following Story was related by the Captain of a Guinea ship.
"We were sailing, "said he," on the ocean, with a cargo of slaves, when about midnight, the moon shining clear, some of the roughest and bravest rose upon us and gained the deck. They had no fire arms, and no weapons, except the loose articles which they could pick up on the deck. We therefore succeeded in driving them toward the stern of the ship. As I understood something of their language, I stepped forward, and told them that they might take their choice, either to return peaceably into the hold, or I would shoot the first man that refused to obey the heart. A stout fellow, who appeared to be their leader, instantly stepped out, offered his breast to my pistol, and bid me shoot him for the first. I fired and he fell dead at my feet. A second and a third followed his example, and met the same fate. A fourth succeeded in their place; but the fight of three men bleeding at my feet, was too much; I could proceed no farther; and I began to feel, also, that I was diminishing the profits of my voyage. By this time the survivors were so disheartened, that they surrendered at discretion, and we confined them in such a manner as to prevent a repetition of the tragedy.
That the above relation was given to the writer, can be satisfactorily proved if necessary. This is only one shade in the dreadful picture of the African slave trade. How great must have been the anguish of mind, and how complete the despair, of those unfortunate beings, to produce such a degree of desperate resolution, and astonishing heroism.
TIPLER.
THE Tipler drinks in small quantities, and at several stated periods. In the morning he is always cropick, and craves a stomachic. This is either bitter and brandy, cherry bounce, or purr, which, to adopt his own technical phrase, he calls "fortifying his stomach" against the rawness of the morning; thus fortified, he issues out to transact his business, but fully resolved not to make a dry bargain; 'till, with a dram here and a dram there—a cordial in one place and a cordial in another—a drop mixed with a friend—a reconciliation draught with an enemy—a squib with an old acquaintance, or a bowl of condolence, &c. he sinks into a state of ebriety, and having been imposed upon in all his dealings, ends his wretched life in a GAOL.
ANECDOTE.
AN old German soldier, having lost both his arms in a severe battle, his commanding officer proposed to reward his bravery with a dollar. "You certainly think, captain, (exclaimed the veteran, with becoming spirit) that I have only lost my gloves!"
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. Rockingham, ss.
THE subscribers being appointed executors of the last Will of the Hon. GEORGE JAFFREY, late of Portsmouth, in said county, Esquire, deceased—and having given bonds as the law directs;
ALL persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make payment to JEREMIAH LIBBEY, of said Portsmouth, without delay, and all those who have demands, are desired to exhibit them to him.
JOHN JEFFRIES, JEREMIAH LIBBEY. Portsmouth, Jan. 4, 1802.
Hillsborough, ss. To the honorable the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature, holden at Amherst, in and for the county of Hillsborough, on the first Tuesday of October, A. D. 1801.
MARY MURDOUGH wife of Samuel Murdough, late of Hillsborough, in said county, libels against the said Samuel and gives the Court to understand, that on or about the thirty-first day of May, A. D. 1780, at Hillsborough aforesaid, she was lawfully joined in marriage with the said Samuel, and ever since that time hath demeaned herself towards the said Samuel as a faithful, chaste and dutiful wife, nevertheless the said Samuel in no wise regarding his duty and marriage covenant, on the first day of May last past, at said Hillsborough committed adultery with a certain lewd woman, and hath wholly deserted your libellant, and hath ever since cohabited and still continues to cohabit with said woman; wherefore your libellant prays that the bonds of matrimony between her and the said Samuel subsisting, may be decreed to be null and void, and that the be divorced therefrom, and that such allowance out of the estate of said Samuel may be decreed her for alimony, as to the said Court shall seem reasonable.
Wm. GORDON, for the libellant.
Hillsborough, ss. Superior Court, October Term, 1801.
Ordered by the Court that the petitioner notify the said Samuel Murdough to appear before the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature, to be holden at Hopkinton, within and for the county of Hillsborough, on the first Tuesday of May next, to show cause (if any he have) why the prayer of said petition should not be granted, by causing said petition and order of Court thereon, to be published three weeks successively in the New-Hampshire Gazette, the last publication whereof to be six weeks before said term.
Attest, NATH'L ADAMS, Clerk. Copy examined by NATH'L ADAMS, Clerk.
Hillsborough, ss. To the honorable the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature holden at Amherst, in and for the county of Hillsborough, on the first Tuesday of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and one;
JAMES CARTER of Hillsborough, libels and gives the said Court to understand, that on or about the twentieth day of November, A. D. 1793, at Hillsborough aforesaid, he was lawfully joined in marriage with one Mehitable Straw, and hath ever since had the said Mehitable for his lawful wedded wife, and in all respects demeaned himself towards the said Mehitable as a good and affectionate husband, nevertheless the said Mehitable utterly disregarding her marriage contract with your libellant, afterwards, on the first day of May last past, committed adultery with a certain lewd man, eloped from her family and hath ever since cohabited with said lewd person; wherefore for the cause aforesaid, the said James prays that he may be divorced from the bonds of matrimony between him and the said Mehitable subsisting.
JAMES CARTER. October 6, 1801.
Hillsborough, ss. Superior Court, October Term, 1801.
Ordered by the Court, that the petitioner notify the said Mehitable to appear at the Superior Court of Judicature, to be holden at Hopkinton within and for the county of Hillsborough, on the first Tuesday of May next, to show cause (if any she have) why the prayer of said petition should not be granted, by causing said petition and order of Court thereon to be published three weeks successively in the New-Hampshire Gazette, the last publication thereof to be six weeks before said term.
Attest, NATH'L ADAMS, Clerk. Copy examined by NATH'L ADAMS, Clerk.
BARLEY.
Upham & Garland, WILL pay CASH for Barley, at the highest price. GOODS as usual.
Hard-Ware GOODS,
By Wholesale and Retail.
H. & B. Penhallow,
Have imported in the ships Sally, Capt. Webber, and John and Phoebe, Capt. Dyer, from LIVERPOOL, and the Mary, Capt. Luce, from BRISTOL.
A great variety of Hard-Ware GOODS.
Which together with their former stock, make a large and complete assortment, Consisting of
BRASS KETTLES; brass and copper Warming Pans; copper, sheet-iron and patent Tea Kettles; brass, copper and iron Chafing Dishes; brass, jayan'd and iron Candlesticks; brass Skimmers; brass cabinet and cloak Furniture; Clock-Faces and Clock Pinions; brass Thumb Latches and Rappers; brass Nails; Pewter; block-tin Tea Potts, of various sizes; Flatirons; Frying Pans; a great variety of Shovels and Tongs; Andirons; brass-nose and common Bellows; bell-mettle Kettles; brass and steel Chimney Hooks; Pins, No. 3, 4, 4 1/2, and 5, pound and packet Pins.
A great variety of
Knives and Forks; Jack-nives; Penknives; Razors; Scissors and Shears; floor, hearth, dust, wax, clothes, scrubbing, whitewash, teeth, paint, tar and shoe Brushes.
A great variety of low priced Looking-Glasses, from 1 dollar to 13 dollars each.
Tea-Trays; Waiters; Snuffer Trays; best and common steel Snuffers; block-tin, composition and tin'd iron, Tea and Table Spoons.
Box and steel Coffee Mills; Hones and Oil Stones.
A very large assortment of
SADLERY.
Joiner's, Ship-carpenter's, Carver's, Sadler's, Cooper's and Shoe-maker's Tools; iron and brass Wire; Lanthorn-Leaves; devonshire and square Iron Shovels; Sheet-Iron; Patent Shot; Crowley, blistered and Halback Steel; Anvils and Vices.
An extensive assortment of brass and iron Locks, Hinges, Latches and Bolts.
Steel and common plate Saws, viz. pitt, cross-cut, webb, hand, pannel, saw, dovetail, compass, cooper's and key-hole Saws; brass Scales; painted Scale Beams; Steelyards of all sizes; Razor Cages; Shaving Boxes; Snuff and Tobacco Boxes; Curling Tongs; Ivory Combs; Church Plate; Scales and Dividers; Mathematical Instruments; Surveyor's Instruments; Spy Glasses; Ship Scrapers; Caulking Irons; Pitch Ladles; Cabin Mops; Palms; Sail Needles; Twine; Time Glasses; Codlines; a complete assortment of small Fish Hooks; saw and chalk Lines; log, band and deep sea Lines; Hadley's Quadrants; Patent Lamps; Muskets with Bayonets; Hangers and Hanger Blades; Wood Screws of all sizes; Bed Screws; Bed Keys; English and American Sleigh Bells; House, Tea-table and Cow Bells; Cork Screws; Thimbles; Shoe Claps; Knitting Pins; Rat and Mousetraps; Curry Combs; Flints; Gun Locks, and Mountings; best Currier's Knives; common and patent Brick and Plaistering Trowels; Bed and Chair Pans; Coffin Letters, Figures and Ornaments; Slates, &c.
They have also for sale,
7 by 9 and 6 by 8 crown Window Glass; Spikes; Deck Nails; Brads; Nails and Tacks of all kinds; Cart, Chaife and Waggon Boxes of all sizes.
A large assortment of English iron Potts and Kettles; best German steel Mill Saws. Portsmouth, October 22, 1801.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners and proprietors of land in the town of Barnstead, county of Strafford, and State before mentioned, who have not paid their county and road taxes for the year 1801, that unless they pay said taxes to the subscriber on or before the twenty-third day of March next, to much of their land as will pay said taxes with the incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue on said day, at my dwelling-house in said town, at 10 o'clock A. M.
Table with 5 columns: No., Quantity, Range, County, Road. Lists land tax details for various owners in Barnstead.
CHARLES PEIRCE
BOOK-SELLER,
No 5, Daniel-Street, Portsmouth, N. H.
HAS JUST RECEIVED FOR SALE,
a complete assortment of
FAMILY BIBLES,
from 25 dollars (all prices) down to 1 dollar each; Testaments from 40 cents to 1 dollar each.
also, an extensive assortment of
BOOKS,
On DIVINITY, LAW, PHYSIC, HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, VOYAGES, HUSBANDRY, NAVIGATION, POETRY, and NOVELS.
Village Harmony;
Law's art of Singing; Harmony of Maine; Rural Harmony, &c. by the dozen or single; Watts' Hymns and Psalms; Smith's and Alline's Hymn Books; Henry's explanation to the whole Bible; the whole book of Mar-tys, together with a most capital assortment of Books in every branch of knowledge and polite literature, suitable for public and private LIBRARIES, &c. &c. also, a large assortment of SCHOOL & CLASSICAL Books, by wholesale and retail.
C. Peirce has also for sale,
a large assortment of
STATIONARY, &c. such as
Writing & letter Papers of various prices and qualities; Log Book, Wrapping, Sheathing and Press Papers; Sealing Wax; Wafers; Quills; Ink Powder; Slates and Pencils; Cyphering and Writing Books; a variety of Ink Pots; Sand Boxes; Penknives; Razors; Razor-Straps; Shaving Soap, Boxes and Brushes.
a very large assortment of
Account, Record, Journal, Letter and Waste Books; Gentlemen and Ladies Pocket Memorandum Books, of various prices.
Charts & Maps.
C. Peirce has also for sale,
CHARTS of the British Channel; ditto of Spain and Portugal; of all the West-India Islands; of the coast of America; of the Atlantic Ocean; of the Gulph and River St. Lawrence; of Georges' Banks; of the United States; of New-Hampshire; and of the seat of War in France, &c. &c. &c.
Day and Night Spy Glasses; Hadley's Quadrants; Scales & Dividers; Black Sand; Red and Black Ink; Trunks; Almanacks; Registers, &c. &c. all of which will be sold very cheap. New LIBRARIES supplied—and old ones replenished on generous terms, and every favor will be duly noticed by C. PEIRCE.
SPRINGFIELD.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in Springfield, in the county of Cheshire, and State of New-Hampshire, who have not paid their highway and county taxes for the year 1801, that so much of their land as will pay the same with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, to the highest bidder, at the house of Lt. Daniel Noyse in said Springfield, on the 5th day of April next, at two of the clock P. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 5 columns: No., Quantity, Range, County, Road. Lists land tax details for various owners in Springfield.
OSGOOD TAYLOR, Collector. Springfield, Dec. 9, 1801.
State of New-Hampshire.
Grafton, ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Bridgewater, who are delinquent in paying the taxes thereon for the year 1801, that so much of their land as will pay the taxes assessed thereon with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at my dwelling-house in Bridgewater, on the 18th day of March next, at 10 o'clock A. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 5 columns: Owners Names, Quantity, Range, County, Road. Lists land tax details for various owners in Bridgewater.
TO BE SOLD BY
Samuel Hill,
At his Store on Spring-Hill, as follows,
—VIZ.—
40 Hhds. 2, 3, 4, proof St. Vincents and Tobago RUM. A quantity of SUGAR. COFFEE and COTTON. GIN and BRANDY. IRON HOLLOW WARE. IRON. Halback and German STEEL. GRINDSTONES.
a few
English Goods,
which will be sold very cheap for cash, or short approved credit.
N. B. Calls and the highest price given for
Shipping Furs.
Portsmouth, December 31, 1801.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Antrim, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1801, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the twenty-second day of April next, to much of their land as will pay the same together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at 1 o'clock P. M. on said day, to the highest bidder, at the dwelling-house of Mark Woodbury, innholder in said town.
Table with 5 columns: Owners Names, Quantity, Range, County, Road. Lists land tax details for various owners in Antrim.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of Piermont, county of Grafton, State aforesaid, who are delinquent in paying their county and highway taxes for the year 1801, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber on or before the twenty-fifth day of March 1802, so much of their lands as will pay the said taxes, with incidental charges, will be sold on said day, at public vendue, at my dwelling-house in said Piermont, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 5 columns: Original Grantees and Owners of LANDS, Quantity, Range, County, Road. Lists land tax details for various owners in Piermont.
WILLIAM TARLTON, Collector. Piermont, Jan. 14, 1802.
ALL persons indebted to, or that
have demands against the estate of THOMAS TUTTLE, late of Lee, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same for settlement to the subscriber, administratrix to said estate.
COMFORT TUTTLE, Adm'x. Lee, Jan. 18, 1802.
CONDITIONS.
PRICE of the GAZETTE,
is one dollar and fifty cents a year, thirty-seven cents of which paid on subscribing, the residue any time within the year.
Subscribers admitted at all times, with liberty to withdraw their names whenever they please, paying up their bills, 'till which they will be considered as customers.
Newspapers done up in bundles, and directed to any particular place in a town, without additional cost—whenever sent single, or in bundles to Post-Offices, the subscribers must pay the postage.
Advertisements, and all publications of a personal nature, must be accompanied with pay before insertion.