The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1788-01-23 00:00:00

THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE AND GENERAL WEDNESDAY, PORTSMOUTH: By JOHN MELCHER,
[VOLUME XXXII.—No. 1637.]
GAZETTE, THE ADVERTISER,
JANUARY 23, 1788.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED IN MARKET-STREET.
"WHEN ANGRY NATIONS PART IN LEAGUES OF PEACE, LET PRIVATE FEUDS AND CIVIL DISCORDS CEASE."
Mr. ELLSWORTH's excellent Speech.
[As it conveys the most important information, and the fairest reasoning, in the plainest language—we with pleasure embrace the opportunity of inserting the following Speech, made at the opening of the deliberations of the CONVENTION of CONNECTICUT, January 4, 1788.]
Mr. PRESIDENT, IT is observable, that there is no preface to the proposed Constitution; but it evidently presupposes two things; one is the necessity of a federal government, the other is the inefficiency of the old articles of confederation. A union is necessary for the purposes of national defence. United, we are strong; divided we are weak. It is easy for hostile nations to sweep off a number of separate states one after another. Witness the states in the neighbourhood of ancient Rome. They were successively subdued by that ambitious city; which they might have conquered with the utmost ease, if they had been united. Witness the Canaanitish nations, whose divided situation rendered them an easy prey. Witness England, which, when divided into a number of separate states, was twice conquered by an inferior force. Thus it always happens to small states, and to great ones, if divided. Or if to avoid this, they connect themselves with some powerful state, their situation is not much better. This shows us the necessity of our combining our whole force; and, as to national purposes, becoming one state.
A union, sir, is likewise necessary, considered with relation to economy. Small States have enemies as well as great ones. They must provide for their defence. The expense of it, which would be moderate for a large kingdom, would be intolerable to a petty state. The Dutch are wealthy, but they are one of the smallest of the European nations, and their taxes are higher than in any other country of Europe. Their taxes amount to forty shillings per head, when those of England do not exceed half that sum.
We must unite, in order to preserve peace among ourselves. If we are divided, what is to hinder wars from breaking out among the states? States, as well as individuals, are subject to ambition, to avarice, to those jarring passions which disturb the peace of society. What is to check these? If there is a parental hand over the whole, this, and nothing else, can restrain the unruly conduct of the members.
Union is necessary to preserve commutative justice between the states. If divided, what is to hinder the large states from oppressing the small? What is to defend us from the ambition and rapacity of New-York, when she has spread over that vast territory, which she claims and holds? Do we not already see in her the seeds of an over-bearing ambition? On our other side, there is a large and powerful State.—Have we not already begun to be tributaries? If we do not improve the present critical time—if we do not unite
—shall we not be like Issachar of old, a strong ass, crouching down between two burdens?—New-Jersey and Delaware have seen this, and have adopted the Constitution unanimously.
A more energetick system is necessary. The present is merely advisory. It has no coercive power. Without this, government is ineffectual, or rather is no government at all. But it is said, such a power is not necessary. States will not do wrong. They need only to be told their duty, and they will do it. I ask, Sir, what warrant is there for this assertion? Do not States do wrong? Whence come wars? One of two hostile nations must be in the wrong. But it is said, among sister States that can never be presumed. But do not we know, that when friends become enemies, their enmity is the most virulent? The seventeen provinces of the Netherlands were once confederated; they fought under the same banner. Antwerp, hard pressed by Philip, applied to the other states for relief. Holland, a rival in trade, opposed, and prevented the needed succours. Antwerp was made a sacrifice. I with I could say, there were no seeds of similar injustice springing up among us. Is there not in one of our States injustice too barefaced for eastern despotism? That State is small; it does little hurt to any but itself. But it has a spirit, which would make a top of the universe. But some will say, we formerly did well, without any union. I answer, our situation is materially changed. While Great-Britain held her authority, she awed us. She appointed governors and councils for the American provinces. She had a negative upon our laws. But now, our circumstances are so altered, that there is no arguing what we shall be from what we have been.
It is said, that other confederacies have not had the principle of coercion. Is this so! Let us attend to those confederacies which have resembled our own. Sometime before Alexander the Grecian States confederated together. The Amphictyonic council, consisting of Deputies from these States, met at Delphos; and had authority to regulate the general interests of Greece. This council did enforce its decrees of coercion. The Beotians once infringed upon a decree of the Amphictyons. A heavy mulct was laid upon them. They refused to pay it. Upon that, their whole territory was confiscated. They were then glad to compound the matter. After the death of Alexander, the Achean League was formed. The decrees of this confederacy were enforced by dint of arms. The Ætolian league was formed by some other Grecian cities in opposition to the Achean; and there was no peers between them, until they were concurred, and reduced to a Roman province. They were then all obliged to sit down in peace under the same power of despotism.
How is it with respect to the principle of coercion in the Germanic body? In Germany there are about three hundred principal cities and republics; deputies from these meet annually in general Diet to make regulation for the empire. But the execution of these is not left voluntarily with the members. The empire is divided into ten circles;
over each of which a superintendent is appointed, with the rank of Major-General. It is his duty to exercise the decrees of the empire with a military force.
The confederation of the Swiss Cantons has been considered as an example. But their circumstances are far different from ours. They are small republics, about twenty miles square, situated among the Alps, and inaccessible to hostile attacks. They have nothing to tempt an invasion. Until lately, they had neither commerce nor manufactures. They were merely a set of herdsmen. Their inaccessibleness has availed them. Four hundred of those mountaineers defeated 15,000 Austrians, who were marching to subdue them. They spend the ardour of youth in foreign service; they return old, and disposed for tranquility. Between some of the Cantons and France, there has long subsisted a defensive treaty. By this treaty, France is to be a mediator to settle differences between the Cantons. If any one is obstinate, France is to compel a submission to reasonable terms.
The Dutch republic is an example that merits attention. The form of their Constitution, as it is on paper, admits not of coercion. But necessity has introduced it in practice. The coercive power is the influence of the Stadholder an officer originally unknown to their Constitution. But they have been necessitated to appoint him, in order to set their unwieldy machine of government in motion. He is commander in chief of their navy, and of their army consisting of 40, or 50 regiments. He appoints the officers of the land and naval forces. He presides in the states general, and in the states of every province and by means of this, he has a great opportunity to influence the elections and decisions. The province of Holland have ever been opposed to the appointment of a Stadholder; because, by their wealth and power, being equal to all the other provinces, they possess the weight and influence of the Stadholder, when that office is vacant. Without such an influence, their machine of government would no more move, than a ship without wind, or a clock without weights.
But to come nearer home, Mr. President, have we not seen and felt the necessity of such a coercive power? What was the consequence of the want of it during the late war, particularly towards the close? A few States bore the burthen of the war. While we, and one or two more of the States, were paying 80 or 100 dollars per man to recruit the Continental army, the regiments of some States had scarcely men enough to wait on their officers. Since the close of the war, some of the States have done nothing towards complying with the requisitions of Congress; others, who did something at first, seeing that they were left to bear the whole burthen, have become equally remiss.—What is the consequence? To what shifts have we been driven? We have been driven to the wretched expedient of negotiating new loans in Europe to pay the interest of the foreign debt.—And what is still worse, we have even been obliged to apply these new loans
to the support of our own civil government at home.
Another ill consequence of this want of energy, is, that treaties are not performed. The treaty of peace with Great-Britain was a very favourable one for us. But it did not happen perfectly to please some of the States; and they would not comply with it. The consequence is, Britain charges us with the breach, and refuses to deliver up the posts on our northern quarter.
Our being tributaries to our sister States is a consequence of the want of a federal system. The State of New-York raised 60 or 80,000l. a year by impost. Connecticut consumes about one third of the goods upon which this impost is raised; and consequently pays one third of this sum to New-York. If we import by the medium of Massachusetts, she has an impost, and to her we pay a tribute. If this is done, when we have the shadow of a national government, what shall we not suffer when even that shadow is gone?
If we go on as we have done, what is to become of the foreign debts? Will foreign nations forgive us this debt, because we neglect to pay? or will they levy it by reprisals, as the law of nations authorizes them? Will our weakness induce Spain to relinquish the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi, or the territory which she claims on the east side of that river? Will our weakness induce the British to give up the northern posts? If a war breaks out, and our situation invites our enemies to make war, how are we to defend ourselves? Has government the means to enlist a man, or buy an ox? Or shall we rally the remains of our old army? The European nations, I believe to be not friendly to us.—They were pleased to see us disconnected with Great-Britain; they are pleased to see us disunited among ourselves. If we continue so, how easy is it for them to canton us out among them, as they did the kingdom of Poland? But supposing this is not done, if we suffer the union to expire, the least that can be expected is, that the European powers will form alliances, some with one State and some with another, and play the States off one against another, and that we shall be involved in all the labyrinths of European politics. But I do not wish to continue the painful recital: Enough has been said to shew, that a power in the general government to enforce the decrees of the union, is absolutely necessary.
The Constitution before us is a complete system of legislative, judicial and executive power. It was designed to supply the defects of the former system; and I believe, upon a full discussion, it will be found calculated to answer the purpose for which it was designed.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands on the estate of JAMES COLMAN, late of Newington, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts for settlement to MARTHA COLMAN, administratrix.
Newington, Jan. 22.
BLANKS of all sorts for sale at this Office, at the lowest Boston prices.
Hon. J. Whipple Esq.

B O S T O N. Summary of the arguments used in Convention, on the debates respecting Biennial Elections .
M O N D A Y, 14th January.
It had been mentioned by some gentlemen, that the introduction of tyranny into several nations had been by lengthening the duration of their parliaments, or legislative bodies; and the fate of those nations was urged as a caution against lengthening the period for which Congress is to be chosen.—The Hon. Mr. SEDGWICK wished to know what were the nations which had been thus deprived of their liberties; he believed they were few in number—in fact, he did not recollect any.—After shewing by several examples how nations had been deprived of their liberties, he continued—Is it not necessary, Mr. President, that the federal Representatives should be chosen for two years; Annual elections in a single state may be the best, for a variety of reasons: But when the great affairs of thirteen States—where their commerce may be extended, and where it is necessary to be restricted—what measure may be most expedient, and best adapted to promote the general prosperity thereof, are to be the objects of deliberation—is not such a period too short? Can a man called into public life divest himself of local concerns, and instantly initiate himself into a general knowledge of such extensive and weighty matters? After several other arguments in favour of the section, he begged the indulgence of the Convention while he made a personal observation: "It has been given out, Sir, by several persons, that I have said the Constitution must go down—right or wrong—I beg leave to declare, Sir, on my honour, that so far from having made such a declaration, the idea of it has not ever entered my mind."
Mr. G. DENCH wished to know how the representation was secured—as by the 4th section, Congress were empowered to make or alter the regulation of the times, places, and manner of holding elections—Mr. D. was continuing, but was called to order by Mr. Parsons, who said that the subject on debate was the expediency of biennial elections , and that an answer, to the gentleman from Hopkinton, would more properly be given when the 4th section was under consideration.
Dr. TAYLOR. Mr. President, I am opposed to biennial , and am in favor of annual elections —annual elections have been the practice of this State ever since its settlement, and no objection to such a mode of electing has ever been made—it has, indeed, Sir, been considered as the safeguard of the liberties of the people—and the annihilation of it the avenue through which tyranny will enter. By the articles of confederation, annual elections are provided for—though we have additional securities in a right to recall any, or all of our members from Congress—and a provision for rotation. In the proposed Constitution, there is no provision for rotation—we have no right by it to recall our delegates. In answer to the observation, that by frequency of elections, good men will be excluded, I answer—If they behave well, it is probable they will be continued—but if they behave ill, how shall we remedy the evil. It is possible, that rulers may be appointed who may wish to root out the liberties of the people. Is it not, Mr. President, better, if such a case should occur, that at a short period they should politically die, than that they
should be proceeded against by impeachment. These considerations, and others, said the Doctor, make me in favor of annual elections ; and the further we deviate therefrom, the greater is the evil.
The Hon. Mr. SPEAGUE was in favor of the section as it stood—He thought the same principles ought not to guide us, when considering the election of a body whose jurisdiction was coextensive with a great continent, as when regulating that of one whose concerns are only those of a single state.
Mr. T. DAWES, after a short exordium, said he had not heard it mentioned by any gentleman who had spoken in the debate, that the right of electing Representatives in Congress, as provided for in the proposed constitution, will be the acquisition of a new privilege by the people as it really will be. The people will then be immediately represented in the Federal Government—at present they are not—therefore it will be in favor of the people, if they are even chosen for 40 instead of two years—and he adduced many reasons to shew that it would not conduce to the interest of the United States, or the security of the people, to have them for a shorter period than two years.
The Hon. Mr. WHITE said he was opposed to the section—he thought the security of the people lay in frequent elections—for his part he would rather they should be for six months than for two years, and concluded by saying he was in favour of annual elections.
Dr. JARVIS, Gen. BROOKS, Gen. HEATH, and Hon. Mr. TURNER, each ip ke a few words on the subject—when a motion was made to postpone the consideration of the 2d. sect. until to morrow morning, which passing, the Convention adjourned.
T U E S D A Y, January 15.
Mr. AMES. I do not regret, Mr. President, we are not unanimous upon this question. I do not consider the diversity of sentiment which prevails, as an impediment in our way to the discovery of truth. In order that we may think alike upon this subject at last, we shall be compelled to discuss it, by ascending to the principles upon which the doctrine of representation is grounded.
Without premeditation, in a situation so novel, and awed by the respect which I feel for this venerable assembly, I distrust extremely my own feelings, as well as my competency to prosecute this enquiry. With the hope of an indulgent hearing, I will attempt to proceed. I am sensible, Sir, that the doctrine of frequent elections, has been sanctified by antiquity; and is still more endeared to us by our recent experience, and uniform habits of thinking.—Gentlemen have expressed their zealous partiality for it. They consider this as a leading question in the debate, and that the merits of many other parts of the constitution are involved in the decision. I confess, Sir, and I declare that my zeal for frequent elections, is not inferior to their own. I consider it as one of the first securities for popular liberty, in which its very essence may be supposed to reside. But how shall we make the best use of this pledge and instrument of our safety? A right principle, carried to an extreme, becomes useless. It is apparent that a delegation for a very short term, as for a single day, would defeat the design of representation. The election in that case would not seem to the people to be of any importance, and the person elected would think as lightly of his appointment. The other extreme is equally to be avoided. An election for a very long term of years, or for life, would remove the member too far from the controul of the people, would be
dangerous to liberty, and in fact repugnant to the purposes of the delegation. The truth, as usual, is placed somewhere between the extremes, and I believe is included in this proposition: The term of election must be so long, that the representative may understand the interests of the people, and yet so limited, that his fidelity may be secured by a dependence upon their approbation.
Before I proceed to the application of this rule, I cannot forbear to premise some remarks upon two opinions which have been suggested.
Much has been said about the people divesting themselves of power, when they delegate it to representatives; and that all representation is to their disadvantage, because it is but an image, a copy, fainter and more imperfect than the original, the people, in whom the light of power is primary and unborowed, which is only reflected by their delegates.—I cannot agree to either of these opinions. The representation of the people is something more than the people. I know Sir, but one purpose which the people can effect without delegation, and that is, to destroy a government. That they cannot erect a government is evinced by our being thus assembled, on their behalf. The people must govern by a majority, with whom all power resides. But how is the sense of this majority to be obtained? It has been said that a pure democracy is the best government for a small people who may assemble in person. It is of small consequence to discuss it, as it would be inapplicable to the great country we inhabit. It may be of some use in this argument, however, to consider, that it would be very burdensome, subject to faction and violence, decisions would often be made by surprise, in the precipitancy of passion, by men who either understand nothing, or care nothing about the subject; or by interested men, or those who vote for their own indemnity. It would be a government not by laws, but by men. Such were the paltry democracies of Greece and Asia Minor, so much extolled, and so often proposed as a model for our imitation. I desire to be thankful, that our people are not under any temptation to adopt the advice. I think it will not be denied, that the people are gainers by the election of representatives. They may destroy, but they cannot exercise the powers of government, in person; but by their servants, they govern—they do not renounce their power—they do not sacrifice their rights—they become the true sovereigns of the country when they delegate that power, which they cannot use themselves, to their trustees.
I know, Sir, that people talk about the liberty of nature, and assert that we divest ourselves of a portion of it, when we enter into society. This is declamation against matter of fact. We cannot live without society; and as to liberty, how can I be said to enjoy that which another may take from me, when he pleases. The liberty of one depends not so much on the removal of all restraint, from him, as on the due restraint upon the liberties of others. Without such restraint, there can be no liberty—liberty is so far from being endangered or destroyed by this, that it is extended and secured. For I said, that we do not enjoy that, which another may take from us. But civil liberty cannot be taken from us, when any one may please to invade it: For we have the strength of the society on our side.
I hope Sir, that these reflections, will have some tendency to remove the ill-impressions which are made by proposing to divest the people of their power.
That they may never be divested
of it, I repeat that I am in favour of frequent elections. They who commend annual elections, are desired to consider, that the question is, whether biennial elections are a defect in the Constitution: For it does not follow, because annual elections are safe, that biennial are dangerous: For both may be good. Nor is there any foundation for the fears of those, who say that if we who have been accustomed to chuse for one year only, now extend it to two, the next stride will be to five, or seven years, and the next for term of life: For this article, with all its supposed defects, is in favour of liberty. Being inserted in the Constitution, it is not subject to be repealed by law. We are sure that it is the worst of the case.
It is a fence against ambitious encroachments, too high and too strong to be passed: In this respect, we have greatly the advantage of the people of England, and of all the world. The law which limits their parliaments, is liable to be repealed.
I will not defend this article, by saying that it was a matter of compromise in the federal Convention: It has my entire approbation as it stands. I think that we ought to prefer, in this article, biennial elections to annual, and my reasons for this opinion, are drawn from these sources:
From the extent of the country to be governed.
The objects of their legislation.
And the more perfect security of our liberty.
It seems obvious, that men who are to collect in Congress from this great territory, perhaps from the bay of Fundy, or from the banks of the Ohio, and the shore of Lake Superior, ought to have a longer term in office, than the delegates of a single State, in their own legislature. It is not by riding post to and from Congress, that a man can acquire a just knowledge of the true interests of the union. This term of election, is inapplicable to the state of a country, as large as Germany, or as the Roman Empire in the zenith of its power.
If we consider the objects of their delegation, little doubt will remain. It is admitted that annual elections may be highly fit for the state legislature. Every citizen grows up with a knowledge of the local circumstances of the state. But the business of the federal government will be very different. The objects of their power are few and national. At least two years in office will be necessary to enable a man to judge of the trade and interests of states which he never saw. The time, I hope, will come, when this excellent country will furnish food (and freedom, which is better than food, which is the food of the soul) for fifty millions of happy people. Will any man say that the national business can be understood in one year?
Biennial elections appear to me, Sir, an essential security to liberty. These are my reasons.
Faction and enthusiasm are the instruments by which popular governments are destroyed. We need not talk of the power of an aristocracy. The people when they lose their liberties, are cheated out of them. They nourish factions in their bosoms, which will subsist so long as abusing their honest credulity shall be the means of acquiring power. A democracy is a volcano, which conceals the fiery materials of its own destruction. These will produce an eruption, and carry desolation in their way. The people always mean right, and if time is allowed for reflection and information, they will do right. I would not have the first wish, the momentary impulse of the public mind, become law. For it is not always the sense of the people, with whom, I admit, that all power

resides. On great questions, we first hear the loud clamors of passion, artifice and faction. I consider biennial elections as a security that the sober second thought of the people shall be law. There is a calm review of public transactions, which is made by the citizens who have families, and children, the pledges of their fidelity. To provide for popular liberty, we must take care that measures shall not be adopted without due deliberation.
The member chosen for two years, will feel some independence in his seat. The factions of the day will expire before the end of his term.
The people will be proportionally attentive to the merits of a candidate. Two years will afford opportunity to the member to deserve well of them, and they will require evidence that he has done it.
But, sir, the representatives are the grand inquisition of the union. They are by impeachment to bring great offenders to justice. One year will not suffice to detect guilt, and to pursue it to conviction. Therefore they will escape, and the balance of the two branches, will be destroyed; and the people oppressed with impunity. The Senators will represent the sovereignty of the States. The representatives are to represent the people. The offices ought to bear some proportion in point of importance. This will be impossible if they are chosen for one year only.
Will the people, then, blind the eyes of their own watchmen? Will they bind the hands which are to hold the sword for their defence? Will they impair their own power, by an unreasonable jealousy of themselves?
For these reasons, I am clearly of opinion, that the article is intitled to our approbation as it stands: and as it has been demanded, why annual elections were not preferred to biennial, permit me to retort the question, and to enquire in my turn, what reason can be given why, if annual elections are good, biennial elections are not better?
WARSAW, (Poland) Sept. 24.
The Turks, on their march towards Moldavia, set fire to the town of Galacz; they afterwards carried off at Yassy, the wife of the prince, whom they sent with the wives of thirteen of the principal boyars to Constantinople. The Russians advanced speedily in three columns—and it is said, that they have destroyed one of the Turkish squadrons on the Black Sea.
CONSTANTINOPLE, Sept. 10.
Some Russian merchantmen have within these few days been taken, the cargoes condemned, and the crews confined with the other prisoners of war: At first there was some regard held as to the property of the French and English—but now all considerations of that kind are passed over and every thing that is found in the captured ships, is confiscated.
On the 7th, four heads were brought from Albania and exposed on the gates of the Seraglio—and amongst them was that of Machmud Bacha's brother.
PETERSBURG, (Virg.) Dec. 16.
By the last accounts from the western country, we learn, that the Indians are determined to continue their hostilities on the frontier settlements; and it is feared that if something is not done to settle a permanent treaty with them, a general Indian war will be the consequence.
NEW-YORK, Dec. 25.
Last Friday night a melancholy accident happened on board a Bermudian sloop in this harbour, by
the people imprudently placing a pot of charcoal in the cabin, and shutting it up when they went to sleep, which had nearly suffocated the whole of them. The Captain (Harriot) and cabin boy died in consequence of it.
BOSTON, Jan. 18.
It was objected by some gentlemen, in the course of the debates, on Tuesday last, that the lengthening of the time for setting in Congress was rendered more ineligible from the want of a provision for a rotation in office, and for recalling the Delegates. In case of misbehaviour it is much better to drop them by silent neglect, than to turn them out by impeachment. The necessary information of a Representative is to be obtained at home as well as at Congress. It is at home he is to verse himself in the interests and feelings of his particular constituents, and if a long time is necessary to give him an understanding of foreign affairs, the opportunity may be afforded him by re-elections, which have taken place, in almost every instance with respect to the present and late Delegates of Massachusetts. As to the saving of expense, the observation cannot apply to this State, as the elections are annual, and no additional trouble would be created from chusing Representatives to Congress, at the same time with those of the Commonwealth. This too was applicable to most, if not to all of the States, except South Carolina, in some of which the elections were even semi-annual.
At this all-important period, says a correspondent, no truly honest man, who is not misguided in regard to those measures which ought to be pursued to effect an establishment of the honour and happiness of our country, can hesitate concerning the sentiments which ought to be adopted. The proper definition of the word anti-federalism, is anarchy, confusion, rebellion, treason, sacrilege, and rapine—in short, all the evils contained in Pandora's box, will be scattered far and wide, should anti federalism unfortunately prevail. In the word federalism is combined, national honor, dignity, freedom, happiness, and every republican privilege. Listen, ye wise men of Massachusetts, ye members of the august state convention! listen to the dictates of truth, of reason, and of justice, and if you will listen, and suffer your own minds to be opened to conviction, sure I am that you will unanimously approve the GRAND FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.
A correspondent who has attended the debates of the convention, and seen the characters who oppose the federal constitution, and those who support the glorious plan, cannot help exclaiming—great heaven! what a contrast!
The impudence and illiberality which wrinkles the brow of anti-federalism, says an attendant on conventional debates, sufficiently indicates that truth, like a dagger, pricks the heart, and forces upon the features of the phiz, a denial of what the tongue seems determined to propagate.
Should those who are now in opposition to the new plan of government, continue to persevere in that course, and be able to effect their plans, they will soon feel all
those miseries they now affect to despise: they may triumph for a short time, but will soon be stopped in their career, and compelled to give up those unjust pursuits in which they may be engaged; and, instead of that admiration and esteem which they hope to gain, they will be consigned over to infamy and reproach.
It has been remarked, a correspondent writes, that if the PIL-LAR which the Centinel has attempted to raise, instead of being fixed and established, should fall, that many, who have foolishly and ignorantly opposed its erection, will be crushed under its ruins! It may then be said—Mourn, ye! mourn ye! for, by the multitude of your sins are ye doomed to affliction!
PORTSMOUTH, Jan. 23.
A correspondent remarks, that already one third of the number of States necessary to the establishment of the proposed constitution, has passed the Rubicon. His sentiments are favorable to that system, but he wishes, anxiously, to be relieved from one doubt: What is to be done, if four States refuse, or even one refuses, to acquiesce in the measure? Under the present articles of confederation an unanimous concurrence is necessary to an alteration; no State can be obliged to concur in an alteration, but all the States are bound to abide by the original compact, if a single State should refuse its concurrence. Again, twelve States were represented in the federal convention; by what rule, therefore, has that body released and destroyed a compact at the will of nine, to which there were twelve parties equally interested? The federal convention were called together to amend the old constitution, but they chose to make a new one (this the writer does not complain of) but they were called upon to act for twelve States, and, in effect, they have only acted for nine. It appears to our correspondent on this view, that the consequence must be either a civil war between the assenting and dissenting States, or the establishment of separate republics on the American continent.
The former event must be painful to every friend of humanity, and the latter, it is agreed by all men, and expressly stated by Mr. Wilson, would be incompatible with the peace and welfare of the States. In this dilemma, however the proposed constitution meets the approbation of our correspondent, he cannot give a negative to this important question; is it not better to refer the proposed plan, with the explicit sentiments of the people on its principles, to another convention, than to incur either of the consequences above stated? The unanimous opinion of the States, respecting the alterations that ought to be made, will render the task of the proposed constitution easy, and clear from future objection; while much less time will be requisite to accomplish this measure, than either to force our sister States to sacrifice their judgment to our will, or arrange the business of a separation into several and unconnected republics.
DIED.] Mr. Richard White, aged 84; a child of Mr. Jonathan Shute; a child of Sufannah Lang.
An infallible remedy for the Head Ach, (As the story goes.)
A YOUNG gentleman an apprentice in this vicinity, a short time since was seized with a violent head ach, and on application to a physician for a palliative, he was directed to bath his feet in warm water; after the family had retired to bed, this direction he strictly put in execution, he had not been long in the watery position, before sleep, that restorer of slight ills, gently closed his weary eye-lids, and Jack Frost, a bold and hardy tyrant, intruded into his apartment and gently closed his feet; our patient awoke towards morn, and finding himself under an arrest, struggled and soon obtained his liberty; but to his great surprise, found his pain entirely removed, which he solely ascribes to the congelation of the water.
State of New Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Canaan, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1786, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the 29th day of February next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at 10 o'clock, A.M. on said day, at the dwelling house of Capt. Robert Barber in said town, unless prevented by previous payment.
   1st 2d 3d   100 100 100   s. d. s. d. d. d. d.     Tho's Gustin 1st r. 0 0 1 4 0 0 7 0   Ebenezer Harris 1 9 0 0 0 9 0 0   Daniel Harris 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 4   A. Walworth half 11   Allen Whitman 1 4 7   Jedediah Lathrop half 5 2   Clement Daniels 9 4   David Chamberlin 1 4 7   William Fox, jr. 1 9 1 4 9 9 7 4   Aaron Cady 1 9 9   Nathaniel Cady 1 4 9 7 4   Samuel Meacham 9 4   Wm Chamberlin 9 1 4 7   W. Chamberlin jr. 1 9 1 4 9 7   Thomas Miner half 8 5   Jonathan Babee 3d 1 4 7   T. W. Waldron 1 9 1 4 9 5 7 4   W. Wentworth 1 9 1 4 9 9 7 4   J. Newmarch, Esq. 1 4 7    JOHN SCOFIELD, Collector. Canaan. Jan. 14.
State of New Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Canaan, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the 28th day of February next, so much of their land as will pay the same together with incidental charges will be sold at public vendue, at ten of the clock before noon, at the house of Capt. Robert Barber in said town unless prevented by previous payment.
   1st 2d 3d   100 100 100   s. d. s. d. d. d. d.     Tho's Gustin 1st r. 3 2 5 0 0 0   Jedediah Lathrop 0 0 0 1 4   William Fox, jr. 3 0 0 1 4   Samuel Meacham 0 0 0 1 4   James Nevins, Esq. 0 0 0 1 4   Capt. J. Wentworth 0 0 1 4   Tho's W. Waldron 3 2 5 1 4   John Newmarch, Esq. 1 4    EZEKIEL WELLS, Collector. Canaan, Jan. 14.
   WEEKLY ALMANACK   For PORTSMOUTH.—Lat. 43 d . 5 N.   Jn. Ir. Of. 1 st 1 st 1 st Calendar.     23 7 17 5 39 11 53   24 7 16 5 0 55 12   25 7 15 5 8 0 46   26 7 14 5 9 18 1   27 7 12 5 10 26 2   28 7 11 5 11 32 3   29 7 10 5 12 38 4    Calendar notes: Snow, Oil cl. 13m. Sexagesima, 7 th s.f. 6h. 45m. Cold.
NAVAL OFFICE. PORT OF PISCATAQUA, Jan. 23, 1788. ENT E R E D. FROM. Brig Elizabeth, Lang, Port au Prince. Brig Randolph, Gardner, St. Thomas. Ship Keppel, Young, Cape-Francois. C L E A R E D. FOR. Brig Sufannah, Parker, West-Indies. Brig Olive, Smallcorn, ditto.

Parnassian Spring.
A FAVOURITE HUNTING SONG.
ROUSE, rouse jolly sportsmen the hounds are all out, The chase is begun, I declare ; Come up & to horse let us follow the rout And join in the chase of the hare : Hark hark don't you hear, they are now in the dale, The horn how melodious it sounds ! Poor puffs in a fright how she strives to prevail, And fly from the cry of the hounds, And fly from the cry of the hounds. II. Tho' up to the hills and the mountains she scales, Whose top seems to join to the sky ; We mount in the air like a kite in a gale, And follow the hounds in full cry : Tho' into the copse there for refuge she flies, We kill her 'tis twenty the odds ; While Echo surrounds us with hooting and cries, We seem to converse with the Gods, We seem, &c. III. Our freedom with conscience is never alarm'd, We are strangers to envy and strife ; When blest with a wife we return to her arms, Sport sweetens the conjugal life : Our days pass away in a scene of delight, Which kings and their courtiers ne'er taste ; In pleasure of love we revel all night, Next morning return to the chase, Next morning, &c.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Wakefield, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Thursday the 14th day of February next, so much of their lands will be sold at public vendue, at my dwelling house in said town, at ten of the clock, A. M. as will pay said taxes and incidental charges.
   Q'ty N. div. s. d. q.     Eben'r Downs 100 30 1 1 4 0   ditto. 110 30 2 1 1 2   Thomas Miller 110 1 2 1 4 0   John James 34 33 1 7   E. Wentworth 50 53 1 1 8 2   ditto 110 53 2 1 5   Samuel Dame 90 70 1 2 5 3   William Huzzey 100 79 1 2 6 3   ditto 110 79 2 1 1 3   William Downs 100 86 1 1 8 2   Samuel Downs 100 93 1 1 5   Benjamin Ham 50 84 1 1 3 3   S. Page's gore 149 2 7 7 3   M. H. Went- worth, Esq. 110 21 2 1 1 3   Thomas Miller 62 22 2 1 1 3   William Stiles 110 23 2 1 1 3   Richard Huffy 110 26 2 1 1 3   Benj. Roberts 110 28 2 1 1 3   Daniel Young 110 29 2 1 1 3   Stephen Varney 70 38 2 2 3 2   Nathaniel Horn 110 43 2 1 4   W'm Twombly 110 47 2 1 8 2   M. H. Went- worth, Esq. 110 73 2 1 8 2   John Marden 55 74 2 7   Solly & March 110 77 2 7   John Ham 70 82 2 2   John Miller 52 83 2 1 6 1   John Gage 110 17 2 6 3  
JONA. PALMER, Collector. Wakefield, January 14th, 1788.
A few copies of the PROPOSED United States Constitution (One of which every family in the United States ought to have) may be had at this Office.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Middletown, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1784, unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Tuesday the 19th day of February next, so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold on said day at my dwelling house in Middletown, at public vendue, unless prevented by previous payment. State.
   First Division.   No. Qty s. d.     Stephen Roberts 46 50 0 9   John Tinker 59 50 1 6   Nathaniel Varney 77 50 9   Benjamin Evans 78 100 1 6   Peter Cook 91 50 1 6   Alexander Hodgdon 45 50 6   John Peal 13 100 3   George Hanson 76 100 1 6   Andrew Horn 64 50 9   Nathaniel Young 47 100 2 3   Tho's Wallingford 43 60 1 6   Bedford Plummer 75 100 2 3   Eph'm Wentworth 18 100 1 6   Benjamin Roberts 38 100 2 3   Timothy Roberts 33 100 1 6   Benj. Wentworth 19 100 2 3   Jonathan Gage 37 100 3   Thomas Varney 89 100 1 6   John Kelley 20 100 2 3   Nathaniel Austin 10 50 1 6   Richard Philpott 14 100 2 3   Zebulon Davis 41 44 7 6   Capt. John Collamay 43 75 5 3   Samuel Clements 80 100 2 3   Benning Wentworth 99 100 2 3   Samuel Varney 49 50 8 3   Law Loit 31 100 3 9    ISAAC STANTON, Constable. Middletown, Dec. 1st, 1787.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Middletown, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the sub- scriber, on or before Wednesday the 20th day of February next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental char- ges will be sold at public vendue at my house in Middletown, on said day, unless prevented by previous payment. First Division.
   No. Qty s. d.     Benjamin Roberts 38 100 2 6   Timothy Roberts 35 100 1 8   Benj. Wentworth 19 100 2 6   Thomas Varney 89 100 1 8   John Kelley 20 100 2 6   Nathaniel Austin 10 50 1 8   Richard Philpott 14 100 2 6   Zebulon Davis 41 50 8 4   Capt. J. Collamay 41 50 6 8   James Clements 80 100 2 6   Benn'g Wentworth 99 100 3 4   Stephen Roberts 46 50 10   John Tinker 59 50 1 8   Nathaniel Varney 77 50 10   Samuel Varney 49 100 6 8   Benjamin Evans 78 100 1 8   George Hanson 76 100 1 8   Andrew Horn 67 50 10   Nathaniel Young 47 100 2 6   Tho's Wallingford 43 60 1 8   Bedfield Plummer 75 100 2 6   Eph'm Wentworth 18 100 1 8    SOLOMON PERKINS, Constable. Middletown, Dec. 4th, 1787.
ALL persons indebted to the estate of JOHN MOFFATT, Esq. de- ceased, are once more requested to make immediate payment to the sub- scriber, at his office in Portsmouth, or they will be sued without further notice. SAM'L SHERBURNE, jr. Attorney to the Executors. Portsmouth, Jan. 4, 1788.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
THE subscribers appointed a committee to make sale of all the undivided lands in the first, sec- ond and third divisions in the town of Shapleigh, in the county of York, at private sale, or at public auction; any person or persons having a mind to purchase at private sale, may have an opportunity by applying to John H. Bartlett, Esq. at his dwell- ing house in Kittery, or at the open- ing the vendue, which will be on the 29th day of January inst. at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, at the house of Capt. Phillip Hubbard, in Berwick, in said county.—Condi- tions of sale may be known at the opening the vendue.
John H. Bartlett, } Committee. William Stacy, } Andrew P. Fernald } Kittery, January 1, 1788
ALL persons indebted to the estate of Col. Timothy Bedel, late of Haverhill, in the county of Grafton, and state of New-Hamp- shire, deceased, intestate, are hereby requested to make immediate pay- ment to the subscriber, MOODY BEDEL, Administrator. November 26.
Samuel Place
INFORMS his customers and the public, that he has removed from the house and shop which he lately occupied, to his house in Chaple-Street, next door to Capt. Pearne's, where he carries on the Watch-Maker's business in all its various branches, And has for Sale,
  Crystals,  Pendants,    Dial Plates,  Watch Hands,    Cafe Springs,  Silver Cafe-*    Pendent-Bows,  Buttons,    Main Springs,  Chain Hooks,    Pinions,  Pendent-Shanks,    Screws,  Inside Chains,    Verges,  3d & Contrite-    Pendulum-Wire  Wheels,    Steel and Brass  Screw-Wheels,    Keys,  Watch-Maker's    Steel and Gilt  Files and    Chains,  Brushes, &c.  
He has in his pos-
session a number of Watches left with him to repair, by persons he has not heard from for several years, he therefore requests those persons to call for their property.
He also requests all
persons who have any demands on him to exhibit their claims for adjust- ment, and all indebted to him are desired to make immediate payment. Portsmouth, Jan. 8.
State of New-Hampshire.
WE the subscribers being appoint- ed commissioners by the hon. Charles Johnson, Esq. judge of pro- bate, &c. for the county of Grafton, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of Col. Timothy Bedel, late of Ha- verhill, deceased, and six months being allowed for that business, hereby give notice that we will at- tend the same on the last Monday in December next, and on the first Monday of the five following months, from 10 o'clock, A. M. to 2 o'clock, P. M. at the house lately occupied by Amos Fisk, Innholder in said Ha- verhill.
ASA PORTER, JAMES WOODWARD, ANDREW CROCKER. Haverhill, November 15.
THE subscribers appointed commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of JACOB TREADWELL, late of Port- mouth, merchant, deceased, repre- sented insolvent, give notice that they will attend to receive said claims at the Post Office in this town, on the first Tuesday of this and the five ensuing months, from six to nine o'clock, P. M.
JOHN PARKER, Dec. 5. PEIRCE LONG, JEREMIAH LIBBEY.
THE subscribers being appointed commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of DANIEL FOWLE, late of Portsmouth, Esq. deceased, represented insolvent;— give notice that we shall attend for said purpose, at the Post-Office, in Portsmouth, on the last Monday of this, and the five following months, from 3 to 6 o'clock, P. M.
JOSHUA BRACKET, JOHN PARKER. JEREMIAH LIBBEY. Portsmouth, Aug. 20, 1787.
THE Subscribers appointed Commissioners to receive and examine the Claims of the several Creditors to the Estate of JOHN MOFFATT, late of Portsmouth, Esq. deceased, represented insolv- ent, give notice that they will attend to receive said claims on the last Monday of this and the five ensuing months, from six to nine o'clock, P. M. at the dwelling- house of Col. William Brewster, in this town.
WOODBURY LANGDON, DANIEL RINDGE, JOHN PARKER. Portsmouth, Dec. 20.
THE subscribers appointed commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of Mr. Noah Paker, late of Portsmouth, deceas- ed, represented insolvent, hereby give notice that they shall attend for that purpose at the Post Office, on the second Tuesday of this and the five following months, from 5 to 8 o'clock, P. M.
JOHN FURNALD, JOHN GODDARD. DANIEL R. ROGERS. Portsmouth, Dec. 5, 1787.
TAKE NOTICE! THAT I Walter Bryant, of Newmarket, in the county of Rockingham, and State of New- Hampshire, administrator to the estate of Walter Bryant, jr. and Je- remy Bryant, Esq's. both late of Newmarket, deceased, find among their papers above forty deeds of land in the towns of Tamworth, Eaton, Burton and Chatham, not recorded, and many of them not ac- knowledged, and being persuaded that many of them were sold by said deceased in their life time, and many sold at vendue for taxes, some of which I have redeemed, and if I do not soon hear from the pur- chasers, I shall sell them; therefore I give this public notice, that all purchasers may have the original proprietors deed authenticated, least they be lost.—The subscriber hath upward of a THOUSAND DOL- LARS in Loan-Office Notes with considerable interest due thereon, belonging to the estate that was said Walter's, deceased, which will be sold at public vendue on Tuesday the 22nd day of January, 1788, at one of the clock, P. M. at the dwell- ing house of the subscriber, in New- market, aforesaid.
WALTER BRYENT.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for this Paper, at Two Shillings and Three Pence per quarter, exclusive of postage, are taken in by the Publisher, at his Printing-Office in Market-Street, Portsmouth; where Advertisements are received, the favours of Correspondents carefully attended to, and Printing performed reasonably.