The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1803-07-26 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
"By adopting REPUBLICANISM for our Polar Star, we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles of their Constitution, and promote an union of sentiment and of action, equally auspicious to their happiness and safety."
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY NATHANIEL S. & W. PIERCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
PROPOSALS
For Printing by Subscription, AN EPISTOLARY CORRESPONDENCE ON the REPUBLICAN SYSTEM of GOVERNMENT—
The important and salutary effects of its present Administration, and the elevating prospects of the increasing glory and felicity of our Country—Containing likewise—Remarks on some of the principal Writers, aiming at the subversion of the Republican System; and exposure of the designs of a Combination formed against it.
"The System of Representation is FREEDOM."
"The happiness of Mankind is" now promoted "by a different exertion of the human mind."
CONDITIONS.
 1. THE work will be executed on a new and fair type and good paper; and will contain from 150, to 170 pages.  2. It will go to press as soon as 500 Subscribers are obtained.  3. PRICE to Subscribers will be 37 1/2 Cents each book.—There will be a handsome deduction made to Booksellers.  4. THOSE who subscribe for six, shall receive one gratis; And those who subscribe for twelve, shall receive three gratis.  Subscriptions taken in at the REPUBLICAN PRINTING-OFFICES throughout the UNION.
The following is the Author's PREFACE.
THE towering ambition, by which men of great talents have, in all ages been actuated, and by which so many are still hurried and maddened, may be justly considered as the degrading insigne of great minds in ruins; running counter to nature, which points man to his origin as the OFFSPRING of HEAVEN, formed divinely fair and illustrious; and to his end as destined to all the glory and felicity of an immortal duration. And herein appears the peculiar and superior excellency of Republican principles; that they influence to those actions which insure true glory, immortal honor. They inculcate, [as one of the sublimest of Poets has expressed it] that "high worth is elevated place; and makes the post of honor stand candidate for the man;" and, though not arrayed with the ensigns of worldly pomp, is of itself true renown, real worth and grandeur . The truly great are on the wings of divine ambition, hastening to the grand result. They seek the approbation of Heaven, the plaudit of Angels, the commendations of all the beneficent beings in the Universe. They act as heirs of immortality, and gain our esteem and respect for deeds worthy to be recorded in the annals of eternity. Our hearts never do homage but to real worth; without which great talents are but splendid means of achieving exploits of villainy, and giving celebrity to crimes. Places of honor neither lessen or aggrandize the men who hold them.
"Pigmy are pigmies still, tho' perch'd on Alps;
And pyramids are pyramids in vales."
Each man makes his own stature, builds
himself."
Virtue alone out-builds the pyramids;
Her monuments shall last, when Egypt's
fall."
That which is the true glory of man, is common to all, and there is a pride that becomes us, which includes humanity; which stoops to the lowest of our species; and is above discerning inferiors, where all are rationals , immortals, brothers, and the objects of celestial love. True ambition loars above the trifling magnificence which captivates the little minded, votaries of false ambition; and there is a guiltless avarice , superior to the love of gold or power; and which aspires to the attainment of possessions which alone aggrandize beings of heavenly origin and immortal duration. Deeply reflecting, we discern something sublimely grand in the designs of Deity, with regard to the human race, which inflames our ardor in the pursuit of virtue, and the works of benevolence. To yield to the allurements of luxury and ambition, was not the way for our new-formed nation to preserve or enjoy the blessings of Freedom and Independence—to idolize the follies which induced the government to which we are now no longer in bondage, to attempt rivishing on us the chains of slavery; to become willing votaries of principles against which we had proclaimed eternal war, and build up and establish what we had pulled down and abandoned as vicious and destructive. Yet so it had nearly turned out, when we reposed confidence in Citizens of great wealth and talents, to act for us on principles which do not estimate men either for superabundance of riches, or enlarged powers of mind; but for those virtues which reduce the exorbitancy of wealth, within the bounds which reason and the maintaining of social harmony prescribe; which inculcate the important truth, that a superabundance of wealth in the possession of a few, is incompatible with the interests and safety of all. Those men were raised to offices of the highest trust, in a government, the just administration of which would have reduced superiority within its proper limits.
Having found our confidence was misplaced; and having effected a change of Public Officers, we are now reaping the ad-
vantages of dear-bought experience. We are now to fence more effectually against unconstitutional encroachments, invariably adhering to the rational and sublime principles on which we first set out, and which mark every page of our social compact. JEFFERSON, the man of our choice, presiding; encircled by the most illustrious of PATRIOTS and SAGES; We have the grandest things in prospect before us. And, as the enemies of our government are unwearied in their exertions to prejudice the minds of Citizens against its principles, and against its present Administrators; it becomes all its friends to be ever vigilant and active in propagating knowledge and information. Every honest effort to promote our Republican interests, is an addition to their strength. All hands should be busy, and all minds unanimously engaged in the generous and patriotic labour of disseminating political truth, and exposing to view every false sentiment and ignoble attempt against our Country's weal—And, as small volumes, on political subjects, are more likely to be useful among the Citizens of this extensive Country, who are unable to command, or who have not leisure to peruse large ones, a more general circulation of the former must be deemed highly eligible. To be instrumental in the accomplishment of so desirable an end, is the Author's view in publishing the following Letters ; in which are conspicuously portrayed the principal features, which display the superiority of the Republican System of Government to all others, as suited to the nature of Man, and as conformable to the most important principles of pure morality and genuine Religion. The designs of its enemies are laid open, and replies made to the principal objections which have been brought against it by the Writers most applauded by the party in the opposition. The important and salutary effects of the present Administration of our Government, and the happy prospects before us, are represented as most powerful inducements to every exertion, for the support of a System so propitiously established. A watchful attention, and unremitting exertions are of the last consequence for the preservation of our excellent blessings. The alarms given by our enemies, that we were soon to be without order and government, and to be deprived altogether of Liberty, Morality & Religion—have not only failed of the designed effects, but have served to a further discovery of our decided foes, and more rapidly to increase the number of our friends. The union and patience of Republicans will triumph over all the obstacles that have been raised by enemies internal and foreign. The enchanter, throughout the world, are shaping their course to Freedom. Truth is come abroad; and the strongest united opposition of tyrants will never avail to arrest its progress. Though the pretended lovers of order, religion and good government, have promoted much disorder and vice; though they have hitherto greatly hindered public virtue, and disturbed civil and social happiness—Republican principles will surmount every impediment, if we are zealously and vigorously engaged in the wise and prudent measures, not only for our own security and stability, but for the freedom of all mankind from civil and religious tyranny. Wrong ideas have been imposed of Civil Government and Rulers, and likewise of the SUPREME BEING, and of Religious guides and instructors. Where the Deity is represented only as the object of fear and terror, mankind, enslaved by Priests, are extremely unhappy. Thus perpetual misery has been entailed upon millions of human beings, who ought to have been ever rejoicing in the belief of the unchangeable love and good will of the Author of their existence, and walking in the liberty, Civil and Religious, wherewith He hath made us free. Our abhorrence and detestation of Civil and Religious tyranny should be continually kept alive, and excited to the highest degree of just resentment, and all means Heaven has put in our power, faithfully employed to exterminate every species of tyranny from the earth. And may success attend the exertions to so glorious a purpose, in all nations aspiring after the blessings, which Liberty and genuine Religion, never fail to yield to their possessors!—
As War is renewed between France and England, I shall conclude this Preface with a paragraph by the EDITORS of the New-Hampshire Gazette . "We most earnestly recommend to every lover of American happiness, liberty and peace, to keep a watchful eye on the emissaries and adherents of foreign nations: their activity will now be doubled—their efforts to involve the People in difficulties, and to embark their passions in the contest, will be incessant. We have nothing to do with them—Our policy is 'Peace with all nations, entangling alliances with none.' The war is recommenced, no one knows why; and no pretences can sanctify or justify it. We have nothing to do with it. Let us therefore keep a vigilant watch, and take care that no domestic traitor, or foreign incendiary trifles with our peace."
N. B. Several extracts from the Epistolary Correspondence , which have been circulated abroad, have since been revised and amended. The whole will be carefully revised, and errors corrected.
Upon examining the list of representatives returned to the General Court this year, it is found, that ONE HUNDRED of them at least are Republicans , attached to the present administration of the United States. [Boston Chronicle.]
FRENCH MANIFESTO.
PARIS, MAY 21, 1803. CONSERVATIVE SENATE.
Sitting of the 24th Floreal.
THE Counsellors of State, Bigot-Preameau, Deselles and Fleuriou, orators of the government, made a communication to the Senate, of the note addressed on the 23d of the month, to the Ambassador of his Britannic Majesty, by the Minister for foreign affairs.
23d. Floreal an XI.
In the important and serious circumstances in which the two nations find themselves, the undersigned the minister for foreign affairs of the French Republic, has received an order to place under the eyes of the British government the following note.
The 17th Ventose, his Britannic Majesty caused to be communicated to his Parliament, by a special message, that formidable armaments were preparing in the ports of France and Holland, and that important negotiations, the result of which were doubtful, divided the two governments.
This extraordinary and unexpected declaration excited a general astonishment; but the maritime situation of France was obvious. England, Europe knew that there were no formidable armaments either in the ports of France, or in the ports of Holland.
The undersigned will not call to the recollection of his Excellency Lord Whitworth, every thing which was said at that time. It was demanded from what source could spring information so ill-founded? The personal discernment of Lord Whitworth, the loyalty of his character, could not be for a moment suspected.
The affection that France was making hostile armaments, was manifestly a supposition, and one which could not impose on any person. Its natural effect, must tend to create a belief, that it was a means of which men signalized by their turbulent opinions, wished to avail themselves, and who sought with eagerness a pretext for exciting troubles, for claiming the passions of the British nation, for exciting defiance, hatred and alarm.
With respect to the English government; it ought to be believed that, if by false reports it had been led into an error with respect to the existence of armaments, it could not have been equally so with respect to the existence of negotiations.
The Ambassador of the Republic at London, was no sooner informed of the Message of his Britannic Majesty, than, acknowledged that it announced a negotiation, of which he was unacquainted. He immediately waited upon his Excellency, Lord Hawkesbury; and before, at that time, expecting that an appeal to arms, founded upon false suppositions, could cover the project to violate the treaty of Amiens, with respect to the clauses which were not yet carried into execution, he presented to the Minister of his Britannic Majesty, on the 19th Ventose, a note, demanding of him explanations.
At the same period, the undersigned had orders to address his Excellency, Lord Whitworth, relative to the motives which could have determined the English government to authorize, in its message, two assertions, both equally false, in order to call its nation to arms, and to break the bond of peace, which united the two States.
His Excellency, Lord Hawkesbury, replied on the 24th Ventose, to General Andreossi, a vague, aggressive, and imperious note. This note, far from throwing any light on the subject of the discussion, on the contrary, involved it in additional obscurity. It scarcely held out the last hope of the possibility of arriving at a discussion, and still less the hope of seeing it terminate in an auspicious manner.
The reply of the French government, under date of the 8th Germinal, was equally as pacific and moderate, as the note of the British ministry had been hostile.
The First Consul declared that he should not bring in question the defiance of war thrown out by England, that he abstained from laying any stress upon expressions the meaning of which might bear an aggressive character; and that finally, he could not bring himself to believe that his Britannic Majesty wished to violate the sacredness of a treaty, upon which reposed the safety of all nations.
This declaration made by order of the First Consul, produced on the 17th Germinal, a new note, in which the French government did not see without surprise, that an interminable demand of satisfaction was addressed to it. The absurdity of this demand, expressed without motives and without objects, leaves nothing to be distinctly perceived, but the inconsistency of its expressions.
The intention of violating the treaty of Amiens was manifested in this note, by refusing to evacuate Malta. It should seem the English government flattered itself, that the French people would consent to give satisfaction upon two supposed acts, on the allegation of which they, perhaps, had equally the same right to demand satisfaction themselves.
In waving for the present this office, Lord Whitworth demanded that an arrangement should be immediately made, upon the basis which is going to be exposed to view, and at the same time he gave it to be understood, that in case of a refusal, he feared he should be obliged, by the orders of his government, to quit Paris, instantly, and to put a termination to his mission.
What reply could the French government give to overtures so abrupt and strange?
Nothing but a strong and ardent desire for peace, could have gained the ascendancy over indignation.
To confine one's self to a cool and calm decision, which leaves to reason and to justice time to triumph over the passions, it is necessary to be deeply penetrated with the idea, that the numberless victims of the disorders of governments, have nothing whatever to do with the insults which incite them; that so many millions of brave citizens, who in the adoration of their heroic attachment to their country, shed their blood solely for its good, never harbour the wish to affront the neighbouring and powerful people; that they take no interest in the measures pushed by pride, and in the vain pretensions of supremacy. Not only must this idea be deeply impressed upon the mind; it must possess and engross it solely without cessation.
His excellency Lord Whitworth agreed to write to his court, that the first confidant could not consent to the violation of a solemn treaty, but that he wished for peace; that if the English government was desirous that a convention should be made, with a view to arrangements foreign to the treaty of Amiens, he would not refuse it, and that the motives of this convention might be drawn from reciprocal grievances.
These views were just and moderate. It was impossible to propose a negotiation upon a more liberal basis. It will not be irrelevant to observe here, that it was six weeks after the message, in which the existence of a negotiation of a difficult nature, of most serious interest and of uncertain but near issue, was positively asserted and announced, that the ministers of the two governments were not able to come even to the opening of an actual negotiation.
Lord Whitworth received new orders; he presented successively two projects of a convention.
By the first, it was proposed that Malta should remain under the sovereignty of the king of England; and this clause being adopted, his Britannic majesty offered to recognize all that had taken place in Europe, since the treaty of Amiens.
His majesty the king of England further promised to take measures, in order that those men who in different parts of England are hatching plots against France should be effectually suppressed.
The undersigned had the honor to remark to his excellency Lord Whitworth, that the first project of the convention was a palpable violation of the treaty of Amiens, and subversive of the basis of the negotiation which his excellency was charged to present to his court; that with respect to the recognition offered by his Britannic majesty, there in fact existed no objects to which it could apply; that no change had taken place in Europe since the treaty of Amiens; unless it be the organization of the Empire, in which the king of England coincided with his vote, as elector of Hanover; and that even this was no more than a necessary consequence of the treaty of Luneville, which is much anterior to the treaty of Amiens.
That the events relative to the political existence of Piedmont, of the kingdom of Etruria, and of the Italian and Ligurian republics, had their date prior to the treaty of Amiens; that in the negotiation of this treaty, France had desired that England should recognize these three powers; but as they could not accord upon this point as well as upon the affairs of India, in as far as concerns the destruction of some of the principal states and the incalculable acquisitions made by England in that country; it was agreed to consider the discussion of these objects as not appertaining to the discussion of the preliminary articles, and to the fundamental object of the pacification of the two states. The undersigned finally observes, that the French government does not demand on this point, any approbation or recognizing from his Britannic majesty.
The undersigned adds that, with respect to the Bavarian republic, it had been recognized by the king of England, in as much as he had treated with it, and that by the existing treaties between that republic and France, the rear-guard of the French troops are bound to evacuate this country on receiving the news of the entire execution of the treaty of Amiens.
With respect to the criminals, who have sought refuge in London, and in Jersey, where they give themselves up to all their perverse inclinations, and where, far from being restrained, they are supported and pensioned by England, the French government conceives that in the actual state of the negotiations, it ought not to attach any importance to this point.
His excellency, Lord Whitworth, proposed a second project. England demanded that the civil government of Malta being left with the grand master, the British garrison should continue to occupy the fortifications of the island. This proposition was impracticable and unheard of. Like that of the first project, it was contrary to the treaty of Amiens, and consequently to the basis of the negotiation, offered by the first consul; it was besides attended with the irremediable inconveniences of placing an order of knights, appertaining to all the powers of Europe, under the authority and arbitrary rule of a single power; it was finally, in its very self an offence to the honour and the religion of an order, allied by all its elements to the honor and to the religion of all Europe.
Thus, in every step of this negotiation, the government of the republic was obliged to perceive that the English government had but one desire, one sole object in view, to wit, the non fulfilment of the stipulations of the treaty of Amiens, and to retain Malta, for the sole reason because Malta suited its
convenience, and that it called this acquisition a sufficient guarantee.
But which is the power of Europe, were it even obliged to acknowledge itself unequal, that could suffer to submit itself to the will of another, without a discussion of its rights, without an appeal to the principles of justice? Where, above all, is the power, which placed in the predicament France finds herself, in the course of this discussion, could have subscribed to conditions, dictated from the very opening of a negotiation, and rather announced with the noise of weapons of war, by preparations and by armaments, than proposed as the means of according the rights and the interests of two states?
In circumstances in some respects analogous, a nation feeble, not as to its courage, but with respect to the extent and population of its provinces, dared to brave the English power, and menaced in its capital to expose the residence of its kings, to endanger its sole riches, the result of a century of peace, and of an industrious economy, rather than subscribe to unjust conditions, proposed at that time, the same as on the present occasion, from motives of convenience to England; and backed by the equipment of a considerable armament. Many gallant heroes perished; the Danish colonies were usurped; but however, unequal as was the struggle, honor did not leave to this generous nation the choice of the part which it ought to take.
In the present discussion, policy speaks the same language as honor. If the British Government is at liberty to conform, or not conform, to its engagements; if it is permitted to the British Government, to make a distinction in the Treaties, which it concludes, between the spirit and the letter; if mental restrictions are allowed, as authorized exceptions; if whatever constitutes an object of convenience to England, is to be the umpire of the meaning of political conventions, where will be the end, the termination of the Concessions, which the British Government flatters itself, it can wrest from the weakness of France? What will be the measure of the sacrifices and humiliations which one may dare to impose upon her? To-day, the convenience of England exacts a guarantee against France, and England retains Malta. In former times, the convenience of England required a guarantee against France, and Dunkirk was destroyed; and an English Commissary dictated the law in a country, in which the French flag waved! To-morrow, the convenience of England may demand a guarantee against the progress of French industry, and a proposal may be made for a Tariff of Commerce, to arrest and check the progress of our industry.
If we repair our ports; if we construct a Mole; if we dig a Canal; if, by any mode of encouragement, we improve our manufactures, &c. a demand is made upon us, to degrade our ports; that our canals shall be choked up, and our manufactures ruined. It is demanded, that France shall become poor; that it shall be disarmed to suit the convenience of England, and that it shall give a sufficient guarantee to its Government.
Whether we consider the principles, or examine the consequences, we are equally struck with surprise at the injustice and scandal of these pretensions.—Supposing, that such a demand were submitted even to the verdict of an English Jury, would they believe a single moment to reject it unanimously?
The Government of the Republic has the right to feel surprised, that the British Ministry should deem itself authorized to suppose that France would submit to such a degree of humiliation. On what ground has it believed, that the actual and existing government of France would, in inglorious repose, lose sight at once of the remembrance of what it had achieved, and of all its duties?
Are our Provinces less extensive; or is our population decreased? Are we no longer the same nation, which made a sacrifice of every thing to our just and indispensable interests? And if, after our successes, we have displayed an extraordinary moderation, to what other source can this moderation be imputed than to the justice of our cause, and the conviction of our force?
The Undersigned, in laying before his Excellency, Lord Whitworth, these observations, conceives himself authorized in making the remark, that the moderate conduct of the whole of the French Administration, during two entire months, which constitute one series of provocation and offence, and notwithstanding the deep impression which such conduct cannot fail to make, ought to cause him to appreciate the real character of the French Government. Yet, under all these circumstances, at the very time, that, in consequence of its profound silence after reiterated insults, the government of the republic had the right to expect that reparation would be given, or, at least, that a termination would be made to insult—at a time when, abstaining from prejudging the final and ultimate result which affairs might take, it has manifested nothing but affection and eagerness to investigate the means, which were capable of being proposed, in order to conciliate and satisfy the English government: At this very time, and under these peculiar circumstances, his Excellency, Lord Whitworth, by order of his government, made verbally, and without consenting to give any written declaration, the following demands, to the undersigned—viz.
1. That England should retain Malta for ten years.

2. That England should be put in possession of Lampedota.
3. That Holland should be evacuated by the French troops.
His Excellency, Lord Whitworth further declared, that these Propositions formed the Ultimatum of his Court, and that, in case of a Refusal, he had instructions to leave Paris, in the course of seven days.
The Under-Officer has no hesitation to declare, that there is no Precedent of such Form being given to so imperious an Ultimatum.
And on what ground? Is war attended with no inconveniences to any other Power than us? Does the English Ministry believe the French Nation to be so feeble, that in circumstances, where Points of the utmost Importance are under consideration it does not think itself bound to conform, on its part, to the usages which obtain among the Governments of all civilized Nations?
Or is it not rather, that the Sentiment of Injustice, which weighs upon the conscience of a Public, as well as upon that of a Private Man, has prevented the British Government from signing the Demand which it made, and that it has endeavored, by a less decisive step, to reserve to itself, a future opportunity, the capability of escaping the Taint of its real Pretensions, and to deceive and mislead the public opinion, as to the cause and origin of the rupture?
On what ground, is it that the Ministers of his Britannic Majesty have ill appreciated the character of the First Consul? have they flattered themselves with the hope, that they should be able, by dint of provocation, to exasperate, or intimidate him; to cause him to forget the interest of the Nation, or to goad him to any act of excess, which they might afterwards be able to parody and misrepresent to Europe, as the Initiative of War?
The First Consul, more than any man that exists, knows the evils of War because he is better acquainted than any other man, with its calculations and its Chances. He is of opinion, that in the circumstances in which we are at present placed, the first Care of a Government ought to be directed to the Calamities and the Calamities, which may result from a new War, he is of opinion, that it is a primary Duty not only not to give way to the impulse of Irritation but to make use of every means to enlighten, to moderate the impetuous Passions of the Multitude.
The Under-Officer, confining himself to the form of his Communications on the part of his Excellency Lord Whitworth, requests of him to observe, that verbal and fugitive Observations are insufficient for the Discussion of such immense Interests, all the Motives of which it is customary to discuss in the councils of Nations, after the most mature Deliberation. In these Councils, and under such circumstances, nothing is judged indifferent: the Forms, nay the very Expressions are weighed, examined, debated, canvassed, appreciated, and serve always as well to determine, as to justify the part, which it becomes necessary to take.
If such an impudent, such an indecent violation of all forms had been committed by France, what would not have been said, what would not have been written by England; there is not a single Orator in the two houses of Parliament, who would not have declared, that this deviation from the rules generally established between Nations in important circumstances, was an outrage offered to the English Nation. In the opinion of all, an offence of this kind would be regarded as an adequate motive to break off all further Negotiation.
With respect to the basis of the proposed Ultimatum, the Under-Officer has the honor to call to the recollection, of his Excellency, Lord Whitworth that he was charged to specify by a note, which was remitted to him on the 19th Floreal, that the First Consul was as little to be worked upon by menaces, as by injuries, and that he was ready to overlook the neglect of forms, of which a parallel is not to be found in the history of any nation, in circumstances of equal Importance.
That the Island of Lampedota did not belong to France; that it was under the Sovereignty of a foreign power, and that, with respect to the wish of his Britannic Majesty to have possession of it, the First Consul had no right to specify, either his consent or refusal.
That the independence of the order, and the Isle of Malta was the result of an especial article of the Treaty of Amiens; that the First Consul is not competent to take, in this respect, any new determination, without the concurrence of the two other contracting powers to the Treaty, His Majesty, the King of Spain, and the Bavarian Republic.
That the Independence of the Island of Malta had been guaranteed by His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, and that the ratifications of his guarantee were exchanged; that their Majesties, the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia had guaranteed the independence of the Order and Malta, that these guarantees were demanded of these Powers, by England as well as by France; that it was the duty of the First Consul to accept of them, that the First Consul could not, in consequence, give ear to any proposition, relative to the Independence of the Order of the Island of Malta, without previously being apprized with respect to this Independence, of the intentions of the Governments, which had authentically guaranteed it.
That a small Corps of French Troops was still, at the time of the message, stationed in Holland, in virtue of a convention concluded between that Republic & France; and that the First Consul had not the least hesitation in saying, he would cause Holland to be evacuated, the moment the stipulations of the Treaty of Amiens were carried into effect, on the part of England.
To this note which, in expressions and expletive, and above all in the precision of its motives, breathed nothing but justice, peace and moderation, His Excellency, Lord Whitworth, replied, by a peremptory demand of passports; stating at the same time, that he intended leaving Paris on Wednesday, the 4th of May, at five o'clock in the morning.
The French Government deeply feels the contrast which a determination, so absolute, presents to the character of decorum, of justice and of Conciliation, which in all circumstances, and principally in the last, it has made a point of giving to all its measures.—Nevertheless, it deemed it in-
bent upon itself to make a sacrifice to the Interests of Humanity. It was not willing to abandon till the last moment all hopes of Peace, and the under-Officer transmitted to his Excellency, Lord Whitworth, a new Note, in which France made the offer to give its assent, that Malta should be placed under the guardianship of one of the three guaranteeing powers, viz. Austria, Russia, and Prussia.
This proposition appeared to Lord Whitworth himself such as ought to satisfy the pretension of his Court; he suspended his departure, and received the Note ad referendum .
At the same time the Ambassador of the Republic, at London, being apprized of the demand, which his Excellency Lord Whitworth, had made at Paris for his passports to return to England, received orders to hold himself in readiness to depart. He accordingly demanded his passports, which were instantly granted.
The mezzo-termo , proposed by the French Government, was a deviation from the letter of the Treaty of Amiens; but it had the double advantage to assimilate, to the greatest degree possible, with its spirit , that is to say, to place Malta in the independence of the two nations, and to offer this guarantee so much insisted upon, and which the British Ministry pretended constituted the sole object of its alarms.
The British Government comprehended the force of these reasons, and the unhappy fatality which induced it to war, offered to it no other reply, than a false allegation. The 21st of this month Lord Whitworth transmitted a note, in which he declared, that Russia had refused to accede to what was required of her.
The guaranteeing powers being three in number, if Russia had given a refusal, still there remained the Emperor of Germany, and the King of Prussia. But how was it possible for Russia to make known its sentiments on the subject of new propositions, and which had been made only a few days?
It was in the knowledge of England that Russia and Prussia had proposed to guarantee the independence of Malta, with some slight modifications, and that the French government had willingly accepted of the said guarantee, and that judging of the genius, the confidence, and the fidelity to his engagement, which characterized the Emperor Alexander, there was not the smallest doubt that he would accept of the proposition which had been made to him; but prudence, which takes a pleasure in confounding bad faith, caused at the same hour, nay, even at the same instant, in which Lord Whitworth transmitted his note, a Russian courier to arrive, addressed to the plenipotentiaries of that power, as well at Paris as at London, by virtue of which his Majesty the Emperor of Russia manifested with a most marked and peculiar energy, the pain he experienced on learning the resolution of his Britannic Majesty to retain the island of Malta; he renewed the assurance of his guarantee, and made it known, that he would accept the demand of his mediation, which had been made by the First Consul, if the two powers had recourse to it. The under-Officer hastened, on the 2nd, to apprise Lord Whitworth, by a note of the error into which his court had been led, not doubting, that as this was the only objection which it had made to the project presented, the moment that it was acquainted with the reiterated and positive declaration of Russia, it would use all possible diligence to adhere to the delivering up of Malta into the hands of one of the three powerful guaranteeing powers. What then must have been the astonishment of the under-Officer, when Lord Whitworth, without entering into any explanation, or seeking to contradict or discuss the declarations made to him by the under-Officer, made known by a note written on the same day, that by his instructions, he had received orders to depart within thirty-six hours after the delivery of his last note, and repeated his demand for his passports. The under-Officer was obliged, in consequence, to cause them to be delivered to him immediately.
Would the English ambassador have conducted himself in a different manner, if the French government had been besieged in a place battered in breach, and that the point in question had been not the most important interests of the British cabinet, for these eight hundred years, but of a simple capitulation?
The commencement of the negotiations was preceded by armaments pompously announced. Every day, every hour the signal was given for the re-commencement of hostilities.
And what is this ultimatum that is presented to the French government, and requires to be signed in the course of a day?
It is required that the French government should consent to give an island which does not belong to it; that it should itself commit, even to its own injury, a violation of a solemn treaty, under the pretext that England stands in need of a new guarantee against her; that it should be wanting in all the regard due to the other contracting powers, by destroying, without their consent, the article which, with respect to themselves, was discussed longer than any other at the period of the conferences; that it should be equally wanting in the regard due to the guaranteeing powers, in consenting that an island, which they wished to be independent, should remain for ten years under the authority of the British crown; that it should take away from the order of Malta the sovereignty of the state which had been restored to it, and that this sovereignty be transferred to the inhabitants; that by this spoliation, it would give offence to all the powers, which had sanctioned the re-establishment of this order, which had guaranteed it, and which, in the arrangements of Germany, had assured to its indemnities for the losses it had experienced.
Such is the basis of the ultimatum , which presents a series of pretensions always increasing in the same proportion, as the government of the Republic displays its moderation. At the first, England gave its consent to the preservation of the order of Malta, but wanted to subject this order and its states to the British authority.
At present, and for the same time, the abolition of the same order is demanded, and that it should be consented to in the space of thirty-six hours.
But, were the definitive conditions proposed equally as conformable for the treaty of Amiens, and to the interests of France,
as they are contrary to them, the simple form of these demands, the period of thirty-six hours prescribed for giving an answer, cannot leave any doubt as to the determination of the French government. No, never will France recognize in any government the right of annulling by a single act of its pleasure, the stipulations of a reciprocal engagement. If she has permitted that under appearances which denounced direct menaces, a verbal ultimatum , of seven days should be presented to her, an ultimatum of thirty-six hours, and treaties concluded, without being negotiated, she could have no other motive, than to recall the British government by the example of her moderation; but she cannot consent to any thing, which compromise the interests of her dignity, and her power.
The under-Officer is therefore charged to declare to his Excellency Lord Whitworth, that any communication, the sense and the forms of which do not accord with the usages observed among the great powers, and with the principle of the most perfect equality between one state and the other, can no more be admitted in France.
That nothing could oblige the French government to dispose of countries which do not in the least appertain to her, and that it never will recognize the right of England to violate in any point whatever the treaties into which that power has entered with France.
Finally, the under-Officer repeats the proposition of placing Malta under the guarantee of one of the three powers, and as to every other object, foreign to the treaty of Amiens he renews the declaration, that the French government is ready to open a negotiation on these points.
If the English government gives the signal of war, nothing will remain to the Republican government, but to confide in the justice of her cause, and in the God of armies.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs. (Signed) CH. M. TALLEYRAND.
The Senate, after hearing this message, charged its Vice-President and Secretaries, and the Senators Joseph Bonaparte, Laplace, Leprieux, Jacqueminot, and Roederer, to be the bearers to the First Consul of its thanks for the communication made to the Senate by his orders.
In its deliberations the Senate says "That it cannot but applaud the moderation and firmness which characterize the negotiations opened with the British Government; that it feels impatient to give to France the signal of acknowledgment, if peace accords with the wishes of the First Consul; and of devotedness, if the national dignity calls for war." The First Consul received at St. Cloud, on Sunday the 15th May, the deputation of the Senate.
A similar communication was made on the same day to the Legislative Body and the tribunate. These two authorities have likewise each separately, sent a deputation to the First Consul.
Mr. Talbot, Secretary of the British Legation, leaves Paris this day. M. Portalis the younger, returns from England.
Lauriston, aide-de-camp to the First Consul, has been at Brest since the 11th May.
Yesterday, (20 May) the Legislative Body and the Senate have had an extraordinary sitting. Orators of the government transmitted to these two authorities all the papers relative to the negotiation with England. "The negotiations are at an end, said they; if we are attacked, we are ready to fight; and we will combat to maintain the faith of treaties and the honor of the French. The result of this struggle shall be such as we have a right to expect from the justice of our cause and the courage of our warriors." The Presidents of the Legislative Body and of the tribunate have answered to the communication of the government by speeches in which they have paid to the chief consul the tribute due to his moderation, his firmness, and his respect for the majesty of the French people which he represents.
The Legislative has formed itself into a secret committee, and has appointed a select number of its members to report the project of a message to Government; and then adjourned to this day. The tribunate has appointed a committee of seven of its members to make a report for Monday next, on the official papers of the negotiation.
The Senate is also assembled under the Presidency of Count Cambacérès.
The official papers, which have been laid before the first authorities of the Republic, make a volume of 478 pages in 4to.
TRIBUNAL.
Sitting of the 30th Floreal, (20th May) After reading of the procès verbal and the correspondence, the President gave notice that a message was received from the First Consul, and announced the arrival of the three Orators. They were introduced, Baranger delivered the message. His Colleagues were Miot and Perier.
After reading the powers they had received, he read a piece entitled "The First Consul to the Tribunal." "We are only enabled to give a brief sketch of it, it accompanied a collection of papers with England, commencing at the period of the treaty of Amiens; and detailing the late discussions which appear to have terminated in an absolute rupture.
It discloses, the moderation and patience which have guided the conduct of Government, and the impossibility of admitting the propositions of England, without sanctioning its unjust pretensions, and introducing a new law in her favor, equally unjust with that by which she has disheirited the European nations of the possession of the sea, and subjugated them to her laws.
The Government could not bend the majesty of the French people, to terms which were dictated to them in so haughty a manner. We are ready to combat if we are attacked. We will fight for the maintenance of treaties and national honours.
If we must yield, we shall not have it to say that we were discouraged at the commencement by a sense of our weakness.
The nation will repossess itself in the confidence of its strength, and whatever wounds we, or our enemies may mutually give and receive, the result of this contest will be such as we have a right to expect from the justice of our cause and from the courage of our warriors.
The President replied that the documents now communicated would remain an eternal monument of the moderation exhibited by the First Consul, in the midst of his glory; and of the attachment he had shown for the
peace of Europe. Although the consequences of war are less formidable to France than to the enemy, the tribunal feels with grief the return of this scourge:—It applauds the measures government has taken to avoid it. The confidence it places in the wisdom of its magistrates is, like that of the nation, without bounds. It will examine the papers communicated with serious attention; and all its resolutions will be dictated by patriotism and the most profound sentiment of national honor.
The communication was referred to a committee of seven members.
Official Papers,
Presented by his Majesty's Command, to both Houses of Parliament, 18th May, 1803—(In continuation from our last.)
(No. 9.) My Lord, PARIS JUNE 17, 1802.
I have the honor to acquaint your Lordship, that I have executed the instructions given me by your secret and confidential dispatch (No. 14) in consequence of the communication from M. Talleyrand, which transmitted in my No. 23, respecting the residence of the French Princes, and other French persons in his Majesty's Dominions.
In delivering my answer on this business to the French Minister, I took care to express, in the strongest manner, the assurance, which your Lordship has authorized me to give of his majesty's sincere desire that the peace which has happily been concluded should be permanent and that it should lead to the establishment of a system of harmony and good understanding between the two countries: and that as his Majesty's conduct would in every respect, be guided by those sentiments, he of course would not tolerate, much less encourage any proceedings on the part of persons within his dominions, which might be hostile to the present government of France; which assurances might, I trusted, be sufficient to tranquilize and satisfy the First Consul, without recurring to the measures which had been intimated to me, and which could not but be considered as inconsistent with his Majesty's dignity and honour, as well as with the common laws of hospitality, which he could not but observe towards Foreigners within his dominions, until they should have forfeited that protection by their misconduct.
M. Talleyrand expressed to me in reply, that the Consul had solicited no more than the British Government itself had at the time demanded of France, when the pretender was in this country, and than had been practiced between other Governments under similar circumstances; that he could not see any humiliation in the measure which he had intimated to me: that he could assure me it had not been suggested with any such idea, and that he could only repeat, that the adoption of it would be in the highest degree agreeable and satisfactory to the First Consul, and be considered by him as the most convincing proof of his Majesty's disposition to see a cordial good understanding established between the two Countries, concluding his answer with a request that I would report it to your Lordship.
I rejoined upon the subject by observing to the French Minister, that even without advancing to the serious consideration of the King's dignity and honour, the feelings of the people of England were to be taken into account on the occasion; That he must be sensible the relative situation, hitherto, of the two countries especially in regard to Trade, afforded His Majesty's Subjects no room to reap those advantages which were common to and which were always expected from a state of Peace, and it therefore appeared to me that the First Consul would equally give a proof of his disposition to see harmony and a friendly intercourse re-established between the Nations by not repeating his wish upon a matter which would operate in the strongest manner against such an approximation and reconciliation of sentiments, were it even only to come to the knowledge of His Majesty's subjects. I am happy, my Lord to say, that M. Talleyrand shewed no warmth, or any very marked eagerness, in his manner of replying to my communication: and that our conversation on this head terminated with the last remarks I made to him when he changed it to another subject. I have the Honour to be, &c.
(Signed) ANTHONY MERRY. Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c.
BY THE LAST MAILS.
(OFFICIAL.)
By the President of the United States of America.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS great and weighty matters claiming the consideration of the Congress of the United States, form an extraordinary occasion for convening them; I do by these presents appoint Monday the 17th day of October next for their meeting at the City of Washington, hereby requiring their respective Senators and Representatives, then and there to assemble in Congress, in order to receive such communications as may then be made to them, and to consult and determine on such measures, as, in their wisdom may be deemed meet for the welfare of the United States.
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand.
Done at the City of Washington, the sixteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and three; and in the twenty-eighth year of the independence of the United States.
(Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. By the President, (Signed) JAMES MADISON. Secretary.
Dispatches from the American ministers at Paris were received by the executive on Thursday evening. They were brought by Mr. Hughes of Baltimore, as confidential bearer, and contain the treaty, signed on April 30th, which conveys Louisiana to the United States. The extent of the territory ceded is defined by a general reference to that in which Louisiana was ceded to France. The terms are, 1st. 11,250,000 dollars to be paid to France in six per cent. stock, within three months after the exchange of the ratifications, and the delivery of possession. 2d. An assumption of the debts due, and captures provided for under the convention of September, 1800, between the United States and the French republic which are to be liquidated by commissioners at Paris, and paid at the treasury of the United States on drafts from ministers at Paris.
The assumption is not to go beyond 3,570,000 dollars, and it is conjectured, that the amount of the debts and claims, will fall short of that sum. 3d. French and Spanish vessels, and merchandise directly from their own ports, the merchandise being of the respective countries are to pay, in the ports, of the ceded territory, for a period of 12 years, no higher duties than are paid by American citizens, and this privilege is not to be extended during that period to any other foreign nation. After that period France and Spain are to enjoy within the ports of the ceded territory the privileges only of the most favored nation. The treaty is to be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged within six months from its date. This circumstance will require the convening of Congress a little earlier than the first Monday in November. It is understood that the ratification of the first consul is on its way to the United States. Immediately after the ratification of the treaty, possession is to be delivered.
The cession of Louisiana to the United States in its largest extent, is now no longer a subject of doubt. A few months since the leaders of faction held it forth as a jewel inappreciable, for which no expense could be too great, no efforts too mighty, no dangers too imminent to be incurred for its obtainment. A writer in a factious paper of New-York estimated the purchase of Louisiana at 40,000,000 of dollars as a cheap sacrifice. The object is at length obtained, after a negotiation nearly coeval with the first days of the official duties of the present administration.
This vast acquisition will every day unfold new advantages to the United States—whether they regard the prosperity and stability of the union—its internal security—its exemption from suspicious or treacherous neighbors—as an object of great importance in regard to the political influence of nations—as a check upon intrigues with the savage tribes—and various other points of view.
In a political view its importance may not be at first sight perceived. Let us view it in this light.
During the late war in Europe, among other enterprizes Great Britain contemplated a stupendous stroke against Spanish America; it is said with some confidence that she already meditates the blow, in the present war. When Simcoe arrived at St. Domingo during the late war (in 1797) Louisiana was the object. Three advantages were to be derived from the possession of that country.
1. It was to have been held as a rod (like Canada) over the United States.

2. It was to be held as a rod over Spain and her Mexican mines.
3. It was to be of vast advantage as a commercial colony.
By the acquisition of Louisiana, we escape that rod—and we hold the rod over Canada, should the bad faith of Britain or her injuries to our commerce and our flag, ever compel us to resort to complaint as Hawkesbury has done of the injuries which our vessels and seamen sustain at their hands. The effects intended to other nations by the design on Louisiana we have nothing to do with. We confine ourselves solely to what was intended and might have been the effect on the United States. Great Britain however did not limit her views last war, to Louisiana; it is said that the now meditates to effect what was then projected, to become a revolutionist, to raise an insurrection in South America—and to cause the emancipation of South America from the Spanish government, and the establishment of a new and independent nation, or nations upon the overthrow of the Spanish authority.
Whether this object can be carried into effect; or whether it will be attempted, we cannot pretend to say. The enterprize and the consequences confound the understanding in the effort to measure or anticipate them. The effect upon us, however, is what we particularly consider. The possession of Louisiana, in its utmost extent became necessary to guard our frontiers from the consequences which must of necessity be the result of a revolt in the Spanish colonies, or their possession by any of the belligerent nations. Against any incidental inconveniences of an internal nature, our government can with ease provide securities and guards, by the wholesome provisions of law, and civil administration.
By our possession of Louisiana, we are also released from the dangers (apprehended or real?) of the French—that “golling yoke which Mr. Rofs described in his speech in February last, and which was to be fixed upon the United States ‘rivet after rivet,’ is now removed from ‘us and our children’ for ever. The ‘line of batteries manned by veterans,’ thro’ which the western people were to pass to market, are now mere calves in the air, and the only ‘fortified camp’ we shall have there will be the camp of the American hunter, surveyor, or new settler.
Even Mr. Morris’s sense of national honor is preferred, though he was for writing the insult, “on tablets of brass with a pencil of steel;” and we have neither sacrificed “our last man nor our last shilling” any more, we can now say what Mr. Morris said we could do if we went to war—we can by holding Louisiana, “dictate the conditions of the commerce with the islands of the West Indies.”—we recommend our readers to Mr. Morris’s speech page 130 for an eulogium on the acquisition of Louisiana. Among other blessings which he describes as the result of our possession of Louisiana are—“it fortifies the defences of our freedom,” it “renders standing armies unnecessary,” it “saves us from civil war.”
Mr. Morris, in his speech, which was certainly one of the most brilliant and ingenious, as well as ably delivered we ever had an opportunity of hearing, said, that “the expence compared with the object is moderate, because what is necessary to national independence must be paid.”
What is the expence at which it is purchased, and what could an army cost to invade even New-Orleans? An army of 20,000 men at 12 months service would have cost the public nine millions of dollars; had we captured the country, we must have maintained the whole force a second year, which would have been near twenty millions.
The purchase by negotiation did not risk one man’s life nor any nation’s enmity; we preserve our pacific character, obtain the territory of at least four hundred thousand square miles, in which is comprehended a city containing 12,000 inhabitants, and a general population amounting to nearly half a million, encreasing our population and wealth by their numbers and industry.—The terms of this purchase are said to be, (but for this we cannot pledge ourselves to be completely accurate,) payments of the following descriptions and amount.
Four millions of dollars, to be applied to the discharge of just claims of American citizen on the French government. By just claims, it is presumed that there are two descriptions of debt meant, and that a third is excluded. The excluded part is that which was relinquished by the treaty with France signed by Mr. Adams, in February, 1801. The other two descriptions we presume, are debts due to American citizens prior to the year 1798; and debts incurred in the colonies at a subsequent period, and since the peace of Amiens. To the discharge of these two descriptions of debt the four millions are to be applied.
Two millions of dollars to be paid in cash—and the remaining nine of fifteen millions to be paid at future periods, & in such a form as to accommodate the government of the U. States.
Perhaps these last nine millions may be ultimately thrown into the funds and form a part of the public stock.
These are nearly what may be considered, we believe, the terms of purchase.
Among the very important good to the United States, resulting from the acquisition of Louisiana is the security which it affords from danger,
against the black population entailed on us by the British.
Another is the striking evidence which it affords to the nations of Europe, of the respect in which our government and nation is held by that power which has humbled all Europe.
We have obtained 400,000 square miles of territory, and an acquisition of half a million of citizens, for exactly three years salary of the officer of that government which is held up as the perfection of human wisdom.
It is not many months since the federalists, by way of raising the dignity of our country in the eyes of the rest of the world, declared that Mr. Livingston, our worthy ambassador to France, was both deaf and stupid —that he was so little respected at Paris that his life was almost a burden, and that he meant to return home. Now he is a man to whose abilities, zeal and patriotism we are indebted for the accomplishment of an event among the most important of our country—thus take the confident and only admirers of truth, the federal scribes—but to solve this wonderful enigma it must be observed, that in thus praising the agent they hope to detract from the merit of the real authors of the success which has attended our negotiation respecting Louisiana—the acquisition of a territory so extensive, valuable, and deemed necessary to our future safety, forms such a glorious epoch in our annals that the whole ingenuity of federalism is necessary to lessen the praise which belongs to Mr. Jefferson, who has gained it. In like manner it was, that the amanuensis of Hamilton wished it believed that Mr. Jefferson was not the author of the declaration of independence, in fine, for what have they given him credit? What have they not done to prove him the basest being in the creation? And it will not be very long before those, who are so sedulous in endeavors to prove that Mr. Livingston has the sole merit of the acquisition of Louisiana, will clamorate him as they do Mr. Jefferson. Aurora.
Millions were to be expended in a war to gain a stable right of deposit on the banks of the Mississippi—Mr. Jefferson, conceiving the whole of Louisiana might be purchased for a less sum than the outfit of an army, instructed our minister at Paris to make enquiries on the subject—Mr. Livingston accordingly presented a memorial to the French government on the impolicy of colonizing Louisiana and the propriety of giving it in full sovereignty to the United States for a certain consideration. While those propositions were under consideration, the clamour for war at home induced the administration to dispatch a minister extraordinary to effect a purchase; Mr. Monroe, on his arrival found matters already in a considerable train of forwardness, and in conjunction with Mr. Livingston purchased Louisiana for a reasonable consideration—yet, say the federalists, the administration deserve no thanks! ‘twas all chance.
The Governments of Europe seem commencing the process of decomposition, a general fermentation must ere long take place; and the whole heterogeneous mass return to its original elements, viz. the sovereign will and pleasure of the People for whose welfare Government was originally created, and by whose long suffering it is endured. His Excellency J. Q. Adams Esq. said on the 4th July 1793, in the most incomparably beautiful oration that was ever printed on the occasion: “The Governments of Europe must fall: and all that remains for them “now is to gather up their garments “and fall with decency.” It was ten years ago popular, it was democratic, it was the high road to appointment; to offices of emolument and honor; to hold language worthy the dignity of a man:—“But times have altered.” (Gazetteer.)
The Fourth of July was a proud day to the President. On that day in the year seventy-six, after having drawn the Declaration of Independence, with his illustrious copatriots, he pledged “his life, his fortune, and his sacred honour” to support the independence of his country; and to maintain her liberties. On the same day in the year 1803, he reaped the reward of his labors in the wide spread joy of millions, at an event which history will record among the most splendid in our annals. Happy in having successfully asserted the rights of his fellow citizens from foreign danger, he is now not less happy, in having maintained and extended them amidst the blessings of peace. The very day that informed us of the recommencement of European scenes of blood, incalculable in extent and duration, announced the removal from our horizon of the only cloud that threatened our peace. Let us hope that in our feelings inspired by this event, we shall be “all federalists, all republicans.”
Portsmouth.
TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1803.
By the cession of Louisiana, we shall preserve peace, and acquire a territory of great extent, fertility, and local importance. However great the latter object may be, the former is of inestimable value and it is principally in relation to it, that the importance of the cession is to be estimated. A nation, whose population is doubled in twenty four years, whose resources increase with still greater rapidity, and which enjoys a free government, only requires peace to elevate her in a few years, above the storms which with so little intermission, agitate the European world.
National confidence has hitherto attended our administration in all their leading measures. This great event adds powerful reasons for its continuance. Great as were the hopes of patriotism, they have been more than realised. We have secured our rights by pacific means; truth and reason have been more powerful than the sword. Nat. Intel.
Substantial Justice and a liberal respect for Neutral America indispensable.
HONOR and policy appear to require, that the government of Great Britain should frankly and perfectly respect the neutrality of the United States. Mr. Addington, their premier, has declared in his place in their Legislature, that the conduct of the present government of the U. States (Mr. Jefferson and the heads of departments) is consistent with a real and liberal amity. Honor and policy require, that such conduct should be justly and justly reciprocated by the British government. Its attention to the conduct of the officers of its public and private ships of war, and to that of its courts of Vice-Admiralty is particularly necessary at this crisis. It is manifesting the will of the people of America to maintain a real and correct neutrality upon the unhappy occasion of war among European powers. It will not be even pretended, that our government does not feel the same desire. The captains of the British ships of war Lilly and Driver , in this early boarding one of our vessels on our own coast, at the very entrance of our ports of Amboy and New-York, for the purpose of taking out sailors and passengers, is very exceptional and offensive. The public prints also announce a gross inuendo to a neutral American vessel, Oliver Branch , from the neutral island of St. Croix, to America, the forcing of the American captain to go to the cruiser, the unnecessary detention of our vessel four hours, and the injudicious, vexatious, and unmanly conduct of sending back the American captain from the British boarding vessel to his own with only a single oar! His conduct is charged upon the British lieutenant Kerr, in a three masted schooner from Tortola. Let it not be considered, that these remarks are in a spirit of hostility to Great Britain. They are intended to contribute to that accurate and undeviating respect for our sincere and actual neutrality, which it is the plain interest and duty of the ministers of Great Britain to pursue themselves, and to prescribe to the rash part of their officers, and to their courts of Vice-Admiralty. Such violations of our neutrality, such inconveniences, insults, menaces, and injuries as were sustained from the officers of public and private ships of war, from unlawful courts of Vice-Admiralty in the French captured islands, and from those courts in their own islands and colonies, may lead to serious alterations, commercial regulations, and even to some of those measures which some of the Northern neutral powers adopted immediately before the affair of Copenhagen. It is friendly not hostile, useful not injurious, to notice these dangers, on the first occurrence of individual misconduct, which may tend to produce them. The British Navy officers ought to run the risks and take the trouble of going on board our vessels to make their searches. They have no right to summon our sea captains or masters on board their vessels. It is enough for us to be open to a decent and civil search. [Aurora.]
Portsmouth COFFEE-HOUSE.
A convenient place of resort of this kind is much needed in every Commercial City or town, where strangers as well as gentlemen of the place can retire to transact business.—And we are happy to notice a house of this kind opened in this town by Mr. DETANDE, a person well calculated for the business,—and who will adhere to and preserve such decorum and order as we think will give universal satisfaction to all who visit the house. He has taken great care to engage, and does regularly receive most of the valuable Commercial Gazettes in the United States, which is at the service of all Gentlemen who wish to spend an hour at his house. That he may meet with such encouragement as such exertions deserve, is the sincere wish of MANY.
Entered at the CUSTOM-HOUSE. Brig Planter, Grover, Grenada. Brig Geo. Washington, Moore, Demerara.
CLEARED. Brig Triton, Beck, Barbadoes. Brig Ceres, Manson, Barbadoes. Sch'r Angelica, Crowell, Halifax. Sch'r Resolution, M'Clain, Dominico.
DIED. In this town, Mrs. SARAH PIKE, aged 77; Mr. JOHN HOOPER, aged 38; RICHARD JACKSON son of Mr. CLEMENT JACKSON, aged 11; Mr. BENJAMIN HOOPER; Widow SALLY PERKINS, aged 32; a child of Capt. Edward J. Long.
JONATHAN MENDUM,
INFORMS his customers and the public, that he continues carrying on the BOOT and SHOE Making business, in all its branches, and in the best manner, at his Shop in Vaughan-street. Portsmouth, July 26, 1803.
Benja. Hill,
East end of the State House, has just received and For Sale, a general assortment of IRON and STEEL,
CONSISTING OF Russia, Old Sable, Swedes & Philadelphia, in large, small, flat and square bars. Also,
Hart, Club, & Hasen-clever STEEL, by a large or small quantity. A complete assortment of
IRON HOLLOW WARE.
A quantity of POLLOCK FISH. Smock'd HERRING. Best Fig TOBACCO, by the cask or less quantity. Together with a large assortment of West-India Goods & Groceries.
Also, Wheat, Corn, Rye, Bacon, Pork, Butter, Beans, &c. &c. with many other articles—All of which will be sold cheap for cash, or approved credit. Portsmouth, July 26, 1803.
Fifty likely MULES,
FOR SALE by PHINEAS PARKHURST—apply to JOSEPH ELA, on Portsmouth Pier. Lebanon, July 21, 1803.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
ROCKINGHAM, ss.
NOTICE is hereby given, That Moses Brown and James Duncan, jun. two of the administrators of the estate of SAMUEL WHITE, late of Haverhill, in the county of Essex, Esquire, deceased, with his Will annexed, (which Will has been proved and allowed in the Probate Court for the said county of Essex) have produced a copy of the said Will, and a copy of the Probate thereof, duly authenticated, unto the Judge of Probate for the county of Rockingham, where the testator had real estate, whereon the said Will may operate; and in writing desired the same may be filed and recorded in the Probate Office in said county—and that the said Judge has assigned the nineteenth day of September next, and the Probate Office in Exeter, in said county, the time and place, for taking the same into consideration—when any person may appear and shew cause against the filing and recording the same. By Order of the Judge. WM. PARKER, Register.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
GRAFTON, ss.
To the Honorable CHARLES JOHNSTON, Esq. Judge of the Court for the Probate of Wills, &c. in and for said county of Grafton.
HUMBLY SHEWS—STEPHEN HOUGHTON, of Bethlehem, in said county, mill-wright, that Nathaniel Whitaker, late of said Bethlehem, physician, hath lately deceased, leaving real and personal estate in said county—that said Whitaker hath no relation or kindred in the State of New-Hampshire, to administer said estate—that said Whitaker, at the time of his decease, was largely indebted to your petitioner: wherefore he prays your Honor to grant him letters of administration on the estate of said deceased: And your petitioner in duty bound, prays, &c. STEPHEN HOUGHTON. July 13, 1803.
Grafton, ss.
At a Probate Court held at Haverhill, in said county of Grafton, on the thirteenth day of July, 1803. Present, the Honorable Charles Johnston, Esq. Judge of said Court.
UPON reading and considering the foregoing petition, ordered that the petitioner be heard thereon at said Haverhill, on the last Tuesday of September next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, and that said petitioner cause the substance of said petition and this order, to be published three weeks successively in the New-Hampshire Gazette, printed at Portsmouth, the last publication whereof to be six weeks previous to said day of hearing, that any person or persons may then and there appear, and shew cause (if any there be) wherefore the prayer of said petition ought not to be granted. Attest, MOSES DOW, Reg. Probate. Copy examined—Attest, MOSES DOW, Reg. Probate.
THE DIVINE HARMONIST,
A collection of SACRED MUSIC, IN four parts, designed for Public Worship; to which is added, an APPENDIX, containing a few Pieces particularly adapted to the service of the Protestant Episcopal Church—by JOHN COLE—is received and for sale by N. S. & W. PEIRCE, at their Bookstore, Congress-street, Portsmouth.
STRAYED.
FROM Capt. Samuel Ham's Farm, about a month since, FOUR CALVES; one is a Bull, one Heifer and two Steers—any person giving information of the same, shall be handsomely rewarded by NOAH HOOPER. Portsmouth, July 26th, 1803.
THIS DAY
At S. LITTLE'S Office, ENGLISH & INDIA GOODS. Also,—at Private Sale, a number of RUSSIA FEATHER BEDS. Portsmouth, July 26, 1803.
On WEDNESDAY the 3d. day of August, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, on the premises, will be SOLD
THAT valuable corner LOT of LAND lying on Cross-street, opposite the Widow Hardy's—being about 75 feet on said street, and on High-street about 120 feet—it will be sold in two parts or the whole together, as will best suit the purchasers.
* * * The conditions made known at time and place of sale. JACOB WALDEN, Auctioneer. Portsmouth, July 19, 1803.
Will be SOLD by licence from the Hon. Judge of Probate, on WEDNESDAY, the 3d. of August next, at 10 o'clock A. M. on the premises,
A LOT of LAND on Washington-street, and running back into the creek, with a small Dwelling-HOUSE thereon. Said Land is adjoining the estate of Capt. KEYRON WALSH—and will be sold with the incumbrance of the Widow's dower. Portsmouth, July 19, 1803.
GRAND LODGE.
THE Officers and Members of the GRAND LODGE of New-Hampshire, are informed that a Grand Quarterly Communication, will be held at the Lodge-Room in Portsmouth, TO-MORROW EVENING, at half past 7 o'clock. By Order, L. SPALDING, Grand Sec'y. July 26, A. L. 5. L. 5803.
DR. BRACKETT,
HAS received some of the true KINE POCK MATTER, with which he will inoculate. Portsmouth, July 26, 1803.
NEW and USEFUL.
THE subscribers have purchased the right of using and vending to others to be used, KENNEDY'S PATENT WINDOW SPRINGS, in the counties of Rockingham and Strfford, in New-Hampshire, and the District of Maine, except the towns of Berwick, Sanford and Wells. The object of this invention was to furnish a secure fastener for Windows, and convenient machinery to raise and lower both the upper and lower Sash, and by the assistance of Springs to support it at any height that is wished.
Gentlemen, who have viewed Windows fitted with these Springs, are of opinion that the invention will be of great utility, and acknowledge that the design of the inventor is completely accomplished. The expence of fitting a Window with these Springs is but about a fourth part so much as that of weights and lines; at the same time more durable and less liable to accidental injury. Old windows may be fitted with Springs as well as new ones.
Those who wish to purchase Springs, or to have them put on, may apply to any one of the subscribers, who have associated themselves in a company, in the above purchase, and in this business will use the signature of ELISHA WHIDDEN & Co.
ELISHA WHIDDEN, BENJAMIN ADAMS, JAMES NUTTER, JOHN LOCKE, EBEN R. CLIFFORD, Exeter. WILLIAM ARMS.
N. B. All persons are cautioned against using these Springs in the limits of the purchase aforementioned, without authority from the subscribers, if they would avoid the penalty of the law. Portsmouth, July 26, 1803.
PROPOSALS
For Publishing by Subscription, A New System of GEOGRAPHY, ANCIENT and MODERN. By J. TYTLER, Compiler of the Treatises of Astronomy and Geography in the Encyclopaedia Britannica.
CONDITIONS.
I. The work will consist of three close and large octavo Volumes, with a Ratio Atlas, containing Maps and Sea-Charts of America, and of the World. It will be printed on fine paper and new type. Great care will be taken to have the Maps and Sea-Charts correct, well engraved, and on good paper.
II. It will be delivered to subscribers, neatly bound and lettered, at Nine Dollars. No money to be paid till the delivery of the Work.
III. It will be put to press as soon as the subscription of 500 copies is obtained.
IV. Gentlemen desirous of promoting the circulation of a work highly interesting to every American, who is or may be in a situation to contribute to the advancement of useful knowledge in his country, may obtain one copy gratis, by procuring and accounting for the subscription of six, and by sending their names as soon as possible to N. S. & W. PEIRCE'S Book-Store Congress-Street, Portsmouth, N. H.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the Estate of DUDLEY NORTON, late of Portsmouth, husbandman, deceased; are hereby requested to exhibit the same without delay for settlement, to MIRIAM NORTON, Administratrix. July 14, 1803.
LIST OF PRIZES
In the 3d. Class of South Hadley Canal Lottery, is received by C. PEIRCE, —Adventurers are requested to call and remove their prize money. July 26.

Miscellaneous Repository.
From the Merrimack Gazette. Reflecting on the President's Administration—the vast number of Toasts of late so expressive in his praise—his conduct while such scandalous abuse has been offered him—his tranquilliz'd mind on the occasion, and what is Humanity's Power, occasioned the following insertion.
HUMANITY'S POWER.
H OW delightful the season of May, When zephyrs come smiling along! The meadows how cheeful and gay— How sweet is the Nightingale's song. The groves fragrant odours exale When retrench'd by the still dropping dew, And sweet is the eglantine gale, But sweeter Humanity's Power. When summer, refulgent array'd, Darts fiercely his vertical beam, How welcome the tremulous shade! How refreshing the crystalline stream! The bees' soft transports below, As they glide o'er the jasmine bower, But more graceful the pleasures which flow From gentle Humanity's Power.
What can charm like fair autumn's mild ray When the fields their rich treasures resign? Or what greater beauty display Than the smooth polish'd fruit of the vine? Is there aught like the morning can please? Or the smile of the sun-setting hour? Yes, far more engaging than these Are the beams of Humanity's Power.
More mild than the calm vernal scene, More grateful than Summer retreats, More engaging than Autumn serene, When Nature her promise completes: More gentle than zephyr's soft wind, And more sweet than the jasmine flow'r! Are the joys of the tranquilliz'd mind Which glows with Humanity's Power.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
WE find, in the character of this extraordinary man, a strange amalgam of virtues and vices; of deeds of magnanimity, and actions of self abasement. Although ALEXANDER, in the beginning of his reign, appears to have been actuated, in some instances, by a principle of integrity and virtue, among which his affectionate and honorable treatment of DARIUS's mother and family are conspicuous examples; yet, prosperity and an unparalleled series of successes enervated his mind, and made him the slave of almost every vice, of almost every enormity. No man, belonging to his court, was secure of his life, unless he condescended to use the meanest, the most servile and unmanly flattery. And thus did this inhuman and cruel murderer, imbrue his hands over a cup of wine, in the blood of one of his best friends and generals, and one who had previously saved his own life. But Alexander appears to have suffered sufficiently for this cruel murder, by his contrition afterwards; but we may conclude he was not reformed, for the tortures which he inflicted on the many Callisthenes, barely for his refusing to pay him divine honors during his life, a thing, I believe, unrequested by any mortal, except this ambitious and fiery tempered tyrant. But Alexander, altho' he was invincible in his battles with the numerous armies of Darius, fell an easy victim to the blow but sure death which luxury, which banquets and feasts brought upon him; and this mighty warrior, who subdued innumerable nations, destroyed some of the most cities in Asia; and who never was overcome in a single battle; found an enemy too powerful for him in a cup of wine. Rural Lotterer.
Henry Ladd
HAS FOR SALE, 100 pieces fine India Cottons; 80 pieces Bandannoes; 40 pieces Lungee Romauls; and a few boxes Havanna Sugars, the above will be sold at reduced prices, also for sale 200 bbls. Richmond Fine and Superfine FLOUR. Portsmouth, July 19, 1803.
Z. Robinson & Co.
At the head of the PIER, Have now ready for Sale, a very large and complete assortment of Grocery, Glass & China Ware, In crates, assorted principally for Country Traders.
CRATES of Blue & White
fancy WARE, assorted, do. Blue & Green edged assorted. do. Enamel'd, under glass'd, do. do. Printed and Penciled, do. 40 Crates Cream coloured, do. Hhds. Enamel'd & Fluted Ware do. Boxes Glass Ware, assorted. do. Tumblers. do. Decanters. do. Wine Glasses. do. Mugs. Dutch Liquor Cases. China in boxes, assorted. do. Tea Sets, in single boxes. *** All the above Goods will be sold for cash or approved credit, as low as can be purchased in Boston, and any as- sortment of the above Goods, if desired, will be repacked to suit the purchasers. —ALSO— Few hds. Molasses. 12 hds. Rum. Portsmouth, July 17, 1803.
RAGS.
CASH and the highest price given for Cotton, Cotton and Linen and Canvas Rags, by N. S. & W. Peirce, at their Bookstore in Congress street. May 24, 1803.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. SCHEME
OF the First Class of a Lottery for raising two thousand Dollars, for the use of the Atkinson Academy, ex- clusive of incidental expenses, granted by a Law of said State, passed June 11th, 1803. Said Class shall consist of 6000 Tickets, at 2 dollars each—12000 dollars. To be drawn in Prizes subject to a deduction of 12 1/2 pr. cent. —To wit— 1 of 10000 dolls. = 10000 dolls. 1 of 5000 " = 5000 2 of 1000 " = 2000 6 of 500 " = 3000 16 of 300 " = 4800 36 of 200 " = 7200 70 of 100 " = 7000 350 of 60 " = 21000 1575 of 4 " = 6300 2007 Prizes. 12000 3993 Blanks. N. B. The last drawn Blank to be en- titled to the 500 dollar Prize. The Managers flatter themselves that the sale of the Tickets will be such that the drawing may commence on the second Tuesday in October next.
JOHN CALFE, } Managers. EZEKIEL GILE, } L. BARTLETT, }
July, 1803. m*3. TICKETS in the above Lottery, will be for sale in course of a fortnight, by N. S. and W. PEIRCE, Congress- street. July 19.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
To GEORGE GAINS, Esquire, one of the Justices of the Peace in said State. THE subscribers, proprietors and owners of more than one sixteenth part of the township of SHELBURNE, in the county of Grafton, in said State, request you to notify and warn the proprietors and owners of said township, to meet at the dwelling-house of SETH WALKER, keeper of the Bell Tavern, in Portsmouth, in the county of Rockingham, in said State, on Monday the twenty-second day of August next, at three o'clock in the afternoon, for the following purposes:—
1st. To choose a Moderator to govern said meeting. 2d. To choose a Clerk, Treasurer, Assessors, and Collector. 3d. To raise a tax for the purpose of paying debts or demands, that now or hereafter may exist against said proprietary. 4th. To pass a vote or votes directing what papers relating to said township, and the former proceedings of the proprietors thereof, shall be received and recorded by the Clerk; and also to receive and ratify his report of the lots of the records and papers belonging to said proprietary, that were destroyed by the late fire in Portsmouth. 5th. To ratify, confirm and establish all or any grants, conveyances, divisions of said township, lotting thereof, drawing and severing of said lots, and all or any vote or votes by said proprietary heretofore made and passed; and that said votes, when so ratified and confirmed by said meeting, shall have the same validity and effect in and with the proprietary, and those claiming under them, as the record of the original votes. 6th. To sever and divide the lots in said township, and the addition to said township belonging to and among the proprietors thereof, in such way and manner as said meeting shall establish. 7th. To receive, examine, allow and pay all such accounts and demands as exist against said proprietary. 8th. To settle and establish a method for calling future meetings of the proprietors and owners of said township.
Portsmouth, July 16, 1803. DANIEL R. ROGERS, ELIPHALET PORTER, JOHN RINDGE, ISAAC RINDGE, JOHN PEIRCE, HUNTINGTON PORTER. PURSUANT to the foregoing request, I do hereby notify and warn the proprietors and others, owning land in said Shelburne, to meet at the time and place aforesaid, for the purposes set forth in the above request to me directed. Given under my hand, this 16th day of July, 1803. GEORGE GAINS, Justice Peace.
RE-REMOVE.
NEW BOOK STORE, ON AN OLD SPOT. CHARLES PEIRCE has removed from Buck to Daniel-street, on the very spot he formerly kept—where he is opening a complete assortment of BOOKS and Stationary, of almost every kind, description and quality, which he is determined to sell on such terms as will not fail to give satisfaction to every reasonable person, be they man, woman, or child. July 19. 1803.
JOHN MARBLE,
INFORMS the public that he continues to carry on the Stone Cutting Business, at his shop lower end of Daniel-street, where he has for sale, Connecticut Free Stone; Jamb & Hearths; white marble grave and tomb Stones, Quincy Slate do. Also, for sale, A good assortment of Men's Womens' & Childrens' Leather Shoes. 20 bbls. of good CYDER; Spermacciti OIL, &c. Portsmouth, July 5, 1803.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, County of Grafton, ss.
To EBENEZER SMITH, Esq. one of the Justices in and for the county of Strafford, in said State of New-Hampshire; WE the subscribers, owners of more than one sixteenth part of the town of COLEBROOKE, in the county of Grafton and State aforesaid—request your Honor to notify and warn a Meeting of the proprietors and owners thereof, to be held at the house of Joseph Loomis, Esq. in said town, on the twenty-fifth day of August next, at 10 o'clock A. M. to consider of and act upon the following articles—viz.—
1st. To choose a Moderator, to govern said meeting. 2d. To choose a Clerk, and other necessary proprietary Officers. 3d. To examine the present survey of the town, made by Capt. Jeremiah Eames, and see if they will accept and confirm the same. 4th. To choose a Committee to view the Roads already made, and lay out such others as may appear necessary for the settlement of the town, cause the same to be opened, and made passable, and have them legally established. 5th. To look into and examine the former proceedings of the proprietors and owners, and take such measures relative thereto, as shall appear most eligible, and to reconsider their votes, and to confirm or disallow any or all, as may appear necessary and reasonable. 6th. To examine into the state of the settlements in said town, and the claims of all settlers, and confirm them in their respective pitches, so far and upon such terms as shall appear reasonable and just. 7th. To see if the proprietors will ratify and confirm their former votes or grants of Land which they made for the encouragement of the settlement of the town—or as a compensation for expenditures and exertions made for promoting the settlement, opening Roads, building Mills, Bridges, &c. and what new grants they will make for said purposes. 8th. To make a division of the Lots to the Original Grantees rights or shares, and to the owners thereof in said town—and confirm such division as has already been made, so far as shall appear just and reasonable. 9th. To lay a Tax or Taxes, to raise money if found necessary, to defray expenses that have accrued or may accrue in the proprietary business. 10th. To choose a Committee to examine, adjust and settle all the proprietary accounts. 11th. To choose an Agent or Agents, and to empower them to prosecute all trespassers upon the land of the proprietors or owners, and to defend against any suit or suits that may be brought against them—And to do and transact all matters and things that may be necessary for carrying the business specified in the foregoing articles into effect.
Colebrook, April 12, 1803. AMASA KEYES, JOHN SMITH, PETER R. FIELD, WILLIAM THOMPSON, GILES LOOMIS.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,
Strafford, ss. To the Proprietors of the town of Colebrook, in the county of Grafton & State aforesaid; PURSUANT to the foregoing petition, Notice is hereby given, that a Public Meeting of said Proprietors will be held at the dwelling-house of Joseph Loomis, Esq. in said town of Colebrook, on the twenty-fifth day of August next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, for the purposes set forth in the petition aforesaid. Given under my hand at Durham, in said county of Strafford, July 5th, A. D. 1803. EBENEZER SMITH, Justice Peace.
NOTICE
is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of Land in the township of DRYDEN, situate in the county of Grafton and State of New-Hampshire—That a tax of TEN DOLLARS, on each Original Proprietors Right or share, (public Rights excepted) was voted by said proprietors at their meeting held the 11th day of April last, to defray proprietary expenses, which tax is assessed accordingly, and the assessment with their warrant is committed to me for collection.—THEREFORE said proprietors and owners are notified to pay said tax of Ten Dollars on each Original Right or share they own, to me at my dwelling-house in Colebrook, in said county of Grafton, on or before the 25th day of August next, or the same will be levied by sale of so much of the interest or property of the proprietors or owners of Land in said township of Dryden, who shall be delinquent in payment, and the delinquents land will be advertised for sale, and sold accordingly, unless prevented by previous payment. JABEZ PARSONS, Collector for said Proprietors. Colebrook, June 25, 1803.
SINGING SCHOOL.
MR. SANGER, informs the Ladies and Gentlemen, that he has opened a SCHOOL, for the instruction of Church Music, at the School Room now occupied by Mr. Jackson, in High-street, nearly opposite Messrs. N. A. & J. Haven's store. Evenings of tuition, Monday, Wednesday and Friday.—For terms, apply at those nights. July 19, 1803.
Just Received, and for Sale by
N. S. & W. Peirce, Congress-street, A LARGE QUANTITY OF Writing & Demy Printing PAPER, very cheap for cash. A large assortment of POCKET-BOOKS, Books & Stationary, as usual. July 5, 1803.
FOR SALE, 10 puncheons RUM. 40 casks RAISINS. 14 chests Hyson skin, and Souchong TEA. 8 bags Georgia COTTON. Brandy & Gin pr. pipe or bbl. Quarter chests BOHEA TEA. Bbls. W. I. SUGAR. ;—also 1 ton Pearl Ashes, apply to GARLAND & BLAKE.
W. GARLAND informs his customers that the above Co. will keep in a Store separate from their Dry Goods, many articles in his late line, and will thank them for a continuance of their favors. Portsmouth, July 12, 1803.
NATHAN B. FOLSOM,
HAS FOR SALE, At Store No. 3, High-street,
10 Pipes of Brandy & Gin, different kinds; 10 qr. casks Malaga Wine; Bohea, Hyson, Hyson-skin, Young Hyson, Gunpowder and Souchong TEAS, per chest or less quantity; Spices of all kinds; Gun-powder, per cask or less quantity;—500 pieces Nankins; 50 pieces yellow Bandanno Handkerchiefs; 200 pieces India Cottons; Cotton Yarn; Bed-Tick, &c.—Painters Colours; Clothier's Dyestuff;—a few bags Pepper, and many other articles. *** Commission Business transacted; Cash advanced on consignments. Portsmouth, July 12, 1803.
State of New-Hampshire.
*** L. S. *** PURSUANT to an application made to me, by the Proprietors and Owners of more than one sixteenth part of the township of PAULSBOROUGH, in said State—The proprietors and owners of said township are hereby notified and warned to meet at the dwelling-house of Major Daniel Gilley, in Epsom, in said State, on Thursday the first day of September next, at two o'clock in the afternoon.
1st. To choose a Moderator to govern said Meeting. 2d. To choose Assessors, and a Collector. 3d. To raise a tax for the purpose of cutting and making Roads, building Mills, procuring settlers to settle on said township, paying public taxes, and other demands that now or hereafter may exist against said proprietary. 4th. To establish a method for drawing and severing the Lots in said township, and to draw, fever, and assign said lots to and amongst the several proprietors and owners of said township. 5th. To determine what encouragement, by grants of land and money shall be given to settlers in said township. 6th. To appoint an Agent or Agents to make settlements, erect Mills, and make Roads in said township, and for other purposes.
GIVEN under my hand and seal at Epping, this 5th day of July, A. D. 1803. WILLIAM PLUMER, Proprietors Clerk for the township of Paulsborough.
State of New-Hampshire.
*** L. S. *** PURSUANT to an application made to me, by the Proprietors and Owners of more than one sixteenth part of the township of MAYNESBOROUGH, in said State—The proprietors and owners of said township are hereby notified and warned to meet at the dwelling-house of Major Daniel Gilley, in Epsom, in said State, on Thursday, the first day of September next, at two o'clock in the afternoon.
1st. To choose a Moderator, to govern said Meeting. 2d. To choose Assessors, and a Collector. 3d. To raise a tax for the purpose of cutting and making Roads, building Mills, procuring settlers to settle in said township, paying public taxes, and other demands that now or hereafter may exist against said proprietary. 4th. To establish a method for drawing and severing the Lots in said township, and to draw, fever, and assign said lots to and amongst the several proprietors and owners of said township. 5th. To determine what encouragement, by grants of land and money shall be given to settlers in said township. 6th. To appoint an Agent or Agents, to make settlements, erect Mills, make roads in said township, and for other purposes.
GIVEN under my hand and seal at Epping, this 5th day of July, A. D. 1803. WILLIAM PLUMER, Proprietors Clerk for the township of Maynesborough.
STRAYED AWAY,
ABOUT a fortnight since, a Flock of DUCKS, containing about twenty. Whoever has found the same and will give information to the Printers, shall be rewarded. July 12.
NEW GOODS.
EDWARD PARRY, Has imported in the ships Nan-cies & Friendship, from LONDON, a general assortment of Fashionable
GOODS,
which are now opened and for Sale at his Store in Congress-street, at a low advance, by Wholesale and Retail. Portsmouth, June 7, 1803.
FOR SALE BY
Joseph Clark, jr. At his Shop in Buck-street directly opposite Dr. John Jackson's.
HANDSOME Gold Finger
Rings. A complete assortment of Gold ear Hoops and Knobs. A very handsome assortment of Gold Breast Pins. Gold, coral, gilt, glass, and common Necklaces; handsome gilt Breast Pins; childrens' Silver Whistles with coral and bells; Silver Table and Tea Spoons; Plated do.; handsome stone, silver, steel, plated and black Knee Buckles; silver, plated and common Hat Buckles; silver and plated Sugar Tongs; silver, plated and common Shoe Clasps; silver Pencil and Pen Cases; silver Tooth and Ear Picks with silver cases; silver, plated and common Thimbles; silver, corkshell, pearl, and common Sleeve Buttons; silver, steel, and ivory Tags; gold and silver Spangles; gold and silver Brooches; a handsome assortment of Lockets; Miniature Chains; silver, plated, pearl, and bone Salt-Spoons; silver Segar-Tubes; silver Watch and Scissor Chains; plated Cadet Shells; Ivory Needle Cases; Tweezers; white and black Bugles; Ring Cases; Segar Cases; Pocket-Books; Scissors and cases; Enamel'd Snuff-Boxes; Book Tobacco-Boxes; Key-Rings; Cruciples, &c. &c. N. B. Wanted an Apprentice to the Goldsmith's Business, about 13 years of age, apply as above.
Turnpike Road.
At a meeting of the Directors of the New-Hampshire Turnpike Road, the 5th day of July, 1803.
VOTED, That in pursuance of an unanimous vote of the Proprietors of said Road, at their meeting held at the Court-House this day, there be assessed the sum of Ten Dollars on each Proprietor's share, and that the Treasurer collect the same within twenty days from the date. The Proprietors are therefore requested to pay the said sum of Ten Dollars on each share to the Treasurer, on or before Monday the 25th day of July instant. SAMUEL ELLIOT, Treasurer. Portsmouth, July 9, 1803.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
In the year of our LORD, one thousand eight hundred and three. AN ACT authorising Stetson Hutchings to collect certain taxes. WHEREAS Stetson Hutchings has petitioned the General Court, setting forth, that he was Collector of taxes for the town of Chatham, the year one thousand eight hundred and two, that at the time the list was put into his hands, he was sick and unable to pay any attention to it; and before he could get it prepared and forwarded to the printer's office, it was too late—but as most part of the non resident taxes in said list are now due and unpaid, and he conceiving himself without law to collect the same, and praying for relief in the premises:—THEREFORE Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court convened, That said Stetson Hutchings shall lodge in the office of the Deputy Secretary of said State, his aforesaid list of taxes, on or before the fifteenth day of June current, which list shall remain in said office until the first day of September next, and in case said taxes, or any part thereof, remain unpaid on the said first day of September, said Collector may proceed to collect the delinquent sum in the same way and manner as though the said list had been lodged in said office agreeably to law. Provided nevertheless, That said Hutchings shall give public notice of said list being lodged as aforesaid, and of the authority given him in this act, by publishing the substance of the same in the New-Hampshire Gazette, three weeks successively, the first publication to commence on or before the first day of July next.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
In the House of Representatives, June 10, 1803. The foregoing bill having had three several readings, passed to be enacted. JOHN PRENTICE, Speaker. Sent up for concurrence. In Senate, the same day, this bill having been read a third time, was enacted. AMOS SHEPARD, President. APPROVED, June 11, 1803. J. T. GILMAN, Governor. A true Copy—Attest, JOSEPH PEARSON, Sec'y.