The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-04-12 00:00:00

THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
No. 4.
NEWPORT, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 12, 1809.
Vol. 1.
NEWPORT, R. I.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED ON WEDNESDAYS,
BY WILLIAM SIMONS,
No. 15, MILL-STREET.
TERMS.
The paper is printed once a week, at 2 dollars a year, one half in advance.
Advertisements conspicuously inserted, at the rate of 1 dollar and 50 cents a square, for three weeks—smaller one in the same proportion.
Printing, in all its variety, executed with accuracy and despatch. Orders respectfully solicited.
AMERICAN FLOQUENCE.
SPEECH OF MR. GILES,
DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FEB. 13, 1809,
In support of the Resolution, moved by him on the 8th of the same month.
Continued.
THE acts of France complained of are admitted by Mr. Canning now to be merely nominal in relation to G. Britain, that they are utterly harmless and contemptible, that they have ceased to be mischievously operative, &c. &c. Yet he tells you that he will not revoke the orders in council for fear his motives in doing so may be mistaken; not that it is not in itself just and proper to revoke them according to the principle of retaliation upon which they were originally adopted; but merely for fear his motives in doing an act of justice and propriety, may be mistaken or misconceived by others. But, sir, let us hear him in his own words:
"The struggle has been viewed by other powers, not without an apprehension that it might be fatal to this country. The British government has not disguised from itself, that the trial of such an experiment might be arduous and long, though it has never doubted of the final issue. But if that issue, such as the British government confidently anticipated, has providentially arrived much sooner than could even have been hoped; if "the blockade of the continent;" as it has been triumphantly styled by the enemy, is raised, even before it had been well established, and if that system, of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, is broken up into fragments, utterly harmless and contemptible, it is nevertheless important in the highest degree, to the reputation of this country, (a reputation which constitutes great part of her power) that this disappointment of the hopes of her enemies should not have been purchased by any concession; that not a doubt should remain to distant times of her determination and of her ability to have continued her resistance, and that no step which could even mistakenly be construed into concession, should be taken on our part, while the smallest link of the confederacy remains undissolved; or while it can be a question, whether the plan devised for her destruction has or has not either completely failed, or been unequivocally abandoned." Canning to Pinkney, Sept. 23, 1808.
"The purpose of this letter is not to renew the discussion upon the subject of your proposal, but merely to clear up any misunderstanding which had existed between us during that discussion.—I cannot conclude it, however, without advertizing very shortly to that part of your letter, in which you argue that the failure of France, in the attempt to realize her gigantic project of the annihilation of the commerce of this country, removes all pretext for the continuance of the retaliatory system of G. Britain. This impotency of the enemy to carry his projects of violence and injustice into execution, might, with more propriety, be pleaded with him, as a motive for withdrawing decrees at once so indefensible and so little efficacious for their purpose, than represented; as creating an obligation upon G. Britain to desist from those measures of defensive retaliation which those decrees have necessarily occasioned. If the foundation of the retaliating system of Great Britain was (as we contend it to have been) originally just, that system will be justifiably continued in force, not so long only as the decrees which produced it are mischievously oppressive,
but until they are unequivocally abandoned, and, if it be thus consistent with justice to persevere in that system, it is surely no mean motive of policy for such perseverance, that a premature departure from it, while the enemy's original provocation remains unrepealed, might lead to false conclusions, as to the efficacy of the decrees of France, and might hold out a dangerous temptation to that power to resort to the same system on any future occasion." Canning to Pinkney, Nov. 22, 1808.
What, sir, does Mr. Canning here tell us?—Why, sir, on the 23d of September last, that the French blockading decrees were then broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible, and on the 22d of November following, that they had ceased to be mischievously operative, &c. &c. Retaliation may be defined an injury returned for a wrong received. Well, sir, if the U. States had done no other wrong to G. Britain but neglecting to repel the wrong of France; and the wrong of France ceased to produce any injurious consequences; why not revoke the orders inflicting the most destructive injuries upon the United States?—Why, Mr. Canning in substance tells us, not that it would be wrong to do so, but he is afraid that the world would mistake his motive for doing right: And sir, is the commerce of the United States to be destroyed. The people to be colonized and taxed, and the nation to be insulted and degraded, merely because Mr. Canning fears, if he should cease to inflict these wrongs, his motives for ceasing to do so may be misconceived or mistaken!! And are the people of the U. States to be told that all these injuries and insults are to be continued merely to expiate Mr. Canning's idle and pretended fears, that his motive for his conduct may be mistaken? What, sir, can be more derogatory to the character? What more injurious to the interest? What more insulting to the understanding of the American people? Yet, Sir, we are told there are no causes of war!! We must wait for more degradation!! Sir, Mr. Canning tells us he thinks this no mean motive of policy for continuing these orders after the original causes ceased. Sir, I will not pretend to think against Mr. Canning upon this subject; but, sir, I think, and I know that it will be a mean, an infinitely mean motive of policy on our part to submit to his injuries, his insults, and his degradations, as well as his absurd and sophisticated exposition of his motives for them. But, sir, permit me again to ask if the U. States had not a right to judge of the extent and mode of resisting the French decrees? They certainly had, and did so; and after having made their decision in those respects, a contrary hostile decision by G. Britain was an act of war against the United States, and according to her own principle of retaliation, the proper act of retaliation on their part was an act of war, not indeed thro' the ribs of a third innocent unoffending party, but directly back upon herself, and it ought instantly to have been resorted to upon refusal to revoke her hostile orders.
But, sir, permit me to put this doctrine in a still stronger point of view. The right of retaliation, I presume, is equal and reciprocal amongst all nations, and when the British ministry ventured to retaliate upon their enemy through us, they adopted that policy upon their own responsibility; they subjected themselves to all its consequences; we certainly had a right to adopt a counteracting policy. War would have been the natural, legitimate and correct act of retaliation. But, sir, suppose I were now in a spirit of mitigated retaliation, to propose to pass a law imposing a duty equal to one half of the value of all the original productions of Great Britain, and direct that all her vessels sailing with such productions either to Spanish America, or any of the American Indies or islands, or to any other place under the protection of the laws of nations, should first call at some port of the United States, either Boston, New York, Baltimore or Charleston, and there pay the tribute; and if they failed or refused so to do, to authorize our armed ships, to capture and bring them in for condemnation; would not the proposition be thought extravagant
and monstrous? The proposition of a madman? Yet, sir, it would be more reasonable than the orders of council, which are the same in substance, but were adopted without provocation or pretext.—Yes, sir, the pretext is false, it is insincere. The real ground of the orders of council will be found in the settled determination of the English cabinet, to monopolize the commerce of the world, or to render it subservient to their own views and interests, and particularly to involve in this general destruction, the commerce of the U. States.—Sir, I draw this conclusion not only from Mr. Canning's own prevaricating letters, and sophisticated expositions; but from various intimations to that effect by the British jurists, and particularly from a late pamphlet, written it is said, under the direction of the ministry, and for the express purpose of preparing the British nation and the world for the monstrous pretension. Indeed the production is ascribed to the elder Mr. Rose, one of the most influential advisers of the cabinet; and it is extremely probable we shall see the doctrine openly avowed in the British parliament, now expected to be in session. The pamphlet is entitled "Hints to both Parties," from which I beg to read a few extracts:
"The orders in council have been stigmatized, as being at once absurd and contemptible, in relinquishing the principle of right on which their justification is founded, for a paltry consideration of pounds, shillings and pence. But how can that measure be deemed absurd, which at once unites interest and policy? And so far from rendering Great Britain contemptible, how can she possibly assume a more dignified character, than in thus shewing the world that Buonaparte, with all his dependent kings, are but her tributaries: that they can receive no articles either of comfort or necessity, without paying an acknowledgement to her maritime supremacy, and contributing to the expense of carrying on that war, which the ambition, injustice and aggressions of their tyrant have rendered necessary."
Here, sir, we see a picture of the fantastick and gigantick attitude, which the inflated pride of G. Britain has assumed. Buonaparte and all his dependent kings are her tributaries, paying tribute to her treasury, and homage to her pride. Why, sir, to be sure, this dreaming delusive vision, must be very fascinating to British pride, and gratifying to British cupidity, and I should have said nothing about the ministry's indulging themselves in these delightful reveries, if they had not included the United States in the magnificent train of their humble tributaries. It is true, sir, they are not expressly included in this sentence, but they are made so in fact, and it was intended they should be so included, as I shall presently shew by another quotation from this ministerial production. Yes, sir, I will presently shew you one single word, which is the key that unlocks the whole views of the energetick ministry in relation to the United States. But let me first present you another passage, sir, which will serve to shew you how far this ministry calculates upon effecting their objects by interfering in our political concerns, and by fomenting divisions and discords amongst us. After speaking with apparent exultation of the assassination of the emperor of Russia, in consequence of his interruptions of the trade of his subjects with Great Britain, an event impliedly admitted to have been produced by British stratagem, the author thus proceeds in page 37:
"If any farther elucidation of the principle to which this event is ascribed were wanting, it promises to be found in the United States of America, where the cultivators of the soil are deprived of the fruits of their labours, and the merchants of their commercial gains, by the present embargo. This forced state of things cannot be of long continuance. Already have the Vermontese set the constituted authorities at defiance, and persist in carrying on their trade with the Canadians across lake Champlain, while the northern states manifest strong symptoms of discontent."
I shall only remark, upon this sentence
that it serves to shew how greedily these events were seized upon and how greatly they were overrated, and proceed to the 59th page:
"From what has been adduced upon the subject of privations, it may be inferred that the attempts of other powers to injure Great Britain by pursuing this system, must be abortive.—But it is not so with the system adopted by Great Britain, in retaliation upon them. What they can only threaten, she can execute. While they can only partially restrict her commerce, her naval superiority gives her the means of annihilating theirs. The people thus reduced to misery and distress, will consider their rulers as the authors of their sufferings, and this sentiment once excited, will lead to revolt; thro' revolt to revolution; thro' revolution to a change of measures, and ultimately to peace."
"Let then the principle of the orders in council be strictly enforced. When the enemy feels the pressure of our retaliation, and relaxes his decrees, we should reject, instead of admitting those commodities, by the sale of which he procures resources for his revenue, gives relief to his subjects, encourages them to the continuance of the war, and reconciles them to his authority."
Here, sir, we see the vital principle of all our wrongs, of all our sufferings. It is the supremacy of the British navy. What others threaten, Great Britain can execute. While her commerce is protected, she has the means of annihilating the commerce of others. But this is not all of the horrid picture which is here exhibited. Although the British navy is admitted to be the destructive machine for inflicting all the wrongs upon the people of the United States, they will be told to look from the real cause of their sufferings to their rulers, as the authors of them; and this sentiment once excited, will lead to revolt, through revolt to revolution, through revolution to a change of measures, &c. and thus the people are to be deluded, and made the unsuspecting instruments of their own slavery and sufferings. And Mr. President, permit me with the most humiliating feeling of an American citizen, to ask, whether the course of events in this country, has not corresponded precisely with these anticipations? and whether there can be a doubt that the authors of these anticipations have not also been instrumental in practising these delusions upon the people, for the purpose of effecting their objects, and realizing their calculations and predictions? But, Mr. President, may we not indulge the pleasing hope, that these unfortunate delusions are nearly at an end? or that they will be so, as soon as the real authors of their delusions and sufferings are pointed out to them? I will now turn over to the next page, and there you will find the key which unlocks the whole iniquitous views of this energetick ministry towards the United States. The author is urging the country gentlemen in England to unite with the ministry in this gigantic project of universal dominion on the ocean, and thus he expresses himself.
"Many gentlemen connected with the landed interest, opposed the substitution of sugar for corn in the distilleries, as a discouragement to the agriculture of G. Britain. How much more strongly ought they to oppose these licences to trade in the staple commodities of France and Holland; not only on the same principle but on every consideration of sound policy?—The former measure is temporary, the latter is permanent. The former gives relief and encouragement to our own subjects; the latter gives relief and encouragement to our enemies. The former promotes the agriculture of our own colonies; the latter promotes the agriculture of our enemies. The former enables us to consume an additional quantity of sugar, which is paid for in British corn, or manufactures; neither of which are taken in exchange for the commodities imported under the latter. The sugars imported under the former, are brought home in British ships, and add to that carrying trade which is the nursery of our naval strength; the articles imported under the latter, are brought in foreign vessels, and increase the naval strength of other powers. Let the country gentlemen then, unite their ef-

forts, and support the cause of British agriculture, British commerce, and the British navy, against the agriculture, the commerce and the navy, of our enemies or rivals."
Here the United States are expressly included by this scene of general destruction meditated against commerce, enemies or rivals; the word rivals, sir, is the key which unlocks the designs of the ministry against the United States. Do you suppose, sir, the author did not know the meaning of the word rivals, or that it was slipt in without design? No, sir, it was intended to tell the British nation, that they must not stop at the destruction of the commerce of their enemies. The destruction must be indiscriminate; it must extend to rivals as well as enemies. And, sir, we are the rivals of Great Britain in commerce? The United States, and the United States alone. The term rival, is as descriptive of the United States, as the term United States itself. I think, sir, from the combined influence of all the preceding circumstances, it is demonstrated beyond a doubt, that all our sufferings arise from the settled determination of the British ministry to exercise exclusive dominion upon the ocean. To monopolize the commerce of the world, or render it subservient to British views and British interests.
Permit me now, sir, to select another act of this energetic administration towards the United States for a few animadversions. I mean, sir, their interfering in our political concerns in many respects but particularly in holding out inducements to our citizens to violate our laws, and even appealing to the people against their own government by some invisible agency. I allude, sir, to the order* issued shortly after the passing of our embargo laws for receiving vessels which should violate those laws, even without the customary papers, and to the publication of Mr. Canning's letter addressed to Mr. Pinckney on the 23d of September last, in one of the newspapers printed in Boston.
I consider both these acts as highly insulting to the American people and government; and they ought to have been repelled with indignation, and would have justified hostility itself. Sir, in issuing this order, the British ministry appears to me to have set a dangerous example to other nations, particularly to the United States, because the United States might retort her favorite retaliatory system upon herself. Suppose sir, immediately upon the receipt of that order in the country, the United States, had resorted by passing a law holding out inducements to British seamen to desert from their ships, and to afford protection and even to promise them protection and rewards upon bringing in the ships themselves; do you think, sir, that Great Britain would have been altogether free from apprehensions, as to the effects of such a retaliatory measure? The British fleet, sir, is extremely formidable to the government, the floating dungeons and severe discipline not always palatable to the seamen—They have several times been very much out of humour, and it is impossible to foresee the consequences of the inducements the United States have in their power to offer the disaffected.—But, sir, this subject presents another consideration to my mind. In the year 1793 Great Britain entered into the war against France solely upon the ground of resisting the spirit of disorganization, which it was alleged France was introducing into all nations. It was for the alleged act of separating the people from their government. Now, sir, how is Great Britain likely to wind up the war! Why, sir, she seems now to have be-
[COPY.]
GEORGE R. Instruction to the commanders of our ships of war and privateers, given at the court at Windsor, the 11th day of April, in the 48th year of our reign.
Our will and pleasure is, that you do not interrupt any neutral vessel laden with lumber and provisions, and going to any of our colonies, islands, or settlements in the West Indies or South America, to whomsoever the property may appear to belong, and notwithstanding such vessel may not have regular clearances and documents on board; and in case any vessel shall be met with, and be in her due course to the alleged port of her destination, an indorsement shall be made on one or more of the principle papers of such vessel, specifying the destination alleged, and the place where the vessel was so visited. And in case any vessel so laden shall arrive and deliver her cargo at any of our colonies, islands, or settlements aforesaid, such vessel shall be permitted to receive her freight, and to depart, either in ballast, or with goods that may be legally exported in such vessel, and to proceed to any unblocked port, notwithstanding the present hostilities, or any future hostilities, which may take place, and a passport for such purpose shall be granted to the vessel by the governor, or other person, having the chief civil command in such colony, island, or settlement.
G. R.
come the champion of the very system, against which she originally entered into the war. She now seems to have become the common disturber of the peace of all nations. Surely, sir, the British nation can never, upon cool reflection, approve of this profligate act of its ministry.
Let me now, sir, implore your most serious attention to the publication of Mr. Canning's letter in the Boston newspaper. The time and circumstances attending its publication aggravate the act. It was an unpardonable insult and ought to be repelled with indignation, particularly insulting was it to those for whose use it was more immediately intended. Is it possible that the British parliament or nation can justify this act of abandoned profligacy? In the cases of Genet, Yrujo, &c. their ministerial functions were suspended. Their recall was immediately requested and complied with. In those cases the authors were owned; in this he is concealed. The publication is conducted or directed by an invisible hand, but, sir, the act is not the less dishonorable nor reprehensible on that account.
No, sir, the author skulking, from publick view, stamps the character of the transaction with peculiar disgrace. Insults of this kind, sir, have been practised upon the British government and nation. Let us see how insults of this nature were received and treated by that government and nation—Several cases of this nature have occurred in Great Britain, but I will select one in point which occurred in the time of George the 1st, in the year 1727. It will be found recorded in Belsham's memoirs of George the 1st—pages 192, 193, and to the proceedings of parliament of that day in reference to that subject. These I have examined, and find them still more pointed, than the historical account of them, particularly the resolutions of the house of commons, which are highly worthy of imitation, they are contained in a very large book, and I therefore declined bringing it to the senate. The case was sir, that the imperial resident at the court of London, count de Palm, was instructed by his government to present to his Britannick majesty a strong and pointed memorial against certain expressions or intimations in the king's speech to parliament, which were suggested by the imperial court to be unfounded and false, as they probably were, &c. &c. and to publish the memorial for the information of the British nation. How, sir, did the British government and nation receive and repel this insult? Sir, it was received with universal detestation, and repelled with universal indignation. It hushed for the moment the spirit of party. It was deemed an insult to every man, woman, and child in Great Britain, &c. &c. But, sir, let me give you the account in the words of the historian:
"With the memorial also was transmitted from Vienna, a letter from the chancellor count Zinzendorf to count Palm, expressly commanding him, in the name of his imperial majesty, after presenting the memorial to the king of Great Britain, to publish it, together with the letter annexed, for the information of the British nation. The chancellor Zinzendorf affirms in this letter, "that it is easy to see that the speech was made for no other purpose but to excite the nation to a rupture and open war with the emperor and Spain, and to make the parliament approve the precipitate and burthensome measures which the government has taken for private ends, too well known.—That on the first report of these false suppositions, the emperor and the king of Spain, in order to silence them, proposed a formal act de non offendendo, into which all the contracting parties of the treaties of Vienna and Hanover might enter, till such time as a definitive agreement might have taken place; but that this proposition was rejected. He says, that the articles of the quadruple alliance are expressly and publickly laid down as the unalterable basis of the treaty of Vienna, and that to affirm that by a secret act concluded at the same time, engagements have been entered into by their imperial and catholic majesties, repugnant to the same, is an outrageous insult to the majesty of the two contracting powers, who have a right to demand a reparation proportioned to the enormity of the affront. And that the high contracting parties had no other view than that of making peace between themselves without injuring any one else." The allegations contained in this letter and memorial seem to be too well foun-
ded; but the intemperate language of these papers gave high and just offence; and Mr. Shippen, Mr. Hungerford, sir William Wyndham, and all the leaders of opposition in parliament, warmly concurred in the address presented to the throne on this occasion; and which passed the house without a dissentient vote. And an order was sent to M. de Palm, signifying "that the said Palm having delivered into the hands of his majesty, at his late audience, a memorial highly injurious to the honour and dignity of his crown, and having also publickly dispersed the same with a letter from the count de Zinzendorf to him the said Palm, still more insolent than the memorial, his majesty looked upon him no longer as a publick minister, and required him forthwith to depart out of this kingdom."
Here, sir, we find the imperial resident, the count de Palm, immediately ordered out of the country, and the nation rising into instant war to repel the insult and retrieve the wounded honour of the nation. Here, sir, we find the bickerings of party silenced—we find every heart united—we find the opposition facing about and the whole nation presenting a hostile front to the authors of the insult. Can you believe, Mr. President, that a nation which feels so just a sensibility, when an insult is inflicted by others upon itself, can for a moment justify its ministry in inflicting a similar insult upon another nation. Can you believe, sir, that the British nation or ministry can feel any respect for these for whose use the publication was intended, when you contrast their conduct with the generous and correct conduct of the British opposition? When instead of rousing every American feeling to repel the insult with indignation, it seems to have been received with complacency, and directed to its iniquitous end. And shall we be compelled to believe that all honourable feeling is lost and buried under the dominant influence of party sensibility? Surely sir, this cannot be an attitude which any party would wish to assume, and thus present itself either to the American or the British nation!! Yet, sir, the only differences in the character of the insult in the two cases is, that in one, the author was known and avowed, and in the other, he secures himself by his invisibility—but sir, if the author of the publication be an authorized British agent, and he will avow himself in a bold and manly way, I have no hesitation in saying he ought instantly to be sent out of the country, let the consequences be what they may. Sir, in no country in the world ought this point to be held more sacred, and the insult more firmly repelled than in the United States, where our presses are under no restraint—were not only freedom, but licentiousness characterises almost every page.
[To be concluded next week.]
Foreign News.
The British Packet Prince Adolphus, has arrived at New-York, from Falmouth, Eng. bringing London papers to Feb. 18.
LONDON, FEB. 18. HOUSE OF LORDS.
The order of the day being moved, Lord Grenville rose to bring forward his long expected motion for the repeal of the Orders in Council, as far as they affected the United States of America.—His Lordship began by recalling to the recollection of the House, the opinion he had invariably expressed during the course of the last session on that subject: the intention he had avowed of bringing forward a motion grounded on the evidence then recently taken at the bar, and which motion would have been similar in many respects to that which he should have the honour this day of submitting to their Lordships. If he had forborne to bring forward that motion, it was because reports had gone abroad at the time as grateful to his feelings, as, if realised, they would have proved beneficial to the interest of the Country, viz. that Ministers had altered their mind respecting America, and were disposed to resort to measures less calculated to alienate from us the good disposition of the American government and people. Sorry he was that such reports had no foundation in fact. Sorry he was, that his majesty's government should have persisted in a system, which he had no hesitation in saying, was a direct violation of the Laws of Nations, a flagrant infringement of the eternal principles of justice. Such is the light in which he had all along considered that system; but when he found it persevered in after the proposal of the American Government in August last, he must now, moreover, designate it as an act of egregious folly, the result of the most unexampled ignorance. In August last, America proposed to you to repeal or suspend her embargo, as far as it affected British commerce, if you would rescind your Orders in Council as far as they affected the commerce of America. That proposition you have rejected, and by rejecting it, you incur the odium and the blame of being the cause of the embargo, and of the continuance of all the evils consequent upon that measure. All that has been argued on this question, and all he had advanced respecting it at different times, it was by no means his intention now to repeat. He should confine himself simply to the statement of two questions, viz. was it just, politic, and wise, to refuse the offer made by America in August last, and thereby prolong the existence of the evils that must arise from the present state of our relations with A-
merica? Or is it prudent now to revise that fatal determination, and return to sounder councils, and less hazardous measures? By the unjust and shameful procedure we had adopted we put a stop to the neutrality of Europe, we enabled the enemy more effectually to exclude our commerce from the Continent, than perhaps he ever imagined he should be able to effect: but America still remained, and opened to us in another quarter of the globe, a mart for all our commodities, a supply of all the materials of our industry, from which the enemy, with all his immense power on the Continent of Europe, had no means of debarring us. Yet instead of softening and smoothing down every difference that arose between the two countries, instead of pursuing a policy that must have attached America to our alliance and our interests, we have done every thing to enflame and exasperate her, every thing to estrange her affections, and dispose us towards her interests. Such is the direct tendency of the policy which his Majesty's present Ministers seem resolved to pursue. How different it is from that which the wisdom of Mr. Pitt adopted in 1783, which since that period has been pursued and acted upon, which, when he had the honour of being called to his Majesty's Councils, he had endeavoured to re-establish, by the adjustment of a Commercial Treaty, founded upon the reciprocal interests of the two nations. But now instead of cultivating that connection, instead of fostering that system of reciprocity, it would appear to be now the plan of Ministers to alienate America, and force her into the arms of France. If this was impolitic and unwise from the beginning, how much must it be so since the offer of America in August last. Respecting the nature of that offer, the strongest misrepresentations have been made. It has been asserted in this House, that in her negotiations with France, and with this country, respecting the repeal of the French Decrees, and of our Orders in Council, America had manifested a decided partiality in favour of France. By these assertions, he had himself been entrapped into a belief that they were well founded, and in consequence of that conviction, he had made use of expressions respecting men and measures, which he was now most anxious to retract. What could be the motive of the misrepresentations of this matter which was so easily sent abroad, and so industriously propagated, he would not take upon himself to say; but he felt it his duty fully and accurately to inform himself upon the subject, and the result of his enquiries has abundantly satisfied him that the misrepresentations he alluded to had nothing in the world to warrant them. He should undertake to prove not only that the words of the President of the U. S. relative to the pending negotiations were misinterpreted, but that from irrefragable documents he would demonstrate that there were no grounds whatsoever for the charge of partiality on the part of America towards France, to the prejudice of this country. The Noble Lord then proceeded to read the passage in the speech of the President of the United States to Congress, which relates to the negotiations with the two governments of France and England.
The Noble Lord also read the report made by congress in answer to the President's address, and argued, both from the text of the speech and the comment upon it, the report to prove that instead of any partiality toward France, the terms proposed were rather more favourable to England. The tenor of the instructions from the American government to their Ministers at Paris and at London, the Noble Lord likewise referred to as containing still stronger proofs of the impartiality of America, or rather of her inclination to side sooner with England than with France. From all these documents it appeared, and it was put in a still stronger light in a letter from Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinckney, which however, does not appear among the papers on the table, that America held out nearly the same terms, couched in nearly the same language to both governments.—To France she observed, that if the French government did not repeal their decrees, while England revoked her orders in Council, America must be forced into a contest with France; in the other passages of correspondence, the word "War" was expressly made use of. Indeed not only did a perfect impartiality respecting the two governments appear to guide the proceedings of America, but a fair and full consideration of them would induce every unprejudiced mind to think, instead of much being offered to France and little to England, the reverse was the case, and that much had been offered to England and little to France.
By listening to the offer in August last, England might have secured two advantages—the repeal of the Embargo, and the next to a certainty, of having America as an ally in the war against France; while France, in the first instance, had the offer but of one advantage; these were considerations which he could not too strongly recommend to the serious attention of their Lordships. Let the offer of America in August last be candidly considered. Let the advantages of embracing it, and the evils that must result from rejecting it, be maturely weighed. This was the great object he had in view; and to which he must again implore the serious attention of their Lordships. In order to attain that object, he should now move an humble address to his Majesty, the drift of which was to pray his Majesty would be graciously pleased, while the door for negotiation was still open, to adopt such measures as might tend to restore our wonted relations with America, and re-establish the former footing of our commercial intercourse with that country. The Address moved by the Noble Lord was very long, and refers to most of the transactions which have taken place between this country and America, for the last two years.
Lord Sidmouth defended the legality of the Order of the 7th of January, 1806, which related to the coasting trade, which he said a neutral had no right to carry on for the benefit of one of the belligerents, at the expence of the other. For a neutral could acquire no new rights by the state of war; and that was a trade which in peace he could not pursue. But he insisted that a new era arose in the question when the Americans offered to rescind their Embargo, with respect to us, and continue it only with respect to France, if we would abandon our Orders in Council, he thought then it became the duty of this country to attempt conciliation, and to that pacific proposition, we ought to assume a suitable disposition to conciliation. He insisted that as it was not done, Ministers had shown a hostile disposition, and, therefore, he concurred in the motion of his hon. friend.
In the course of Lord Melville's speech, he observed, he was no advocate for prejudicing America. God forbid that he should ever consider that the adversity of America was the prosperity of Great Britain; on the contrary he thought that the prosperity of one was now, and would be for a long while, highly conducive to the welfare of the other. If all Asia and Africa and Europe, this kingdom excepted, were with America, and this country against her, it would not be so advantageous a situation for her as if we were with her, and all the rest of the globe opposed to her, and he hoped she would so far understand her true interests, and shew her correct views of them by her future conduct towards us. Never was there a period more favourable to a close union between Great Britain and the American States than the present; (hear! hear!) but this desirable purpose was not to be attained by revoking the Orders in Council on the feeble grounds now stated.
Lord Erskine condemned the measures of administration, and argued, if we had adopted the offer made by Mr. Pinckney, we should have opened an amicable intercourse with America, and that France must either have recalled her decrees, or have been forced into a state of hostility with America.
On the 1st, 2d and 3d of Feb. Parliament were examining into the conduct of the Duke of York, charged with peculation.

PLYMOUTH, JAN. 30.
Now indeed, we have the miseries of war brought home to our own doors; for the scenes here are beyond any pen to describe, occasioned by the arrival of so many transports with troops just taken from the field of battle, the wounds of some of whom have never been dressed, while others are dying for want. No less than 900 women have been landed, all ignorant whether their husbands were dead or living. In this town and the neighbourhood upwards of 5000. have been subscribed for the relief of the sufferers, and a committee of gentlemen have been sitting, by rotation, night and day, since Thursday last, in order to afford supplies of food, cloathing, and assistance to those who required immediate aid; and every woman, of every description, who had a second garment, has given it to the sufferers. Every house has become an hospital; for every house receives a sick or wounded person, giving food, and necessities of all kinds. Notwithstanding those exertions, great numbers are dying every day: all business gives way to the calls of suffering humanity. Ladies in person attend the sick and wounded, dressing the wounds of the soldiers themselves; thus supply the want of sufficient number of medical men, at the same time that many of the wounds, from not having been examined, were in putrid and most offensive state.
These are not exaggerations; they are certain facts witnessed by many thousands. Every female in Plymouth is employed in making shirts, petticoats, caps, gowns, and necessary clothing for the women. The Patriotic Fund, I am afraid, will have more claims than it will be able to answer.
A Revolution has broken out at Buenos Ayres, in South America, under the celebrated Liniers, where he had declared his intention to shake off the dominion of Spain. He has been joined by numbers, and the Governor of Paraguay, his brother in law, has likewise openly avowed the same cause. Gen. Elliot, the Governor of Monte Video, is the only person who has as yet, dared to oppose those insurgents.
Substance of the French Bulletins.
TWENTY FIFTH BULLETIN.
BENEVENTE, Jan. 5. The head of Merle's division, forming part of the Duke of Dalmatia's corps came up with the advance guard on the 2d.
At 4 P. M. it reached the rear guard of the English, who were upon the heights of Priceros a league before Villafranca, consisting of 5000 infantry, and 600 cavalry. This position was a fine one, and difficult to attack. General Merle made his disposition. The infantry advanced, beat the charge and the English were entirely routed. The difficulty of the ground did not permit the cavalry to charge, and only 200 prisoners were taken. We had some fifty men killed or wounded. General Corbet advanced to see if the cavalry could form; his hour had arrived—Ball struck him in the forehead, and he lived but a quarter of an hour.
There are two roads from Astorga to Villafranca. The English took the right, the Spaniards the left; they marched without order—were cut off and surrounded by the Hanoverian chasseurs. A general of brigade and a whole division laid down their arms.
Since the 27th ult. we have taken more than 10,000 prisoners, amongst whom are 1500 English. We have taken also more than 400 baggage waggons, 15 waggons of firelocks, their magazines and hospitals. The English retreat in disorder, leaving magazines, sick, wounded, and equipage. They will experience a still greater loss; and if they be able to embark, it is probable it will not be without the loss of half the army.
His majesty informed that the army was reduced below 20,000 men, resolved to remove his head quarters from Astorga to Benevento.
We found in the barns several English who had been hanged by the Spaniards—His Majesty was indignant and ordered the barns to be burnt. The peasants whatever may be their resentment, have no right to attempt the lives of the waggoneers of either army. His Majesty has ordered the English prisoners to be treated with all the respect due to soldiers who have manifested liberal ideas and sentiments of honour.
On the 4th, at night, the Duke of Dalmatia's headquarters were ten leagues from Lugo.
General de St. Cyr's division entered Barcelona, on the 17th. On the 15th he came up with Generals Reding and Vive's troops at Lleras, and completely routed them. He took six pieces of cannon thirty waggons, and 3000 men.
TWENTY SIXTH BULLETIN.
VALLADOLID, Jan. 7. After Gen. de St. Cyr entered Barcelona, he proceeded to the Lobregat, and forced the enemy's entrenched camp and took 25 pieces of cannon. He then took Torrogoro, a place of great importance.
TWENTY SEVENTH BULLETIN.
VALLADOLID, Jan. 9. The Duke of Dalmatia, after the battle of Riens proceeded to expel the English from the post of Piedra Felle. He there took 1500 English prisoners, five pieces of cannon, and several caissons. The enemy was obliged to destroy a quantity of baggage and stores. The precipice were filled with them. Such was their precipitate flight and confusion, that they left behind them in carriages a quantity of gold and silver. The property that has fallen into our hands, is estimated at two millions of livres.
Half the English cavalry is on foot. Since our departure from Benevento up to the 4th inst. we counted on the road 1800 English horses that had been killed.
The remains of Romana's army are found wandering about in all directions. The remains of the army of Majorca, of Iberia, of Barcelona, and of Naples, are made prisoners.
The Spanish peasantry have no mercy on the English. Notwithstanding the strictest orders to the contrary, we every day find a number of English assassinated.
The Duke of Belluna is on the Tagus. The whole of the imperial guard is concentrated at Valladolid.
The cities of Valladolid, of Palmeira, Segovie, Avilla, Leon, &c. have sent numerous deputations to the king.
The city of Madrid has particularly distinguished itself. Twenty eight thousand five hundred heads of families have taken the oath of allegiance before the Holy Sacrament. The citizens have promised his Imperial Majesty, that if he will place his brother on the throne, they will support him with all their efforts, and defend him with all their means.
TWENTY EIGHTH BULLETIN.
VALLADOLID, Jan. 13. That part of the treasure of the enemy which has fallen into our hands, is 1,200,000 francs. The inhabitants effect that the English have carried off from eight to ten millions.
The English general deemed it impossible that the French infantry and artillery should have followed
him, and gained upon him a certain number of marches, particularly in the mountains so difficult as those of Galicia, and thought he could only be pursued by cavalry and sharpshooters. He took therefore, the position de Castro on his right, supported by the river Tombago, which passes by Lugo, and it is not fordable.
The Duke of Dalmatia arrived on the 6th in presence of the enemy. He employed the 7th and 8th in reconnoitring the enemy, and collecting his infantry and artillery, which were still in the rear. He formed his plan of attack. The left only of the enemy was attackable—he manoeuvred on the left. His disposition required some movements on the 8th, and the Duke determined to attack on the 9th; but the enemy retreated in the night, and in the morning our advanced guard entered Lugo. The enemy left 300 sick in the hospitals, a park of 18 pieces of cannon and 200 waggons of ammunition. We made 700 prisoners.
The town and environs of Lugo are choked with the bodies of English horses. Hence upwards of 2500 horses have been killed in the return.
The English are marching for Corunna in great haste, where they have 400 transports. They have already left baggage, ammunition, a part of their most material artillery, and upwards of 3000 prisoners.
On the 10th our advanced guard was at Betancos, a short distance from Corunna.
The Duke of Elchingen is with the corps near Lugo.
In reckoning the sick, missing, those who have been killed by the peasants, and made prisoners by our troops, we may calculate the loss of the English at one third of their army. They are reduced to 18,000 men; and are not yet embarked. From Sahagun they retreated 150 leagues in bad weather, worse roads, through mountains, and days closely pursued at the point of the sword.
It is difficult to conceive the folly of their plan of campaign. It must be attributed not to the general who commands, and who is a clever and skilful man, but to that spirit of hatred and rage which animates the English ministry. To push forward in this manner 30,000 men, exposing them to destruction, or to flight as their only resource, is a conception which can only be inspired by the spirit of passion, or the most extravagant presumption.
Lugo was pillaged and sacked by the enemy. We cannot impute the disasters to the English general; it is the usual and inevitable effect of forced marches and precipitate retreat.
Zamora, whose inhabitants had been animated by the presence of the English, shut their gates against general Managet; Gen. Dorneau proceeded against it with four battalions—he sealed the city, took it, and put the most guilty to the sword.
Galicia is the province of Spain which manifests the best disposition; it receives the French as deliverers.
Vadolid has taken the oath to King Joseph. THE TWENTY-NINTH BULLETIN Contains an account of the surrender of a Spanish army of 12,000 men, under Gen. Panegas, (who was killed,) to Gen. Victor.
THE THIRTIETH BULLETIN Gives an account of the battle of Corunna, and states the English prisoners at 6,500, and 5000 killed. [It appears the French were not acquainted with the death of Sir John Moore, the British commander in chief, who was killed in this action, and the wound of Gen. Baird, the second in command.]
The thirty-first Bulletin is received. It asserts that out of 80 cannon, the British were only able to embark 12; it says the French gained 60. The English (the Bulletin declares) gained nothing by the expedition, but the hatred of the Spaniards and disgrace. The Governor of Corunna took the oath of allegiance to King Joseph, and the people manifested great joy on being delivered from the English.
NEWPORT:
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 12, 1809.
From NEW-YORK, April 6.
At a late hour last night, the British Packet Prince Adolphus, capt. Bonderson, arrived at this port from Falmouth, via Bermuda. She sailed from the former place on the 21st of February, and the latter 8 days since. A gentleman passenger, has politely furnished us with a file of London papers to the 4th of February; and the following verbal intelligence.
That the British army in Spain, had retreated to Corunna, where they had a very desperate battle with the French, in which the commander in chief, Gen. Moore was killed, and Sir David Baird wounded, having lost an arm. That all the British troops that could get on board the transports at Corunna, had arrived in England, and that from 8 to 10,000 men were stated to be missing, and only 300 horses saved out of about 5000—that the Emperor Bonaparte had returned to Paris, being fearful that the Emperor of Austria, was going to declare war against him. That King Joseph had been defeated by the Spaniards and driven from Madrid, but had returned there again—that the Spaniards were concentrating all their forces in the Southern part of Spain, and if defeated by the French, would retire to Cadiz, from whence it was supposed they would embark for South America. The British had recently sent 10,000 troops to Spain, and 30,000 more were preparing to go—that the British Parliament met about the 21st of January and that no change had taken place in the British Ministry—that the Sloop of war Halifax, sailed from Bermuda, 2 days before the Prince Adolphus, for Norfolk, having on board Mr. Oakley, bearer of Dispatches, said to be of the utmost importance, that were brought to Bermuda, by a ship of war, which sailed from England two days after the packet.
A London paper of Feb. 4, states, that Mr. Oakley was going out to America, with dispatches to Mr. Erskine, containing offers to rescind the orders in Council, provided the American government would enter into certain commercial regulations. [Merc. Adv.]
DISTURBANCE AT HAVANA.
A gentleman arrived here on Monday last, in 14 days from the Havana, who brings us the following intelligence:—That on the 23d ult. a mob, consisting principally of blacks, rose en masse upon the French inhabitants, destroying all the property belonging to them, and committing violence upon the persons of those, who did not fortunately escape on board the shipping in the harbour. Many of those that made resistance were massacred. In the afternoon of the next day, the governor ordered out the military of the
place to quell the disturbance, and upwards of three hundred of the insurgents were taken prisoners and sent to the different fortifications opposite to the harbour. The insurgents had committed their depredations on the French estates situated several leagues from the city, destroying all the coffee trees, and demolishing the buildings.
At the time our informant left the Havana, tranquility had been restored in the city; but the country was still in a state of confusion. The Americans and English in the harbour, acted in a manner that reflects the highest credit upon their humanity, having, at the risk of their lives and property, protected the poor unfortunate sufferers, who flew for shelter on board their vessels, and raising a very handsome contribution for their immediate relief.—It was supposed that this unwarrantable act of cruelty arose from a proclamation of the governor, ordering all the French off the island in eight days. An embargo was expected to take place on those vessels bound to America, in order that they might avail themselves of an opportunity to leave the island.
1809.
The True Republican Prox.
Free Trade—Free Elections—and no Direct Taxes!
HIS EXCELLENCY JAMES FENNER, Esq. FOR GOVERNOUR.
HON. ISAAC WILBOUR, Esq. FOR LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR.
SENATORS.
HENRY SMITH, Esq. of Providence.
JOHN WATERMAN, Esq. of Warwick.
RANDALL WELLS, Esq. of Hopkinton.
JOB MANCHESTER, Esq. of Cranston.
WILLIAM WATERMAN, Esq. of Johnston.
WILLIAM REYNOLDS, Esq. of Bristol.
CHRISTOPHER MANCHESTER, Esq. of Tiverton.
OLIVER GARDNER, Esq. of North-Kingstown.
THOMAS G. PITMAN, Esq. of Newport.
THOMAS B. HAZARD, Esq. of South-Kingstown.
SAMUEL EDDY, Esq. Secretary.
JAMES BURRILL, JUN. Esq. At. General.
CONSTANT TABER, Esq. Gen. Treasurer.
To the Republicans of Rhode-Island.
THESE Candidates are recommended to the suffrages of the Republican Freemen of this state. The prox is purely Republican, composed of men, pledged and devoted to that cause. The nomination is by delegations from all parts of the State, and unanimously agreed upon.
Never, Republicans, never was a more interesting crisis in your political history. You have the most important interests at stake, which can only be preserved by your united and powerful exertions.—They are demanded on the present occasion by the most imperious considerations. The glorious cause in which you and your compatriots are engaged is surrounded with dangers, and menaced with destruction. The ascendancy of the federalists in the Legislatures of New-England would enable them to put in execution their destructive projects.—What are these?—Nothing less than the dissolution of the Union. Does any one doubt this? Let him read the federal newspapers of Boston, the head quarters of federalism, in which this proposition has been laboured at length—let him review the debates, the proceedings, and the declarations of the Legislature of Massachusetts, at their late session—let him attend to the still more unequivocal evidence furnished by the Legislature of Connecticut, and doubt it, if he can.—He will, in both find principles avowed, that lead, necessarily lead to this result.
The dissolution of the union!—what heart, really American, does not shudder at the idea?
This State, as a constituent part of the American Union, is free and secure—is a common partaker in the common blessings of a great and growing empire, that has every rational prospect of becoming the mistress of the New World, as Europe is of the Old; and is rapidly advancing to this glorious destiny, with this singular advantage of combining European greatness and splendour, with perfect Freedom. But dissolve the Union, and the sun of America is set forever! We should relapse and dwindle into insignificant powers, contemptible to the rest of the world, and formidable only to ourselves. Our quarrels would produce wars—wars mutual waste and desolation—desolation and the constantly impending danger if it, would give rise to stand-
ing armies, which would exhaust our sources and overturn our liberties. frightful despotism would rise on the ruins of Freedom, and instead of becoming the rival of Europe, we should more resemble the states of Barbary. Though all this would not happen at once, it would ultimately in the necessary progression of things. But this State, small as it is, would not see her evil day put off, for, from the first moment of the dissolution, we should hold all our rights and liberties at the will of our more powerful neighbours. Union is our immediate and only safety, our only hope.
Many other considerations of great interest, though inferior to the preceding, might be urged to stimulate your exertions. But this is so commanding, you can require no other. Be assured that the danger you are now warned of, is not a visionary phantom, but a melancholy reality. What ought to animate you in the struggle is, your numbers are such, that if you come out in your full and united strength, your triumph is certain.
We are authorized by a gentleman from Providence, to state, that the communication made in the Providence American, purporting to be the declaration of his Excellency JAMES FENNER, Esq. that he was opposed to the doings of the convention lately held in Warrick for the arrangement of a Republican Prox, is without foundation in truth—the assertion of the federal papers to the contrary notwithstanding.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We are necessitated to defer many articles, owing to the multiplicity of foreign news.
The 2d number of "The Reviewers Reviewed" shall appear in our next.
"The Political Philanthropist," No. 1, is under consideration.
MARRIED,
At South-Kingstown, JOSEPH CROSS, Esq. of Charlestown, to the amiable Miss DORCAS G. REYNOLDS, daughter of Mr. Jonathan Reynolds, of the former place.
DIED,
At Portsmouth, R.I. on Monday 3d inst. widow FRANCES BARKER aged 94, relict of the late Mr. ROBERT BARKER.
While on a visit at Middleborough, SUSAN LUTHER CANEDY, in the third year of her age; and WILLIAM, her brother, aged nine months; the only children of Mr. Wm. B. Canedy, merchant, of Troy, Mass.—Those two beautiful babes were both interred in one tomb. Neither the prayers of an affectionate father, nor the tears of a fond and indulgent mother, could snatch them from the icy hand of death.
The soul prepared needs no delay, The summons come, the voice obey. Swift was their flight and short the road, They clos'd their eyes and saw their God.
For ALEXANDRIA,
THE sloop DEFIANCE, JOSEPH NORTHAM, master, now lying at PERRY's wharf, will sail in the course of five days. For Freight or Passage, apply to the master on board, or to W. & H. MOOR, April 12. Market Square.
For CHARLESTON, S. C.
THE Brig SALLY, JOHN BIGLEY, Master, now lying at LYON's Wharf; will sail on the 13th inst.—For Freight or passage, apply to JOHN BIGLEY. Newport, April 8, 1809.
NEWPORT INDEPENDENT VOLUNTEERS. ATTENTION.
A Meeting of the above company will be held at the State-House, THIS EVENING, at 7 o'clock, at which time and place, a punctual attendance of the members is particularly requested, with Arms, Belts, &c.
By order. BENJ. SEIXAS, Clerk.
Newport April 12, 1809.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of WILLIAM BURROUGHS & SON was dissolved on the first day of January last. Those to whom they may be indebted are requested to call immediately and receive their dues; and those indebted to them are desired to make speedy payment. Accounts and notes, the payment of which has been repeatedly called for, will, without discrimination, be put in suit in ten days from date, unless previously settled. WILLIAM BURROUGHS. WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS. Newport, April 12, 1809.
WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS
Transacts business on his own account, at the store formerly occupied by Wm. BURROUGHS & SON, 50, Thames-Street. New landing, at Sherburne's wharf and for Sale, on unusual good terms, if applied for before stored, 200 bbls. Alexandria Flour, for family use. April 12.
State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
THE Creditors of STEPHEN REMINGTON, of Newport, in the county of Newport, Yeoman—are hereby notified to appear, if they see cause, at the General Assembly to be held at Newport, on the first Wednesday of May next, and shew cause if any they have, why his petition for the benefit of an Act made June, A. D. 1756, for the relief of Insolvent Debtors, should not be granted.
THOMAS PECKHAM, Dep. Sec'y. Newport, April 11th, 1809.

forts, an ricul ish er
Poetry.
FOR THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
REFUSION AT THE DAWN OF DAY.
FAR o'er the distant landscape spread, The gently glittering sun-beams play; The dismal shade of night has fled, And nature hails the opening day!
The clouds by roving breezes borne, Reflect the sun's refulgent glow; His rays the mountain side adorn, And cheer the smiling plains below.
Enchanting beauties round me rise, In blooming robes of morn display'd; The feather'd throng salute the skies, Or warble in the distant glade.
Thus from the cloud that ages threw, In guiltless darkness o'er the world, Columbia's Genius broke to view, And Freedom's banners wide unfurl'd.
The Sun of Liberty arose, On fair Columbia shone sublime, Dispers'd a mighty host of foes, And bless'd our long distracted clime.
Then hail—O hail, ye valiant race! The day that bade your realms be free; Let no unhallow'd hand deface, The mild decree of Liberty.
FOR THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
TO HOPE.—No. 1.
FROM scenes where gloomy-temper'd Fancy strives, With toil, chagrined and care, to cloud our lives, To wake the darkened soul to strains of woe, Force the deep sigh, or bid the tears to flow; From merry crowds, as Mimus rules the day, When many a vacant grin bespeaks his sway, Where mad Contention wanders unstrain'd, By deepest hues of guilt and folly stain'd; My cloudy soul, in sad disgust retires; Half mad with these—some better theme desires.
To thee, O Hope! and hardly that I dare, Address my muse—to these prefer my prayer; Unanswer'd prayer—but still no less sincere; The frowns of Fortune make thy Altar dear! The earth and skies thy spacious Temple are, All who have life thy cheering sun-shine share; And even I the oddest wight alive, From thee some comfort now and then derive. The bitterest curse my restless life has known, Would fail, hadst thou not at the moment flown; Hadst thou not left my heart an 'aching void,' Had not thy absence all my peace destroy'd; One modest beam might gild my lonely way, Expect my grief—and point to opening day.
But, sad to tell! from where my Fancy views, My eroded infancy—or thence pursues, (Through life's o'ershadow'd, miry, varied road, Its high and low, to bear the mortal load.) The changing scenes revolving years display, Alternate Light and Darkness mark thy way.
AMUSING MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ANTHOLOGY.
Original Letters, from an American Traveller in Europe, to his friends in this country.
LETTER THIRD.
Rome, Feb. 1, 1805.
THE day before I left Naples the keeper of the Museum at Portici arrived, and gave me an opportunity of seeing that very interesting and valuable collection of antiquities. Here are to be seen the objects of curiosity, discovered in Herculaneum and in Pompeia. The inspection of these articles gives us more real light, respecting the state both of the fine and useful arts in Italy near the time of the Christian era, than can be acquired by the most diligent study of all the ancient books, which have escaped the ravages of time and ignorance. It would be an endless task to describe all or even the greater part of these interesting objects; I shall therefore make a few remarks upon such things only, as particularly deserve my attention.
Under the corridor of the Museum are two fine equestrian statues, executed in marble. They are said to represent the two Balbus, the father and son, and are inferior to no statues of the same nature, except the celebrated one of Marcus Aurelius. They are the more valuable, as no other equestrian statues in marble have ever been discovered. They were found near two pedestals in front of the theatre of Herculaneum, and no doubt served as ornaments to that magnificent edifice. One circumstance is truly astonishing: they were dug out of a solid mass of lava, much harder than marble, and yet they escaped unimpaired. A great variety of other statues and busts, both in marble and bronze, were also found in this city; but there are none, which particularly deserve attention; or at least none, which are superior to the statues found in other parts of Italy.
One of the most interesting classes of objects, which the discovery of this city has afforded us, and of which we could have formed no opinion without this fortunate discovery, are the paintings upon the walls of their houses, and which, with infinite labour and expense, have been cut out and transported to Portici, where they are secured under glass cases. They would undoubtedly have appeared to more advantage, if they could have been suffered to remain in the places in which they were found, and where two thousand years of uninterrupted quiet seemed to give them at least a prescriptive and possessory title. But it was feared, and perhaps with propriety, that although they had been perfectly preserved so long as the external air was wholly excluded, yet that they would soon fade and perish, when exposed to its effects.
The inferences drawn from them by connoisseurs and antiquaries, with regard to the degree of perfection, which the ancients had attained in the art of painting, have you know been very various. Some have contended, that they prove the ancients to have been almost wholly ignorant of perspective, and extremely inferior to the moderns in their knowledge and use of colours. Others, among whom you will find Dr. Moore, allege, that such inferences are extremely unfair, as much so, as it would be to take the specimen of house and sign painting among us, as fair examples of our progress in the art. They say further, that we ought rather to conclude, that if the inferior painters, who were employed only in painting in fresco for the ornament of their houses, had made such high attainments, Appelles and Zeuxis must have exceeded many of our artists; and they have added, that, as we limit the superiority of the ancients in statuary and architecture, it is absurd to suppose, that they had made so little progress in their sister art. Permit me to add to these arguments, that both Herculaneum and Pompeia were very inferior cities, in point both of wealth and population,
and we ought not to expect to find in them the works of the first Roman and Grecian artists.
It has been often asserted, that the ancients had little or no knowledge of the principles of perspective. From my own observation, I am enabled to contradict the universality of this proposition; but it must be admitted, that it is the point in which they appear to fail most. In the "dessin" and drapery, as well as in giving durability to their colours, they are allowed by all parties to excel. A celebrated French writer makes some observations on this subject, which I think will be interesting to you. He says, "that all the paintings of Herculaneum prove that the authors of them were not great painters, that they were ignorant of the natural effect of vision, and were not sufficiently acquainted with the rules of perspective. We know, however, that these rules were known to the ancients. Vitruvius, in the preface to his Vith book, says positively, that Democritus and Anaxagoras had treated of perspective in their account of the scenery of the Greeks." On the whole he remarks, that these ancient paintings have an easy, bold, and free style; that the manner is light, very much after the fashion of our modern theatrical decorations, and that every thing indicates great practice in the artists, and an education in a good school.
I shall bring home two or three specimens, by which you may be able to judge how far these opinions are correct.
The Museum contains a vast number and variety of the articles of furniture, and moveables, in use among the Romans. There is one room, which is fitted up as it is presumed a Roman kitchen would have been, and all the culinary and other utensils of domestic use are naturally arranged in it. It is, I can assure you, a very curious and interesting display. The earthen and glass vessels are in a perfect state of preservation, those of copper considerably so, while those of iron are very much impaired. The ancient Romans made use of baked earthen vessels for almost every culinary and household purpose. The forms of them are so similar to those of the moderns, that you can entertain no doubt as to uses to which they were applied. The quality and colour of the earthen ware are almost the same as those of our common ware, manufactured at Charlestown. There are no specimens of porcelain, and as these would have more easily resisted the effects of time, I think there is good reason to conclude that the ancients were ignorant of the art of making this article. The most perfect earthen vessels of the ancients are the celebrated Etruscan vases, of which vast numbers have been found in Herculaneum, and the forms and drawings of which are much admired by antiquaries. Their form is generally that of an urn, though infinitely varied; they have commonly two handles opposite to each other, and are externally ornamented with figures of men or animals, executed with taste. The outer surface, though hard, has not that glazed surface, which so much disfigures our earthen vessels. They are not painted in colours. The ground is of a dark brown, approaching black, and the figures are of a lighter brown, and appear as if the colour had been produced simply by covering the figures during the operation of baking them.
The copper kettles, saucepans, and kitchen utensils, have undergone in modern times but little improvement, or indeed alteration. The iron tools of husbandry or for different arts and manufactures are very little changed, at least among the descendants of the Romans in Italy.
You see in this collection hoes, spades, shovels, hatchets, pruning knives, &c. the forms of which so exactly resemble those in present use, that you can hardly realize that they were handled by men who lived before the Christian era. It is not indeed strange, that the same wants should lead to the same discoveries and the same means of supplying them; but our philosophers have taught us, that man is a very improving being, and that he is advancing fast to a state of perfection: we are therefore surprised to find, that in many things, which contribute to his luxury, comfort, or even existence, no improvements have been made for so many ages.
(Letter 3d to be continued.)
FOR SALE, or TO LET,
And immediate possession given.
THAT pleasantly situated HOUSE and Garden, situated at the upper end of Broad-street, late the residence of William Stall, deceased.—Also, A two-Story Building, and Garden adjoining the same, fronting on Broad-street, which has been occupied as a work shop.—Also, One other Garden Lot, adjoining the same. The whole will be Sold or Let together, or separate. For terms, apply to the Subscriber.
April 5. THOMAS D. STALL.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS it has been represented in the town of Providence, that I went with my packet to transport the Custom-house officers of the district of Newport to Plumb-Beach, (in the west passage) to take possession of the sloop Betsey of Pawtuxet—now this is to notify all whom it may concern, that the above report is an absolute falsehood, circulated by some malicious or evil-disposed person or persons, solely to injure me in my packeting business in said town of Providence, and thereby to deprive me of obtaining an honest livelihood.
JONATHAN HEATH, Master of the Newport Packet, Eleonora. March 18, 1809.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice, to the Cabin-making business. A smart active Lad, about 14 or 15 years of age, who can produce good recommendation, may hear of a situation by applying at the office of the Rhode-Island Republican.
N. B. One from the country would be preferred. April 5.
FIVE CENTS REWARD!
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, on the 25th of December last, an indented mulatto Boy, named THOMAS COYHIS, aged between 18 and 19 years; is about 4 feet 10 inches high. Had on when he went away, a felt hat, a short kersey grey outside jacket, a blue nankin sleeved jacket, in lieu of a waistcoat, a striped flannel shirt, a pair of grey fullled cloth trowsers, black yarn stockings, and an old pair of shoes. He carried away no cloathing except what he wore. Whoever will take up said Runaway, and return him to me, the subscriber, shall receive the above reward, and no charges paid. Masters of vessels and others are hereby forbidden carrying away, trusting or concealing said Runaway, on penalty of the law.
ENOCH CRANDALL. Charlestown, March 20, 1809. [29]
REAL ESTATE, AT AUCTION.
THE following Estates, will be sold at Publick Auction,
THIS DAY, at 11 o'clock, if not sold before at private sale, viz.
A large Lot of Land, Dwelling House thereon standing, situated on the Hill in Newport, lately improved by Mr. H. DENTON.
Also, Four large Buildings Lots in front of said House. Also, one Lot of Land, at the South part of the Town.—Also, one half of a lot of Land and House thereon, standing on Thames Street, next North of Capt. EDWARD EASTON's—improved by Mr. FREEBORN COGGESHALL.
Also, on THURSDAY, the 20th April, 11 o'clock, A. M. a large Lot and House thereon, Standing on Thames Street, next North of William Ellery, Esq. and directly opposite Liberty Tree, now improved by SILAS DEAN.
Also, one other Lot of Land with a Store and Stable thereon, standing on Popler Street.
Also, one other Large Building Lot, next North of Silas Dean. Also, on TUESDAY, the 25th April, at 11 o'clock, A. M. on the premises, a small Farm in Tiverton, containing about sixty acres, being part of the Farm, called the White Wine Farm, about one Mile from the Stone Bridge, in Said Tiverton. A plat of said Land can be seen by calling on Silas Dean.
If the weather should not be fair on the above days, the sale will be on the first fair day after. Conditions made known at the sales.
Also, at private sale—40 bbls. Pork. S. DEAN, Auctioneer. Newport, March 22, 1809.
NATHANIEL DEARBORN,
BOOKSELLER and LIBRARIAN;
HAS received Many additions to his Bookstore and Circulating Library, of such works as cannot fail to please the publick. The Regulations of his Library will be strictly adhered to.
His Spring Assortment of HOUSE PAPERS and BORDERES, will be very shortly received; which, with his present stock, will consist of the most elegant Patterns, at the most reasonable prices of any in the State.
Mr. D. receives his Papers from one of the best Manufactories in the Union, and no other person in Newport has any of his patterns.
Also for sale as above,
A few sets of a new and elegant folio edition of the EMBARGO LAWS, in two volumes—aiming at two important purposes; first, to perpetuate in remembrance the passing of our political jordan; 2d, to expel the disagreeable sensations it has excited, with the pleasing Games of Backgammon, Chess, Checkers, or Draughts—price 7 dols. 50 cts. a set.
BOOK BINDING
Executed in a handsome style, on Reasonable terms. Blank Books made to any pattern, with Spring Backs. Old Books re-bound. March 22.
GREEN BURROUGHS,
Has for sale, at his store, near Mr. BANNISTER's wharf, and opposite Mr. TOWNSEND's Coffee-House,
SUNDRY articles of Ship Chandlery, Hard Ware, and W. I. Goods—among which are the following articles, viz.
Cordage, Spunyarn, Marlin, Housing, Bolt-rope, Log Lines, Latchet Lines, Deep Sea Lines and Leds, Fishing Lines and Hooks, of different kinds; Oars, Handspikes, Mast Hoops, Hanks, Chalk, Oakum, old Junk, Tar, Rosin, Sheathing Paper, Sole Leather, Hammers, Gimblets, a general assortment Spikes and Nails; a variety of Cooper's, Carpenter's and Cordwainer's Tools; various kinds of Locks; Knives and Forks, iron Ladles and Skimmers, large and small iron Spoons, mettle do.; iron Pots, Kettles, Bake-Pans, Skillets, Spiders, Griddles, Potato-Boilers, Cast and wrought Handirons, cart Boxes, waggon and chaise do.; new Pewter and Earthen Ware; Pails, Kegs, Bowls, Piggins, Barrels, half Barrels, Mortars, Writing and Wrapping Paper, Log do. Letter do.; first and second quality of Lime, by the cask, Log-wood, Redwood, Fustick, Copperas, Allum, Lampblack, Glue, Indigo, Rice, Pepper, hard Soap, Candles, cotton Wick, Paint-Brushes, Whitewash do.; Salt Fish, by the quintal; Sugar, Coffee, Flour, white Beans, Bar Iron, Cast and Scrap do. old Copper, Brass, Lead, Pewter, case and quart Bottle, &c. &c.
N. B. Cash, or any the above Articles given for old Junk, Wrought, Scrap and Cast Iron, Copper, Brass, Lead and Pewter, cotton and linen Rags and old Canvas, and junk Bottles. March. 22.
ORATION.
LATELY published, and for sale at the Office, of the Rhode-Island Republican, Mill-street.
An Oration delivered on the Fourth of July, 1808, before the Hycarpedian Society, by I. B. PEIRCE.—Price 20 cents. March 21, 1809.
FOR SALE,
A DWELLING HOUSE, No. 50, situated on Bridge Street, with a good Cellar and Shop adjoining, suitable for a Cabinet-maker; yard, garden, stable, and a good well of water. For further particulars, inquire of BENJ. HAMMOND. Newport, March 22, 1809.
FOR CHARLESTON, S. C. THE sch. WILLIAM, Jones CLARKE, master, will sail in 10 or 12 days. For Freight, apply to the master on board, lying at GILES' wharf, or at his house, No. 10, Young-street. April 5.
ABNER HATHAWAY, BROAD-STREET, HAS for sale, many kinds of LUMBER, consisting of Timber, Joist, Boards, and Shingles; Cedar and Pine Clapboards. Also—white oak Plank and round Timber; with a good assortment of birch and maple Bedsteed Joist. Nails and Hollow Ware, of many kinds; cast iron Oven Frames and Doors, on an approved construction. Corn and Potatoes, by the bushel or larger quantity. Newport, April 5.
JASON SPRAGUE, Offers for sale, at his Store, in Washington-Street, No. 4,
100 bbls. fresh superfine Alexandria and New-York Flour, by the barrel or larger quantity; 2000 wt. Cabin Bread; 60 barrels pickled Cod; dry Codfish by the quintal or larger quantity; Fork; Eel; Rice by the tierce; loaf, powdered and brown Sugar; Saucheng and Bohea Teas; Coffee; Molasses; West-India, New-England and Cherry Rum; Wine, Brandy and Gin, by the barrel or less quantity; Ginger, Allspice, Pepper, Cinnamon, Soap, Candles, Starch, negro-head, pigtail and leaf Tobacco; Segars by the thousand or less quantity; Men's and Women's Shoes; Boots; writing and wrapping Paper; merchantable and clear pine Lumber; Hogs-head Shooks, Oars; black and bright Varnish; Rosin; a few barrels gurry Oil. Also, a small quantity of Flax. Which Articles may be had on reasonable terms, for Cash or approved credit, and the smallest favours gratefully received. Newport, March, 21, 1809.
SIMPSON & BARKER, Offer for sale, At the Brick Market. 40 bbls. mess Pork, and 20 bbls. mess Beef. March 22.
JAMES WESTGATE, BAKER, No. 195, Thames-Street, Offers for sale, 100 bbls. excellent Ship Bread. Groceries of all kinds, Crackers and Ginger Bread put up at the shortest notice. Newport, March 23.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS the keeper of the Hospital on Coaster's Harbour, is about leaving it; and it is the opinion of the Town Council that some suitable person should go immediately. Application may be made to JONATHAN ALMY, Town Clerk. SAMUEL VINSON, President April 5. Town Council.
TO BE LET,
THE Dwelling-House and garden, in Spring-Street, occupied by the late John Banister, Esq.—For further particulars and terms, apply at the house. March 22.
TO BE LET,
AND possession given the tenth of June next, that large, commodious, well situated and elegant New Store now occupied by Mrs. Sarah Sando. For terms and particulars, apply, to the subscriber. PAUL M. MUMFORD. Newport, March 22.
TO BE LET.
And possession given on the first of May. THAT commodious Dwelling HOUSE, in Mill-street, now occupied by Capt. WILLIAM HAZARD, with a spacious Garden, good well of water, excellent Cistern; with the Store Stable and Chaise-House adjoining. For terms apply to ROBERT LAWTON. April 5.
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
DESERTED on Saturday evening, the eighteenth instant, the following men, privates in my company—Stationed on Rose-Island, Harbour of Newport.
JAMES HELTON, born in Portsmouth, State of New Hampshire, 23 years of age, 5 feet 7 and a quarter inches high, light complexion, dark eyes, and dark hair, had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry pantalettes, uniform vest and hat, and several articles of infantry summer clothing.
GEORGE ALEXANDER, born in Lowas, Eng. 21 years of age 5 feet 9 inches high, light complexion, light eyes and light hair. Had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry uniform vest and pantalettes, and several articles of infantry summer clothing.
JAMES HARLAN, born in Philadelphia, State of Pennsylvania, 23 years of age, 5 feet 10 and an half inches high, dark complexion, dark eyes and dark hair had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry uniform pantalettes, and several articles of infantry summer clothing.
Whoever will apprehend the above named Deserters and deliver them to me, or to the commanding officer of any military post in the U. States, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges, or 10 dollars for either of them. W. C. BAEN. Capt. in 4th U. S. Regt. Infy. Rose Island, March 19, 1809.