The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-12-06 00:00:00

Ebenezer Bartlett Esq.
PORTSMOUTH, November 15th, 1808. BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF.
GENERAL ORDERS.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States having required of the Executives of the several STATES, their respective proportions of One Hundred Thousand Militia , including Officers, to be organized, equipped, and held in readiness to march at a moment's warning, for the necessary defence of the Country; of which number three thousand nine hundred and sixty six is the proportion of the State of New Hampshire, and that number being carefully apportioned by the Governor to the several Divisions of the Militia from the last general return of the same, is made according to the annexed Schedule.
The Commander in Chief directs that the commanding Officer of each Division shall cause the number in the annexed schedule set to his Division, to be immediately detached including a suitable proportion of Officers, and that the same detachment consist according to the President's requisition, as nearly as may be, of one twelfth Artillery, one sixteenth Cavalry, and the residue Infantry.
That the Major Generals of each Division cause the same detachments as soon as made, to be organized into Companies, Battalions and Regiments, the Officers and Men to be armed and equipped for service, and held in readiness to march at a moment's warning, and returns to be immediately made to the Office of the Adjutant General, of all the detachments with the names of the Officers of each.
Subsequent orders will be given for forming said detachments into Brigades and a Division, the detachment or any part thereof when called into actual service will be held to serve for the term of six months.
The Commander in Chief has full confidence in the patriotism and attention of the Major Generals and all Officers under their command, in immediately carrying these orders into effect.—After the detachments are made, any Companies of volunteers, who previous to orders for taking the field may tender their services to the commanding officer of the Brigade to which they belong, will be considered as a part of the aforesaid quota.
SCHEDULE
Referred to in the foregoing Orders. There will be detached from the first Division one thousand men , including officers, these to form two Regiments, each regiment two battalions of Infantry, one company of Artillery and one company of Cavalry.
The first Brigade to furnish five hundred and fifty. } 560 The third Brigade four hundred and forty. } 440 1000
There will be detached from the second Division fourteen hundred and forty men , including officers, these to form two Regiments, each regiment two battalions of Infantry, one company of Artillery and one company of Cavalry.
The second Brigade to furnish eight hundred and twenty. } 820 The fourth Brigade five hundred and twenty. } 620 1440
There will be detached from the third Division fifteen hundred and fifteen men , including officers, these to form two Regiments, each regiment two battalions of Infantry, one company of Artillery and one company of Cavalry.
The fourth Brigade to furnish seven hundred and thirty five. } 735 The fifth Brigade seven hundred and eighty one. } 781 1516
BY ORDER OF HIS EXCELLENCY THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF. MICHAEL M'CLARY, Adj. General.
WHEREAS application has been made to me by more than one sixteenth part of the present owners and proprietors of the undivided land of CHARLESTOWN, in the county of Cheshire and state of New Hampshire, to warn a meeting of said proprietors—
These are therefore to warn said proprietors to meet at the house of Isaac H. Ely's innholder in said Charlestown on the fourth Saturday of December next, at one of the clock in the afternoon of said day, to act on the following articles—
First, To choose a Moderator, a Clerk, Treasurer, and agent, to take the charge of said proprietors property, also Assessors and Collectors—and a committee to survey, lot out and sell said common Land, and to raise money to defray all expenses.
SAMUEL STEVENS, Justice Peace. Carr's-Grove, Nov. 11, 1808.
NEW GOODS.
Just received by the late arrivals at Boston, and now opening at DRAPER'S
CHEAP CASH STORE. A very extensive and elegant assortment of Fashionable, Fancy and Staple PIECE GOODS, adapted to the present and approaching season.
Among which are A very elegant variety
of colored worked, Brufels, figured leno, seed mill mul, diagonal, vinced and lace } MUSLINS. Black, dove, pink, light, buff and lilac } Canton Crapes. Fashionable Beaver & Straw } Hats & Bonnets.
An elegant assortment of extra long and habit } Kid Gloves
White Satin, best quality; double white Sarfets; white cotton lace Armlets; lace Gloves and Mitts. A great variety of Thread and cotton Laces and Footings; Ladies lace cotton HOSE, a new article. A great variety comprising all colours, Silk Velvets and Plushes.
Leghorn Flats; Black, white, blue, maroon, scarlet, orange and coquelico } CRAPES
Children's Straw Bonnets; India plaid Lutrings; Spider Nett; An elegant assortment of broad and common width } Ribbons
India black Satins and Lutrings; Pink, white, buff and green Sarfets; Florence black Lutrings, very nice quality; Very cheap cambricks, book and jacquet } Mullins;
Ladies and gentlemen's silk Hose; Fawn, purple, black and slate twilled } Cambricks.
A very elegant variety of London Chintzes; 2 trunks low priced Calicoes; Plaid Ginghams and chamba Mullins; 7-8, 4-4 and 6-4 colored and black Cambricks; Plaid and plain silk chamba Mullins. A variety of elegant, Patch Furnitures; low priced
do.; 6-4 twilled cotton Shawls; 6-4 damask silk ditto; white cambricks pocket Hdkf. remarkable cheap; linen ditto very fine; Ladies figured Turban and Neck Handkfs.; Linen Cambricks; Irish Linens; Dimities; Cotton Diapers; Ladies and gentlemen's cotton and worsted Hosiery. Scarlet, purple, brown, dove, fawn and black } Bombazets.
Fawn, purple, brown, olive & black } Tabby Velvets
1 case 3-4, 7-8 and 4-4 British cotton Shirtings; 4-4, 5-4 & 6-4 Oil Cloths. London superfine black, blue, brown and corbeau } Broad Cloths.
Superfine double milled black, blue and drab } Cassimeres.
Fawn, dark green and brown } Pelise CLOTHS.
Scarlet, fawn, dark green } Pelise Flannels.
Dark green Cassimeres; purple and black glass Buttons; Gentlemen's fashionable Toilette and other waistcoats; Real superfine drab Kersey; low priced do.; Silver'd Cords and Satinets.
Velvets and Thicksets; silk and cotton UMBRELLAS.
A very large and complete assortment of Men's Hats, from 1 to 7 dollars; a large supply of Baizes; Flannels; Bockings; Plains; Coatings; Fearnoughts; Kerseys; Sarges; and low priced Broad Cloths; Rose Blankets, from 6 to 11-4.
Elk, bear, black Jenet and mock sable } MUFFS and TIPPETS.
Fine Baftas and Sannabs, suitable for Shirting; and a large supply of low priced India Cottons, &c. &c. Just Received, 500 yds. of Providence BED TICKING, which will be sold very cheap.
To be had as above, 2 and 3 threaded Factory Cotton Yarn. Portsmouth, October 18, 1808.
Benjamin Evans, TIN PLATE WORKER, Offers for sale at his shop in Buck-Street a general assortment of
TIN ware, wholesale or retail, at the lowest prices.
Also—An assortment of Japan'd Ware of imported and his own manufacture—with a general assortment of Pewter Ware; agate Lamps of different kinds; planish'd Coffee Pots, Tea Pots, dish Covers, block tin tea Pots from 6s to 15s each; Hard Ware, iron hollow Ware, with a variety of other articles, suitable for house, store, or ships use. Any of which will be sold as cheap as can be purchased elsewhere.
All articles of his own manufacture, warranted good, should they prove otherwise they will be made good gratis.
Sheet Iron Stoves and Furnaces of any description, made at short notice. November 1.
Wanted to Hire—
TWO or three furnished Rooms in a private genteel house, with the use of a good stable. The gentleman for whom these lodgings are wanted, does not intend to board in the same house. Inquire of the Printers. November 29.
National Legislature.
TENTH CONGRESS—SECOND SESSION. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, NOV. 22.
Important Report.
The following Report was this day made by Mr. G. W. Campbell, Chairman of the Committee on our foreign relations. The consideration of this report was made the order of the day for Tuesday, and 5000 copies directed to be printed for the use of the members.
REPORT.
The Committee to whom was referred so much of the Message of the President of the U. States, of the 8th inst., as respects our relations with Foreign Powers, REPORT, IN PART—
After a period of twenty five years of peace, hardly interrupted by transient hostilities, and of prosperity unparalleled in the history of nations; the United States are, for the first time since the treaty which terminated the revolutionary war, placed in a situation equally difficult, critical and dangerous.
Those principles recognized by the civilized world under the name of law of nations, which heretofore controlled belligerent powers, regulated the duties of neutrals and protected their rights, are now avowedly disregarded or forgotten by Great Britain and France. Each of these two nations captures and condemns all American vessels trading with her enemies or her enemy's allies; and every European power having become a party in the contest, the whole of our commerce with Europe and European colonies, becomes liable to capture by either one or the other. If there be any nominal exception, it is made on a condition of tribute, which only adds insult to the injury.
The only plea urged in justification of those hostilities, is that of retaliation, grounded on a presumed acquiescence of the United States in previous aggressions by the other party. Waving a discussion of the correctness of the principle of retaliation, a principle doubtful in itself, and altogether inadmissible to the extent to which it has been carried, and when operating on the neutral rather than on the enemy; it is altogether untrue that the United States have ever voluntarily acquiesced in the unlawful aggressions of either nation; omitted or delayed any measures calculated to obtain redress, or in any respect deviated from that impartiality to which they were bound by their neutrality. France has alluded to the violations of the national flag and of the sovereignty of the United States, in the instances of Perry's murder , of the outrage on the Chesapeake, and of the destruction of the Impetus. The measures taken to obtain redress in these cases, are of public notoriety, and it may be added, that with the exception of the last, those aggressions on the sovereignty of the United States did not affect their neutrality, and gave no right to France either of complaint or interference. Setting aside irregularities of less importance and equally chargeable to both nations, such as the British order of June, 1803, and the decree of the French general, Ferrand; the principal violations by England of the neutral rights of America, prior to the Berlin decree of November 1806, and which, if acquiesced in, might have given grounds of complaint to France, are the capture of American vessels laden with colonial produce founded on a renewal of that pretended principle generally called "the rule of 1756," the impressment of American seamen, compelled thereby to become the auxiliaries of England against France, and proclamation or nominal blockades, particularly that of the coast from the river Elbe to Brest, notified in May, 1806.
It will not be asserted, that the United States ever tamely acquiesced in either of those pretensions. It will not be denied, that with respect to the two first, the most strenuous efforts were incessantly made to procure an alteration of the British system.
It is true, that to the nominal proclamation blockades of England, the United States had opposed only spirited and repeated remonstrances, and that these had not always been successful. But the measures which a neutral nation may be supposed bound to take against the infractions of its neutrality, must always bear a certain proportion to the extent and nature of the injury received, and to the means of opposition. It cannot certainly be pretended that a hasty resort to war should in every such instance have become the duty of America. Nor can the irregularities of England, in declaring in a state of blockade, a certain extent of coast, part of which was not, and the whole of which could not, even by her powerful navy, be actually invested and blockaded, be plead in justification of that decree, by which France without an efficient fleet, pretends to announce the blockade of the dominions of a power which has the uncontested command of the sea, and before no port of which, she can station a single vessel.
The Milan decree of 1807 can still less rest for its defence on the supposed acquiescence of the United States in the British orders of the preceding month since those orders, which have not certainly been acquired in, were not even known in America at the date of the decree. And it is proper here to add, that the French have, particularly by the sequestration of certain vessels in their ports, and by burning our ships on the high seas, gone even beyond the tenor of their own extraordinary edicts.
The allegation of an acquiescence in the Berlin decree of November, 1806, by which alone the British government pretends to justify the orders of council, is equally unfounded. In the note on that subject, ad-
ressed on the 31st of December, 1806, by the British government to the American ministers, after having stated that "they could not believe that the enemy would ever seriously attempt to enforce such a system," the following declaration is expressly made. "If, however, the enemy should carry these threats into execution, and if neutral nations, contrary to all expectation, should acquiesce in such usurpations, his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate in his just defence, &c. The two requisites necessary in the opinion of Great Britain to justify retaliation, are stated to be the execution of the decree, and the acquiescence of neutral nations. Yet within eight days after, and in the fact of that declaration, without waiting for ascertaining either of those facts, the retaliating British order of January 7th 1807, was issued, which, contrary to the acknowledged law of nations subjected to capture, vessels of the United States sailing from the ports of one belligerent to a port of another belligerent.
The United States in the mean while, and without delay, had taken the necessary steps to ascertain the manner in which the French government intended to execute their decree.
That decree might be construed merely as a municipal law forbidding the introduction of British merchandise, and the admission of vessels coming from England. Under that aspect, and it confined to that object, the neutral rights of America were not affected by its operation.
A belligerent may without any infringement of neutral rights, forbid the admission into his ports of any vessel coming from the ports of his enemy. And France had undoubtedly the same right to exclude from her dominions every species of British merchandise, which the United States have exercised in forbidding the importation of certain species. G. Britain might be injured by such regulations; but America had no more right to complain of that part of the decree than France had to object to the American importation act. So far indeed as respects the United States, they were placed by the municipal part of the decree in the same situation, in relation to France, in which they are placed in their intercourse with Great Britain by the permanent laws of that country. The French decree forbids American vessels to import British merchandise into France. The British navigation act forbids American vessels to import French merchandise into England. But that broad clause of the Berlin decree which declared the British islands in a state of blockade, though not followed by regulations to that effect, still threatened an intended operation on the high seas. This if carried into effect, would be a flagrant violation of the neutral rights of the United States, and as such they would be bound to oppose it. The minister of the United States at Paris, immediately applied for explanation on that subject; and the French minister of marine on the 24th December, 1806, seven days before the date of the above mentioned note of the British government, stated in answer, that the decree made no alteration in the regulations then observed in France with regard to neutral navigation, or to the commercial convention of the United States with France. That the declaration of the British islands being in a state of blockade did not change the existing French laws concerning maritime captures, and that American vessels could not be taken at sea for the mere reason of their being going to, or returning from an English port.
The execution of the decree composed for several months with those explanations: several vessels were arrested for having introduced articles of English growth or manufacture, and among them some which being actually from England, and laden with English colonial produce, had entered with forged papers, as if coming from the United States. But no alteration of the first construction given by the French government took place until the month of September, 1807. The first condemnation on the principle that the decree subjected neutral vessels to capture on the high seas, was that of the Horizon on the 10th of October following. Prior to that time there could have been no acquiescence in a decree infringing the neutral rights of the United States, because till that time it was explained, and what was more important, executed in such manner as not to infringe those rights, because until then no such infractions had taken place. The ministers of the U. States at London, at the request of the British minister, communicated to him on the 18th Oct. 1807, the substance of the explanations received, and of the manner in which the decree was executed. For they were at that time ignorant of the charge which had taken place.
It was on the 18th of September, 1807, that a new construction of the decree took place; an instruction having on that day been transmitted to the council of prizes by the minister of justice, by which that court was informed, that French armed vessels were authorised, under that decree, to seize without exception, in neutral vessels, either English property or merchandise of English growth or manufacture. An immediate explanation having been asked from the French minister of foreign relations, he confirmed, in his answer of the 7th of October, 1807, the determination of his government to adopt that construction. Its first application took place on the 19th of the same month in the case of the Horizon, of which the minister of the United States was not informed until the month of November; and on the 12th of that month he presented a spirited remonstrance against that infraction of the neutral rights of the United States. He had in the mean while, transmitted to America the instruction to the council of prizes of the 18th of September. This was received on the 1st of December; and a copy of the decision in the case of the Horizon, having at the same time reached government, the President aware of the consequences which would follow that new state of things, communicated immediately to Congress the alteration of the French decree, and recommended the Embargo, which was accordingly laid on the 22nd of December, 1807; at which time it was well understood in this country that the British orders of council, of November preceding had issued, although they were not officially communicated to our government.
On the 17th of that month those orders did actually issue, declaring that all the ports of France, of her allies, and of any other country at war with England, and all other ports of Europe, from which, although not at war with England, the British flag was excluded, should thenceforth be considered as if the same were actually blockaded; that all trade in articles of the produce or manufacture of the said countries, should be deemed unlawful; and that every vessel trading from or to the said countries, together with all goods and merchandise on board, and also all articles of the produce or manufacture of the said countries should be liable to capture and condemnation.
These orders cannot be defended on the ground of their being intended as retaliation on account of the Berlin decree, as construed, and uniformly executed from its date to the 18th September, 1807, its construction and execution having till then infringed no neutral rights. For certainly the monstrous doctrine will not be asserted even by the British government, that neutral nations are bound to resist not only the acts of belligerent powers which violate their rights, but also those municipal regulations which, however they may injure the enemy, are lawful, and do not affect the legitimate rights of the neutral. The only retaliation to be used in such cases, must be such as will operate on the enemy without infringing the rights of the neutral. If solely intended as a retaliation on the Berlin decree, as executed prior to the month of September, the British orders of council should have been confined to forbidding the introduction into Great Britain of French or enemy's merchandise, and the admission into British ports of neutral vessels coming from a French or other enemy's port. Indeed the ground of retaliation, on account of any culpable acquiescence of neutrals in decrees violating their rights, is abandoned by the very tenor of the orders; their operation being extended to those countries from which the British flag was excluded, such as Austria, although such countries were neither at war with G. Britain, nor had passed any decree in any way affecting or connected with neutral rights.
Nor are the orders justifiable on the presence of an acquiescence on the part of the United States, in the French decree as construed and executed subsequent to the 18th Sept. 1807, when it became an evident infraction of their rights, and such as they were bound to oppose. For their minister at Paris immediately made the necessary remonstrances; and the orders were issued not only without having ascertained whether the United States would acquiesce in the injurious alteration of the French decree, but more than one month before that alteration was known in America. It may even be asserted that the alteration was not known in England when the orders of council were issued; the instruction of the 18th Sept. 1807, which gave the new and injurious construction, not having been promulgated in France, and its first publication having been made in December, 1807, and by the American government itself.
The British orders of council are, therefore, unjustifiable on the principle of retaliation, even giving to that principle all the latitude which has been avowedly contended for. They are in open violation of the solemn declaration made by the British ministers in December, 1806; that retaliation on the part of Great Britain would depend on the execution of an unlawful decree, and on the acquiescence of neutral nations in such infraction of their rights. And they were also issued, notwithstanding the official communication made by the ministers of the United States, that the French decree was construed and executed so as not to infringe their neutral rights, and without any previous notice or intimation denying the correctness of that statement.
The Berlin decree as expounded and executed subsequent to the 18th Sept. 1807, and the British orders of council of the 11th November ensuing, are therefore as they affect the United States co-temporaneous aggressions of the belligerent powers, equally unprovoked and equally indefensible on the presumed ground of acquiescence. These, together with the Milan decree of December, 1807, which said the measure, would on the principle of self-defence have justified immediate hostilities against both nations on the part of the United States. They thought it more eligible in the first instance by withdrawing their vessels from the ocean to avoid war, at least, for a season, and at the same time, to snatch their immense and defenceless commerce from impending destruction.
Another appeal has in the mean time been made, under the authority vested in the President for that purpose, to the justice and true interest of France and England. The propositions made by the United States, and the arguments urged by their ministers are before Congress. By these the very pretext of the illegal edicts was removed; and it is evident that a revocation by either nation on the ground on which it was issued, either must have produced, what both pretended to have in view, a restoration of the freedom of commerce and of the acknowledged principles of the law of nations; or in case of refusal by the other belligerent, would have carried into effect, in the most efficient manner, the ostensible object of the edicts, and made the United States a party in the war against him. The effort has been ineffectual. The propositions have

been actually rejected by one of the belligerent powers, and remain unanswered by the other. In that state of things, what course ought the United States to pursue? Your committee can perceive no other alternative, but subject and degrading submission; war with both nations; or a continuance and enforcement of the present suspension of commerce.
The first cannot require any discussion. But the pressure of the embargo, so sensibly felt, and the calamities inseparable from a state of war, naturally create a wish that some middle course might be discovered, which should avoid the evils of both, and not be inconsistent with national honor and independence. That illusion must be dispelled; and it is necessary that the people of the United States should fully understand the situation in which they are placed.
There is no other alternative, but war with both nations, or a continuance of the present system. For war with one of the belligerents only would be submission to the edicts and will of the other; and a repeal in whole or in part of the embargo must necessarily be war or submission.
A general repeal without arming, would be submission to both nations.
A general repeal and arming of our merchant vessels, would be war with both, and war of the worst kind, suffering the enemies to plunder us without retaliation upon them.
A partial repeal must, from the situation of Europe, necessarily be actual submission to one of the aggressors, and war with the other.
The last position, is the only one on which there can be any doubt; and it will be most satisfactorily demonstrated by selecting among the several modifications, which might be suggested, that which may on first view appear the least exceptionable; a proposition to repeal the embargo, so far only as relates to those powers, which have not passed or do not execute any decree injurious to the neutral rights of the United States.
It is said that the adoption of that proposition would restore our commerce with the native powers of Asia and Africa, and with Spain, Portugal, Sweden and Russia. Let this be taken for granted, altho' the precise line of conduct now pursued by most of those nations, in relation to the U. States, is not correctly ascertained. So far as relates to any advantages which would result from that measure, if confined to its ostensible object, it will be sufficient to observe that the exports of articles of the domestic produce of the United States, during the year, ending the 30th September, 1807, amounted to 48,700,000, Dolls. and that the portion exported to the countries above enumerated, falls short of seven millions; an amount too inconsiderable, when compared with the bulk of our exports, to deserve attention, even if a question affecting the independence of the nation was to be decided by considerations of immediate profit.
But the true effect of the proposition would be to open an indirect trade with Great Britain, which, through St. Bartholomew and Havana, Lisbon, Cadiz or Gottenburg, would receive, at prices reduced by glutted markets and for want of competition, all the provisions, naval stores, raw materials for her manufactures, and other articles which she may want. Whether she would be satisfied with that favorable state of things, or whether, considering that boon as a pledge of unqualified submission, she would according to the tenor of her orders interrupt our scanty commerce with Russia, and occasionally under some new pretext, capture rather than purchase the cargoes intended for her own use, is equally uncertain and unimportant. Nor can it be doubted that a measure, which would supply exclusively one of the belligerents, would be war with the other. Considered merely as a question of profit, it would be much more eligible at once to raise the embargo in relation to Great Britain, as we would then, at least, have the advantages of a direct market with the consumer. But the proposition can only be defended on the ground that France is the only aggressor, and that having no just reason to complain of England, it is our duty to submit to her orders. On that inadmissible supposition, it would not only be more candid, but also a more dignified, as well as more advantageous course, openly to join England, and to make war against France. The object would be clearly understood, an ally would be obtained, and the means of submission might be better palliated.
It appears unnecessary to pursue any further the examination of propositions, which the difficult situation of the United States could alone have suggested, and which will prove more inadmissible, or impracticable, as the subject is more thoroughly investigated. The alternative is painful; it is between a continued suspension of commerce and war with both England and France. But the choice must ultimately be made between the two; and it is important that we should be prepared for either the one or the other.
The aggressions of England and France collectively, affecting almost the whole of our commerce, and persisted in, notwithstanding repeated remonstrances, explanations and propositions the most candid and unexceptionable, are to all intents and purposes, a maritime war waged by both nations against the United States. It cannot be denied that the ultimate and only effectual mode of resisting that warfare, if persisted in, is war. A permanent suspension of commerce, after repeated and unavailing efforts to obtain peace, would not properly be resistance; it would be withdrawing from the contest and abandoning our inalienable right freely to navigate the ocean. The present unseafaring state of the world, the extraordinary situation in which the U. States are placed, and the necessity, if war be resorted to, of making it at the same time against both nations, and these the two most powerful of the world, are the principal causes of hesitation. There would be none in resorting to that remedy, however calamitous, if a selection could be made on any principle of justice, or without a sacrifice of national independence.
On a question of such difficulty involving the most important interests of the union, and which has not, perhaps, until lately, been sufficiently considered, your committee think the house alone competent to pronounce a decisive opinion; and they have in this report confined themselves to an exposition of the subject, add to such introductory resolutions, as will be equally applicable to either alternative. The first of these,
being merely declaratory of a determination not to submit to foreign aggression, may perhaps, at first view, appear superfluous. It is, however, believed by the committee, that a pledge by the representatives of the nation, that they will not abandon its essential rights, will not at this critical moment be unacceptable. The misapprehensions which seem to have existed, and the misrepresentations which have been circulated, respecting the state of our foreign relations, render also such declaration expedient. And it may not be useless that every foreign nation should understand, that its aggressions never will be justified or encouraged by any description of American citizens. For the question for every citizen now is, whether he will rally round the government of his choice, or enlist under foreign banners? Whether he will be for his country or against his country?
The committee respectfully submit the following resolutions:
1. Resolved , That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France.
2. Resolved , That it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the United States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain or France, or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States; and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either.
3. Resolved , That measures ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a more complete state of defence.
No business of importance done in the House of Representatives for the two last days.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 23. Some post road petitions were presented, after which Mr. Randolph moved that the gallery should be cleared, as he had a resolution of a private nature to offer.
The galleries were cleared, and the house continued in private debate until 5 o'clock, when the house adjourned with closed doors.
THURSDAY, Nov. 24. The House met, and continued with closed doors till 4 o'clock, when they were opened. Leave having been given, Mr. Lewis from the committee for the district of Columbia, presented a bill authorizing the proprietors of squares and lots in the city of Washington to have the same subdivided and admitted to record, which was made the order of the day for Monday next.
FRIDAY, November 25. Mr. Elliot moved that a committee be appointed to wait on the president to request an official copy of his proclamation issued in April last, respecting the evasions of the embargo laws in the neighborhood of Lake Champlain.
Mr. Mason called up for reference a resolution respecting the expediency of amending the embargo laws.
Mr. Gardener presented several memorials from the neighborhood of Lake Ontario, state of New York, praying for the repeal of the embargo law, and the acts supplementary thereto.
These subjects were referred to the committee of the whole house, to whom was referred the subject of the embargo.
Mr. Randolph at 12 o'clock called for the galleries to be cleared. He suggested it to be his intention to propose some resolutions which would require private deliberation.
SECRET JOURNAL. A supplemental journal of such proceedings as, during the time they were depending, were ordered to be kept secret, and respecting which the injunction of secrecy was afterwards removed by order of the House.
TUESDAY, November 8. The house being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk, A confidential message in writing was received from the President of the U S by Mr. Coles, his secretary, who delivered the same and withdrew.
WEDNESDAY, November 9. The house being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk, proceeded in the reading of the confidential message of the president of the U States, and the accompanying documents received on the 8th inst. and went through the same. The said message is in the words following, to wit:—
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. The documents communicated with my public message of this day, contain such portions of the correspondencies therein referred to of the respective ministers of the United States at Paris and London, as relate to the present state of affairs between those governments and the United States, and as may be made public. I now communicate confidentially such supplementary portions of the same correspondencies, as I deem improper for publication, yet necessary to convey to Congress full information on a subject of their deliberations, so interesting to our country.
TH: JEFFERSON, Nov 8, 1808. Ordered, That the said message and documents do lie on the table.
WEDNESDAY, Nov 23, 1808. The house being cleared of all persons except the members and clerk:—
A motion was made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the house do some to the following resolution:
Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th inst, be taken off.
And on the question that the house do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration, it was resolved in the affirmative. Yeas, one hundred and thirteen—Nay, one.
The motion was then modified by Mr. Randolph, and seconded, to read as follows. Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the communications from our
respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the president's message of the 8th inst, be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from general Armstrong to the Secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th Dec. 1807.
And on the question that the house do agree to the same, it passed in the negative. Yeas 31—Nays 82.
Another motion was then made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the president's message of the 8th inst, be taken off.
And on the question that the house do now proceed to take the same into consideration, an adjournment was called for and carried.
THURSDAY, November 24. The house being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk, the house proceeded to take into further consideration the resolution which Mr. Randolph submitted yesterday, in the following words, to wit:
Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th inst be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong, to the secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th Dec. 1807.
And on the question for consideration, it was resolved in the affirmative. The same being withdrawn, a motion was then made by Mr. Mason, and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution.
Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, be taken off; and that the same be published, with the exception of the extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong, to the secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th Dec. 1807.
And on the question that the house do agree to the same, it passed in the negative. Yeas 29—Nays 82.
A motion was then made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th inst, be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the secretary of state, dated Paris 27th Dec. 1807.
And on the question that the house do agree to the same, it passed in the negative. Yeas 39—Nays 67.
FRIDAY, November 25. The house being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk:—
A motion was made by Mr. Randolph, and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
"That the secret journal be published." The question was taken that the house do now proceed to consider the said proposed resolution, and resolved in the affirmative. Yeas 101—Nays 16.
The question was then taken, that the house do agree to the said resolution, and resolved in the affirmative. Yeas 95—Nays 23.
A motion was made by Mr. David R. Williams, and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the letters and extracts of our ministers at Paris and London, accompanying the message of the president of the U States, of the 8th inst. except the letter of Mr. Armstrong of the 27th of December, 1807, and the words contained in the parenthesis of Mr. Pinckney's letter of the 26 January, 1808, be removed.
It passed in the negative. Yeas 43—Nays 72.
On motion of Mr. Mason, and seconded, Ordered, That the secret journal of this day be published.
On motion, Ordered, that the doors be now opened.
New-Hampshire Legislature.
GOVERNOR'S SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
BY the leave of Divine Providence you are again convened for the important purpose of transacting and completing the public business of the State, for the current year.
Your usual zeal and exertion, will no doubt, be called forth for the public good, at this momentous crisis of our general concerns.
The aspect of our national affairs, as they relate to foreign governments, is truly portentous; the cruel and unjust Decrees and Orders of Council, of the two great European and belligerent powers, are still in full operation against the peace and prosperity of our country.
These violent proceedings on their part, compelled our National Government into such measures as should best protect and secure our commerce; a general Embargo on our own vessels and exports, or a war with a great part of Europe, seemed to be the only alternatives. The former of these measures (however disagreeable) was adopted by Congress; for this plain reason, that our merchants might have an opportunity of calling home upwards (as it is calculated) of two thousand vessels, with their cargoes, amounting to nearly one hundred millions of dollars, together with upwards of twenty thousand seamen, who were employed in navigating the same.
Nearly the whole of these must have been lost to the United States, had war been preferred to the Embargo. How natural was it then for Congress to make use of every mean in their power, to secure such a number of our citizens, and such a vast property.
If war measures had been pursued, we should have had to contend with great and powerful nations; our present happiness would have been destroyed; the best blood of our country shed; our whole estates, real and personal, mortgaged to pay the expenses of a war, the issue of which, no person on earth could possibly foresee.
Congress, the great Council of our Nation, are now in session. This honorable body is composed of men who are chiefly landholders, of as much knowledge and are as much concerned in the general welfare and prosperity of the United States, as any equal number of our Citizens whatever. We have therefore the fullest reason to presume that all proper and prudent measures will be immediately adopted by Congress, to support the honor, true interest and tranquility of our Country. The Embargo, which must be considered by all as a very great inconvenience, will without doubt, be taken off at the moment it can be done with safety to the Public.
The unfinished business of the last session, will no doubt claim your early attention.
In my former communication, I have urged the attention of the Legislature, to the further arrangement and encouragement of the Militia; the zeal and activity of which, both officers and men deserve great praise. As a report will probably be made this session, by a committee who have been appointed to make some new arrangements in the Militia, I must again ask your particular attention to this important subject.
It appears to me that some examination should be made by the Legislature, relative to the Banks, which hold Charters from the State, to ascertain whether their Directors have complied with the conditions or not; as I fear some serious evils will take place, ere long, owing to so large a quantity of paper being issued from some Banks, which it is said, have not sufficient Capital to redeem all their bills.
The passing a new proportion act, will doubtless be attended to this session.
I have heretofore mentioned the necessity of revising the act, relative to State paupers, for the maintenance of whom, large accounts are allowed by the Courts in different Counties;—this is becoming very expensive to the State, and liable to many impositions.
I am happy to inform you, Gentlemen, that our Seaboard frontier, is in a state of defence;—the Batteries on each side of the harbour are nearly completed, and so far as completed are in excellent order, with their Cannon mounted, and a sufficient number of men in each.
A Gun House has also been built by the United States, in Portsmouth, on land appropriated by the town, in which are placed some heavy Cannon, mounted on travelling Carriages, for the better defence of the port and river. In this House and yard belonging to it, I have obtained leave to deposit the cannon and Ball belonging to the State.
Agreeable to a resolution of last session, I have directed the Commissary General to have eight small Cannon, six pounders, mounted on travelling carriages, for the use of the State. These may be sufficient for the present.
An appropriation should be made the present session, to defray this expense.
I have not been able to procure Arms on any reasonable terms.
The state of the Treasury will be laid before you, for your information.
I shall be happy in concurring with you, in all proper measures that may be taken on the foregoing subjects, and all other prudential matters, that may be brought forward, for the benefit of the State.
JOHN LANGDON. Concord, 23d Nov. 1808.
ANSWER OF THE SENATE.
May it please your Excellency, ONCE more permitted to assemble under Divine auspices, we hope our united efforts, will be exerted in the promotion of those measures, which our duty and the highest good of our constituents require.
We view the unhappy situation of our national concerns with foreign governments with deep concern and regret—When we trace the causes, which enveloped our national councils in so unpleasant a dilemma, which gave them the sad alternatives, a choice of evils:—When we take an unbiased view of the Orders of council of Great Britain and the Decrees of France, operating to annihilate all Neutral commerce, contrary to every known principle of the law of Nations—violating the most solemn compacts; outraging and setting at defiance every acknowledged usage, and settled rules, which have hitherto regulated the commercial world; we cannot but think the finger of Heaven pointed out the Embargo, as the only measure Congress could devise, which would comport with the safety, honour and independence of our country—It was the only political beacon, the grand council of our nation could defer to, to save us from being ingulfed in the vortex of destruction, occasioned by the all sweeping, all devouring, decrees and orders in council.
We consider it a necessary evil, adopted by the imperious necessity of the times, and which our government could neither foresee nor prevent; we therefore feel with sympathy for those losses and privations which it unavoidably occasions: we know it makes a loud call upon the patriotism and requires all the friends of the American people to support and maintain it; but we have searched in vain for those real sufferings, those mighty evils, some heated imaginations have ascribed to it.
Where is the American governed by false and sordid motives, so lost to the honor and independence of our Country which gave him birth, that would for a moment condescend, to place in the one scale the towering American Eagle, which should never be tarnished; with dollars and cents in the other, required by humiliating submission to the tributary exactions of European Despots? To the honour of our nation we hope he cannot be found; while the Embargo has secured our shipping and property from worse than piratical seizure and condemnation, our seamen from capture and slavery, it has hitherto saved us as a people from the calamities and evils incident and inseparable from war. Party spirit, that fever of public sentiment, easily excited, in free governments, by the influence of popular elections, happily, begins to subside; it is to be hoped, as calm reason gains the ascendancy of passion, we shall discern our true interests; that "United we Stand,—Divided we Fall."
As a Nation let us make a grand sacrifice of party spirit, on the sublime altar of National Union.
With peculiar satisfaction, and the strongest confidence, we commit the final determination of our foreign relations to our National Congress, now in session, surrounded with the best possible means of information, who must have the strongest motives of inducement which honour or interest can inspire, to repeal the Embargo, the moment they can do it, consistent with the safety and independence of our Country. May the blessed Spirit of Almighty God attend them, and empower them to effect those measures, which shall be conducive to the highest good of our common country.
The important unfinished business of the last session, will claim our earliest attention.
A well regulated militia, ever to be regarded and never to be forgotten, as the barrier to usurpation and tyranny on the one hand; and principally to be relied upon as the main bulwark of defence in free governments, at all times, and especially at the present; in the unparalleled situation of our Country, demands our united zeal and active co-operation, to promote its improvement, by every possible Legislative encouragement; be assured so highly important a subject, will not be suffered to pass unnoticed.
As taxation and representation should go hand in hand; the passing a proportion act, thereby distributing equal justice, by duly proportioning our public burdens, will receive that consideration the constitution contemplates and requires.
We are happy to learn, our general government have not forgotten the Eastern link, which connects the federal chain of the Union; they have seasonably fortified our harbor, and placed our seaboard in a commanding attitude of defence.
We witness with peculiar pleasure, the zeal manifested by your Excellency, in the active and prompt discharge of all your high official functions, particularly the fostering care you ever seem to feel and always express for the better regulating the militia, also your ready attention to a resolve of the Legislature last June, in causing a suitable number of cannon to be mounted on travelling carriages, to be kept in reserve for the use of the State. We should have been highly gratified, had it been within the power of your Excellency to have purchased the arms, so requisite and necessary to give efficacy and energy to our militia establishment, but we hope Congress will supercede the necessity by arming and equipping the militia of the United States generally.
The examination into the state of our banks; the revision of the act relating to state paupers; the appropriations necessary to defray any expense, incurred by the discharge of our official duties; in fine, every measure which has been or may be recommended by your Excellency the present session, will receive all that candid and mature deliberation, and ready co-operation on the part of the Senate of New Hampshire, the importance of the subjects demand.
Concord, November 30, 1808.
ANSWER OF THE HOUSE.
May it please your Excellency, IN your communication to the Legislature, the House of Representatives notice with pleasure a reference to our obligations to divine Providence in permitting us again to assemble for the purpose of executing the important trust committed to us by our fellow-citizens. We approach the business of the session with a sense of our dependence upon the Supreme Being, and hope it will uniformly accompany us in all our deliberations.
The unfinished business of the last session; the militia laws; the banking system; a new proportion act; and the laws relative to State paupers, are subjects of importance and shall meet prompt attention.
Not less interesting, are the measures that have been adopted or, may yet be necessary for the military defence of the State. The attention of the General Government and of your Excellency to this object, is highly gratifying.
We have assembled Sir, at an interesting period. We are anxious for our Country.—As a member of the body politic, New-Hampshire cannot be indifferent to the state of the Nation.
In reviewing the measures of the National administration, we remain satisfied that they are the result of wise deliberations. The embargo laws, especially, we consider a wise expedient, which has saved to the country an immense property, and thousands of citizens.
We are aware that these laws have occasioned much solicitude; and like every important change in the affairs of a community, agitate the public mind. We are a commercial people, and a suspension of commerce, necessarily, occasions embarrassment. The human mind is prone to contemplate the immediate, rather than the remote cause of suffering; hence, the embargo laws are viewed with jealousy; but when we look through these laws to the causes that rendered them necessary; when we contemplate the unlawful edicts of European powers, and their operation upon that portion of our property that remained exposed on the

ocean, we are satisfied that these laws tend to the preservation of our commerce, and not to its destruction.
The extension of the embargo, even to the interdiction of trade on our inland frontier with the subjects of powers hostile to our peace and sovereignty, was absolutely necessary. It would be in vain to interdict the trade of our cities on the Atlantic with England, France, and their allies; if the St. Lawrence, and the Mississippi, were suffered to remain the high ways of commercial intercourse.
The result of certain proposals recently made by the American Government to England, and France, furnishes additional testimony that those nations design more than a retaliation of unjust measures on each other: they seek the "spoils of plunder," and jealous of our growing greatness, would arrest its progress by depriving us of our commercial capital.
To such injustice, and such designs, the American people, can never submit.
The people of New Hampshire, as well as of other parts of the United States, justly appreciate the advantages of trade and commerce; and we have seen nothing to justify a suspicion that these objects are not equally dear to the American government. We have no doubt that the embargo will be removed the first moment it can be done consistently with the safety, peace, and honor of the country.
We rely on the wisdom and patriotism of the national councils: we will abide their decisions, and cheerfully submit to such privations as may be necessary for the maintenance of our National Independence.
May it please Your Excellency, The House of Representatives in reviewing your political course, "and judging of the future by the past," feel assured that you will still exert yourself to promote the public interest.
Accept Sir, our assurances of the most perfect respect. A previous opposition was made to this answer, but after a debate of four hours it was accepted, 95 to 68.
Thursday November 24. A joint committee was raised to take into consideration the expediency of building a State Prison.
Committees were raised to take into consideration those parts of His Excellency's address, which relate to Banking Associations, and State Paupers. Also to consider the laws relating to Proprietary matters—the laws relative to the qualification of voters in town meeting, &c.
Saturday, November 26. A joint committee was raised to receive from the Secretary the Inventories returned from the several towns and places, and to equalize the same.
Joint committees were also raised to consider the expediency of having carriages furnished for certain causes—to consider the Act subjecting lands and tenements, to the payment of debts, and directing the mode of levying Executions on real and personal estate—to consider the Resolutions of the State of Virginia and Vermont, proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States—to examine the accounts of Brigade Inspectors—and to take into consideration the laws relative to the appointment and duty of Grand Jurors.
AN ADDRESS, From the Republicans of Connecticut, to the President of the United States, And the President's Reply.
To Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States.
Sir—The Republicans of the State of Connecticut, whatever may be their comparative influence, wish to express to you their feelings on the momentous national event, which is approaching.
Your voluntary retirement from the presidency, furnishes a dignified close to a most honorable career of public service, and an interesting era in the annals of our country.
When your illustrious predecessor set the example of voluntary retirement, he left the point unsettled, whether a republican government could be supported. The experiment had not been fairly tried, and its enemies have resolved that this country should, like others, be under the dominion of wealth and force:—but it is now certain that public opinion can govern a free republic. Under your administration the will of the people has been suffered to lead, and it has conducted us, through your agency, to a higher condition of prosperity than any other nation enjoys.
To the numerous testimonies of general and particular approbation which you have received, permit us to add our respectfully on the measure of the embargo, which has operated great good, in the preservation of neutrality, our peace and domestic blessings, by the sacrifice of some commercial profits which freemen will never put in the balance against liberty and national independence.
We sincerely thank you for the eminent services of a long public life, for your uniform practice on the purest republican principles, and for the memorable lesson, which your retirement teaches to future Presidents, and to posterity.
You will carry into private life the affectionate and grateful recollection of all, whose estimation you value.—May the evening of your days be as comfortable to yourself, as the meridian of them has been to your country.
We have the honor to be, With perfect respect, Sir, Your obedient servants.
Signed by unanimous order of the general meeting. JABEZ FITCH, Chairman. New-Haven, Nov. 4, 1808.
Washington, Nov. 21, 1808. Sir—I have received with great pleasure the Address of the Republicans of the State of Connecticut, and am particularly sensible of the kind-
ness with which they have viewed my conduct in the direction of their affairs. Having myself highly approved the example of an illustrious predecessor in voluntarily retiring from a trust, which, if too long continued in the same hands, might become a subject of reasonable uneasiness and apprehension, I could not mistake my own duty when placed in a similar situation.
Our experience so far has satisfactorily manifested the competence of a republican government to maintain and promote the best interests of its citizens, and every future year, I doubt not, will contribute to settle a question on which reason, and a knowledge of the character and circumstances of our fellow-citizens could never admit a doubt, and much less condemn them as fit subjects to be consigned to the dominion of wealth and force. Although under the pressure of serious evils at this moment, the governments of the other hemisphere cannot boast a more favorable situation; we certainly do not wish to exchange our difficulties for the sanguinary distresses of our fellow-men, beyond the water. In a state of the world unparalleled in times past, and never again to be expected, according to human probabilities, no form of government has so far, better shielded its citizens from the prevailing afflictions. By withdrawing awhile from the ocean we have suffered some loss, but we have gathered home our immense capital exposed to foreign depredation, we have saved our seamen from the jails of Europe, and gained time to prepare for the defence of our country. The questions of submission, of war, or embargo, are now before our country as unembarrassed as at first. Submission and tribute, if that be our choice, will be no baser now, than at the date of the embargo—but if, as I trust, that idea be spurned, we may now decide on the other alternatives of war and embargo, with the advantage of possessing all the means which have been rescued from the grasp of capture. Those advantages certainly justify the approbation of the embargo declared in your address, and I have no doubt will ensure that of every candid citizen, who will correctly trace the consequences of any other course.
I thank you for the kind concern you are pleased to express for my future happiness, and offer my sincere prayers for your welfare and prosperity. TH: JEFFERSON. JABEZ FITCH, Esq. Chairman.
Confirmation of the British Outrage
[The following which comes directly from the scene of action, completely disproves the statement in the Boston Centinel, & Portsmouth Oracle. The public will readily appreciate the motives of those whose tender feelings cannot permit them to bear of the atrocities of their good friends the British—and who will fabricate any plausible story to shift the odium upon our own countrymen.]
On the 6th ult. the Sch. Peggy, of Nova Scotia, with eight men on board, armed with muskets, cutlasses, and pistols, after cruising six days amongst the islands in the district of Penobscot, was boarded by a boat from Bucksport, with five men on board, armed with muskets and a blunderbuss; and after putting their arms on board the Schooner and taking a pilot on board from Mount Desert, the Schooner together with the boat, proceeded to the Isle of Haute, in said district, where there was a quantity of Flour deposited on said island. A guard of five men had been placed there by the Collector of said district, to see that the Flour was not taken away without a permit. The English Schooner had come to anchor in Kimball's Harbor, not far distant from the Flour. The boat was ordered alongside of the Sch. and ten men, armed with five muskets and one pistol, went on board and rowed for the store which contained the Flour. The boat was discovered and hailed by the guard, and the answer from Vinalhaven, in this district. They ordered the boat to come immediately to the shore. They then rowed to the shore and immediately sprang from the boat, took the master of the guard a prisoner at the bows of the boat, fired a number of guns, rushed up the bank, killed one man, took another prisoner, detained his gun and gave him his liberty. The other two made their escape. They then took the revenue boat from them and every boat near the island (as they thought) and secured them. They then took the man that had been killed and dragged him into the water and let him go. After which they took off about one hundred and fifty barrels of Flour and Rice, and put to sea. The two men that had made their escape luckily found a boat on the back side of the island, and immediately proceeded to Castine and gave information to the Collector, who pursued them with an armed force, and found them at anchor at Fox Island Thorough-Fare. They discovered the cutter, seized their cables and set sail; and after chasing them about ten miles the cutter came up with them and they were obliged to strike, and were carried into Owl's Head Harbor, by Mr. Wilson, whom they had taken prisoner. The Collector then went on board and secured the men, (being fourteen in number) except the Captain, in the hold of the cutter. The cutter, together with the English Schooner, then proceeded to Castine; and on the 18th inst. eight of the men that went on shore with the boat, armed as aforesaid, were examined before the Hon. Job Nelson, David Hovey, and Bradshaw Hall, Esquires, of Castine, and were committed to Castine gaol for the crime of MURDER.
There was one gun fired by the guard, loaded with cut shot, which wounded one of the men that had landed from the boat in three places. Castine Nov. 24, 1808.
PORTSMOUTH,
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1808.
The Report on the state of our foreign relations inserted in this day's paper, is eminently entitled to the perusal of every American, who wishes to be well informed on subjects of the utmost moment. In importance it ranks next to the President's message, and the accompanying documents. It is the more necessary for considering in a moderate and in a luminous style, the leading views which may be taken of the several points arising out of the present arduous posture of our affairs. As likewise, it in all probability indicates the immediate steps which will be taken by the government, and suggests those which are likely to follow, its importance becomes greatly enhanced. That it is a mere thing on paper, it would be folly to imagine. The solemnity of the crisis seems to be universally felt, and the necessity as universally admitted of taking measures of a decided stamp. Forbearance is a virtue while any thing is to be gained by it; but when it is mislaid for a degrading submission to outrage, the same spirit that first prompted it ought not and we are persuaded will not in this instance, hesitate to adopt another alternative however painful. This important document will dispel the idle illusions of hope, which from their congeniality with our feelings and wishes have been so long indulged. The American people will realize the serious posture of their affairs, and prepare themselves for every sacrifice or exertion they may be called upon to make. They will the more cheerfully do this, from the demonstration of the impartial justice which has guided the hearts of their rulers, from a conviction that they are purely American, and that they have no other views than such as ought to actuate every citizen. [Nat. Intel.]
The effect produced on the minds of the people by the documents sent by the president to congress, and published in the public papers—is more sensible than, perhaps, ever was produced by any similar publication that ever before appeared.
Many who were led to believe, by the artful insinuations of tories and British agents, that the president, Mr. Madison, and, in fact, all the officers and agents appointed by the president, countenanced, winked at, or connived at the decrees of France; and that they were silent on the subject of the aggressions practised under those decrees—that no instructions had been given our minister to remonstrate against them—that no remonstrance had been made by our minister at Paris, on the subject. That delusion is now past. The instructions of Mr. Madison, and general Armstrong's letters to Champagny—letters that do great honour both to the brilliant talents, and many firmness of the general—show that our government was unequivocally determined to resist all measures, that infringe on our rights, coming from what quarter they might—that French and English aggressions were viewed as indefensible, unjust, and subversive of the rights of an independent nation and would be equally opposed.
The honest, though heretofore deceived, federalist now stands forward to approve and justify the administration, and support such measures as may be adopted for the general good. There are yet some persons, (though it is to be hoped they are but few) who are apparently actuated by oblinacy or worse motives, who cry out in the farae tone as before, that the president's instructions to Mr. Armstrong are, not to irritate France, but by all means conciliate the esteem of Napoleon the first—"to be careful of offending the French government." And would persuade the public, that "Mr Armstrong told Mr. Champagny, that "American vessels trading to England" and under sanction of the treaty of "1800, might be seized and confiscated at the pleasure of the emperor."
From what motive such insinuations are made let every honest man declare, after reading the letters of the general. It is a shameful perversion of sense to attempt such imposition on the people, at the expence of national character, and of the reputation of general Armstrong, who has so ably exerted himself to serve his country, and maintain her rights.
The general, no doubt, admits what all the world admit, even England the enemy of France does not pretend to contravert, that France has a right to make "what municipal regulations she pleases, but she can not change or infringe on public law." This is the language of Gen. Armstrong.
France, no doubt, has a right to interdict all or any vessels from entering her ports coming direct from a British port, although she has no right to interdict an American from going to a British port, or from a British port to any other except a port of France. That this language of the general has been shamefully perverted, (as in the Register of 22d November.)
Congress, in justice to themselves,
and to the administration, would do well to have published (in form of a pamphlet) 20,000 copies of the documents communicated by the president and distributed among the people, that such as do not purchase news papers should receive the information—a part should be published in the German language for such as do not read English.
The people only want to be informed of the conduct and exertions of our government and its officers, to approve and support them.
Let the people be informed, and tories and British agents will bellow in vain. [Aurora.]
The Committee appointed by the New Hampshire Legislature to examine the Votes returned for Electors of President and Vice-President—Reported—
Whole number of Votes 26,791 Necessary to make a choice, 13,396 Hon. Jeremiah Smith had 14,606 Oliver Peabody 13,998 Timothy Farrar 13,987 Samuel Hale 13,929 Robert Wallace 13,980 Benjamin West 13,983 Jonathan Franklin 13,983 and are chosen.
Now the facts concerning the British Outrage are confirmed, we shall see whether the Oracle will retract its charge against us, of publishing a false statement.
For New-Orleans. The ship Roberts will sail in TEN DAYS—for Freight or Passage (being an excellent vessel) apply to the master on board, or Edmund Roberts. December 6, 1808.
SAMUEL GODDARD has just received a few black, white and colored Beaver BONNETS of the newest fashions. December 6.
SMITH & HAVEN. No. 5 Merchants-Row, Have for sale 100 Bbls. fine and superfine FLOUR. Dec'r 6.
DANIEL LADD, Has for sale at his Store on the parade Fourteen puncheons RUM—together with a general assortment of GROCERIES, which he will sell for Cash on good terms. Portsmouth, Dec'r 6.
Vermont State, Berkshire, and Farmer's Exchange BANK BILLS WILL be received at par, if offered soon, for TICKETS and QUARTERS in Dixieville Road Lottery, which draws next month—Or BOOKS and STATIONARY,—by CHARLES TAPPAN. December 6, 1808.
A few BEAR-SKINS suitable for MUFFS & TIPPLETS For sale by J. & B. ABBOT, at their Shop in Bridge-street, where those who have Bear-Skins for sale, will please to apply, as they continue to purchase. Portsmouth, Dec. 6.
SANDOWN. State of New-Hampshire,—Rockingham ff. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of SANDOWN, in said county of Rockingham, who have not paid their county, town, school, and highway taxes, for the year 1808; that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public Vendue at the house of John Clough, inhoulder in said Sandown, on the first Monday of February next, at ten of the clock, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 3 columns: Owners Names, Towns, Amount. Lists land owners in Sandown and their tax amounts.
ALTON. State of New-Hampshire,—Strafford ff. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of ALTON, in said county of Strafford, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their lands as will pay the same together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Thomas Jewett, in said Alton, on Monday the 13th day of February next, at 10 of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 3 columns: Names of the Proprietor's or present Owners, Amount, Town. Lists land owners in Alton and their tax amounts.
For Sale at Public Auction, THIS DAY at 11 o'clock, a.m. THREE fourths of the Schooner RANGER, as the now lays at Shaw's wharf—burthen about 114 tons, 10 years old, a fast sailing, burthen-some vessel. Terms will be made known at the time and place of sale. December 6, 1808.
TO-MORROW. THE sale of the real Estate on Bowdoin, belonging to the estate of SAMUEL CLARK deceased, is postponed to Wednesday the 7th December next, at 12 o'clock—at which time, it will positively be sold on the premises. S. LARKIN, Auctioneer. Portsmouth, Nov'r 29, 1808.
On FRIDAY next, the 9th inst. will be sold at Public Auction, at Shapleigh's wharf in Portsmouth, where she now lies, at 11 o'clock A. M.
The British Schooner Horton Packet, of the burthen of 70 tons, 3 years old, with all her appurtenances and stores. Said Sch. has been fitted within a month, and completely fitted for a voyage to the Cape of Good Hope. CONDITIONS. Approved notes payable in three months in current money. December 6, 1808. S. LARKIN, Auctioneer.
To be sold, at Public Auction, on THURSDAY, the 15th inst. A new HOUSE with the lot of LAND 60 by 80 feet—now occupied by Josiah G. Peabody. Conditions made known by applying to JOSIAH G. PEABODY, or SAMUEL LARKIN, Auctioneer. December 6, 1808.
RUM, &c. for Sale. 10 Hhds. Demerara, 10 ditto Patent of an excellent quality, and 10 ditto New-England, RUM. 5 Hhds. MOLASSES, and 30 quintals FISH. Berkshire, Farmer's Exchange, or Vermont Bank bills will be received in payment. Apply to the store of J. MELCHER, in Market-street. December 6, 1808.
BERKSHIRE, Farmer's Exchange and Vermont Bank Bills, taken in Exchange for Books and Stationary at C. Peirce's bookstore, in case the whole amount is laid out. Dec'r 6.
State of New-Hampshire—Rockingham ff. NOTICE is hereby given to the heirs of MARY ELIZABETH SYMMES, late of Portsmouth, in said county, widow, deceased, that a certain instrument purporting to be her last Will and Testament, is exhibited to the Judge of Probate for said county, for Probate and allowance; and that he has appointed the twenty-seventh day of December current, at eleven of the clock before noon, for taking the same into consideration at Exeter, in said county.—Dated at Exeter, the second day of December, Anno Domini, 1808. By Order of the Judge. WM. PARKER, Register.
A black Girl.—A place is wanted in the Country for a healthy, smart black Girl, aged 13 years, who will be bound out by the Overseers of the Poor for the town of Portsmouth for the three years next ensuing.—Inquire of said Overseers.

Shop and Parlour STOVES. H. & B. Penhallow, Have just received, and have now ready for sale, at their Store in Market Street, CAST-Iron Shop & Parlour Stoves, a large assortment of Gilt Frame Pillar LOOKING-GLASSES, some of which are very elegant, and of the newest patterns; Mahogany frame Looking-Glasses various sizes; Holland Scates; Bley Bells; Window-GLASS; English Hopp L. Blistered STEEL; German Mill-Saws; patent SHOT—a complete assortment of Iron Hollow WARE, Pewter, BRASS-KETTLES, &c. &c.
They have also for sale, a large and extensive assortment of Hard-Ware GOODS, consisting of almost every article usually imported in the Hard-Ware line. Portsmouth, Nov'r 22d. 1808.
TAKE NOTICE. To be sold at Auction, on the 20th of December, (if not previously disposed of at private sale) that commodious Dwelling HOUSE, now occupied by the subscriber, situated in Greenland, on the post road to Portsmouth, together with the Out Houses and Barn, almost new. Said House is completely finished and is well calculated for a Grocer, having a convenient store adjoining the same. Also, Eight acres of WOOD LAND, situated about two miles from the Meeting-house—and sundry articles of Household Furniture. Sale to be on the premises precisely at 10 o'clock. Conditions made known at the time and place of sale. JOSEPH KINGSBURY. Greenland, November 28, 1808.
NEW. THE trial, condemnation and execution of Maj. Henry Alexander Campbell, of London, for killing in a duel Capt. Alex'r Boyd. Aug. 10, 1808—including a letter by Mrs. Campbell to her condemned husband in prison, and her petition to the king for the life of her husband, price 1/6. Memoirs of the Northern Kingdom, by the late Rev. William John Jenyns, LL.D. member of the American Board of Literature, price 1/6. Professor Dwight's Sermon preached at the opening of the Theological Institution in Andover, &c. price 1/6. The 3d Vol. of Selwyn's Nisi Prius. 3d Vol. Cranch and 4th Vol. Dallas' Reports—Also, the 8th Vol. Laws of the United States. The ninth Edition of The VILLAGE HARMONY; New Hampshire Register and Almanacs, and a large quantity of School Books and Stationary now opening and for sale at C. Peirce's Bookstore, No 5, Daniel Street, Portsmouth.
ALL persons having business to transact with the subscriber are informed that he occupies the chamber over Joseph W. March's Store in Market Street. JOHN F. PARROTT. Nov'r 29.
Good for the Season. S. LARKIN, HAS just received a few Cases of excellent CORDIAL (one dozen bottles in a case,) which are for sale at his Store, very cheap. Also, a general assortment of genuine—Teas, Wines and Groceries. November 29.
NOTICE is hereby given, That the subscriber has been duly appointed administrator on the estate of Capt. GEORGE J. OSBORNE, late of Portsmouth, deceased, and has taken upon himself that trust by giving bonds as the law directs. All persons having any demands against said estate, are requested to exhibit them; and those indebted, are required to make immediate payment to JOHN OSBORNE, Adm'r. Lee, November 26, 1808.
TAKE NOTICE. ALL persons indebted to the subscriber by note or account, are hereby requested to make payment on or before the first day of January next: And all persons having any demands against the subscriber, are requested to call and settle the same. JOSEPH KINGSBURY. Greenland, November 26, 1808.
Found in Water-street, Portsmouth, a Morocco POCKET BOOK. The owner is requested to call on the printer for further information. Nov. 1808.
To be Let Cheap! A CONVENIENT and neatly finished Dwelling-House, with the Aqueduct, an excellent cellar, and every convenience necessary—pleasantly situated in a central part of the town—Likewise a Chamber in the Store occupied by Mr. Timothy Smith, opposite No 7, Merchants Row—for further particulars apply to the store of J. MELCHER, in Market-street.
Stolen on the 17th instant, evening, from Greenland Meeting house, a black MARE, with saddle and bridle, about 10 years old, trots and canters, and has white feet, with two white spots on each side a little above the flank. Whoever will secure the thief and return said Mare with saddle and bridle, shall have Twenty Dollars reward; for the Mare, saddle and bridle, Five Dollars reward, and the thanks of the owner. THOMAS BERRY. Greenland, November 28, 1808.
Just Published, THE FEDERAL ARITHMETIC, or compendium of the most useful rules of that science, adapted to the currency of the United States, for the use of Schools &c by James Noyes, price 45 cents, for sale at C Peirce's bookstore.
MUFFS & TIPPETS. Timothy Upham, HAS just received a very large supply of Bear, Sable, blue Jemnet and mock Sable MUFFS and TIPPETS, which he offers for sale 25 per cent cheaper than he has ever before been able to sell them.—Also, a few worsted knit PETTICOATS. Nov. 29. 1808.
Straw & Beaver BONNETS. Wm. Jones jr. Will receive by the first vessel from Boston,—
LADIES split Straw Bonnets and Hats; most fashionable Beaver Bonnets, with and without Plumes; rose white double Sarfnets; ladies white silk Hose, from 13/6 to 27/; long and short white Kid Gloves; large assortment 4/ & 5/ small figured Mullins; 4/ spidernet and Gauze do.; white, coquelico and black Crapes; cotton Laces; 4/ & 5/ light and dark Ginghams; Bottle-green, Fawn, blk. and led Bombazetts; drab, Fawn and black Pelisse Cassimeres; bottle-green and spotted Scarlet Salisbury Flannels; extra S. fine black ditto for Shawls; black chip and willow Flats; fancy Ribbons; fancy silk Buttons for Habits; fine and common dark London Chintzes and Calicoes; 4/ Dimities; fine Cambric Mullins; fine white Flannels; Coatings; Duffs; India Cottons and Checks; Bandannoes, &c. &c. All of which will be sold at a small advance for Cash or short credit. Nov. 29, 1808.
NEW FLOUR, &c. Nath'l Adams & Sons, Have just received and for sale RICHMOND and Mountain S. F. FLOUR, from new Wheat; best Smith's COALS; James river prime leaf TOBACCO; keys manufactured do. and Cabanis best chewing Tobacco—Gentlemen who use this article, are desired to call and examine it. Nov. 29.
State of New Hampshire, Strafford, ff. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of NEW DURHAM, in said county, who have not paid their town, school, county, and highway taxes for the year 1808; that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the first day of February next, so much of each delinquent's land will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling-house of Reuben Hayes, innholder in said town, at ten of the clock A. M. as will pay said taxes with incidental charges.
   NAMES. No. of Acres Town tax School tax County tax Highway tax Total tax     Thomas Langley 83 2 125 67 125 42 15   Volantine Mathes esq 84 1 100 47 125 42 15   Samuel Willey 71 1 100 38 100 34 12   Abraham Bennett jr. 20 1 100 38 100 34 12   Ditto 20 2 75 21 56 19 7   William Weeks esq 12 1 38 21 75 19 7   Job Runnals jr. 51 1 50 18 50 14 12   Col Tho's Wallingford 60 1 75 17 45 15 5   Thomas Chesley 96 2 418 28 61 15 18   Samuel Chesley 2 1 45 17 312 104 39   John Andrew esq 7 2 125 35 94 31 12   Phillip Grummet 5 2 125 47 125 42 15   Robert Burnham 24 2 45 31 21 11 4   Daniel Rogers 26 2 75 21 56 19 7   Law lot No. 1, 31 2 125 23 62 21 8   Mark H. Wentworth esq 32 2 125 35 94 31 12   Joseph Thomas 40 2 83 23 62 21 8   Benmore Duda esq 41 2 125 35 94 31 12   Nicholas Duda 42 2 125 47 125 42 15   John Adams 45 2 30 11 30 10 4   David Langley 50 2 125 47 125 42 15   Thomas Young 51 2 90 17 45 15 5   Joseph Weeks 52 2 125 23 62 21 8   John Crummet 61 2 125 47 125 42 15   Benjamin Jackson 66 2 314 9 24 7 3   Law lot No. 2, 69 2 125 59 156 52 19   Benjamin Smith 70 2 125 47 125 42 15   John Mason esq 71 2 623 29 77 26 9   Benjamin Bennett 72 2 125 47 125 42 15   Thomas Willey jr. 79 2 125 47 125 42 15   Thomas Parker esq 89 2 125 47 125 42 15   Thomas Chesley jr. 90 2 125 35 94 31 12   Stephen Jones jr. 92 2 125 47 125 42 15   James Smith 93 2 125 47 125 42 15   Joseph Duda jr. 28 1 25 14 38 14 4   Jeremiah Druce & Peter Moe    BENJAMIN LIBBEY, Collector. New-Durham, Nov. 18, 1808.
State of New Hampshire, Hillsborough, ff. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in KEARSARGE-GORE, in said county, who have not paid their highway, school, town and county taxes for the year 1808; that so much of the land as will pay the same, with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling-house of Capt. Jason Watkins, in said town, on Monday, the twenty-third day of January next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Soley and March, 75 100 100 50 7 9 John Wentworth, 82 150 112 58 8 10 SAMUEL WELLS, Collector. Kearsarge Gore, Nov. 11, 1808.
FRESH GOODS. B. BRIERLEY has just received, and is now opening a large supply of FALL & WINTER GOODS, AMONG WHICH ARE, SUPERFINE, black, blue, brown and mixed Broad Cloths; second & low priced do.; fawn, bottle-green, corbeau, Pelisse Cloths; black, blue, drab and mixed Coatings; some best double milled B. Bollen Sattinets and Cords; fawn, black, slate, green and scarlet Pelisse Flannels; spotted do.; black, green, brown and other colored best silk Bonnet Velvets, pink and slate Silk Shags; tabby and pelisse Velvets all colors; black, scarlet, green, slate, and brown Bombazetts; olive, corbeau and dark green Coatings, some very fine; plain and twilled do.; Duffs; Baizes & Flannels, all qualities; 7/4, 8/4, 9/4, 10/4 and 11/4 rose Blankets; Wildbores; Calimancoes; Durants; Shalloons and Ruffleettes; 4/ & 5/ white cotton Cambrics very cheap; black and colored do.; fawn & black twill'd do.; British Shirting Cottons; 7/ & 8/ Irish Linens of an excellent quality; 3/ & 4/ 10-4 Diapers; fancy Velvets; cotton and thread Laces & Footings; black, white & color'd Florence Silks and Luteestrings; do. Sarfnets & Tiffanies; English and India black and color'd Sattins; a few figured do.; black, white & color'd Crapes; black Cypress Crapes. A large assortment of Fancy Mullins, very fine plain leno Mullin, and spidernet lace do.; cotton and silk Lace Armlets; silk, cotton & Camels hair Shawls; fancy Ginghams, plain and fancy silk and cotton Chambray Mullins; printed Calicoes & Chintzes—a large variety and very cheap Copperplate and Furniture Chintzes; London printed Cambrics.
India Chintzes and Checks; India Cottons, all qualities; olive and drab Thicksets very low; black olive and drab plain and figured twill'd Velvets, cotton and silk Umbrellas; a few of very superior quality, real Italian & English sewing Silks all colours; patent coloured Threads, silk Thread, white and coloured sewing Cottons, Ladies and mites black and white worsted Hose, black white and slate silk & cotton do. silk, cotton, kid and beaver habit Gloves; a general assortment of Gentleman's Hose; Suspenders of various kinds & prices among which are some of Webb's patent; black Bombazine; best black silk Serges, Bandanna & black silk Handkerchiefs, a few scarlet cotton twill'd do. plain & fancy Luteestrings Sattin and China Ribbons, hair Ribbons; Boot Webbing; Pins, Tape, &c &c
Straw Bonnets, a few Childrens do. and Leghorn Hats. Also, A large assortment of Bear, Elk and Genet MUFFS and TIPPETS, and For Trimmings for Shawls. The above added to his former stock, makes his assortment very complete—all of which will be sold on very low terms for Cash or short approved credit. Portsmouth, Nov'r 22.
ALMANACS for 1809, For sale at C. PEIRCE'S Bookstore, Daniel-Street. Portsmouth, October 7, 1808.
   Proprietor's Names. Quantity Number Range Highway Town School County Total     Theodore Atkinson, Esq. 1 100 10 4 125 40 16 31 7   Nathaniel Courier, 3 75 64 0 23 8 3 6 2   Enoch Chase, 1 100 5 8 75 25 9 19 4   John Darling, X 3 75 35 37 13 5 19 6   William Hacket, 1 100 4 7 60 20 8 14 3   Diah Hook, 3 44 53 40 14 5 10 2   Thomas Leavitt, 1 100 9 8 75 25 9 19 4   Ebenezer Page, X 3 75 30 50 16 7 12 3   John Page, Esq. 1 100 6 1 50 16 7 12 3   Enoch Page, 3 75 60 25 8 4 6 2   John T. Gilman, X 3 44 25 8 3 6 2   Benning Wentworth's reservation, 275 200 65 20 50 10   Jonathan Greely, Esq., X 1 100 6 7 70 21 8 17 3   Phillip Tilton, 3 75 55 37 13 5 9 2    Warren, October 28, 1808. STEPHEN FLANDERS, Collector.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton, ff. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of ELLSWORTH, State and county aforesaid, who have not paid their school, town and county taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at the dwelling-house of Mr. John Blake, in said town, on Thursday the 26th day of January next, at 10 o'clock A.M. unless prevented by previous payment to me the subscriber.
   Unadvised Lands. Quantity Number Range Highway Town School County Total     John Hurd, Esq. 60 7 4 42 2 12 13 84 16   Samuel Cutts, Esq. 60 4 5 42 2 12 13 84 16   William Whipple, 60 23 4 42 2 12 13 84 16   Veru Ross, 60 20 4 42 2 12 13 84 16   Daniel Shurbon, 60 17 2 42 2 12 13 84 16   Jonathan Blanchard, 60 1 5 42 2 12 13 84 16   Samuel Foller, 60 2 1 42 2 12 13 84 16   Daniel Cutts, 60 11 1 42 2 12 13 84 16   Supply Clap, 60 10 5 42 2 12 13 84 16   Daniel Call,   Daniel Brufer, 60 3 5 42 2 12 13 84 16   Richard Jenkins, 60 22 3 42 2 12 13 84 16   Robert Fayett, Esq. 60 13 3 42 2 12 13 84 16   Nathan Hurd, 60 15 1 42 2 12 13 84 16   Nathan Weber, 60 21 3 42 2 12 13 84 16   John Frost,    Ellsworth, October 19, 1808. JOSEPH MOLTON, Collector.
MUSIC. A SINGING-SCHOOL, two evenings in the week, will be kept during the approaching Winter in a building, in Pitt Street, owned by Mrs. Chase. The instruction commenced the 7th November. Price 12/ a quarter. Instrumental music also will be taught one evening in the week. Oct. 25th. AMOS BLANCHARD.
   Names. No. Quantity Town tax School tax County tax Highway tax Total tax     John Rindge 19 273 200 60 40 20   Tho's Wallingford 14 400 250 75 50 25   Thomas Packer 30 400 350 105 70 35   John Mullet 31 200 125 37 1/2 25 12 1/2   S. Jennes 43 200 150 45 30 15   Joshua Grants farm 7 50 50 15 10 5   John Gilman 23 60 100 30 20 10   Caleb Gilman 23 16 30 9 6 3   Joseph Grafton 33 100 50 15 10 5   Daniel Kelly, land in the Upper Division. 30 20 15 5 3 2   Part of a lot in the Upper Division. 94 66 45 14 10 5    Hundred Acre lots in the Upper Division. Lot on Conway Road, 13 50 15 10 5 WINTHROP SMART, Collector. Office, October 19th, 1808.
State of New Hampshire—Rockingham ff. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of CONCORD, in said county, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public auction, at the house of Capt. Solomon Mann, innholder in said Concord, on the last Saturday of February next at two of the clock in the afternoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Original Proprietors. Quantity Number Range Highway Town School County Total     Josiah Bayley 10 80 40 28 8 8 4 0   Moses Hazen in the last division 22 36 6