The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1802-03-02 00:00:00

Supplement to the New-Hampshire Gazette: March 2.
For the New-Hampshire GAZETTE.
To the free Electors of New-Hampshire.
In answer to LUCIUS in this and the last GAZETTE.
Friends and Fellow-Citizens,
AS the indecent and abusive attack on the public and private character of Col. LANGDON, by a writer in your last paper under the signature of Lucius , has for its principal object, to influence in the approaching election for Governor of this State, it is, for that reason a subject of public concern, and every friend to truth, to justice and to the welfare of the State is in duty bound as early as possible, to exert himself to ward off the intended mischief, lest the cause of virtue and republicanism be wounded thro' misrepresentation and deceit. The artful suppression of his elaborate production (which is known to have been a long time in readiness) until the last days of the electioneering campaign, too clearly shews, that the author was peculiarly solicitous to guard against a seasonable investigation of his insidious plan.
To prepare the public mind for the reception of his calumnies, several lengthy columns are taken up, in exciting the passions, stifling the judgment and baiting the prejudices of his readers. The highest pretensions to all the patriotic virtues are made with more than puritanic fervour; he tells you he is restrained from the use of unlawful weapons (by his piety no doubt) and laments that his tender conscience will not suffer him to use railing for railing. To convince you more fully of his disinterested patriotism, he assures you "he is a candidate for no office either in your gift or in that of the person you shall elect"—but does not tell you that he now holds an important and lucrative office received at the hands of the present executive, and that he knows of another still more so, in reserve for him, should the pending measures of Congress supersede the midnight appointments of president Adams. He declares that "he is not conscious to himself that he feels the smallest personal animosity against any of the candidates for your favor, that if he was so conscious he would desist and leave the ungrateful task to others who might bring with them minds perfectly free from personal bias." These are the solemn declarations of the man who from the time of his enlistment under the banners of aristocracy to the present moment, has on all convenient occasions made the character of Mr. L. the theme of his most virulent abuse, and who in the very performance containing those declarations has grossly and in the most unprovoked and wanton manner aspersed even the private reputation of the worthy Judge Walker, evidently for no better purpose than to give the more disfulsive scope to his malevolent humour. Let any one disposed to doubt my assertions, read his remarks and judge for themselves. Had Lucius extended his views no farther than to have shown that Mr. L. or his friends for him have no claim to the chief magistracy, in virtue of former services, I should have no disposition to oppose his reasonings; neither Mr. Langdon Mr. Gilman nor any one else can have any such claim from that source. In a republican Government all offices should be considered as the free gift of the people, and the people should consider it their duty, not to barter them for any services capable of pecuniary reward, but to bestow them on those who under all circumstances, are in their opinion best qualified to discharge the incumbent duties, and that former services whether rewarded or not should only be considered as evidence of ability or disposition to do, unless in a possible, though not probable case, the qualifications of different candidates for the same office should be precisely equal. But the plain design of Lucius is to draw a comparison between the different candidates, Mr. Langdon and Mr. Gilman, favorable to the latter and wholly at the expence of Mr. L.—Had he done this by allowing to Mr. L. the credit to which he is justly entitled and extolled, to the highest pitch to which the most enthusiastic imagination could have carried him, the wisdom, benevolence, magnanimity, disinterested patriotism, and all
other the exalted virtues of his friend & patron Mr. G. the attempt if not more successful, would however have been far less wicked; but in this way his purposes could not so well be answered nor his feelings so thoroughly gratified. During the reign of aristocratic federalism, political slander and intolerance were the constant order of the day; the unhallowed mouth of almost every political upstart was then open with calumnies on the name of Mr. L. many of whom were in their father's loins when he was engaged in procuring for them their freedom and independence; but reviled for his republicanism he has borne it with patience. Encouraged by his silence and knowing the proneness of man to relish detraction— Lucius while he flatters your virtues, calculates on your prejudices, and by a kind of forte on your passions presumes to accomplish by deception, that which by candid investigation might be attempted in vain.
As the candidates for Governor the present year are but two, I shall in conducting my enquiries confine myself to a comparative view of their respective qualifications. I shall make no hypocritical pretensions to infallibility; it is the part of human nature to err, of this I am sensible and shall endeavor to guard against the propensity, and by a sober address to the reason and judgment to place the merits of each candidate in as just a point of view as one who has already formed his opinion can possibly do.
Early in the American contest and even before the myrmidons of Britain unheathed the murderous sword against us; Mr. Langdon with many others his compatriots openly espoused the cause of their country, and he did not hesitate to place himself foremost in every necessary measure however hazardous and uncertain the event. It is beyond the scope of my memory to give in detail the numerous instances of his zealous and patriotic exertions, suffice it to say that from the beginning to the end of the American revolution he was constantly employed in those active stations where he could be most beneficial and where the public voice from time to time had placed him. It is true he did not assume the military character, but his services were nevertheless useful and important;—although even in that particular Mr. L. was not without merit.—At those memorable periods of anxiety and distress when even the stout hearted were nigh to despondency, realising the necessity of shewing not in profession only but by example his firm and unshaken attachment to the cause in which he had engaged, he voluntarily took arms and marched with his brethren to the assistance of his military friends; that he was not called on those occasions to contend at the point of the sword or the bayonet against the common enemy was no fault of his, he shewed his readiness and more could not be required. But in a struggle like ours, all danger was not confined to the field of battle. It is a circumstance which those who were on the stage in the first years of our revolution cannot have forgotten, that success on our part was for a considerable time extremely hazardous and doubtful, we had without expence, without any regular government and almost without resources, not only to contend with the mighty power of Britain, but we had enemies also among ourselves, if possible, more dangerous than they. We were, considered by them as traitors and rebels, and as such, failing of success, should have experienced their joint vengeance, and the halter or gibbet would have been the sure reward of those who had rendered themselves conspicuous in the opposition; that Mr. L. was of this description, his enemies will not undertake to deny.—These things have been either forgotten, or remembered only as a testimony against him. But Lucius tells you that Mr. L.'s services have been amply rewarded; suppose it be granted, what then is the inference? if those of Mr. G. were not more meritorious, and if they also have been fully compensated, what does Lucius gain for his friend by this suggestion?—Let us examine a little into the matter. In the first place, it may be enquired of Lucius what particular evidence he has that "our worthy Governor from the beginning to the end of the revolutionary struggle, was attached to the cause of his country?" where and how was he employed in the earlier and more hazardous stages of the revolution? If as clerk in his father's office, or at another time as a factor in the American camp, his own pecuniary interest was the most probable inducement, and the profits of the business a sufficient reward. Neither his life, his limbs nor his health were in very imminent danger; the employment was inoffensive, and in the most unfavorable
event, could not have exposed him to a very exemplary punishment, even had the enemy succeeded, and he been detected in the very act. At the close of the war, when all danger was at an end, Mr. G. for his zeal was appointed to the Treasurer's office, made vacant by the death of his father, the salary attached to this department, has ever been considered to be generous, and apart from the blessings of an indirect kind (which many have been foolish enough to believe, have been derived from it) a full compensation for the duties required. Mr. G. enjoyed the emoluments of this profitable office, for a series of years, and until his appointment as a commissioner for settling the accounts of individual states with the United States. In this office he remained between two and three years, till convinced of his insufficiency for the necessary duties, and without completing any part of the business for which he was appointed, he at length resigned his commission into abler hands; as officers of this sort are generally well paid, it is not probable Mr. G.'s pecuniary interest suffered much at this time. His next object, says a writer in the last Gazette, ( Junius ) was to reinstate himself in the Treasury office, which with some contrivance and assistance of friends was soon accomplished." This was a period when large sums at command were peculiarly convenient, buying and selling public securities at that time was a very profitable traffic," and there are many of the largest fortunes in the United States that not only sprung from that source, "but were wholly made by it," which proves that it was a very honest and honorable trade . Lucius will excise the retort-courteous, it could scarcely be avoided. It is not necessary, and I do not say that Mr. G. was ever guilty of using the public monies for his own private purposes; or if he did, that he was chargeable with fraud; for custom in certain cases gives a kind of sanction even to vice itself, and had Mr. G. taken such liberty, he would not have been without a plea of that kind. In a neighboring State, while under the British government, such was the practice; it was necessary however once a year, to call in the aid of a few wealthy friends while the committee of the Legislature were employed in settling the accounts. This by the bye seems to imply that it was then thought necessary that the money should at all times be really in the Treasury; but that was an old fashioned opinion, which prevailed in times of ignorance, in our more enlightened days, it has been thoroughly exploded.
Another charge against Mr. L. (and the writer appears to think it a weighty one) is that he is rich—he may be so—his mercantile enterprise, industry and economy justly entitle him to it. Mr. G. is also rich, and it is my sincere belief, but little less so than Mr. L. who before the commencement of the American war, was possessed of what was then esteemed a very handsome property, and undoubtedly to a much larger amount than the whole estate, one sixth part of which only devolved on Mr. G. (anything to the contrary from Lucius notwithstanding.) In addition to this Mr. L. had many favorable opportunities during the revolution, in common with other men of property, in maritime towns, wholly disconnected with his public business, not merely in a reputable but in a laudable way, and in a way beneficial to his country, to increase his estate, and is it natural to suppose that they were suffered to pass unimproved? but I will not labour this point, left I should be thought to pay too much attention to the infamous imputation of fraud, suggested by Lucius , of which he can have no possible evidence, and which he himself cannot and does not believe. The only notice I shall bestow on this barefaced calumny is, that envy and malice have at various times, stirred up enemies to Mr. L. and enemies of the worst description, they ever have been and still are from the aristocratic tribe, a tribe distinguished by a virulent and persecuting spirit—those are the peculiar characteristics, the very handmaidens of aristocracy; from such enemies as these, even in the ebullitions of rage and party spirit, Mr. L.'s integrity has till now escaped an impeachment; Lucius therefore, and the whole banditti of defamers, may spout till they are satiated, their spoutings will be vain—the character of Mr. L. in this particular, at least, will stand the test of the most invidious investigation, and as it has been preserved to the age of sixty years, it will probably descend with him in spite of his enemies, unimpaired, to the grave.
But must it be considered a crime to be rich, without shewing to the world, by debt and credit, how it was brought about? Mr. G. himself will not consent to this. It is a fact and not a very secret one, that he also is rich, he possesses a very large estate—it is also true that at the beginning of the revolution, he possessed little or no proper-
ty, and that his paternal inheritance was by no means considerable; that he has visibly done little other than public business, from the commencement of the revolution to this day, to increase it; that his salary as Treasurer, and even as Governor, though either of them fully equal to the services required, and quite competent to a genteel living, could never create an estate. In the name of wonder then let me ask by what means did Mr. G. accumulate a fortune? He or his friends will doubtless be able to clear up this difficulty, and I will patiently wait the solution; in the mean time shall take the liberty to call on Lucius or any one else, who can give the information—to point out the services of Mr. G. that have not been rewarded; any sacrifices or sufferings of any kind he has made, any anxiety or distress of body or mind he has at any time been exposed to for the public good. Has not Mr. G. been the favorite child of fortune in this respect? the time of suffering and distress with those who fought our battles, was to him a time of prosperity, a thriving time. While the war-worn soldier through penury and want, was necessitated to part with the hard earnings of a miserable life, for an eighth part of the value at which they were received—Mr. G. was favorably circumstanced (to say no more) to profit by those necessities. But more of Mr. G. hereafter. We will now return to Mr. L. and examine the charges against him as a member of the general Government. Lucius has accused him of abandoning the interests of the State, in voting for the assumption act, and has artfully drawn up a statement to suit the accusation; his conclusion is that the state has got rid of the burthen of 300,000 dollars and are saddled with one of 840,000 dollars—if this be true, we have certainly made a very bad bargain—but it is not the case; the truth is, that the assumption business, against which Lucius is so clamorous, is comparatively an innocent thing. At this period, large sums were due on state notes, certificates and other evidences of debts, from each state to individuals, for services and supplies for carrying on the war, the object was for the general government to advance to each state, a sum sufficient for the payment of those demands, this was done in effect by assuming the payment of that amount; and in making the apportionment, no regard was had to the sums that had been paid by the respective states towards the support of the war—that could not possibly be known at that time, commissioners were employed in adjusting those accounts, but did not report till a long time after, so that the small sum assumed for New-Hampshire was no proof of supposed delinquency, it neither had nor could have any connexion with it. There were, before this, mutual existing demands between each state and the United States, and the sums assumed for the several states, were charged to them in their respective accounts, so that if Congress had assumed for New-Hampshire, 840,000 dollars which Lucius says was our proportion instead of the 300,000 dollars, the difference would have been precisely this; that whereas we are now a creditor state to the amount of seventy-five thousand dollars, and are actually receiving interest quarter yearly, for that sum, we should have been a debtor state, by all the difference between the sum that has been assumed, viz. 300,000 dollars added to the sum for which we now have credit, viz. 75,000 dollars—and the sum of 840,000 our equal proportion—which would have made us a debtor state, to the amount of 465,000 dollars, and this sum we must have paid in one way or another. Where then would have been the mighty advantage to our state, had Congress assumed the largest sum? We have only to lament the backwardness of the debtor states, in discharging those debts which stand against them—was this done, all would be perfectly right. This it appears is in a train of accomplishment—New-York, the principal debtor state, by permission of Congress, has already expended large sums in necessary preparations for the defence of her seaports and harbours, which otherwise must have been done by the general government; and the other debtor states if they have not already, will probably do the same, so that eventu-

ally the debt will be extinguished, if not by actual payment, yet by saving in the Treasury, so much money which otherwise must have been issued for those purposes.
Lucius touches but lightly on the funding act; infinitely the most exceptionable of the two, and that not because he is really dissatisfied with it; but just to give himself an additional opportunity to implicate the views of Mr. L. who voted in favor of it. It was necessary that provision should be made for the discharge of the public debt; justice and good policy required it; diversity of opinion arose on the subject; the clashing interests of the different States, rendered the investigation tedious and perplexing; at length a system was adopted combining as far as possible their different views, in favor of which the members of the middle and northern States generally, voted, and among them many who were not even suspected of an interest in its operation. It is true that Mr. L. was at that time the owner of a small property that might be affected by the system; does it follow from thence that he acted dishonestly, and in opposition to his own reason and conscience? The suggestion is ill-natured and unbecoming the man who has any pretensions to candour. Surely Lucius must doubt his own integrity, or he could not so willingly indulge his suspicions of others.—But if Mr. L. had been really swayed in some small degree by personal interest, and this could be shewn, it is believed it would be as pardonable in his case as in almost any that could be described. The only public securities possessed by him at that time consisted of Loan-office certificates received, dollar for dollar, for gold and silver actually loaned to the United States for the support of the American army then in Canada, under the command of Gen. Schuyler, and sent on by Mr. L. to the army, which was then in the most pressing necessity for supplies that could be obtained there in no other way than by paying therefor in gold or silver—under circumstances like these, had Mr. L. been insensibly persuaded to a measure which would give him and probably many others, who at this critical and alarming period of the war, generously contributed to alleviate the distresses of their brethren in the field, fifteen shillings on the pound for what they had actually paid twenty—it would not have proved him either a very weak or a very bad man—but there is no ground to believe even so much as this.—Here Lucius appears to have lost sight of his original plan; had he established every item of the charge under the highest possible colourings, Mr. L. could not have suffered in that particular, in the comparison with his fellow candidate, because it is a truth of which but few can be ignorant that the funding system has not only been highly relished in Exeter, it has even been worshipped from the Excellent Gov. G. down to the most insignificant speculator; and not without reason; the greatest fortunes there and the greater part of the lesser ones, have been made by it. Lucius must rather lose than gain ground by this count in his declaration.
We have hitherto noticed those accusations only which in the estimation of the libeller of Mr. L.'s character, appear to be small in comparison, of the infinitely important one, that were we, to be persuaded by him, involves in every species and degree of criminality. It is in substance, this, Mr. Langdon has during the latter part of President Washington's, and through the whole of President Adams' administration, generally, on great questions voted with the Virginian and other southern members! ! !—The observations of Lucius on this subject, in the different parts of his performance are rather singular, and if I may be allowed the expression, border a little on the ridiculous; they afford a favorable opportunity indeed for the satirist and man of humour; I have no talents of that kind, and if I had, should have no disposition to exercise them; shall therefore continue as I have begun, and make a very serious, but short reply: Mr. L. was a Whig in 1775 (a character synonymous with that of a Republican under Mr. Adams' administration) and has never since been fit to retract his principles. He was, and still is a zealous advocate for the independence of his country, and the privileges of his fellow-citizens. He acted with his northern brethren, while
they shewed themselves Americans and friends to our constitution. But when American Senators proved themselves PARTIZANS OF BRITAIN , he forsook their company and joined himself to REPUBLICANS , regardless of the State to which they belonged.
Mr. L. is also accused of voting against opening the galleries of the Senate Chamber. This is partly true and partly false, in common with most of the other charges brought against him; that is, there is just truth enough for an artful and mischievous man to make something out of to excite the prejudices of those who have not an opportunity to examine for themselves. The truth is, that during several sessions of Congress, there were no galleries to the Senate chamber, the room itself was small, scarcely sufficient to accommodate the members, so that it was impossible to admit spectators without incommoding the Senators in their seats; for this reason Mr. Langdon, and with him a very large majority were against opening the doors, a few warm spirited gentlemen only were in favor of it. Mr. L. however voted in favor of erecting galleries, but unfortunately was against their being opened until they were built!
We are told that Mr. L. voted in favor of the bill for suspending our intercourse, at a certain period, with G. Britain, and that he was willing the French should sell their prizes in our ports, as we had ours in their ports when we were at war with Britain—these charges I believe to be true; indeed I should be sorry not to find them so. He voted also, says his accuser, against the bill for the protection of our trade against French spoliations, &c.—In this, however, he had the countenance of his colleague, Mr. Livermore. Lucius does not mention this. But why does he not proceed with his complaint and tell us all the truth? That Mr. L. voted against the STANDING ARMY act, by means of which many millions of dollars have been worse than thrown away? The share that New-Hampshire must eventually contribute to that most unnecessary and useless expence, would undoubtedly be much more than sufficient for the "honorable support of our State Government" for ten years to come. Why are we not told that Mr. L. was opposed to the ALIEN act, the SEDITION act, the STAMP act, and every other act that in his opinion would be injurious to the people, and subversive of the true spirit of the Constitution? One general answer may be given, which will apply to every question of the kind that can be put; it is this—that notwithstanding any hypocritical pretensions to candour, Lucius had no other design from the beginning than to wound the reputation of Col. Langdon in the greatest possible degree, and for that reason has stated only the debt side of the account, and magnified each charge to the utmost extent of possibility.
We are now come to the six last columns of Lucius' luminous Works , I mean of those that have made their public appearance, how many more there may be in reserve is difficult at once to determine; it depends on an arithmetical calculation, which I have not time to make. The question would be, how many different transpositions may be made of all the words in the english language, with liberty to convey over and over again ad libitum , the same ideas, or no ideas at all. I hope this will not be considered a reflection on the talents of my friend Lucius;—he certainly has talents—he abounds in language, and has a talent at discharging it in most copious effusions; nor is he without ideas—they are however, rather of an extraordinary kind, and he is not a little singular in his manner of enforcing them. I shall notice some of them, but having little time to spare, my observations will be short.
Mr. L. is represented by him as wanting economy, because he owns a carriage; and a house that has furniture in it, and because he lives in that house and is so extravagant as sometimes to invite a friend to dine with him, and occasionally entertains strangers who may fall in his way.—Is Gov. G. guilty of these things, or is he not? If he is, he is in this respect a no better man than Col. L. if he is not, we will allow him all the merit of this sort, his friends can desire for him.—Mr. L. is not economical because he thought it would be for the interest of the State to have the necessary business properly done; and as this could not
be effected at one session, that it would be best to have two—Gov. G. and his party were of a different opinion; they are not however entirely free from censure; these gentry are only halfway economists—for if the General Court, in having but one session in the year, saved 10,000 dollars to the State, as Lucius asserts—by the same kind of calculation they would have saved 10,000 more, by having none. If economy be the only object, we had better have done with the foolish and expensive business of choosing and paying Senators and Representatives to manage our affairs—it would be much cheaper to continue our excellent Governor in office, and commit the management of all necessary legislative business to him; his talents and disinterested regard to the welfare of all parties, peculiarly qualify him for the trust, and with a thousand dollars additional salary, he has doubtless patriotism enough to undertake it. But to be a little more serious, let me ask you, Lucius, to put your hand upon your breast and answer, like an honest man, this question, Was it from a regard to economy in the expenditure of public monies, or for the purpose of preventing the incorporation of the New-Hampshire UNION BANK for another year, that the winter session of the General Court was omitted?
The reasonings of Lucius on the principle of rotation in office are perfectly consistent with the views of the party to which he belongs. Were artful men always on their guard, the honest and unsuspecting, would not long be safe. It is owing to the imprudent zeal of some hot headed politicians, in prematurely divulging what was intended to be kept secret, that the plan of an elective monarchy , generated in the political clubs of the high toned advocates for executive power, has not e'er this, been brought into operation in our country, and that our republican Constitution, purchased at the amazing expence of an eight years cruel and bloody war, has not been in the short period of less than twenty years, with all our boasted liberties, wrested from us forever.
If I understand Lucius's new fangled logic, it is this—that although the people have a constitutional right annually to elect whom they please for their Governor, yet once having exercised that right, it must be considered as a grant of privilege, not merely for the period for which he was elected, but until voluntarily relinquished by the grantee, unless destroyed by demonstrative evidence, that he is unfit for the office, because re-election to office may be considered (or be pretended so to be) the principal valuable compensation for his services and to withhold that at any period would operate as a repeal of the privilege of the grant from the beginning, which without a violation of moral obligations, the people notwithstanding their constitutional power, can never do; and that the rotation principle if established by the constitution must be bad because it will destroy all pretensions to such claim, and the people be left free to elect whom they please as a successor without the charge of violence or injustice. If there be any force in this kind of reasoning, repeated reelection serves to strengthen the claim, and comes near to the principle of electing for life—but as the people are not yet prepared for such doctrine—this seasonable development may be the means of saving our constitution and securing our liberties.
On the score of abilities so frequently mentioned by our author to the disadvantage of Mr. L. we have no objection to instituting a comparison between the two candidates—wholly to deny them to either, as both have been repeatedly elected to important offices, the reflection would fall perhaps as severely on their electors as on them—Mr. G. may have talents but if so they have been concealed even closer than in a napkin, it was not a very plentiful commodity in the family and the eldest son has never been thought to have inherited a double portion of it;—but enough of this. Lucius has said many excellent things of his friend Mr. G. and after a few remarks I shall be willing to let them go for what they are worth.—The duties of the treasury office, in this State have for ought has come to the knowledge of the public, been sufficiently attended to, but "as there were no checks and scarce any control over the office" as Lucius justly observes, we can form no favorable conclusion but of the negative kind, and there can be no other than presumptive evidence that "every cent of the public money has been accounted for"—but I have no disposition to resist even such evidence as this when no better can be had.—Lucius denies that Gov.
G. has ever exhibited any symptoms of discontent in regard to his salary, and has unfortunately adopted a little of the rough language of that part of the country from whence he originated, to express it;—but early impressions are strong and as he came so fairly by them both from natural as well as local causes I shall consider it a small error and quite pardonable.—How does he reconcile this denial with what in a few succeeding sentences he admits; viz. That Gov. G. finding other salaries enlarged could not bear to see the loaves and fishes thus distributed without demanding a share for himself.—Mr. G. knew that he was not forgotten in this distribution; the General Court had fully considered his case and had twice told him they thought he had his share,—but not contented with this and finding that the division on the question was not very great against him he ventured to try his own influence; it succeeded, and procured for him an additional salary of two hundred dollars. Lucius asks if he threatened? I answer—yes—if he denies it let him ask even Mr. G.'s friends who were present.—I would refer him to the letter itself which ought to have been on the files but some one more prudent than Mr. G. found means to suppress it. The subsequent applications for increase of salary and for compensation for reviewing the militia are said to have been made without the knowledge of Gov. G. It is barely possible—it is not probable.—Gov. G. must first declare it himself those then who are acquainted with the circumstances are at liberty to think as they please.—Is it probable that a question put at so many different times and in such various shapes and urged with such vehemence by his most particular friends, his advisers , his privy counsellors , could have taken place without his knowledge—candour itself will not admit the supposition.—Had not Lucius mentioned Governor G.'s disinterested benevolence I should have stopped here—but as his conduct in some instances cannot be reconciled with that amiable qualification I must take the liberty to suspect that he does not possess it. It is a matter of very general notoriety that the question on the incorporation of the N. H. Union Bank was made a political one and that the principal opposition was on that ground and that to advocate the cause of the petitioners was to incur the stigma of Jacobinism—just at this time Gov. G. adopted the plan of leaving out of office several justices of the peace whose commissions had expired for political opinions only, or because they were friends to the incorporation of the Bank—and among them men of the most unblemished characters, who by long experience were enabled and actually did discharge the duties of the office with unimpeachable ability and integrity men who had grown old in that office and depended in great measure on the small emoluments for the support of their families—if this be disinterested benevolence the less of it in a Governor the better.
Lucius mentions the Portsmouth gentry and thinks them rather too assuming.—As the appellation has never been exclusively claimed but by the connexions and descendants of the British Government party, now the exclusive federalists, I must presume the charge lies against them; it is highly applicable there and no where else.—He speaks somewhat feelingly of the great expence of "employing runners through the State"—I can easily conceive it to be but being unacquainted with that kind of business myself, am willing to rely on his experience and set it down to be true.
Lucius somewhere expresses a wish to know of some mercantile gentlemen, how much rusty old money remains in the vaults of Amsterdam since the French have taken the trouble to keep the key. I would also ask in my turn of some gentlemen round the treasury at Exeter a question of much greater importance to the citizens of New-Hampshire,—what proportion of the State's money has actually been in the treasury for ten years past, and where was it when the General Court by their committee requested, and the Treasurer refused THE KEY?
A CITIZEN OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
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