The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-08-23 00:00:00

NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE
[No. 38.—Vol. LIII.]
TUESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1808.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Laws of the U. States.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
AN ACT
To continue in force, for a further time, an act entitled "An act for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the United States, and in the waters under their jurisdiction."
BE IT ENACTED, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the act entitled an act for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the United States, and in the waters under their jurisdiction, passed on the third day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and five, be, and the same hereby is continued in force for the term of two years, and from thence to the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH,
President of the Senate pro tempore.
March 19, 1808. APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To authorise the President of the United States, under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the U. States, and the several acts supplementary thereto.
BE IT ENACTED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the U. States sufficiently safe, in the judgment of the President of the United States, he is hereby authorized, during the recess of Congress, to suspend in whole or in part the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, under such exceptions and restrictions, and on such bond and security being given as the public interest and circumstances of the case may appear to require: Provided, such suspension shall not extend beyond twenty days after the next meeting of Congress.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore.
April 22, 1808. APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
POLITICAL.
From the Baltimore American.
NO. 1.
To the Citizens of the United States.
It would be, indeed, a difficult task to trace the various shapes some men assume, to delude their fellow citizens, and lead them, step by step, into the abyss they have prepared for their destruction. We are not, therefore, to be the least astonished, if we see men who, not having understanding enough to measure and judge for themselves, become a prey to the knavish purposes of the wicked. In the United States, where the administration of the laws is as mild, even towards the malefactors, as a father's tenderness, gladly softening the chastisement of an un dutiful son—where the laws ensure the rights of all the members of the community, and secure the happiness of all—where virtue finds its rewards; religion its protection; talents and study their encouragement; industry the full return of its labor; agriculture the fruitful proceeds of the riches of the land, and commerce its increase and prosperity—where every citizen, rich or poor, partakes with equal right, of all the privileges of society, and can attain to the first dignities of the State—where the blessings of Heaven are marked with that peace and felicity which the people exclusively enjoy, over all the nations of the earth—where a virtuous administration, the pride and honor of the country, religiously attentive to the improvement of human knowledge and happiness, watches with paternal eyes, over the welfare and liberties of the people—in this blessed country, and with all the advantages that can possibly appertain to the lot of man, there are still men who, so far lost to all the principles of morality and virtue, seek for the destruction of the general compact which unites the States, and stand in open opposition to the wise measures adopted by our government, for the dignity and honor of the nation. Their depravity
has grown to such an alarming height, that it threatens to fire all the artillery of hell, to pull down that smaller piece of the human frame, the Republican Constitution , to secure to themselves the exclusive power of dictating laws.
In such emergencies and apparent dangers, it becomes the duty of every good citizen to stand forth with energy, against the encroachment of their rights, and defeat the daring intrigues of those wilful, but cunning enemies, whose insatiable ambition has no end, and whose designs are to bring the nation under the iron yoke of a despot.
To rescue our country from the critical situation in which it is now placed, there is but one alternative; that of preserving the government of our own framing, and confining the federal administration into the hands of men, who, by their long services and tried virtues, in private, as well as public life, have ever stood the unchangeable friends of the country, and the lovers of the people—not to transfer their rights and sovereignty to the few choice spirits, who wantonly declare their enmity to a republican government, to which they give the epithet of mob democracy government , because the sovereign power is lodged in the body of the people.
If we take a concise view of the policy of the opposition, during the present administration, we will find them in constant contradictions with themselves; and those measures, which, when adopted, were represented by them as the first steps taken towards anarchy and confusion, have at other periods been made the principle and foundation for misrepresenting the good effects of other measures or laws, which were to improve our legislation, and promote our national welfare, even when, more than any other part of the community, they experienced the good resulting from their adoption. In all cases and opportunities, they have shown an inveterate rancour and malignity against the protection of a virtuous and popular government; and declared, that the people cannot be trusted with the exercise of a single right which they do not understand, and of which they might abuse ; though seven years of past experience, must not only have convinced them of their full capacity, but taught them, that wisdom and liberality of principles, which respect the errors of the feeble; forgive the ignorant; pity the wicked; and spread over the whole community, without distinction of parties or prejudices, the propitious blessings of the laws. The clamors and outcries of the opposition, cannot, therefore, be ascribed as proceeding from a sense of justice or good intentions; but must be considered by every unprejudiced and reasoning mind, as being the effects of perfidious designs and criminal purposes, dictated by self pride and ambition, for the subversion of our liberties, on the ruins of which they would establish their tyranny.
When we come to consider the spring from which flows that torrent of evils, we are not to be astonished to find so many of these extraordinary and infamous characters. Let it be remembered, that during our revolutionary war, near a third of the inhabitants of the thirteen states, declared themselves the royal subjects of the king, their master , and took up arms against their countrymen; let it be remembered that though they had entered the ranks of the oppressors of the people, they were nevertheless received when peace took place, as the welcome children of these States, and granted to participate equal rights in the blessings of that liberty and independence, against which they had fought. Let it be remembered, that most of those ungrateful men, still live among us, and hold the first ranks in the party of the opposition.
To various causes, may perhaps, be ascribed the cunning of that party; which, the better to deceive, mislead and seduce, has adroitly taken the false denomination of Federal friends of the constitution . I shall in my next number, proceed in their examination, and try to point them out.
A REPUBLICAN.
The federalists, on the 4th of March next, may take up their lamentation and Jay, 'The harvest is past, the summer is ended, the autumn has yielded us no fruit, and after a cold winter we find ourselves, where we were 8 years ago! [Amer. Mer.]
From the National Intelligencer. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.—LETTER III.
The principle of retaliation, as a ground of belligerent pretension and deportment, is one, which it is our duty firmly to examine and deliberately to consider. Its great delicacy and vast importance, may forbid a private wellintentioned individual to pronounce on the nature and extent of the rights, which an injured, endangered or provoked belligerent may practically enjoy or considerably claim, on this serious and inconvenient principle: but the same objections do not occur against argument or demonstration, calculated to qualify all pretension to retaliate on the part of any government, from which we suffer. Hence it has been that fair and weighty considerations, applying negatively to the British claims on the ground of retaliation have been explicitly introduced into these papers.
After an honest and candid recollection of the rise and progress of neutral spoliations, we are unable to call to mind a single proclamation, order of council, or other act of the British government from 1791 to 1806, in which they for a moment set up, in substance or in words, the slightest pretension to retaliate on France or the neutral states any alleged original abuses or perversions of neutral trade, navigation or seamen, until the attempt of the court of London to procure an admission of that nature in their own addition to a treaty, otherwise mutual, in December 1806. This fact is the more strong, because general Hamilton, in his publications of " Americus ," while he was exercising the functions of a President over a federal administration in 1798, and colonel Pickering, then secretary of state, in a public official report, advanced the unfounded ideas, that England had yellowed France in all her violations of neutral commerce, whereby those eminent citizens put into the mouth of Britain all the pretensions of a power entitled to retaliate, which she had never theretofore claimed . And here, Britain, we will ingeniously confess, in your favor, that these and other children of America, adopted and native, while honored by our high trusts and fed by our treasures, have done much indeed, (and often have done so much) to mislead you into unwarrantable, irregular, and pernicious acts, and to confirm you in a course towards neutral trade and persons, which has threatened ruin to us and now suspends fearful dangers over your beautiful and noble country. But we return to our point: England, sharp and ingenious, and thus goaded by Americans as she has been, never once mentioned the doctrine of retaliation, till the last of December 1806, in the proposed rider to the treaty of Monroe and Pinkney, Auckland & Holland.
Let us now examine the opposite side. What has been the conduct of France? She always, even in 1792, took the ground of a power aggrieved on, offended much, and much endangered by those aggressions. She avowed, before the war with England, her right and duty to retaliate on the Hanse towns the perversions of their resources, which neutral Britain committed in January, 1793. She took measures of regular indemnity from England on the 1st of February, 1793 by an open declaration of war. In May, 1793, France issued her first general order touching neutral trade, and though it was to save her bread , and she avowed the right, duty and necessity of retaliation, or of using the resources of neutrals to save her country, to prevent England from using those neutral resources to ruin her country, yet France did not add the penalty of confiscation of neutral property, as England does; but, agreed to pay for the neutral property taken in retaliation of English abuses. In the same spirit, grounded upon the same defensive grounds, avowing the same principles, it will be found that the legislative proceedings, executive acts, official communications and founded publications of France from 1792, inclusively, to the memorable decrees of Berlin, Milan, and Bayonne, all avow the right, duty and necessity of retaliation. The government of France, incommoded, injured, justly provoked and deeply endangered by illegitimate British perversions of the vast supplies, purchases, ships and men of neutrals to her own gain or power, and to the destruction of the French—France we say, under these circum-
stances, contends for the right, duty and necessity to retaliate; and unhappily for the neutrals, she at length adds that ruinous confiscation, in these neutral cases, which Britain had long before adopted and enforced in her first aggressions. Thus does a fair and calm review of the history of neutral spoliations prove to us, that England from 1792 till the last week of 1806, never even pretended, that France had to abused and perverted neutral trade, as to give her a color of pretension "to retaliate;" while France, from 1792, to that day, always maintained the charge of aggression against England in all her acts, and in the most steady, explicit, and open manner. The principle of retaliation has never carried France to the lengths of England. She is not like England in the invariable and odious practice of taking either American or French, or other foreign seamen by impressment, or rather capture, out of our vessels. She has never extended her claims on persons falling in our vessels, to passengers. Her Milan decree, with the exception of the wrecked vessel, is not executed by final and effectual confiscation, as are all the orders of council of G. Britain. Various other differences in the conduct of England and France exist. It is true, we believe, that as Britain assured our ministers in December, 1806, that she would act towards us as we should permit France, so France in 1808 has said she will follow that example of England, and confiscate under the Milan decree, if we do not resist similar English anterior aggressions, affording, by a new and solemn fact, another serious evidence, that original aggression of pernicious example is the real characteristic of the English conduct, and an imitative retaliation the characteristic of the conduct of France. England, by claiming, and insisting on a right of retaliation against reason, justice, and public law, gives the most unfortunate sanction to the conduct of France so far as she has that law on her side.
There is a fact in our own conduct, which is conclusive upon the subject of first aggression and retaliation. In 1794, President Washington, to avoid our retaliating on England by a seizure of property to pay for her illegitimate seizures, sent a special mission to England to obtain redress, and even General Hamilton did not then suggest, nor did General Washington propose to send such a minister for such a purpose to France. It would have appeared very extraordinary indeed thus formally to demand redress of England, if she were correctly retaliating the anterior aggressions of the French, and to be totally inattentive to prevention and redress in the case of the French. In Mr. Jay's negotiations and treaty, no trace is to be found of a single idea relative to retaliations by the English for any suggested French original aggressions. Mr. Pickering was then and afterwards as enthusiastic a friend of France as any person in America. He did not then pretend she had given cause for retaliations in 1793. It is also true and is well known to Mr. Monroe, Mr. Jay and others of both parties, at this time alive, that General Hamilton was extremely anxious to go to England, in order to be the instrument of our demand of a discontinuance of original British aggressions, reparation for the past and security for the future. His baggage was notoriously begun to be packed, but his appointment was prevented, and the duty was assigned to Mr. Jay. So extreme was the anti American spirit at that moment in the British public circle, here, so bent were they on neutral spoliation, that it was asserted among them in the most emphatic manner, that " Mr. Jay, (our special minister to England for redress) would not be allowed to set his foot on shore ." It is a curious fact, that after such sentiments and conduct in 1794, Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Pickering should hazard the idea, in 1798, that France was the first aggressor on neutral commerce , and England, consequently, a mere justifiable retaliator. It is submitted to our countrymen to consider the facts and observations in these papers in their due and very serious relation to the recent letter of Mr. Senator Pickering to the governor of Massachusetts. It will appear to that great commercial state and to our whole country that the strong and decided encouragement openly given to the misconduct of Great Britain by Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Pickering and other
persons in the same pernicious habits, are among the real and most efficient causes of her refusing to us redress and indemnity for the past and security against future violations of our neutral commercial rights. May the present jeopardy of G. Britain be chargeable in a very considerable degree, to these and similar characters, who have taught her by their pamphlets, reports, speeches and conversations to believe, that as the neutrals would bear any ill treatment, she might go on, still she has at length excited the most indignation of the neutrals and the most awful spirit of revenge and retaliation in the rest of the civilized world. It is best, even now for England to be persuaded of these truths. What Hamilton could not effect, Pickering cannot accomplish. Nor Jefferson or Madison, Clinton or Monroe would be persuaded that England has ever had one particle of ground to retaliate, though Hamilton rose from the dead. The only part for England now to act towards the United States is to be regular and just. We require no favor, nor even liberality, though such temper and conduct would certainly go further to promote her American interests than any other. No Senate, no House of Representatives can possibly exist, which will concede to England, against their own knowledge and memories, a right to retaliate on us for the retaliations of the European continental powers. Even in 1798, when the impressions of President Adams against France, the labored publications and incessant exertions of Mr. Hamilton and the official advantages and statements of Mr. Pickering, favored England; the legislature of the United States would not sanction the idea, that France was the originator of neutral spoliations, and England, as the first pretended in her treaty rider of 1806, the mere and justifiable retaliator.
The conduct of Great Britain in 1794, in advancing ideas of countervailing duties was an abuse of the idea of commercial retaliation. She excluded us from her colonies, shut out all our manufactures, prohibited many articles of our produce, highly dutied others, and refused all foreign goods in our vessels; and because we gave a small encouragement to our own vessels, by a duty on cargoes in foreign vessels, of one per cent. more than in our own, and small tonnage duty, the determined to retaliate or "countervail" those two duties, and to maintain all her other burdens on our vessels, produce and manufactures. There has been a craft in that country towards us like that of Ulysses . It is a kind of wisdom, which has never worn well, since the days of that Greek. Hence it has been, that no writer has ever assumed the signature of the cunning Ulysses . No nation has ever followed the commercial devices of the British government, whose sordid merchants clamor, in their rival meetings, that we, their best and then indeed their only customers, "grow too rich," though their own commerce had trebled in the time and though they enjoyed all the trade of the world which we did not possess. Americans! think not I am harsh. It was in this unhappy spirit that the king and council of Great Britain, introduced for the first time in their Parliamentary history the 35th section of their act of the 17th June, 1793, whereby all impediments from ministerial responsibility, and from the rights of their legislature, to a complete prohibition of neutral commerce with their enemies in innocent articles were unobstructedly removed. With that law in their hands, a British ministry could safely riot—could inflexibly wanton in the robbed spoils of neutral trade . Were this base act of June, 1793, and its base repetition in 1803, retaliations of the Berlin, the Milan or the Bayonne decrees of 1806, 1807 and 1808? Ye little pirates of the states of Barbary! hide your diminished heads. Ye children in the game of plunder, go to London to learn instructions of the christian decalogue. Britain will teach you that for every hundred of our free bodies, which ye infidels have taken, in thirty years of American trade, she, a christian power, has taken tenfold the number in a quarter of the time. Britain will teach you, that all your much noised plunder of the Christian world, in centuries past, is less by far, than what her "cousin" have torn from us alone in fifteen years. Britain will teach you that the pious heads of an established christian church can openly vote for these pious laws, and humbly solicit, for their brothers and their sons, formal commissions, civil, military, and judicial, to perpetrate their execution!
Americans! look at this statement; and tell me plainly, if it be not true. Tell me then on what strange grounds, ye ever hoped that France, a witness of our former non-resistance , would cease to plunder too. By your peace measures of strong coercion—your interdiction of the manufacture of Britain, the exclusion of her dangerous navy from your waters, and the withholding of all our supplies to their people and their arts, ye have proved to the European world, that wholesome measures of reals at length engage our councils.
JURISCOLA.

CIRCULAR.
State of New Hampshire, July 4, 1808.
IMPRESSED with a sense of dangers to which our Country is exposed, the Republicans of the Legislature when at Concord, assembled to deliberate on the momentous subject.
They were conscious that their constituents looked to them for information in an hour of peril, and had a right to expect such advice as might combine their powers, and direct their exertions in defence of the public weal.
Under these impressions the members of the convention were induced to recommend a list of candidates for Representatives to Congress, ascertained by a general ballot, and composed of men whose political opinions are in unison with their own. The Republicans advocate peace and commerce; but will never prostrate the national character, nor barter the independence of the country for a limited and embarrassed trade proffered not as our right, but as a favor, by governments to whom we owe no allegiance, and with whom we rank in the scale of nations, an equally independent power.
The convention in reviewing the measures of the General Government was satisfied that its conduct towards the belligerents of Europe has been strictly impartial. Professing, in sincerity, a desire for peace with all nations, it held forth the Olive-branch, and by negotiation sought redress from injuries. To Spain, to England, and to France, its voice has been uniformly the same—"We wish to maintain with you relations of amity, but remember, our nation is independent, and will submit to no condition that would degrade her, nor acquiesce in any infringement on national rights."
This impartial and dignified conduct preserved us from war, and we should still have enjoyed the advantages of foreign trade, had not England and France excited by deadly hatred towards each other, determined in their fury, to overleap every barrier of national law, and to trample under foot the rights of independent States. Warned by the destruction of Copenhagen! By the fate which awaited Portugal! and more especially by the proclamations and orders of England, and the decrees of France! the government of the United States was convinced that the country must engage in warfare, or restrain for a time, its commercial intercourse with nations whose rule of right was the plenitude of their power, and which had become alike insensible to the obligations of morality, and the faith of political compacts. To have submitted to the requirements of Britain or France, would have been a virtual relinquishment of our independence, and an acknowledgment that we are vassals and slaves, and not FREEMEN.
War then or an Embargo became necessary. War was deprecated as an evil of the greatest magnitude.—Sound policy, humanity, and the dictates of our holy religion forbade a contest which, without dishonor, might be avoided. By an Embargo alone, could our commerce and seamen be saved from systematical piracy, and our honor remain untarnished.—Yet, notwithstanding the councils of our country approved this measure; notwithstanding the mass of our fellow-citizens sanctioned it; notwithstanding the intelligent and virtuous of other nations have declared it a measure of profound wisdom—there are among us men who oppose it, and declare it inexpedient, and magnify its evils in order to divide the people, to render odious the administration of the country, and to raise themselves to power.—Men who cannot deny their predilection for Great-Britain, notwithstanding her refusal to atone for insults and injuries she has heaped upon us, or to expiate the blood of our citizens she so wantonly shed!
What then remains to be done? Shall we sit, when Republicans be supine and inactive when the country is in danger? The enemy is upon us, and shall we be lulled to repose? Shall we, in short, make way for men whose watch word, is "Energetic Government;" whose policy is English policy; and whose object is an alliance with Great-Britain, and consequently, a war with the civilized world.—Or, shall we nobly stand forth in defence of country, of equal government, of peace and liberty!
You sir have been selected among your fellow-citizens as the friend of man. The cause of liberty is a glorious cause!—let us rally its defenders, and join heart and hand in support of men, who are determined to maintain the Government of the People. By transmitting you the enclosed list for Republican Representatives to Congress, I, with much pleasure, comply with the wishes of the Convention. And in the belief that your exertions will be productive of happy effects, I subscribe myself, Your friend and obedient servant, RICHARD EVANS, Chairman of the Conventional Committee.
CLEMENT STORER, DANIEL M. DURRELL, JEDEDIAH K. SMITH, FRANCIS GARDNER, CHARLES CUTTS, Representatives to Congress.
A CARD.—OCTAVIUS is informed that the writer of the above letter has no objection to support his positions by an argument, provided OCTAVIUS will place himself on equal ground by giving his real name to the public.
For the N. H. GAZETTE. To the legal Voters in New Hampshire
Almost every paper in opposition to your present National Administration, is now teeming with invectives, exciting sordid and selfish passions, and drowning or overwhelming reason and patriotism, to answer certain political purposes, viz. to bring down the economical and peace loving administration, and to restore the energetic tax and office making one; thereby to gain a permanent ascendancy over the People. A piece in the Oracle of August 13th, "Our Fears, No. 1," reiterates the cry of French influence over the administration.—In the preceding Oracle, August 6th, Lucius, comes forward praising the 12 years administration of Washington and Adams, and reprobating Jefferson's. You recollect that within the two first Presidencies, we had imposts, excises, stamp duties, loans and land taxes , and loans, one at 8 per cent. not payable for some time. We had expedients to silence complaints of public men or measures. We were tributary to the Piratical States of Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, &c. and it was declared that not more than 2,000,000 remained in the Treasury at Jefferson's accession to office—
but Lucius says, "during that time there never was a people who enjoyed more liberty, or a country which increased in wealth and population with more rapidity"!—the liberty surely was to pay taxes without murmuring, and the wealth borrowed. Lucius complains of Jefferson's administration, for your Representatives impeaching Judges Chase and Pickering, of high crimes and misdemeanors—he complains of the Grand Jurors in Virginia, for finding a bill against the Traitor Burr, who has since fled to the English his good friends, but enemies to Independent Americans.—Lucius reprobates and views with hatred the purchase of Louisiana for 15,000,000, which was considered by some of his friends as of incalculable value, and indispensably necessary to these States, when it was thought not procurable but by War and blood shed—the appropriation of the 2,000,000, by Congress for the purpose of a fair and honorable purchase of the Floridas if occasion offered, is viewed as a gift to Bonaparte, and the Embargo as a measure dictated by him; Lucius tries to attach credence and currency to the "rules of a day" respecting the Randalphian words of Madison, the British report of Bonaparte's declaring there shall be no neutrals, and of the Federal cry of the exportation of the two millions to France.—Lucius says, "France interdicts our trade with Britain, and Britain reciprocates by interdicting our trade with France." Is the fact thus? It is not! France prohibits English merchandise coming to France, or her dependencies, and declares such good prize, but does not pretend to prevent America from importing and using them in America—how does Britain reciprocate? why, you Americans shall not go to France or the Continent, without entering my ports, and paying an export duty, then you may go to France, and if she lets you enter and discharge, you may bring Brandy to us, or go where you please. Is this reciprocating? It is not retaliating, as called by many writers—I would ask, has not the Government of every nation a clear right to forbid the importation of any species of merchandise it may believe the good of its country requires to be stopped? Has any nation a clear right to oblige any other Independent nation's merchants to enter their ports, and pay duties when they wish to convey their merchandise to a third Independent nation, and not to the one they are compelled to enter? and lastly I ask is that nation truly Independent which suffers her merchants to be thus imposed and taxed? Americans, the British orders in council, forbid your merchants going to Europe unless you enter her ports, and pay a duty to her Treasury, imposed at the discretion of her rulers; then, and then only can your merchants go to France, Spain, Holland, &c. for a market for that dutied merchandise, and thus in fact are your citizens tributaries to the British nation: and the American States have some (I hope few) apologists for Britain, and so had they in the revolution, when really colonies, altho' now nominally Independent States. Lucius complains of the plentiful crops of the necessaries of life produced by our farms, and enjoyed by the People, he wishes them sent to the East and West Indies, to procure those articles he says gold and silver are sent to procure—what articles? Rum and Tea, Coffee and Sugar, I presume; to be consumed by our wives and children, instead of Bread, Meat, Fish, Butter and Cheese. Lucius complains of President Jefferson's authorizing the sale of some of our national vessels, and not keeping others at sea "to hunt Moonshine," or to fall a prey to the mistress of the Seas perhaps,—he dislikes the repeal of the internal taxes, viz. on carriages and stamps, and the removal of an host of worse than useless money suckers, sired revenue officers, and also the taking off the duty from Salt—Lucius says "an intolerance of political opinion drove into retirement all those men who opposed this consumptive system of politics, and the more politic has sunk into the most deplorable melody!" I presume the retirement mentioned by Lucius, is the revenue officers, and the supernumerary Judges, but what can be the body politic? Is it Congress? Is it the People—or is it the States? No, he must mean the National Debt, as near thirty-two million Dollars of it has been paid off from April 1801, to October 1807; this truly is a rapid decline! and if a public debt be a blessing, and can be called the body politic, then of a truth its decline is a melody: if taxation is a blessing, then has Jefferson withheld a great part thereof—America had a war with Tripoli, which was ended honorably, and to the credit of the States, under Jefferson's administration, and with little or no extra expence to our country.—A cry is gone out from within our borders that America is sick, weak, unstrung, confined, nearly distracted, and at the point of death; and Lucius rejoices the cry has reached the European world. For what purpose? that the nations might cater for themselves, in tearing her to pieces, that a new Government may arise like unto England. Lucius and "Our Fears, No. 1," prophecy and rave; their ideas are like hyphoboniacs or bedlamites, they sing of Napoleon, he is the Giant, the Gog, the Lucifer that is to torment the world; he is immortal, or at least will live three common ages of man; he is omnipotent and omnipresent to deal death and destruction; his great engine is to be the will of the People, (or a Democratic Government) who always "were (and will be) their own worst enemies" bringing poverty, disgrace and ruin on themselves, when permitted by their betters the rulers.—Lucius says "ruin hangs over your heads by a hair, and nothing is wanting but your next election to complete it," he calls on you not to elect on the 29th of August, but I presume wishes you to let those be chooses govern you!—But enough of such stuff.—You are assailed with every plausible method to change your administration, but not for the good of the community, but for the few would be rulers and merchants whose joy is each, and whose country will be where the most of it is to be made.—Take a full view of Jefferson, who toiled with you or with your fathers during the revolution, who has conducted you so well for the eight preceding years, felt him rearing to private life as his choice: he who all parties acknowledge to have political talents equal to any man of any age; can you, for one moment believe him to be capable through fear, of bringing ruin on his country, on himself, and on posterity, who fears not the British Lion, who meets the complaints of his political opponents unappalled, who rejects a treaty although signed by those on whom he placed great confidence when he saw the true interest of his country was not secured therein. Finally he who feared not to recommend the Embargo, and refused not to take the responsibility of its ultimate good effects on himself, that Embargo which he knew would be testily felt by all, and highly reprobated by a certain class of restless citizens.—Can his fears be such as his and your enemies endeavour to make you believe! No my friends, a party inimical to Republicanism is prowling for fat offices for themselves and their posterity—they seek to disunite, that they may overcome you; arouse from your supineness, be vigilant and attend to your own true interests, for now is the crisis, if you are wavering your enemies will be upon you and secure their points, they will degrade your Country, barter your Liberties, sell your Independence, and stigmatize all popular Governments.—It is very easy to complain and to find fault, but it is hard to point at remedies, for evils felt even so hard that no fault finder of the present administration dares to undertake it either in or out of Congress; for they, of good information to a man, believe the honor, independence and salvation of the Country depends on the very measures adopted by your administration, and reprobated by them, but many less informed undoubtedly, fear in withholding the aggression of England, we may fall into the jaws of France—a poor, pitiful excuse for crippling the hands of Government—as well may the sailor say, if I try to shun charibdis I may split on scylla, or the baymaker, if I open my bay to dry off the wet a shower may rule and spoil it! The Embargo is the hinge on which you quantum rulers intend to open wide the doors for their own re-entrance, and then a Sedition law may be passed to hinder complaints, and Armies raised to be quartered on you for 'your defence against yourselves,' (as the Militia is the laughing stock and the derision of the 'knowing ones.')—Be united, be firm, and be at your elective posts on the days of your Elections, and let the Election days evince to your Country, to Europe, and posterity, that the descendants of the Revolutionary Patriots are not that divided—selfish—short-sighted—gain-loving—'twins in multitude'—our enemies with to make or have the world believe of us. JOHN.
Messrs. Printers, For the N. H. GAZETTE.
A good many federal pamphlets about the Embargo have been sent into the Country—I thought when I saw in the Portsmouth Oracle and in other federal papers a warning against republican messengers and pamphlets, that the federalists did not mean to try to influence our voting, but I find that a great many federal runners have been about the country, some from Boston, some from Portland, and some from Portsmouth; telling the people that the federalists love the country better than the Republicans—and that the English had a right to take our seamen, and that our own Government is wrong, and that the great Portsmouth merchants who were sent to Exeter jail last war knew more about the embargo, than every body else,—and now these pamphlets are sent among us—600 were sent to Amherst and 5000 were sent to Grafton county. I have read one of them and it seems to me like a jack a lantern that shines, and looks like a light in a window, but if we follow it will lead us out of the right road into bogs and swamps where we may slump up to our necks in mire, but I hope the republicans understand the affairs of our country too well to be led astray by these false fires—I hope some friend of the people will answer this pamphlet: but for my own part I am satisfied with the government, I used to be plagued to get a pump to write a note when I wanted to sell a cow—and the tax gatherers used to come into my house to count the windows; and I lost a hundred acres of land which was sold without my knowledge to pay a land tax; and one day when I told my neighbor that these things were hard for an old soldier that lost his arm at Bunker-hill, he said I must hold my tongue for there was a sedition law,—it makes my old heart ache to think how I felt when he told me this—I had my little grandson on my knee, and when he saw my tears, he said, don't cry grand-father, I'll be a soldier, and go to Bunker-hill,—But after this Mr. Jefferson was made president, and all the bad laws were repealed and we have been living in peace ever since. The federalists said that Mr. Jefferson would burn our bibles and ruin the country, but I did not believe them, and I won't believe them now. AN OLD FARMER.
We are happy to inform the honest old Farmer that the federal pamphlet has been answered—the following is an extract from the answer.
In considering the subject of the Embargo laws, I shall offer a few remarks, to which I ask your candid attention. In framing these laws, Congress consulted both our safety, and honour. Our safety required that our vessels should be retained in port: our honour demanded that, as in our friendship we had conducted impartially towards the belligerents; so, in our anger we should act with dignity.—We therefore permitted all foreign vessels to depart from our ports, but determined to withhold supplies, equally, from all our Enemies: and in order to do this effectually, it became necessary, so to extend the operation of the Embargo laws, as to prevent an indirect trade to the Spanish and British colonies in our neighbourhood.—If, for example, Nova Scotia, and Canada should be permitted to receive supplies from the United States, a principal object of the Embargo would be lost, and the world could justly charge us with partiality in favor of Britain. England would then have rejoiced in the Embargo as a measure calculated to give her the object of her desires—an extensive carrying trade: for Halifax and Quebec would have become grand depots of American produce, whence to furnish supplies for the West-Indies, and the mother country; and in return to furnish the United States with British manufactures.
I have said, that the People of the United States are not in all respects an united people. The terms Federalists and Republicans, mark the division. These two bodies of the people, profess to differ in opinion on the subject of the Embargo. Republicans believe the measure both wise, and salutary; consistent with our safety, our honor, and our interest. Federalists condemn the measure as unwise and injurious. It remains therefore for the good sense of the people at large, to ascertain the motives of these contending parties, and to determine which opinion ought to prevail. The Embargo laws were approved by a large majority in Congress. By members from every part of the United States. By Farmers, and by Merchants. What inducement could these men have to act in opposition to the interests of their country. Their own private interest must be affected by injurious measures, equally with that of their Fellow Citizens. Is it not therefore reasonable to conclude, they believed that by adopting these measures, they did their duty. It has been asserted that the Embargo laws originated with Southern members: the fact is, they were approved by members from almost every State in the Union. The members of the Southern States clearly evinced their patriotism; for it is evident that the inhabitants of those States must suffer as much as any portion of the community: for a great part of their produce is valuable only by being exported.
During the progress of the Embargo bills, the majority in favor of the measure was always large, and on the final question relative to the subject, there were in the House of Representatives in Congress ninety-seven in the affirmative, and only twenty-two in the negative. It is not therefore, undoubtable to pretend that so large a majority could be influenced by any other than the purest motives: especially as the Embargo has since been approved by many of the State legislatures.
But what motives can actuate those who oppose the Embargo law and embarrass its operations?—In regard to their motives, I would be silent; but the reasons they avow as the ground work of their opinion, may be examined. They pretend that it is a French measure and originated with France! This libel on the Executive of the United States, and on five sixths of the Representatives of the country, ought to alarm us: for corrupt indeed must be the state of the community if five sixths of its Representative body, selected for their virtue and talents, have been unmindful of their duty and their oaths, and have surrended our National Independence.—But has any evidence been offered in support of this bold assertion?—None! It has been pretended that the President kept back information that had been received from France: but the Journals of Congress, clearly show, that communications were immediately made by the President, whenever he received information. Thus Congress was notified of the French Decree issued at Milan the 17th of December 1807, and denominated "a rejoinder to his Britannic Majesty's Order in Council," even before official information of that Decree reached this country. And the letter from the French minister Champagny, dated at Paris the 17th of January, 1808,* which has justly offended us, proves by its date, that it could not have been in possession of the President many hours before he sent it to Congress. The President in his communications, ever discovered the utmost impartiality in regard to foreign nations:—thus in his message of the 22nd of March, he says, "when we find that no conduct on our
*The Embargo was laid in December.
part, however impartial and friendly, has been sufficient to ensure from either belligerent a just respect for our rights, I am desirous that nothing shall be omitted on my part which may add to your information on this subject, or contribute to the correctness of the views which should be formed. The papers which for these reasons I now lay before you, embrace all the communications, official or verbal, from the French government" &c. In addition to these testimonials of the correctness of the President's conduct, we ought to mention the declaration of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, a senator from Massachusetts, and son of the late President Adams. This gentleman had been the darling of Federalists until the bold and determined stand he made in the Senate of the United States, convinced them that the honor of his country was the polar star to direct his political course: and although Federalists no longer admire and praise him, yet his declaration is entitled to credit. After noticing in his reply to the letter of Mr. Pickering (which has been circulated among us) the measures that led to the Embargo he says, "if duly weighed, they will save us the trouble of resorting to jealousies of secret corruption, and the imaginary terrors of Napoleon for the real cause of the Embargo. These are fictions of foreign invention.—The French Emperor had not declared that he would have no neutrals—He had not required that our ports should be shut against British Commerce; but the Orders of Council, if submitted to, would have degraded us to the condition of Colonies. It refused, would have fattened the wolves of plunder with our spoils. The Embargo was the only shelter from the tempest.—The last refuge of our violated peace." And in another place he says, "The suspicions of a design to plunge us into a war with Britain, I never have shared. Our administration have every interest and every motive that can influence the conduct of men to deter them from any such purpose. Nor have I seen any thing in their measures bearing the slightest indication of it." But is it necessary to say more on this subject?—do not the consequences already experienced by the French West-India Colonies, prove that the Embargo is not favorable to France? By our last accounts from Cuba and Martinique, articles of American produce were exorbitantly dear; Flour at 45 dollars per barrel, Beef at 60, Pork at 80—and the people were suffering for the necessaries of life. But a new objection is stated: We are told that it is unconstitutional to lay a permanent Embargo.—And who tells us that this is to be a permanent Embargo? is there any evidence of it? No! but there is evidence of the contrary. Congress passed an act, containing the following words; "in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in the judgment of the President of the United States, he is hereby authorised during the recess of Congress to suspend in whole, or in part, the act laying an Embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto." By this act we have full testimony that Congress is in favor of commerce, and wishes to restore it to active operations the first moment it can be done, consistently with the safety of the Country.
The opposers of the Embargo state also, that Merchants are competent to judge of the risks of commerce, and that the Embargo restrains their natural liberty: we reply that although merchants may judge of the value of a vessel; or form a correct opinion on the state of a foreign market; or fix a premium in a policy of insurance. Yet, that the general concerns of Commerce must be affected by the state of our foreign relations, of which the Government alone is competent to decide.—And as to the objection that it restrains natural liberty, we all know that under the social compact, the interest of the whole must be consulted: Government must act for the community. Congress is authorised to declare war, and certainly it has authority to lay an embargo, which is a measure of defence.
Another reason assigned against the Embargo is, that depredations on our commerce by the belligerents, would have been less injurious! It is impossible to estimate the loss of interest, to say nothing of national honor: if our vessels had been exposed on the ocean: but considering the objects, and extent, of the decrees of Britain and France, and judging by the great number of vessels sent into England in the short space of one month after the British Orders of Council were issued, we must conclude that nearly the whole of our commerce would, ere this have been captured. But our vessels might have been armed, say the opposers of the Embargo: true! but what would have been the immediate consequence? Great Britain and France have authorized their cruisers to capture our vessels; and if our vessels were armed we should repel the attempt.—Here is a system of offence, and of defence; and such a state of things is actual warfare. Then go to war? say these reasoners: War is better than Embargo! Give us war, and a brisk trade?—But with whom shall we go to war? If we act consistently, and honourably, and make war because we have been injured, we must fight with the whole commercial world: for Britain, and France, and Spain, have injured us, and they combine in their interest every commercial nation; and if we should fight with them, we could not expect to trade with them. But, suppose we should be willing to forget what is due to national character? Suppose we should barter honor for trade? should relinquish that high standing which a dignified and impartial conduct towards all nations, has hitherto enabled us to maintain? Suppose we should conclude to fight one enemy, and forgive another? with which should we fight? If we decide in favor of France, and make war on England; we shall have to contend with her thousand ships, and may suffer, not only loss of commerce, but the destruction of our fairest towns, and thousands of lives: and would a precarious trade and the conquest of Canada, compensate for this sacrifice. Or, on the other hand, if we should form an alliance with Britain, and engage in warfare with France, should we thereby gain the object of our desire, an advantageous trade? Let us for a moment examine the nature of our trade with England and other parts of the world?—By an official report made to Congress in the year 1806, and which is admitted by celebrated English writers to be a correct statement: it appears on an average of three years 1802, 1803, 1804, that the United States imported, each year, from Great Britain, Goods to the amount of more than thirty-five million of dollars: and exported to Great Britain, annually, in the same years, to the amount of about twenty-three million of dollars: leaving a balance against the United States of twelve millions of dollars annually. This balance we were enabled to pay by the profits of our trade with the European Continent, and elsewhere; which trade would be cut off by a war with France.—The Southern States gained some advantage by the trade with England, in as much as the principal articles of their produce, viz Cotton, Naval Stores, and some Tobacco, found a market in England.—But the United States generally, carried on a loosing trade to the amount above stated—that is, this country bought of Britain annually, to the amount of twelve million of dollars more than it sold to Britain. And in regard to the West-India trade, in which the New-England States have principally been interested; the advantages arising therefrom, depend on our finding a market on the European continent for our surplusage of West-India produce.
In the years above mentioned, the amount of Sugar and Coffee alone, annually sent from this country, was equal to more than thirteen million of dollars: but England did not purchase these articles—she supplies herself with West-India Goods from her own colonies by her own ships:—hence it follows, that unless we have a market on the European continent for this surplusage, we must relinquish so much of our trade to the West-Indies;—for our Farmers would buy no more rum, sugar and coffee, than they could consume; and our West-India merchants if unable to sell their return cargo, would be unable to pay the farmers for their provisions and lumber: thus, it is evident that a war with France and her allies would cut off the principal sources of our commercial prosperity; for the amount of our exports to the dominions of the Continental powers on an average of the said years 1802, 1803 and 1804, was equal each year to more than forty-five million of dollars:—deprived of this, our remaining trade would be ruinous; would drain this country of all its gold and silver; and most finally be relinquished, or leave us encumbered with an enormous debt.
My countrymen have we reason to doubt the patriotism of our administration?—have we reason to doubt its wisdom? In 1801, Mr. Jefferson was made president of the United States: in 1809 he will, voluntarily, retire from office, and return to the station of a private citizen. During his administration, we have been relieved from internal taxes, among which were an odious stamp tax, and land tax: we have been relieved from a host of tax gatherers, whose wages amounted to about two hundred thousand dollars per annum: we have been relieved from the burden of sixteen useless judges, whose salaries amounted to 33,000 dollars, annually, and who were created, not for the people, but for the
"The farmer as well as the merchant of America must know that they might as well throw the produce of their own Country, and that of the West-Indies, for which their own has been exchanged, into the sea, as trust to any beneficial disposal of it in this country, beyond the amount of its immediate consumption, and a very limited vent by contraband to the continent. If the people of that country should be deluded with the expectation, that we can really distribute on the Continent their immense mass of European and colonial exports, and should send it to us for that purpose, it must infallibly rot in the warehouses of the great emporium;"—extract from the 17th page of a pamphlet written by Alexander Baring, Esq. member in Parliament for London, in an address to the people of England on the conduct of Great Britain, towards the neutral commerce of America.

Government: we have been relieved from a sedition law! —behind the palings of which Mr. Jefferson never en- trenched himself: we have been relieved from nearly thirty, million of dollars of the National debt: and, above all, we have been preserved in Peace .—Are not these measure- the doings of a Patrot ? are they not the measures of wis- dom? and have we not reason to believe, that the Embargo is a measure of wisdom?—It preserves our property! it pre- serves our peace! it preserves our honor!—From a most respectable source of information, it has been ascertained, that nearly two thousand vessels, Eighty million of property, and between twenty and thirty thousand seamen have been saved by the embargo. These essential resources, may se- cure our safety, if the injustice of nations should eventually render war necessary: and having these in our possession, a principal inducement to the belligerents to make war upon us, is done away.—England and France calculated on our love of money , when they passed their iniquitous decrees: they imagined that we had not sufficient virtue to withdraw from the ocean, but would in the spirit of speculation , continue to expose our property, or madly rush into the war—on the side of France; or, on the side of England.—But they are disap- pointed: our government by a timely retreat , has preserved our honor: we are strengthening our fortresses; and want nothing but the spirit of our fathers to preserve our indepen- dence. Great Britain expected a dissolution of the Union by a foreign war,* but disappointed in that particular, the now foments a division among ourselves. We hear a cry against French influence; but who among us, advocates the French cause against our country?—not one! Yet many , advocate the cause of England , and condemn our own government. Many federalists avow, that we ought to form an alliance with Great Britain! they say that war is better than an Embargo; that the Embargo is a French measure ; that they wish to repeal the Embargo laws, and to form a treaty offensive and defensive with Great Britain!—And shall we give up our strong and youthful body, to the deadly em- braces of Great Britain; and incorporate her noxious hu- mours with our own healthful fluids?—Death! political death! would be the consequence.—And what has England done to induce us to die for her! She has injured, and in- sulted, and would now, dishonour us.
"I am not the apologist of France and Spain; I have no national partialities, no national attachments but to my own country. I shall never undertake to justify or palliate the insults or injuries of any foreign power to that country which is dearer to me than life." France and Spain have injured and insulted us, but "the most enormous in- fractions of our rights, hitherto committed by them, have been more in menace than in accomplishment."—But Britain, has confiscated mil- lions of our property; denied our sovereignty; murdered our citizens; and still holds in a bondage more cruel than Algerine slavery, thou- sands of our brothers and sons;—and if we attempt to raise our voice at such outrages, "her minister has declared to Mr. Pinckney that she will not hear." "It is not by the light of blazing temples, and amid the groans of women and children perishing at Copenhagen , that we can ex- pect our remonstrances against this course of proceeding will be heard."
 Why then my Countrymen, should we unite with Great Britain?— let us rather, oppose all foreign alliances?—let us rally around the government of the people, and in thought, in word, and in deed, be true Americans ?—let us, on the ensuing election , convince foreign na- tions, that we cannot be separated from our government; but are deter- mined to support the measures , that their injustice has rendered necessary .— By so doing we may preserve our peace; and the nations of Europe, sensible of our firmness , may be induced by their own sufferings to acknowledge those just principles of national law, under which, alone, the rights of neutrals can be respected: then, we should renew our com- merce with safety and advantage . But if our hopes must be disappointed; if England and France will still oppress the nations; if the inhabitants of Europe must still experience the horrors of famine , and pestilence , and war ;—and the plaintive cries of suffering humanity cannot soften the obdurate hearts of the tyrants, whose crimes have deluged the earth in blood:—let us, reporting in our own boast of Eden , be grateful for the good things, that a kind providence bestows upon us; and contem- plate, at a distance, and in safety , the evils that the "wrath of Kings," has brought upon the world:—let us thank God that a Washington was given to separate our destiny, from the miserable fate of Europe.
"Oh WASHINGTON ! thy country's boast and pride, In ev'ry scene of woe, and peril try'd; Thou leav'st (though thro'd around, yon starry spheres) The nations "bleeding!" and the "world in tears!" "Kindly look down!" and "mitigate our woes!" "And sooth thy" troubled country to repose!" "Oh look from Zion's consecrated hill, And be Columbia's guardian Angel still! For sure if ought below the throne above Can touch thy spirit, 'tis thy country's love! Revive those councils thou didst here impart, And grave the heav'nly precepts on each heart. Instruct us where our truest int'rest lies, And lift Columbia's glory to the skies! Till heav'nly hosts, with earth's vast tribes, agree Thy precepts made us Happy, Great and Free!"
"Expectations, therefore, of a dissolution of the Union by war, are founded as little in probability as in sound policy. But if any reliance is placed by our government on the dissensions in that country, the most effectual step has certainly been taken to prevent them; and the American patriot will probably see with pleasure, that if he must have war, the probation is of a nature to unite every prejudice, and every real interest of his country. By attempting to confine the Euro- pean trade of America to Great Britain, and by the avowal of an intention to tax that trade on its passage to the Continent, we are return- ing to those principles to which, even as a colony, she would not submit . It is immaterial, whether it be a tax on stamps , or on cotton : this ques- tion has already been the subject of a long and bloody war, and it can hardly be supposed that America will now submit to a direct attack on her sovereign and independent rights."—extract from the same English gamble by Alexander Baring, Esquire.
For the Gazette . Citizens of Newhampshire —At this momentous crisis, when the nation, of which your state forms an integral part, is assailed by the arbitrary orders and decrees of foreign powers;—and you are called upon to decide between independence and slavery; national existence and subjugation.—When the enemies of the admin- istration, to gratify their personal resentment, have become the apolo- gists of the enemies of your country; when those measures of govern- ment, which have received the unqualified approbation of every candid mind, are treated with reproachful censure, and virulent abuse;— when the attempt is openly made to smother your love of country and your independent feelings, by appeals to your cupidity and avarice: When the slith and venom of party, is dished into the eyes of patriot- ism,—when the basest feelings of the human heart, are relied on by an unprincipled faction, as the means of regaining that power, from which they have been hurled, by the indignant voice of a justly offended peo- ple. It behoves every man, who feels the glow of patriotism; who possesses a spark of that fire which warmed the bosoms of our fathers in the "days that tried the souls of men," to step forth and vindicate the honor of his grosly insulted and much injured country.
The leaders of the federal party, conscious that their political degra- dation is complete; and that nothing they attempt can possibly link them lower; are endeavoring to avail themselves of your present inconveniences and embarrassments, and to persuade you, that all the evils you endure, come directly from and are caused by, your own government:—that you have only to put them into power, and all difficulties will speedily be removed.
Hence it is, that your mild, temperate, just, forbearing—but firm government: a government which has steadily cultivated the arts of peace; which has constantly pointed out the path of honest neutrality; which has violated no law of nations; which has committed no act of aggression, force or violence; nor has ever been accused by any nation of deviating from neutral ground;—is represented by these political adversaries as void of rectitude, ignorant and incapable; committing constant acts of hostility against the belligerents, and endeavoring to subvert the peace and happiness of the Union. A part of the system of this faction has evidently been to decry such measures of the present administration, as were most likely to meet the public approbation:— those therefore which more prominently than others, bore the marks of wisdom and found policy, were singled out as objects of arro- gance by the shafts of federal calumny. On such principles only, can their violent opposition to the embargo laws, be explained.
It is not astonishing that a 'contemptible minority' should have the effrontery to infuse public opinion for the space of eight months, with a systematic opposition to measures of government, confidentially wise & prudent, without having once offered a substitute: that they should openly recommend and approve of violations of those salutary laws, which have been eminently productive of the safety of your fellow- citizens, and their prosperity; and of the peace and independence of your country: that they should insult you with direct proposals to surrender your birth-right to foreign tyranny, by submission to taxa- tion and control: that they should wound the honest feelings of free- men, by supposing they would swerve from the path of duty to their country, rather than submit to the smallest privation? Read the federal papers, and particularly those under the influence of the 'Essex Junto' , with which this state has been recently inundated; and you will find they teem with the vilest abuse towards your own government; and the most servile praise & adulation of the British;—of that government which has invariably led the van in the encroachments with which the belligerents have compelled us to withdraw from the ocean; rather than be involved in European contests, and all the horrors of war.
You will perceive that while they bluster and boast in praise of the Spanish patriots , who are endeavoring to throw off the French yoke ; they infiltrate your fellow-citizens to oppose the laws, to obfuscate and em- barrass government, by petitions to remove the embargo; and surren- der the nation to the yoke of Britain . And it will manifestly appear to you that they calculate on your want of patriotism, on your penurious, selfish dispositions, on your impatience under the most trifling disad- vantage.
CITIZENS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE —The bitter portion prepar- ed for you by the 'Essex Junto' , will be offered on the day when you assemble to give your suffrages for representatives in Congress. Dast the poisonous cup of federalism from your lips, as you value your liberties, your country, your posterity and your sacred honor.—Rally round the standard of your country, your constituted authorities and laws; nor heed the ravings of those political maniacs, who would lead you to a dissolution of the Union, rather than be balked of their purpose. Bestow your suffrages on men, who have no foreign attachments, and will pursue such a line of conduct, as is best calculated to preserve the honor, the happiness, and the independence of the United States.
Citizens of New-Hampshire!
YOU will soon be called upon to make choice of suitable characters to represent you in the Congress of the United States. The present moment, when restless and ambitious men are using every endeavor to effect a change in the administration of Govern- ment, peculiarly demands your utmost vigilance and attention in the exercise of your elective privileges . Every one therefore, who feels for the honor and values the true interests of his country must be found at his post, and vote for men who respect our laws and our constituted authorities—men who are friendly to the rights of the people. When the federal party propose to you to give your votes for their candidates, ask them what advantages the people are to derive from a change in the Administration. In their an- swer to this question you will discover tricks and evasions. Some of them will tell you they will remove the Embargo. In the Bos- ton town meeting it has been openly avowed that war with any nation is preferable to our present state, and Mr. GORE who advances this doctrine is the organ of the party.—He was last year a candidate for Governor of Massachusetts! To Mr. Gore and other gentlemen who are able to retire from the calamities of a war, it may be an amusement or a pastime ; but to the yeomanry of New-Hampshire, who must bear the burthen, it is a calamity into which they would not willingly be precipitated. If the war is with England, Mr. Gore may follow the example of his father and take protection and a pension from that government. If with France, Mr. Gore and his brother partisans may have the satis- faction to see the United States allied and incorporated again with Great-Britain. And in the changes and chances of a war, he and his party, aided by British influence, may come into power. They take advantage of every domestic trouble and every foreign accident to embarrass the council, of their country. At one time they are all violence, invective and abuse; at another and when it better suits their purpose, they are bumble as Spaniards and respectful as slaves. In the Boston town meeting they professed their submis- sion and respect for the laws!!! mark reader, in less than three weeks you will find them at their old trade, vilifying and abusing the very government they now so respectfully and so insinuously ad- dressed. But what occasion have they seized—Are commotions and a civil war in Spain to be made a cause of legislation in America? Are statutes to be enacted to meet this transient accident in the af- fairs of a foreign nation? Do these wise-acres forget that before the effects of any law of this country can be applied to Spain, the state of that unfortunate nation will be changed; that Spain will be conquered and garrisoned by French troops, and the trade which by their folly shall be defined to that nation will be sacrificed, and that this will inevitably involve us in a war with France— and do not the Republicans see that this has for years engaged the attention and been a favourite object with that party. A war with France, an alliance with England as means of reinstating them in power, has been their object for more than fifteen years. Hitherto the Republicans have prevented this calamity, and it is still hoped and believed that their caution and jealousy will not be circumvent- ed. To a few rich lawyers and speculators embargo or no embargo, peace or war, are in their consequences of no comparative im- portance. It is on the hardy yeomanry that these blessings or mis- fortunes fall with their greatest weight. When soldiers or seamen are required to defend the country it is from the fire side of the far- mer and labouring classes, and not from among the wealthy and luxurious that they must be drawn. The services are to be render- ed, and sacrifices are to be made by those who ought at least to be consulted on the occasion. And if they are faithful to themselves they will reserve in their own hands and with men of their own choice, the decision of the all important question Peace or War .— The present Administration by their prudence and policy have hith- erto preserved the peace of this country. They have not only pre- served peace, but they have added most essentially to the means of carrying on war whenever it shall become necessary. If men and provisions and implements are the first essentials of war, the increase of all these under the present administration will be universally ac- knowledged. If money be the sinew of war, in addition to the im- mense increase of private wealth, the national treasury has under their direction been enriched and improved. During the first ten years of the federal administration the Public Debt was increased more than ten millions of dollars. Within the eight years of the republican administration the debt has been diminished twenty four millions of dollars including the purchase of Louisiana. These are facts substantiated by public documents, and which no man of character will venture to deny. This increase of private resources, and this retrenchment of the Public Debt lightens the burthen of every farmer and householder. There is less to be paid, and there are more to pay it. The estates in the country are pledged for a small sum, the public credit is proportionally increased. And if war shall in any future time become unavoidable, the credit of the government being better, they will be able to borrow with greater facility and on terms more advantageous. Must all these advan- tages be surrendered?—Shall the real and permanent interests of the country be sacrificed to gratify the ambition of aspiring individu- als who have seized on a moment of public difficulties occasioned by their own misconduct, to raise themselves to power?—All that is dear to freemen says no. Let us then be up and doing.—Let us be united in the choice of men of genuine Republican principles, and our liberties may still be preserved. ONE OF THE PEOPLE.
TOWN MEETING.
At a meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the Town of Marblehead duly qualified, and legally warned, in public Town Meeting assembled, at the Town House in said Town, on Monday the 15th day of August, 1808.
DR. JOHN DRURY, Moderator. Taking into consideration the total flag- nation of Commerce, and the embarrassments which a great part of our fellow-townsmen experience in consequence of the tyrannical Orders and Decrees of England and France, and being fully convinced (if the Orders and Decrees continue) that there are many who for want of employment, will suffer great inconveniences— Therefore in order to alleviate their suf- ferings, and in some degree protect them against the inclemency of the approaching winter. Voted, That the sum of two thousand dol- lars be appropriated for the above purpose. Voted, To choose a Committee to carry the same into effect. Voted, That the committee consist of twen- ty persons, namely, Messrs. Joseph Barker, Joseph Wilson, William Story, Nicolas Bart- lett, Thomas Williams, Isaac Collyer, Philip Befom, Asa Wooper, Joshua Prentiss, jun. Richard Prince, Thomas Martin, John Brown, John Befom, John Tedder, John Bo- den, Samuel Knight, John Hooper, jun. Jo- seph Lindsey, Arnold Martin, and Mason Harris. Voted, That the Clerk be directed to send a Copy of the proceedings of this meeting to the Printers of the Essex Register , to be in- serted in their next paper. Attest. JOSHUA PRENTISS, Marblehead, August 15, 1808. Town Clerk.
We recommend to the public an attentive consideration of the genuine patriotism of the Town of Marblehead. To the inhabi- tants of other towns we would say, "Go thou and do likewise." [REGISTER.]
POSTSCRIPT. VERY LATE FROM ENGLAND. Arrived at Boston on Wednesday last, the Bib Isabella , Capt. Higgins, in 33 days from Liver- pool, bringing London papers to the 9th of July. These are the last orders in hand until the re- ception of the British orders in council towards this country. In the speech of the king, on proroguing parliament, the 4th of July, is this paragraph: —"The sanction which you have given to those measures of defensive retaliation, to which the violent attacks of the enemy, upon the commerce and resources of the kingdom, compelled his majesty to resort, has been highly satisfactory." The French Gen. Murat, issued an order at Madrid, on the 4th of June, to discharge all A- merican vessels that had been sent into Spain on ac- count of being spoken by a British ship. The English papers through crowded with ma- ter relative to Spain, have not given their judg- ment so far as to enable us to form a correct judgment of the situation of that country. The news of Manchester continued to assem- ble in large bodies, and on the 20th June they stop- ped all the looms they found at work. Mr. Adams' letter in answer to Mr. Pick- ering has been reprinted in London and read with great attention and with a full acknow- ledgment of the high reputation of the writer. We understand that dispatches for government, from our minister in London, were brought us by J. T. Bowlin Esq. [Boston Chronicle.]
SAY I, THOMAS BOWLIN.
"We stand upon the very brink of gaping ruin. Within this Country's formed a dark Conspiracy." In retracing the conduct of Britain to- wards the United States, no man can doubt her hostility: the same feelings with which she witnessed the burning of our towns, and the murder of Eleven thousand five hundred of our fellow citizens on board the Jersey prison ship, during the revolutionary war, have governed her conduct ever since. She has constantly endeavoured to cramp our trade, and on various pretences under the most un- warrantable regulations, she has deprived our Citizens of millions of property. Since the commencement of the present war, she has impressed from our vessels nearly five thousand Seamen, as appears by returns from the department of State, and dragged them into a dreadful slavery, where the wailings of misery, are answered by the lash of a re- lentless Boatwain. Her ships of war have entered our harbours, and their insolent commanders, after sending press gangs on board our vessels, have claimed jurisdiction around their own, to the length of their cable tow . She has fired on our coasting vessels, and thereby committed murder. She has stained with the blood of our Citizens the decks even of a National Ship of the United States ! wantonly attacked in the moment of apparent security: She has attempted to impose on our commerce, restrictions and taxes, equally odious as those imposed when we were colonists. By her proclamations, she has denied our right of naturalization, and encouraged attempts against the author- ity of our government.—Yet, notwithstanding these things, she is defended and sup- ported, and encouraged in her aggressions. The favourite theme of federalists , is "the magnanimity, and greatness of Britain, contras- ted with the contemptible character of the American Government." "The fewer little Islands, and the celebrated Harry Bellow's em- bargo, form a favourite couplet with federal- ists to give a zest to their entertainments." The closest union has been formed between the leaders of that party, and British consuls and agents, and they combine their exertions against the government of the people, and spare neither time, nor talents, nor money, to excite discontent, and rebellion.—Their object is, a dismemberment of the Union ! this is boldly avowed in English prints, and may be discovered in almost every federal paper. But, have we forgotten the motto of our fathers, United we STAND—Divided we FALL ? Have we forgotten the legacy of Washington—"The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real inde- pendence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly praise. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the con- viction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortresses against which the ba- teries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness: that you should cherish a cor- dial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your po- litical safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; dis- countenancing whatever may suggest even a sus- picion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any por- tion of our Country from the rest, or to en- feble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts." These are the words of Washington, let us listen to them and be saved!
WM. JONES, JR.
Will receive in a few days, the following Goods, which will be sold at a small advance for Cash—or short credit—viz.— BLACK Florence Lustrings; blk. Crapes; green and white Sar- nets; color'd & black Lustrine Rib- bons; Sattin open work and plain Straco Bonnets; a few elegant broad Garniture Ribbons; black & color'd Spanish sewing Silks; variety spotted Leno and Jaconet Mullins; glaz'd and unglaz'd Cambric; cotton Um- brillas; color'd Threads and Cotton Balls; British Shirting Cotton; com- mon dark Callico, &c. &c.
INDIA GOODS.
Bandannoe and Flag Handkfs.; fine Sheeting Baftas; Mon Sannas; Gar- rahs; Mammodies and Cassas; large supply low pric'd Coating; blue Nan- kins, &c. &c. August 23.
AUCTION.
To be Sold at Public Auction on Thurs- day the 8th day of September next, at 3 o'clock P. M. at the Universalist Old meet- ing house, on Vaughan-street—the following FEWS in said house for the taxes due there- on, for the years 1806 and 1807—unless pre- vented by previous payment of said taxes and charges—viz—
For 1806. D. C. For 1807. D. C. No. 1. 8 36 No. 1. 10 60 No. 8. 7 59 No. 8. 12 65 No. 11. 7 59 No. 11. 11 65 No. 13. 6 66 No. 13. 11 40 No. 29. 4 47 No. 29. 7 45 No. 35. 8 No. 39. 6 90
A Stable Wanted.
A NY Person wishing to contract for a STABLE, to be completed immedi- ately, of the following dimensions, viz.—50 feet long, 34 wide, and 18 feet post—will please to apply for further particulars to the Printers hereof. August 23.
NOTICE is hereby given,
That the subscriber, administratrix (with the will annexed) of JOHN WEN- DELL , Esq. late of Portsmouth, in the county of Rockingham, deceased, has taken upon herself that trust by giving bonds as the law directs. All persons having any demands against said estate, are requested to bring in their claims for adjustment; and all persons indebted to said estate are desired to make immediate payment to DOROTHY WENDELL. Portsmouth, August 23, 1808.
THE subscriber being appointed
by the Hon. Judge of Probate, for the County of York, administrator to the estate of EZEKIEL ALLEN , late of Kittery, deceased, and having taken upon himself that trust by giving bonds as the law directs, hereby calls on all persons indebted to said estate to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands a- gainst said Estate are requested to pre- sent them for settlement.— DANIEL GOODWIN. Kittery, August, 17, 1808.
WHEREAS MARY my wife has ab-
andoned from my bed and board, this is therefore to forbid all persons from har- boring or trusting said Mary and Children on my account, as I am determined not to pay any debts of their contracting after this date. NICHOLAS CHASE. Stratford, August 22, 1808.

Miscellaneous Repository.
SONG.
By John D. Wolfe, Jr. of Bristol, R. I.
The youthful sailor mounts the bark, And bids each weeping friend adieu; Fair blows the gale, the canvas swells; Slow sink the uplands from his view.
Three mornings, from his ocean bed, Replenish'd beams, the God of day; The fourth high looming in the mist, A war ship's floating banners play.
Her yawl is launch'd; light o'er the deep, Too kind, she wafts a ruffian band; Her blue track lights on the bark, And soon on deck the miscreants stand.
Around they throw the baleful glance; Sulphur hold more the anxious crew— Who is their prey?—poor sailor boy! The baleful glance is fix'd on you.
Nay, why that useless frigid unfold?— They damn the "lying yankee scrawl." Torn from thine hand, it strews the wave— They force thee trembling to the yawl.
Sick was thine heart, as from the deck, The band of friendship waft'd farewell; Mad was thy brain, as far behind, In the grey mist, thy vessel fell.
One hope, yet to thy bosom clung, The captain mercy might impart— Vain were thy hopes, which bade the look For mercy in a Pirate's heart.
What woes can man on man inflict, When malice joins with uncheck'd power; Such woes, unutter'd, and unknown, For many a month the sailor bore.
Oft gem'd his eye the bursting tear, As mem'ry linger'd on past joy; As oft they flung the cruel jeer, And dam'd the "chicken-liver'd boy."
When sick at heart, with "hope defer'd," Kind sleep his waiting form embrac'd, Some ready mimic ply'd the lash, And the lov'd dream of freedom chas'd.
Fat to an end his miseries drew; The deadly hearse flung his cheek; On his pale brow the cold dew hung— He light'd, and sunk upon the deck!
The failors woe's drew forth no sigh: No hand would close the failors eye; Remorseless, his pale corps they gave, Unshrout'd, to the friendly wave.
And, as he sunk beneath the tide, A hellish shout arose; Exultingly the demons cried, So fare all Albion's real foes!
The last advices from Europe, furnish a deplorable view of that distracted, distressed, and unhappy portion of the world. Our pallet does not contain colors sufficiently sombre, to portray its situation in shades as gloomy as the truth will justify; and declining the exercise of a pencil unsupplied with the requisite hues, we must leave the task at present to the imagination of the reader. The commerce of England is palsied, her revenues begin to fail, her looms are deserted, her manufacturers are in a state of insurrection, calling aloud for employment and for bread; and they are answered with the ball and the bayonet. Whatever may be the degrees of misery endured by the subjects of the continental powers, we are not permitted to learn them. Human woes are there awed into silence by the terrible and irresistible influence of an absolute military chief; who, in exterminating the effeminacy and corruptions of kingdoms, marches like Mahomet, with his volume of imperial laws in one hand, and with the scimitar in the other, commanding the nations to submit and believe, or to perish.
We view with painful sensations the fruitless exertions of Sweden, and the futile efforts of the Spaniards against Bonaparte. Resistance is phrenzied, where the contest is hopeless. It would be better for both those powers to submit and wait for more favorable times, than by the exhibition of an unavailing courage, profusely sacrifice human life in vain.
At this period of desolation, ought we not to offer up our prayers to Providence for having guided our rulers to their present line of conduct? THE EMBARGO HAS PRESERVED US! It is the anchor of our safety—the shield of the nation; which at the same moment enables us to ride in peace amidst the tempest of ferocious wars, and protects the resources of the republic from depredation! We roll in abundance of every necessary of life; we breathe a free political atmosphere! The poor unhappy subjects of European monarchies would thank heaven for the enjoyment of half our blessings. But, alas! they are doomed to suffer still greater calamities, through their own weaknesses and vices, and from the horrible crimes of their governments. [Wash. Monitor.]
THIS DAY PUBLISHED
And for Sale by the Booksellers; PAMPHLET containing the origin of the Soul; or, Scripture testimony concerning the Soul and Spirit of Man—The Dead shown to be in a state of total insensibility between death and the resurrection; which overthrows the unscriptural notions of modern preachers with regard to the state of the dead—supported only by the faith of Heathen Philosophers. August 2.
** Clarionets, Drums and Fife, for sale at C. PIERCE'S Bookstore.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to hire Twenty-five good labouring Men to work on a Turnpike Road, to begin the 15th instant. JOHN MELVIN. Chester. August 18, 1808.
Now Landing, and for Sale by Isaac Waldron, jun.
400 Barrels Fresh Baltimore Superfine
FLOUR: of a superior quality. August 9.
FRENCH SCHOOL.
A FRENCH gentleman wishing to tarry some time in this town, desires to take a few scholars to teach in the FRENCH LANGUAGE; and to ascertain his being adequate to the task, he will submit himself to the examination of any gentleman or gentlemen.
TERMS—Ten dollars per quarter; attendance three times a week; the lessons to be of one hour for two pupils. Apply to
Mr. L. de St. Omer,
At Col. Woodard's boarding-house. Portsmouth, August 8, 1808.
Field Meetings.
A public meeting is to be held at Hampton, near the meeting-house, the last Wednesday in this present month, August, at 2 o'clock, P.M. On Thursday, September 1st, in Newmarket, at 2 o'clock, P.M. near Mr. Jacob Burley's house. Next day, (Friday) at Newington meeting-house, at 2 o'clock, P.M. Next day, at Dover, near the Bridge, at 2 o'clock, P.M. First Lord's day in September, at Berwick, near the landing, at 9 o'clock, A.M. Monday, at Wells, near William Hobbs, at 2 o'clock, P.M. at the place called Maryland, near Elder Eaton's meeting-house.
By an agreement of the Christian Brethren. JOHN RAND. FREDERICK PLUMMER. ELLAS SMITH.
TAKE NOTICE.
ALL persons holding Subscriptions for 'the Religious News-Paper,' are requested to return them to ELLAS SMITH , Portsmouth, by Mail or some other way, by the first of September next, as the first number will be published at that time. August 9th, 1808.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE— In the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight.
(L. S.) AN ACT to restore LEVI WILLARD to his law.
WHEREAS Levi Willard, sheriff of the county of Coos, has petitioned the General Court setting forth that he received of the Treasurer of said county, Extents, against the towns of Cambridge, Success and Barker's Location, directing him to collect the county taxes assessed on said towns, and that by accident the copies of said extents were not returned to the Deputy Secretary in due season to enable him to collect said taxes by law, and praying to be authorized to collect said taxes the present year. The prayer of said petitioner appearing reasonable, THEREFORE,
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court convened, that the said Levi Willard shall be and hereby is authorized to collect the county taxes assessed on the towns of Cambridge, Success and Barker's Location for the year A.D. 1806, which remains now unpaid. And the said Levi Willard shall take the copies of the aforesaid extents remain in the office of the Deputy Secretary till the first day of November next—and if said taxes are not paid by the said first day of November, then the said Levi Willard may proceed to collect the same according to law. Provided however that the said Levi Willard shall give public notice of his being restored to his law by publishing this act in the New-Hampshire Gazette three weeks successively, the first publication to commence by the fifteenth day of August next.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. In the House of Representatives, June 9, 1808. The foregoing bill having had three several readings passed to be enacted. Sent up for concurrence, CHARLES CUTTS, Speaker. In Senate, June 10, 1808. This bill having been read a third time was enacted. SAMUEL BELL, President. Approved, June 10, 1808. JOHN LANGDON, Governor. A TRUE COPY—Attest, PHILIP CARRIGAIN, Secretary.
State of New-hampshire, County of Grafton.
NOTICE is hereby given to the original proprietors and owners of land in the town of LINCOLN, in said county,—That a tax of Four Dollars on each original right, (public rights excepted) was voted by the proprietors at their meeting held by an adjournment the 16th day of January, 1808; that so much of each proprietors land, as will pay said tax and incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Nathan Kinsman, in said Lincoln, on the first Tuesday of September next, unless prevented by previous payment. Original Proprietors Names are as follows. viz.—
James Avery, Jeremiah Clement, James Hoit, Jabez Wead, Peter Finch, Samuel Andrews, David Slawson, Eleazer Bowton, Thaddeus Hoit, Reuben Stephens, Stephen Mountain, John Pett, Asa Jones, Samuel Selet, Ebenezer Bowton, Seymore Bowton, Zurial Finch, Abner Barnon, David Bowton, David Sanford, John Adington, Jr. Oliver Rowell, Elijah Weeks, Stephen Mangum, Valentine Rowell, Jacob Conklin, William McHorney, David Whiting, Caleb Merrill, Seth Whitney, Samuel Haight, Joseph Foreman, John Tuttle, Reuben Reynolds, Jabez Holmes, Abraham Hoit, Josiah Biggs, Ebenezer Munson, Noah Parkerson, Abel Hoit, Jabez Holmes, Ezra Moon, David Knap, one half of the right of Henry Mead, John Dixon, Daniel St. John, Hezekiah Wiat, Abraham Mead, Henry Wiat, Job St. John, Ezra Bowton, Jeremiah Finch, John Brown, Joseph Hale, the Hon. Richard Wibard, Daniel Warner, John Nelson, Theodore Atkinson, Benning Winthrop two rights. JONATHAN TUTTLE, Collector. Lincoln, August 1st. 1808.
Warranted undrawn Tickets in Dixville Road Lottery, (now drawing in Boston,) for Sale by JOSEPH CLARK, Jun.
William Garland,
No. 8, Merchants' Row—Has for Sale— 350 Bbls. best FLOUR, received by the Washington from Baltimore; 20 chests Hyson, Hyson-skin, Souchong and Bohea TEA. August 16.
BANK BILLS.
A LARGE Sheet containing a description of Counterfeit Bank Bills, for sale at C. PIERCE'S Bookstore—price 20 cts.
MEDICAL.
THE Members of the Eastern District N. H. Medical Society, are hereby informed that their meeting will be held at the house of Nathl. Poon, Esq. in Exeter, on Wednesday the 7th of September ensuing, at 10 o'clock, A.M. JOSHUA>JOSHUA BRACKETT, Notary. August 16.
FOR SALE,
A N elegant ten day CLOCK, warranted, with a mahogany case, at a handsome discount for Cash—enquire of the Printers. August 16.
Improved Patent Illuminators
(Or Sky Lights for Shipping.) GIVING a more general light than the common Sky Light, with one fourth part of the expense—They are neither liable to leak, break, or to be injured by the common traffic of the deck, nor are they any incumbrance on the deck, and may be placed in any part of the ship where light is wanting, either in the deck or sides; and are equally applicable to the State Room, Steerage, Forcastle, or Cabin. For Houses, they are equally useful, furnishing light at one half the expense of the common Sky Light, and in no danger from hailstones or falling rubbish. The utility and saving in this, must be obvious to every person acquainted with shipping. The above are for sale by
Thomas W. Penhallow Market-Street,—who Keeps constantly on hand an extensive variety of Cutlery, Ironmongery and Hardware Goods.— August 2, 1808.
CUT NAILS,
Of the Malden Factory of a very good quality—are sold by P. P. F. Degrand, No. 9, D Spear's wharf, Boston, at the following reduced prices; and a discount of five per cent will be made upon any amount above fifty dollars: 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d—9 1-2 cents per lb. 6d,—10 cents, 4d,—10 1-2—For Cash, foreign in money. Boston, July 27, 1808.
Barrett & Shattuck,
No. 51, Hanover-Street, Boston— CONTINUE to dye & finish of Warrented Colours. Broad-Cloth, Cashmere, Sattin, Lustre, Crape, Shag, Plush, silk & cotton Velvets, Worsted-Cords, Camel's hair Shawls—Also, Ladies Sattin, Lustre, Cambre, Calico & Mullin Gowns, Hosiery & Gloves, Lace Veils, Gentlemen's Coats, Pantaloon and Vests, cleaned and dyed at short notice and small expense.—Goods received at the store of NATHAN B. FOLSOM, Portsmouth, forwarded and returned to the same place without additional expense. N.B. Persons sending Cloths or Garments of any kind are desired to have them accompanied with a pattern of the colour they wish them made: (as in many colours there are a variety of shades) also to enclose them in paper describing on the outside the contents, colour to be made, and owner's name. Portsmouth, August 1, 1808. (6m)
THE Subscribers being appointed by the Hon. Stephen Thatcher, Judge of the Probate of Wills, &c. for the county of York, commissioners, to receive, examine and adjust all the claims of the creditors to the estate of SAMUEL WILLARD, late of Kittery, in said county, yeoman, deceased, represented insolvent; do hereby give notice that six months are allowed to said creditors to bring in and prove their respective claims, and that we shall attend that service at the dwelling-house of Theodore Parker, in said Kittery, on the last Monday in August instant, and the five following months, from three to six o'clock, P. M. on each of said days. W. T. GERRISH, JOSIAH GUNNISON, } Commissioners. Kittery, August 1, 1808.
WHEREAS my wife SAL- LY, has behaved herself in a very unbecoming manner; therefore this is to forbid all and every person, from harbouring or trusting the wench on my account after this date. DAVID M. PROUT. Portsmouth, August 11, 1808.
TEN Dollars Reward.
WHEREAS JOSIAH G. FOLSOM, junr of Portsmouth, did on Friday morning last, borrow of the subscriber, a black Mare, for the purpose, as he said, of going about four miles, and has not since returned, but in all probability has ran off. Said Folsom is about 20 years of age, had on a blue nankeen round jacket, buff colored pantaloon, light waistcoat and no stockings—the fellow is hard of hearing.—Whoever will return said Folsom, shall receive the above reward by applying to NATHANIEL GOSS of Greenland. August 1, 1808.
ONE CENT REWARD.
RUNAWAY from the Subscriber on Wednesday the 10th inst. an indentured apprentice BOY, named NATHANIEL MARSTON, being about 17 years of age, about 5 1/2 feet high and of a light complexion—whosoever will return said Runaway, shall receive one cent reward and no charges paid; all persons are cautioned against harbouring, trusting or employing him as they would avoid the penalty of the law. JOHN WEEKS. Greenland, August 15, 1808.
The person who took from the N. H. Gazette Office the volume of Gazettes for 1795, is requested to return the same immediately to said office. (Aug 20 after Sept. 6)
RENDEZVOUS.
AN OFFICE for the purposes of recruiting for the Army of the United States—is opened at the Brick store owned by Daniel Austin, Esq. near the Spring Market—Able bodied citizens, under the age of Thirty-five years, who feel disposed to enlist in the service of their country, are now afforded an opportunity, and may receive twelve Dollars bounty, by applying to G O W. PRESCOTT, Capt. 4th Regiment Infantry. Portsmouth, N. H. July 1808.
Spring and Summer GOODS.
James Rundlet
INFORMS his customers and the public, that he has just received a fresh supply of GOODS; which added to his stock on hand make a very general assortment of English, French & India GOODS, which will be sold at a small advance by Wholesale or Retail. May 24.
NEW GOODS.
Oliver Briard Has just received a great variety of Spring and Summer GOODS, COMPRISING almost every article, justly enumerated in the most lengthy Piece Goods advertisement, which are offered for sale at a small advance for cash, or approved credit, at Store N o 2, Market-Street, near the Parade. N.B. All persons to whom he is indebted are requested to render their demands for settlement; and all those who are indebted to him, whose term of credit has expired, are requested to make payment. Portsmouth, May 17, 1808. [9m.]
Nathan B. Folsom,
HAS this day received a large supply of Cotton Yarn, Bed Ticks, &c. which are ready for sale Wholesale and Retail at the Manufactory prices. August 2, 1808.
Bone middlings PORK,
Boston Inspection—FOR SALE BY Aug. 9 JOHN C. HART.
NEIL McINTIRE'S Store,
SOME of the old fashion bell sweet Scented leaf TOBACCO, and fig Tobacco,—also, Pigtail made from sweet scented Leaf, and ladies fine twist, to be sold at embargo prices. Also, TO LET, Two brick Dwelling-Houses, and two brick Stores at embargo prices, one opposite Market-Street, the other opposite Cross-street, and one of the pleasantest situations in Portsmouth, being very handy to the fish and fish market. August 9, 1808.
DETROIT BANK BILLS
TAKEN for Boots, Shoes, English Goods or Hats. Those bills that are guaranteed, at par—the other kind at 12 1/2 per cent discount—at PELATIAH REA'S shoe store No. 2, old State House, Boston, for a few months. August 1, 1808.
TO LET,
ONE lower room, chamber, and shop, in Buck street,—Enquire of the Printers. August 2.
EMBARGO LAWS.
Just published in a pamphlet, price 12 1/2 cents, and for sale at the Bookstore of THOMAS G O TAPPAN, THE Original and Supplementary EMBARGO LAWS:—passed the 10th Congress of the U. States.
WANTED immediately, in a small family, a girl from 15 to 20 years of age, as an assistant with another maid, to do the necessary work of said family;—none need apply, unless they can bring good recommendations; apply to the Printers. August 9, 1808.
NOTICE.
ALL persons having demands against the estate of BENJAMIN SWETT, late of Portsmouth, merchant, deceased, are requested to present them for adjustment, and all indebted to said estate are desired to make immediate payment to JOSEPH ELA, August 9, 1808. Administrator.
NOTICE is hereby given that the subscriber has been duly appointed Administratrix to the estate of ELISHA LOW, late of Portsmouth, in the county of Rockingham, mariner, deceased, and has taken upon herself that trust by giving bonds as the law directs; therefore all persons having demands upon the estate of the said deceased, are requested to exhibit the same, and all persons indebted to said estate are hereby called upon to make payment to me the subscriber. ELIZABETH LOW, Administratrix. Portsmouth, August 8, 1808.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the estate of EBENEZER FERNALD, late of Kittery, Shipwright, deceased, are hereby requested to call on the subscriber for immediate settlement. DAVID FERNALD, Executor. Kittery, August 8, 1808.
New Spring and Summer GOODS.
Just received and now opened at DRAPER'S
CHEAP CASH STORE, a very extensive variety of the most Fashionable, Fancy, and Staple, PIECE GOODS,
adapted to the present & approaching season. AMONG WHICH ARE,
LADIES elegant Mantles and 64 damask Shawls; blk. lace Nett, for shawls; black lace Veiling; elegant white lace Veiling; Spider-net; fine leno and spider-net Mullins; linen Cambricks; fancy Mullins; 4-4 and 6-4 cambrick ditto; 4-4 and 6-4 plain and figur'd book & jaconet ditto. Variety of fashionable Plaid Lutestrings; shaded tafetta and gormtune broad Ribbons; Sattin Gormtune and figured tafetta do. do.; elegant patch Furnitures; low priced Copperplates. A great variety of Pink & dark plaid Ginghams; 7-8 and 4-4 London Chintzes, light colours with small figures; white thread and cotton Laces & Edgings; common and cambrick Dimities; blk. Laces. A great variety of
Parafols, with walking canes; Leghorn straw Flats; cane and willow ditto; chip Flats; straw Bonnets and Hats; figur'd Sattins, suitable for Bonnets; pink, buff, green, blue, and white Sarsnets; fine white linen and cotton Pocket Handkerchiefs; fancy silk Handks.; 6-4 twill'd cotton Shawls; 6-4 lace cambrick and mullin Shawls; pink, blue, buff, salmon, purple and flate Cambricks; 7-8, 4-4 and 6-4 black Cambricks, of a good quality; India blk. Lutestrings; Florence do.; 6-4 twill'd Cambrick; blk. Modes and Crapes; black and green pelong Sattins; Italian Silks; Imperial straw Trimmings; gown Patterns; black and colour'd silk Velvets; black tabby do.; Ladies and gentlemen's silk and cotton Hosiery; Gentlemen's fashionable Mar-feilles Quiltings; Ladies lace and pic nic Gloves and Mts.; English and French silk Gloves, all colours; silk and kid habit Gloves; men's beaver do.; silk chambray Mullins; black silk Florentine, very nice. Variety of Coquelicco; dark, blue, and other fashionable Calicoes; trunk low priced Calicoes; English Diapers; diaper table Cloths; Irish Linens; British Shirting Cottons. An assortment of Fans from 3 cents, to 1,75; Tortoiseshell and common hair Combs; plain blk. Lutestring Ribbons, a scarce article; Gold ear Hoops; gown Trimmings; silk Cords; Ladies kid Shoes, cheap; Grandurills; English yellow Nankins; Nankinets; Italian black and colored sewing Silks; silk Umbrellas; cotton ditto; 4-4, 5-4 and 6-4 Oil Cloths; Bandanna and Madras Handks.; superfine Broad Cloths and Cassimeres. Variety of Kidderminster Carpetings, of the newest patterns; Gentlemen's superfine Hats; low priced do. from 1 to 4 dollars; Velvets and Velveteens; silvered Cords; gentlemen's Leghorn and willow Hats; Suspenders; blue and yellow Nankins, superior quality; Madras Stripes; Cushtahs; blue India Cottons; cotton Checks; fine Shirting, and low priced India Cottons, &c. &c. &c. May 17, 1808.
A Boy!!
WANTED as an Apprentice to the Printing business, a smart, active LAD, Enquire at the Gazette Office. August, 1808.
FOR SALE, A HANDSOME new CHAISE and HARNESS; Also, two second hand do.; for cash or lumber—Apply to FRANCIS W. HARDY.
COTTON YARN, and other American Manufactured COTTON GOODS.
TIMOTHY UPHAM,
Has just received a large consignment, and in future will keep constantly for sale a complete assortment of American Manufactured Cotton Goods, which he is enabled to sell at the lowest prices by wholesale or retail; being appointed an agent for one of the largest Manufactories in the United States,—viz. COTTON Twill and Yarn, of all the various kinds; best American Bed-Ticking (warranted fast colours); Cotton Shirting & Sheetings; Stripes; Checks, &c. of a very superior quality. On hand as usual, A very extensive assortment of European and India Goods. Also, just received by the Ferdinand from Charleston, S. C. a few Bales of COTTON of a superior quality. Orders from his friends and customers in the Country will be carefully attended to. June 14.
Room Papers & Borderings.
A LARGE assortment of ROOM PAPERS and BORDERINGS just received and for sale at C. PIERCE'S Bookstore, CHEAP FOR CASH. June 28.