The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1802-03-09 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
Appointed to publish the LAWS of the UNITED STATES for the District of New-Hampshire.
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY NATHANIEL S. & WASHINGTON PEARCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
NOTICE.
IT has been suggested that a Public COFFEE ROOM , if opened on proper principles and conducted in a suitable manner, where merchants and other gentlemen might meet to transact business, to pass a leisure hour or to learn the news of the day, would be convenient for the Public, and ornamental to the town of Portsmouth. Under this impression the following
Proposals for the establishment of A Tontine Coffee House or Public Exchange, on the Parade in this town, are offered.
CONDITIONS.
1st. The Coffee Room to be fitted up in the European style, with boxes and curtains complete, Desk, writing materials, &c.
2d. The room to be regularly furnished with the news-papers of the principal Sea Ports of the United States, and as many foreign papers as possible, for the accommodation of Merchants, Traders and others. To enable the proposer to accomplish these objects with propriety, he solicits the patronage of the Gentlemen of Portsmouth, and offers to undertake it as soon as he shall obtain one hundred subscribers at the small sum of three dollars each per annum.
3d. The subscription money to be paid in advance and lodged in the hands of a trustee to be appointed by the subscribers, and the proposer to draw it by giving sufficient bonds.
A subscription paper is left at the Store of Messrs. Wm. Treadwell, & Co. and another at that of Messrs. N. S. & W. Peirce, on the Parade.
NEW CHEAP STORE.
Tho's Morton Has for sale at his Store, directly opposite Mr. Greenleaf's Inn,
Sign of the Golden KEY, Congress-Street.
 RUM. INDIGO.  BRANDY. LEMONS.  GIN. POWDER, and  ANNIS. SHOT.  CYDER. Cotton and Wool  Hyson, Souchong. CARDS.  & Bohea TEAS. Men's & Youth's  Loaf and Brown. HATS.  SUGAR. Crockett WARE.  COTTON. WHEAT. RYE.  COFFEE. White & Colour'd  MOLASSES. BEANS.  FISH. CANDLES, 6, 8,  Coarse and Fine. 9. & 10 to lb.  SALT. BUTTER. and  RAISINS. CHEESE.  RICE. FLAX.  Fig and Pigtail. DYEWOD.  TOBACCO. BRIMSTONE.  NUTMEGS. SULPHUR.  PEPPER and. CHALK.  ALLSPICE. OATMEAL,  GINGER. &c. &c. &c. 
Constant attendance from sun-rise to 9 o'clock in the evening—and the smallest favours gratefully acknowledged. Portsmouth, March 2, 1802.
POCKET-BOOKS.
A GREAT variety of Men's and Youth's Pocket-Books of almost all sizes and prices, from 1/6 to 3/6 each. —ALSO—
A large and fanciful assortment of PENKNIVES,
from 6 cents to 6/ each, is just received by N. S. & W. PEARCE, at their Book and Stationary Store, (lately occupied by Mr. John Melcher) corner of Market-Street.
March 2, 1802.
A pleasing assortment of Small BOOKS, From 4 to 25 cents each:
AMONG which are, Death of Cain; Valentine & Orson; Gulliver Revived; adventures of Capt. Gulliver; Fairy Tales; Prompter; History of the Holy Bible; Divine Emblems; Collection of Entertaining Stories; Sinbad the Sailor; Hieroglyphic Amusements; Watt's Divine Songs—And a great variety of other small Books, just received and for sale by C. Peirce, No. 5, Daniel-Street, and N. S. & W. Peirce, corner of Market-Street, Portsmouth.
(PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.)
SEVENTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
AT THE FIRST SESSION, Begun and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday the Seventh of December, one thousand eight hundred and one.
AN ACT
Authorizing the discharge of Lawrence Erb from his Confinement.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the marshal of the district of Pennsylvania be authorised and directed to discharge Lawrence Erb, late a collector of the revenue of the United States, in the county of Northampton, in the district of Pennsylvania, from confinement; upon a judgment obtained against him in favor of the United States: Provided, That he take so much of an oath imposed upon persons imprisoned for debt by the second section of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt," as relates to his not having transferred his property with an intent to defraud the United States; and that he shall assign and convey all the estate, real and personal, which he may now own, or be entitled to, to some person or persons for the use and benefit of the United States, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury: Provided, also, That the said judgment shall remain in full force against any estate, real or personal, which the said Lawrence Erb may hereafter acquire, and that process, may, at any time, be thereupon issued against the same.
NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, Feb. 3, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
RESOLUTIONS
Expressing the sense of Congress on the gallant conduct of Lieut. Sterret.—the officers and crew of the United States Schooner Enterprize.
RESOLVED, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That they entertain a high sense of the gallant conduct of Lieutenant Sterret, and the other officers, seamen and marines, on board the Schooner Enterprize, in the capture of a Tripolitan corsair of fourteen guns and eighty men.
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to present to Lieutenant Sterret a sword, commemorative of the aforesaid heroic action; and that one month's pay be allowed to all the other officers, seamen and marines, who were on board the Enterprize, when the aforesaid action took place.
NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. AARON BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED Feb. 3, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
NATCHEZ, NOV. 24. Yesterday His Excellency Wm. C. CLAIBORNE, Governor of this Territory arrived, after a tedious passage down the Mississippi River.
A glow of joy seemed to animate each citizen, on the arrival of the man, whom we look up to as our political Sun and future shield from oppression and tyranny.
He came like the messenger of peace and concord, without pomp or parade, no sound of trumpet, or beat of drum, or herald sent before to proclaim his coming; by this we may calculate the happiness which flows from an Administration truly Republican, under which we enjoy equal rights and laws, and merit and integrity are the only badges of distinction.
We understand that on the completion of the definitive treaty between France and England, Mr. Jackson now at Paris, will be constituted Minister Plenipotentiary from the latter country to the United States.
Senate of Massachusetts.
A SUMMARY OF THE Debate on Mr. HICKBORN'S Motion "That a committee be appointed to prepare an ADDRESS to the PRESIDENT of the United States, congratulating him on his accession to the Chief Magistracy of the Union; declaring our unequivocal approbation of the true system of republican principles, which he has assumed as the basis of his administration; and offering him our cordial support, in effectuating the great objects of national economy, without which no people can long retain their morality or freedom."
THE motion was seconded by General Skinner, and supported by Messrs. Bidwell, Hull, Hill, Bowdoin, and J. L. Austin; and opposed by Messrs. Hayward, Brigham, Dwight, Treadwell, Thompson, and Titcomb.
In favor of the measure it was said, that such addresses were usual, especially in Massachusetts; that the Legislature of this Commonwealth addressed President Adams in 1798, and again last year, upon his retiring from office; that it had become a customary tribute of respect to the Chief Magistrate of the nation, and through him to the constitutional majority of the people; that an address was analogous to an answer to the Governor's speech, which, though not strictly a legislative act, is fashioned by practice, as a complimentary or rather respectful mark of attention, and cannot be omitted, without pointed neglect and disrespect; that gentlemen, who had heretofore voted for addresses to a former President, could not oppose the present motion from any general repugnance to such addresses; for by so doing, they would contradict their own opinion of practices, and show that they had been or were now, animated by a spirit of party, and not by principle; that the object of addresses was not merely to acknowledge the constituted authority of the nation, but also to let an example of respect, of confidence and attachment to government; to aid, support and encourage the Supreme Executive in the execution of the laws and other arduous duties of his office; that a congratulation of his election was an act of public civility, which could not be refused without a violation of the great Republican principle of acquiescence in the will of the majority; that as it had been paid, when the President was a citizen of this state, it would be illiberal to withhold it now the ex-President is a citizen of another state;—that such illiberality would tend to an alienation between the eastern and southern states—that it would countenance an unreasonable opposition to government, and all the consequent train of evils; that such an unloicial state, in addition to its general effect upon society and government, was particularly prejudicial to the interest of Massachusetts, which had thereby lost, and was thereby liable to lose, much of her former leading influence in the Union—the consequences of which loss, might be very injurious to her commerce, and particular to her carrying trade, that the proposed address would tend to restore harmony and mutual confidence, and preserve the national union—and was more requisite, as this Commonwealth from causes which need not be examined, gave Mr. Jefferson not a single vote, although he had among her citizens many friends and supporters at that time, and many more now; that it was a fact not to be denied that Mr. Jefferson's political principles were rapidly progressing, and were already adopted by majorities of the people in all the states but three, and perhaps even by two of them; that those principles were declared in the Inaugural speech, and more particularly detailed and applied, in the late Message to Congress; that they had received the sanction and applause of Republicans throughout the world; that one of the most prominent of them was the great Republican principle of National Economy; that Mr. Jefferson had practiced, as well as recommended this principle—and furnished evidence, which ought to satisfy every candid mind, of the sincerity and practicability of his opinion on this subject; for he had recalled two of our foreign ministers, one resident at Lisbon, and the other at the Hague, because Portugal was so intimately connected with Great-Britain, as to be within the vortex of British politics, and therefore, within the scope of our minister at London; and the Batavian republic, in a correspondent relation to France, and consequently within the view of our minister at that court; He had also abolished the offices of about 60 inspectors of the revenue, an intermediate grade of officers, between the supervisors & collectors of the excise; He had reduced the corps of marines, conformably to the previous legislative reduction of the navy.
These and similar reformations had been effected within the Executive department; and he had recommended to congress to apply the same economising principle to various objects of public expenditure—a reduction of officers—and consequently of appointments, and of a diminution of Executive patronage and influence—a definition and restriction of discretionary powers—a more specific appropriation of monies, and a general simplification of our national establishments and concerns. These were a part of Mr. Jefferson's principles; constituting a system, which it was contended was the true system of practical Republicanism; the same which was inherited from our Republican ancestors; the same on which the American revolution was founded, and
which was exemplified in our national and State Constitution, that Mr. Jefferson has attempted a restoration of those first principles from certain deviations which had occurred in practice, and an application of them to our present circumstances—that the republican cause is staked on their success in this country; and every real patriot ought therefore, to second and support them, by all proper means, one of which was the proposed address, which referred to these principles, and emphatically to that of economy. It was hoped that the Senate of Massachusetts would concur in the support of such economical arrangements, by adopting the motion; and urged that such a measure was seasonable; that the present time was the golden mean between the extremes of too early and too late, one session having passed since Mr. Jefferson's accession to the Chair, that the distinguishing characteristic principles of his administration had been clearly stated and detailed, and sufficient opportunity allowed to acquire a knowledge of them; and that they were in fact well known, although the remote consequences of existing measures were not yet experienced, an objection, which would always lie against an address; that the motion offered three positions as the substance of the address, to congratulate the President on his election, to express our approbation of his professed Republican sentiments, and to assure him of our support in effectuating the essential objects of national economy; that if the motion prevailed, these propositions would be merely clothed in the form of an address, which was all the Senate was called upon to adopt; that altho' the wishes and efforts of many gentlemen of the board had not been favorable to Mr. Jefferson's election, yet there was no necessary connection between a preference of Mr. Adams or another candidate, and a high degree of confidence, respect and esteem for Mr. Jefferson—that this Commonwealth ought to be considered in the same relation to the United States, as a single town to the whole Commonwealth, and that it would therefore be as improper for the senate to refuse the ordinary token of civility to the President, because he had not the suffrages of Massachusetts, as it would be in the representative of a town for a similar cause, to refuse the customary tribute of, respect annually paid to the Governor on his election—that such refusal would be unpolitic, anti-republican and anti-federal.—These and many other considerations were urged in support of the motion.
In opposition to the motion, it was said, that confidence in the President was the ground of former addresses; that such confidence did not now exist; that the favorite maxim, indeed the hobby horse of the present administration, was economy, to which this motion was opposed, as it occasioned a needless expense of two days, one in the other house and another here; that it would be improper for the senate to address President Jefferson, because the suffrages of this State were all against him; that there was no change of public sentiment, respecting him and his principles, in this Commonwealth—or if there was any such change, it was not in his favor: this was argued from the opinion of the other house, consisting of representatives chosen since the Presidential election, who by their late vote had laid a similar motion in a long sleep; that if the people had approved of Mr. J's principles, that would have expressed their approbation by electing men of congenial sentiment; to represent them; that it would be inconsistent for those who voted to address Mr. Adams, now to vote for an address to Mr. J. because he was elected by an opposite party, and administered the government on different principles; that a congratulation means a rejoicing with another, on some occasion of joy, but gentlemen did not rejoice on the event of Mr. Jefferson's election, and could not therefore congratulate him: that Mr. J's system was an experiment, and had not yet been sufficiently tried; that although, his profession and appearance were fair, yet it was not safe to trust to first appearances—this argument was illustrated by the example of Nero, who, in the beginning of his reign professed great love for the people, and even shed tears of humanity over the first death warrant which he had occasion to sign—and yet within a year or two, became such a tyrant and destroyer that he wished the Roman people had but one neck, that he might destroy them at a blow—having set fire to the city, amused himself with his fiddle by the light of the flames—that Mr. Jefferson's principles although theoretically good in general, were some of them novel and dangerous, particularly his recommendation to abolish all the internal taxes, before the effect of the peace on our revenues was fully known, and when if taxes could be dispensed with, some others, such as the duty on salt, ought to be abolished in preference: the appointment of Mr. Gallatin, a Genevan foreigner, who has been concerned in an insurrection against government to the Secretaryship of the treasury, was a reason for want of confidence in the President. Notwithstanding the custom and general propriety of addresses, yet that the one now proposed, for the foregoing and other reasons, would be improper, at least for the present: that it ought indeed to be postponed to the close of the Presidency, and then bestowed or withheld as experience should dictate.
It was said in reply, that the expence of time on this subject was as much chargeable to the opposition, as the support of the motion—that the want of suffrage for Mr. J. in this State, in which so great a propor-
tion of the people were in his favour, was a good reason for now addressing him, to restore a salutary degree of confidence in the constituted authorities, and counteract the prejudices naturally excited by the state of our Presidential suffrages—that the public sentiment of the people of Massachusetts had changed and was still rapidly changing in favour of Mr. Jefferson and his republican principles and measures, as was evinced by innumerable facts, one of which was the comparative state of parties in this Senate, in which not long since only one federal republican had a seat, whereas now there was a respectable number, and indeed one half of those who were elected by the people—that it could not be inconsistent for those, who had voted for addressing Mr. Adams, now to address his successor; for the motion avoided all reflection upon the former administration. It did not point to measures, concerning which, for want of explanation, different opinions might be held, but to principles as avowed by the President—that the advocates of the motion had not censured Mr. Adams; on the contrary, they were willing to acknowledge his talents and virtues; his early patriotism and eminent services in the revolution, in forming our State Constitution, and establishing our independence and peace—On former occasions, those who had differed from him in politics, had cheerfully joined in the vote to address him as chief magistrate of the nation, and set an example of candour and liberality worthy to be imitated by gentlemen, who now stand in a correspondent relation to the present administration—that a congratulation is an act of civility, an expression of kindness or a testimonial of respect, which does not imply a perfect concurrence of sentiments, or pledge any one to a co-operation of measures—that President Jefferson's republican sentiments were not novelties, but a recurrence to first principles; that his measures were not innovations, but corrections of innovation; that from the declaration of independence, to the inaugural speech and the late memorial message, he had remained uniform and confident, while his political opponents, like sails on board a vessel putting out to sea, to whom the land appears to recede, have impeded to him their own deviation and departure from the original maxims of our revolution and republican government.—The reasoning from what Nero did to what Jefferson might do, was mentioned with indignation and disgust. The bare statement of such an argument was a refutation.—The President's recommendation to abolish the internal taxes was conditional, and predicated on the supposition, that such savings might be made in our expenditures, as to render it consistent with all the necessary supplies of government to release taxes to the annual amount of six hundred and fifty thousand dollars, the average produce of our internal taxes, on which the cost of collection is about twenty per cent.; whereas the duties on tonnage and merchandise amount to nine millions and a half, and cost less than four per cent. in the collection. If, therefore six hundred and fifty thousand dollars can be safely reduced, by applying that reduction to the internal taxes there would be at once a clear saving of one hundred and thirty thousand dollars, now paid as per centage on the collection, and the release of a whole establishment of revenue officers. But by an equal reduction of external taxes, the savings of expense would be less, by more than a hundred thousand dollars, and not a single office would be released. This view of the subject demonstrated, that, notwithstanding some of the articles of internal taxes might be in themselves more convenient and proper objects of taxation, than salt or some others of the articles of external taxes; yet, considering the vast disproportion in the savings of expence, it may be wise to abolish at once the whole system of internal taxes first; and, as soon as the recommended measures of economy shall authorise a further reduction, proceed to retrench the most burdensome articles of impost—that as citizens of Massachusetts, we certainly ought not to complain of the abolition of the internal taxes, one fifth part of which was collected from this Commonwealth.
The objection to Mr. Gallatin's appointment was answered by a reference to his history and character. It was observed that the insinuation of his having been concerned in an insurrection against government was a mere party calumny, not supported by evidence and not founded in fact—and that the History of the insurrection alluded to, published by Mr. Findley, with the responsibility of his name and public character, would satisfy any candid reader of it, that Mr. Gallatin was so far from exciting the insurrection, that, next to the illustrious Washington, he did more than any other man towards restraining the madness of those times, bringing the insurgents to a sense of their duty and restoring order and tranquility. It was admitted that he was not born in the United States, a circumstance to be regretted, as it would be a gratification to our national partiality and pride, to be able to consider him a native of the same country, which gave us birth—but that genius and virtue were not confined to any climate or any particular soil—that the only rational objection against a foreigner must arise from his local habits and prejudices; that Mr. G. was born in Geneva, a small State at the foot of the Alps, between which and this country there could be no dangerous competition of interests; that Geneva was a place of general resort for the education of youth of all nations, a seat of science, and of the reformed christian religion, the birth

place of eminent scholars, divines, and financiers—once the abode of freedom but at the time when young Gallatin arrived at years of manhood, unfortunately subjected to an aristocratic establishment—that having formed an early aversion to that species of government, and a rational predilection for ours, from having read our history and constitutions, instead of taking a part in the politics of his country, although free from personal embarrassments, he dissolved his connections there bid adieu to his native soil, and crossed the Atlantic, to plant himself for life in this land of freedom—that he was here naturalized and had by his industry acquired a handsome landed estate, married an American wife, by whom he has a family of children—that he was a citizen of the United States before the adoption of our constitution, and, as such, a party to that national compact, and by the letter and spirit of it eligible to any office under it, not excepting even the Presidency—that he served many years in the legislature of Pennsylvania, and afterwards in Congress, where he was distinguished for integrity, talents, system, and an habit of application, particularly to fiscal concerns.
The other important appointments, it was contended, were wise and proper. The Secretary of State was particularized, and the Secretary of War, a citizen of Massachusetts, known and respected among us—That the whole administration agreed with the President in simplicity of living and manners, assiduous attention to business, and Republican principles, particularly on the all important subject of economy, which is distinguished and approved in the proposed address; an address, to which it was hoped every friend of our Constitution and constituted authorities, would now assent, for a postponement would be a refusal, and must be so understood.
From the ORACLE.
TO THE Independent Electors of New-Hampshire.
I HAVE always considered it as the duty of every man, in a Government constituted like ours, to state his sentiments, on subjects interesting to the people, with freedom and candor.—Though not a very old man, I have lived long enough to know, that the performance of this duty, like many others, promises neither rewards, offices, nor emolument. He must be an old sailor on the tempestuous sea of politics, and hardened to the element, who does not find it an unpleasant duty.—When I attempted it, I was conscious to myself, that I was actuated by no selfish or improper motives; that I felt no private resentment against any Candidate for popular favor; but at the same time I well knew, that I must not expect to be exempt from imputations of a different kind. If I acquitted myself in any tolerable manner, I forefaw that I should provoke a host of enemies. I could offend them in no way so much, as by relating facts and drawing just inferences from them;—I forefaw that in exact proportion as I engaged the public attention, I should stir up their zeal and opposition. If I have not conducted the inquiry with candor and decency, I have failed in the execution of my intention. The public must and will judge.
A writer in the last Gazette under the signature of A Citizen of New-Hampshire , has favored the public with his sentiments both of Lucius and his performance. He is pleased to consider the writer as having enlisted under the banners of Aristocracy; as a person of a virulent and persecuting spirit; of a malevolent humour—a libeller ; of endeavoring to stifle the judgment of his readers; of grossly aspersing and abusing the characters and reputations of Mr. L. and Judge W.—of making an infamous imputation of fraud on a very good man, and last and not least of his demerits; of having been born in the country where rough language is familiar. So much for the man. The performance itself is honored with the epithets of an injudicious plan ; bare-faced calumnies ; wicked attempt to deceive ; spoutings ; ridiculous observations ; new-fangled logic , &c. &c. These I consider as so many signals of the distress felt by the good Citizen . I am still restrained (whether from piety or a regard to decency matters not) from returning railing for railing. I would much rather be the person upon whom these epithets are bestowed (I flatter myself so undeservedly) than the author of them. If any rough language, any coarse expressions have escaped me, I am ready to agree that they were improper even for one born in the country to use; tho' at the same time, I see no reason to admit that they have been improperly applied . The public have no interest in the characters of two anonymous writers in a news-paper. Their interest lies in the question before them. Though I cannot descend to notice all the observations of the Citizen , yet there are some things in his address deserving a reply. Silence might be construed into an acquiescence with the statements he has made.
In treating of the merits of the Candidates for the chair, Lucius stated facts, and drew inferences from those facts. He carefully avoided every thing of a private nature, or relating to private character. He did not go so far as he might. The evidence to support his statements is to be found in the Journals of the old and present Congress. Accounts transmitted to us of the debates and proceedings of Congress, in the newspapers, and by our other Senators and Representatives in that body—the Journals of our own Legislature, and other things of a public nature, and which rest in the knowledge of many of our Citizens. It will be found on examining the Citizen's strictures, that few very very few of Lucius' facts are denied. The instances in which they are controverted I will now consider. The statement made by Lucius respecting the assumption, is said to be artfully drawn up to suit the accusation—that the interests of this State were sacrificed by the measure. Let us examine this matter. Lucius stated that the sum assumed was twenty one million, five hundred thousand dollars—that the proportion of New-Hampshire, was upwards of eight hundred and four thousand dollars—that three hundred thousand dollars only was assumed—the smallest sum, in proportion to her numbers, which was assumed from any State in the union—That this must have been done on the idea that we were the most delinquent State—that if justice had been done us, we should now be in the receipt of a large sum annually from the pub-
lic.—These facts are not denied; but the consequences drawn from them by Lucius, are attempted to be evaded.
It is said by the Citizen to be quite immaterial what sum was assumed—it was charged on account—and the inequalities of the assumption are or will be rectified by the final settlement. The sums assumed were charged and considered in the settlement; but are the inequalities rectified by that settlement? Is there a single man, in the United States who at the time of the assumption believed that this would or could be the case? It could only be done by payment made by the debtor States to the creditor States; or by such payments into the Treasury of the United States, who were bound to pay the creditor States.—Has any such payment been made by a single debtor State?—Have not the Creditor States, New-Hampshire among the rest, been obliged to contribute equally with the debtor States to the payment of the balances due to themselves? will it be pretended by the Citizen , who is a man of figures, that we have received or can receive the whole sum found due to us? Does the Citizen manage his partnership concerns in the way, those of our State have been managed? Did not our legislature immediately after the assumption took place, view it in the same light I have done? I appeal to the recollection of every person from this State in Congress, and of others, who were in the way of knowing the fact, whether it was not then well understood, and avowed by the members from what were known to be delinquent States, that the debtor States never could be coerced to make payment. Hence the real of every State in the union, except this to obtain as large a sum as possible—Hence the members from New-York, who did not pretend the would be a creditor State, (but their votes were necessary with Mr. L's to carry the measure) had one million two hundred thousand dollars assumed for their State—these observations apply also to other States as well as New-York—so far from believing or expecting that payment could be enforced from the debtor States (and no one was ever so absurd as to suppose it would be voluntarily made) Congress have not been able (tho' the thing has been attempted) to get a vote to invite them to make payment. They have even less power than the famous Owen Glendower, who could call spirits from the vasty deep, tho' to be sure they could not come—Congress cannot even call for payment, and to be sure if they had called, the money could not have come.—Has Mr. L. ever attempted to compel the debtor States to pay?—Does he believe that it is practicable? I am certain he does not. What then must we think of his defender? I will not say he intended to mislead. I hope he will not accomplish it, if he did intend it.
The Citizen tells us that if our just and equal proportion had been assumed, we should now be a debtor State.
I am not very fond of debts, public or private. But I think the condition of a debtor State rather the most eligible for us in this case.
In the first place our vouchers were deficient, and the balance on the final settlement consequently less than what was justly and equitably due. This was known or ought to have been known by Mr. L. at that time; and this clearly entitled us to justice in the assumption, and in equity to retain what should have been assumed. In the next place, we should then have been relieved from the burthen of contributing to pay our selves. We should then have been in the situation of New-York, Pennsylvania, Delaware and other States, entitled to receive from the public that portion of the sum assumed, which was left after our State creditors were paid. I refer my readers to a late statement of the finances of New-York, from which it appears that tho' she is a debtor to the Union 2,074,346 dollars, yet she is receiving the interest from the public of the whole sum assumed from her. The perusal document suggests an observation worthy of notice, and which demonstrates in the clearest manner her intention never to pay the United States a single cent of the balance found against her; at the time when it was proposed to call on the debtor States and request payment, New-York was then a creditor in the United States' funds for the sum assumed from her; for the had no creditors to swallow up any part of it. It was suggested in Congress, as one way to compel her to make payment, to withhold payment to her as a creditor, when she herself was a debtor to a greater amount. This mode of setting off one debt against the other, was the more equitable, as the United States had received no consideration from the State for the sum standing in her name. But the feeling power and forgetting right immediately transferred the debt to the Bank of New-York, who now hold it and from the bank the State receive the annual interest.
The Citizen laments that the debtor States are backward in making payment, but says the thing is in a train of accomplishment. Does he believe this himself? If he does I should pity his credulity. Perhaps Virginia, now that she is exalted above the States, forgetting power and feeling right will set the example. Virginians you know, are remarkable for their justice and punctuality in paying their debts. I am not in immediate expectation of the Millennium, but I believe it will come upon us long before the debtor States pay what they now owe the U. States.
I can hardly give the Citizen credit for sincerity or even seriousness, when he founds his belief on what he has done by New-York. That State long before she made the generous offer to the U. States of fortifying and improving her own harbour had expended considerable sums for the purpose. Does the defender and vindicator of the injured Mr. L. who refused to do any thing towards fortifying our harbours, protecting our trade, or even obtaining indemnification for spoliations actually committed, does he believe, that the United States would expend upwards of two millions of dollars in fortifying the harbour of New-York? Will New-York expend that sum? Have they expended the interest of it? But let us suppose they will expend the whole sum upon their harbour, for the benefit and protection of their own commerce; if we had the sum that ought to have been assumed for us 465,000 dollars as the Citizen states it, could we not with advantage lay out a part of the annual interest for the improvement of our town of Portsmouth, and the
rest on public roads and bridges, to facilitate the communication between our farms and the sea-port towns; and in this way increase the value of their farms and the price of their produce? Would this be a state of things less pleasing to the Citizen and his friend Mr. L. than that in which we now are. Lucius is from the country and acknowledges that he would prefer the former. He believes, in this at least, he is on the side of the majority. Even the Citizen himself seems to have some faint glimmerings of suspicion that this business of the assumption is not quitas it should be. He says it is comparatively an innocent thing . In comparison with what? I am ready to acknowledge that it is not so bad as the treatment of the French to their allies, the Dutch, Swiss, &c. but in the annals of the United States I do not believe there can be found an instance of equal injustice done to a State.
On this subject I have expressed myself in strong terms, but I am not justified by the solemn deliberate decision of the supreme power in the State? Did not the Legislature remonstrate in terms more severe than any I have used against the measure. I refer my readers to that document. It is at least as respectable as the sayings or opinions of the Citizen .
On the subject of the funding system Lucius suggested that Mr. L. was deeply interested in the question, and voted for the most favorable terms for the creditors, who were mostly speculators. The Citizen says the funding system is more exceptional than the assumption. Be it so. How does this exculpate Mr. L.? But the Citizen tells us that Mr. L. had only a small property at stake, and that the only Certificates he had were received by him at par for gold and silver loaned for the use of our army in Canada. I wish to be civil to the Citizen , tho' I think he does not deserve it; but I feel myself bound to tell him that the fact is not so. The affirmative is upon Mr. L. He must prove it if he can. I assert that Mr. L. did not loan to our army in Canada or any where else, money to the amount of ten per cent of the sum he subscribed to the loans opened under the funding act. Let Mr. L. say how much hard money he actually lent to the public, and then let him show how much funded stock he had (till he sold out) in the different offices in the U. States. And let him tell us why he did not fund the whole in New-Hampshire. I scorn to take any advantage of this hasty inaccuracy that has escaped the Citizen . Let him rectify what he has said, and let him be sure that he draws his information from pure sources. On this subject I can (and possibly may) say more if any thing comes from Mr. L. or his friends that shall make it necessary.
Lucius stated that Mr. L. voted against opening the Senate doors to the citizens who were desirous of hearing the debates of that body, till opposition became unavailing, and that he did this against the unanimous desire and request of his constituents. In proof of the latter, I refer the reader to the journals of our legislature, January session, 1791, where it appears that Mr. L. was instructed to use his best endeavors to procure the admission of the citizens to hear the debates in the Senate. How has Mr. L. fulfilled the duty enjoined upon him, or the request made to him by the Legislature of the State to which he belonged and whose representative he was?—The Citizen says the statement made by Lucius is partly true and partly false. By the way this is not very polite for a Citizen . I contend, I hope without any breach of decorum, that it is all true. I refer my readers to the journals of the Senate of the U. S. at every session, till 1794.
It is not true, as stated by the Citizen , that the room was so small as to make it impossible (I will add even inconvenient) to admit spectators without incommoding the Senators in their seats. It would easily have admitted members of the House of Representatives, who were desirous of attending, and yet Mr. L. voted against admitting them, tho' Senators were always admitted on the floor of the House, not driven to the galleries.
On a public occasion the whole House were admitted, and many spectators. Mr. L. never did vote in favor of galleries—I have seen no such vote. There never was a question about opening the galleries—the proposition was, that the Senate should agree to a standing rule that their debates should be public—to take effect when accommodations were provided. This was all the Senate could do. The State of Pennsylvania were anxious for the measure, and flood ready to provide the necessary accommodations. Admitting the principle was all that was finally done by the Senate.—The galleries were not erected by them.
Now let the public judge between Lucius and his accuser. I do not blame the Citizen for supporting his friend; but let him be careful how he does it. Let him not provoke enquiry. He may depend upon it, the more the subject is stirred, the more difficult will be his task. I am willing to give the Citizen credit for abilities; if he fails it only proves the badness of his cause. The Citizen is like other great men, as remarkable for his modesty as for his talents. On the subject of Mr. L's military exploits, he complains of his memory. He cannot recollect the particulars. He is really too modest. He is unjust to himself. His memory is good. He always remembers not to forget real or supposed injuries, and they do not grow less by his keeping; But as to Mr. L's military exploits, to recite them requires not memory but invention. The enemy bearing no doubt that Mr. L. had girt on his sword and marched to the "assistance of his military friends," wisely fought their safety in flight:—luckily for us they shunned the dreadful encounter, and Mr. L. returned to us unhurt.
Lucius is accused of omitting to state the many excellent things he did for us in the Senate—He opposed the sedition law, he opposed the alien law, &c. Did not Lucius say that he opposed every measure of our own government? What would Mr. L's friends have more? Mr. L's friend had much better employ himself in telling us the grounds of Mr. L's opposition, a thing he never told us himself:—All we know is, that we find him for a number of years in opposition to every measure proposed and recommended by WASHINGTON and ADAMS. They have told us the grounds and principles upon which they acted; if
they had not, and we had been reduced to the necessity of taking sides merely from our confidence in the men, I am free to declare for myself that I should incline to the side of the two gentlemen. The Citizen might tell us of these men what he does respecting the New-England Senators and Representatives in a lump, (with the exemption of Governor Robinson, no doubt) that they ceased to be Americans and friends to our Constitution, and proved themselves partisans of Britain . We are much indebted to Mr. L. and that kind Providence which raised him up to save and defend us against WASHINGTON, ADAMS, STRONG, ELLSWORTH, TRUMBULL, and others, to whom in an evil hour, we bestowed our confidence.
Lucius observed that one session of the Legislature of this State was sufficient for the year. In this opinion he is supported by a full vote (I believe an unanimous one) of the preceding Legislature, and a large majority of the present one, and opposed by the Citizen . The latter indeed has the confidence to insinuate that the necessary business could not be done at one session. What was the necessary business that could not be done at one? Neither the Citizen nor Mr. L. could then state any. But it does not follow (except according to the Citizen's logic) that if we could do well enough with one session, we might dispense with that one.
Lucius did not say that Mr. L. was a spendthrift, a prodigal, &c. He never accused Mr. L. of inviting persons to dine with him. Lucius only stated facts easy of proof.
Lucius is blamed for going out of his way to abuse Judge Walker. Lucius found Judge W. in his way and he did not abuse him—it would be cruel; he has suffered enough from his friends, to satisfy any mind less vindictive than the Citizen's .
But what shall we say of this same good Citizen's attack on the present Treasurer—State the fact that is always the best answer to the Citizen :
Two or three years ago the Committee appointed to settle the Treasurer's accounts wished to amuse themselves, after discharging the proper duties of their appointment with looking at and counting over the State's money: and there are minds which derive the highest satisfaction from such an employment.
There being however nothing of this in their commission and the request being unusual and carrying with it distrust and suspicion, wounding to the feelings of a good man, the Treasurer refused to gratify an idle and impertinent curiosity. This refusal came from a man who is not in the habit of refusing any proper requests made to him either as an official or private character.—At the next session of the legislature the Treasurer informed them of what was done and at the same time told them that he always had been, and always was ready to produce the balance due to State whenever they were pleased to require it; but that he was not willing to produce it to individuals who had no authority to require it. I have now done with my friend the Citizen . He may perhaps ascribe it to my vanity, but I can't help saying, that I indulge the hope that with the explanations here given, his performance will not diminish the force of what was contained in the former numbers of Lucius. It seems the Citizen could have done wonders with Lucius' performance if he could only have been favored with a little satire and humour.
Judging by what he has written, I am inclined to believe that Lucius has neither gained nor the public lost anything by the Citizen's modesty in declining to spin out his discourse to greater length.
LUCIUS.
State of New-Hampshire—In Senate,
TUESDAY, JUNE 14, 1791.
Met according to adjournment.
A VOTE that his Excellency the President be requested to forward to the Legislature of the United States, by the Representatives from this State, the following memorial of said State, and that said Representatives be requested to lay the same before Congress, and use their influence to obtain redress.
To the honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America.
The Memorial of the Legislature of the State of New-Hampshire, with all due respect sheweth:
THAT this State hath ever been cheerfully ready, according to its utmost ability, to contribute its proportion by the supply of men and money during the late war, for the defence of the country, and establishment of independence and freedom, by means of which war, and the long and strenuous exertions made by this State, a heavy debt in proportion to our property was accumulated on the State—this debt incurred for the common defence and safety, and in the common cause of our country, conformably to the directions of Congress, we expected would be finally adjusted, and equal justice done to this, as well as to all other States, by the statement of the accounts agreeably to the articles of the late confederation—but the obligations and sums promised by the State, we considered the State alone responsible for, to its creditors, as we conceived the other States were to their's respectively.—From this persuasion the Legislature of this State have from time to time during the war and since, laid burthensome taxes upon its citizens, for paying not only the interest, but a large part of the principal of the State debt—at the same time practising the most rigid economy in expenditures for the support of the civil government of the State, and for their own particular defence. By these means the State have extinguished a large part of their debt, and began to have the animating hope, that in the course of a few years more, our debt would be discharged, and the citizens eased of those heavy burthens they had so long borne, with exemplary patience—
From these circumstances it may well be supposed this State was much disappointed at, and received with general disapprobation and uneasiness, that part of a late act of Congress, in which it is proposed to assume twenty-one millions and five hundred thousand dollars of the debt of the several States, and in which provision is made for funding and paying the same. By which measure an increased debt is brought on the general government, the necessity of an increased revenue is involved, and probably a delay of the payment of the national debt will thereby be occasioned; all which are evils (in our opinion) to be avoided.—But still more objectionable in our view, is the disfiguring to the citizens of New-Hampshire, the assumption
of the State debts, on account of the very unequal proportion there is between the quota's allowed to be assumed from the debts of some States and those of others.—On a view of the requisitions made on the States by the Congress under the confederation—whether for men or money, it will appear that New-Hampshire was generally apportioned as about one twenty-eighth part of the Union. The proportion of her present representation is nearly as one to twenty-two—and this it is presumed will not be found too great a proportion of the number of which the House of Representatives of the U. States is now composed, when the number of the inhabitants of all the States is ascertained. It was not in the power of this State fully to comply with the requisitions made by Congress yet, we presume it will appear, that of the number of soldiers furnished by the several States, the expense consequent thereupon, and the actual payments made by all the States, in consequence of requisitions of Congress, this State has furnished at least one twenty-eighth part; notwithstanding the above proportions and supplies, the sum proposed to be assumed of this State's debt is less than one seventieth part of the whole sum proposed to be assumed—far less in proportion than any other State in the Union: whether such State owed any debt contracted for the common defence or not. This must devolve on the citizens of this State, the burthen of paying about six hundred thousand dollars of the mass assumed debt more than is assumed of theirs, calculating agreeably to former requisitions of Congress, and on the supposition that the revenue arising from the impost and excise, or any other kind of general tax (whether actually collected in the State, or in the neighboring States, through which a great part of our commerce passes) will actually be paid by the consumers of dutiable articles and that the citizens of New-Hampshire will consume of those articles in common with those of other States, in proportion to their numbers, which probably will be the case.
In this view of the assumption it cannot but appear very unequal, and while there is a distinction made between this and every other State in the Union, in the finalness of its quota allowed to be assumed, it appears to us implicitly to criminalize the State as the most delinquent in the Union, which we are confident we deserve not; or else that equal justice is not distributed to us.
Wherefore as guardians of the rights and privileges of the citizens of New-Hampshire, whom we have the honor to represent, we conceive it our duty to remonstrate against said act, so far as it respects the assumption of the State debts; or if said assumption must be carried into effect, to request that this State may have such addition made to the sum allowed to be assumed of its debt, as shall place the citizens of New-Hampshire on an equality with those of other States, at least equal to the smallest proportion allowed to any other State according to the census, or that the injuries and burthens we complain of may be removed in such other way as you in your wisdom and justice shall think fit, was brought up, read and concurred
For the Gazette.
TO THE FREE ELECTORS of New-Hampshire.
Friends and Fellow-Citizens,
THE season of the year has at length arrived, in which the high privilege of electing our own rulers, is, by our constitution, to be exercised. That there are two distinct political parties now existing in the State, the one in favor of and the other opposed to the present administration of the general Government is a truth too generally understood to need explanation.—Those parties have been subjected to various appellations, too often dictated by the passions rather than by any sense of propriety in those who have used them, both have filed themselves federalists, and neither has been willing to relinquish the claim; as the term is of very indefinite import I am disposed to allow it to both, and by the use of two explanatory words to make the distinction clear, and so settle the dispute.—The party in favor of the general Constitution and the present administration of it, may be designated by the name of Republican Federalists —and the party in opposition by that of Aristocratic Federalists ; Mr. Langdon, for the office of Chief Magistrate will be supported by the former and Mr. Gilman (our present governor) by the latter.
Lucius a particular and an obliged friend of Gov. G. has shown much anxiety lest the pending election should terminate unfavorably to his patron, and to guard as effectually as possible against the dreaded event, has exerted all his energies and at length produced a great variety of small items against Mr. L. making in the aggregate, were we to judge by the number and length of his columns, a very formidable account. This however has been chanced down—till two charges only stand uncanceled viz. that of voting for the assumption act—and, as Lucius says, against opening the galleries of the Senate Chamber.—These have been noticed and a Citizen thought sufficiently—but Lucius, it seems, is of a different opinion. It has been already shown, and Lucius admits it, that had the proportion belonging to New-Hampshire been assumed, she would have been a debtor State—but laments that we have not had it in our power instead of paying such a debt, as honor and good faith would have required, to appropriate monies belonging to other States to our own purposes and so defraud those of their right to whom it justly would belong. Conduct like this, Lucius, in private life would in the part of the country where I live, be considered base and ignominious; could it be less so in a State "feeling power and forgetting right"?
Far be it from the Citizen for the sake of carrying a point, although a favorite one, to attempt to justify what in his heart he con-

deems. If he has not already done it, he is now willing to admit, that the funding system together has operated unfavorably to the creditor States, but cannot feel how New-Hampshire could have been essentially benefited by a larger assumption. It has been already laid and not denied, that the whole object of the assumption was to cover the debts then due from the several States for notes and other securities issued for supplies for carrying on the war; it was therefore for the interest of each State to have them as large a sum due as truth would justify, — this in all probability was done on the part of New-Hampshire, and the sum assumed apportioned accordingly — if the operation of this act be understood, the sum to be assumed, could in no case eventually exceed that actually due by the states respectively — for instance, if the amount assumed for New-Hampshire had been 840,000 dollars, and the sum really due from her for state notes, &c. issued, did not exceed 300,000 dollars, she could not have been benefitted in the issue, by a larger amount than the now is: If the business of the state, either in the treasury or other departments, was so conducted that it could not be ascertained by the proper officers what amount of state securities was outstanding — in what manner was Mr. L. to obtain the information? But how does it follow that because the assumption act might be in some degree unfavorable to New-Hampshire, that Mr. L. is censureable in finally giving it his approbation? did he not strive to obtain the best possible terms for his own state? I answer with confidence, that he did, and that it was the best that could be obtained, that it was necessary to accept it as it was, or wholly to reject it; and it was the opinion of the most prudent and judicious of that day, who were not pleased with the system, that to accept it would be the lesser evil. Public credit through the inefficiency of our former government had been nearly lost, it was an important object, and essential to our existence as a nation that it should be restored, the funding system, of which the assumption act is a part, like the Constitution under which it was made, was the result of mutual concessions, and could not rationally be expected to suit the interests of any state in every particular. The interests of the northern and southern states were known to clash in many instances; to consolidate their interests and strengthen the bond of union between them, was then an important desideratum, the doctrine of a separation of the northern from the southern states which now finds its advocates in our high aristocratic circles, would at that time have been held in utter abhorrence; had a member of Congress been hardy enough to propose such a measure, he would have been expelled from his seat. Considerations like these, it is presumed, must furnish not barely a justifiable, but a commendable acquiescence in a system, though in some respects imperfect, when no better could be had.
The Citizen has said that the assumption act was comparatively an innocent thing ; the more he considers it, the more he is confirmed in that opinion, and in making the comparison, he limits himself as he ought to transactions in his own country; he has no disposition to interest himself in the affairs of the French, Swiss, Dutch, English, Irish, or any other nation, until those of his own are thoroughly secured in safe and friendly hands. Lucius, if he pleases, may calculate the unnecessary expense that has arisen under the Standing Army act, and apportion it among the several States — he will then find a larger sum to the debt of New-Hampshire than the could possibly have gained by the most equal apportionment of the sum assumed by the general Government. — Lucius and his friend Mr. G. have (without a known exception) been zealous in their approbation of the measures of that administration under which this dangerous and expensive system was formed, and loud in their praises of the man who was the reputed projector and promoter of it.
As Mr. G. was not called upon to decide in Congress on the important question of the funding system, we are left to judge by his opinion on a question of a similar nature in his own State, what would have been his conduct circumstanced as Mr. L. was? — Lucius has said that "more has been done for the holders of public securities, who were mostly speculators, than justice or good faith required." — On this point I am inclined to agree with him. But what will he think of his friend Gov. G. should he be found to be of a different opinion? Will it not prove him almost as bad a man as Mr. L.? More especially if on examination it shall appear that he gave that opinion under circumstances in which those important considerations that ought, and probably did operate on the mind of Mr. L. could not be brought into view; and that the question was to be determined on the abstract principle of general justice alone, unless his own private interest should make it otherwise.
In the year 1794, the first of Mr. G.'s Governorship, the funding act of New-Hampshire, predicated on principles quite as favorable as those of the General Government, passed the Legislature; the friends of Gov. G. however, did not hesitate to say that it was not pleasing to him, although he had given it his official approbation. By this act, provision was made for the redemption of State notes; principal and interest, at 15/ on the pound, and to effect this, the Treasurer was authorised to negotiate a loan not exceeding 25,000 pounds, (83,333 dollars.) The holders of those securities being generally men of property, were able to retain them, which, as it could be done without loss, while the interest was suffered to accumulate, they were willing to do, under a possibility of obtaining at some future day, a still larger sum, to that in the space of two years and an half, viz. from June 1794, to December 1796, a very inconsiderable amount only was redeemed.
The state being prepared with funds, and in the actual payment of bank interest for forty thousand dollars borrowed by the Treasurer, while the interest of their own notes was running against them, induced the General Court to pass an act for stopping the interest after the 31st day of July, then next; justly considering the preparation they had made for the redemption of their notes as a tender of payment. This act, reasonable as it was, met the official disapprobation of the Governor, and became a law by the votes of two thirds of both branches of the Legislature agreeably to the Constitution; in the Senate one only, and he a speculator,
voted against it. One of the objections stated by Gov. G. against the bill is in the following words: — "By the act of the Legislature passed January 16th, 1792, the Treasurer is directed to pay interest annually, the promise as it respects the principal is, to pay the sums expressed in the notes, in gold or silver, these promises are confirmed by subsequent acts remaining in full force." The evident meaning of this objection is, that the nominal sum with interest in silver, and gold instead of 15/ on the pound, as allowed by Congress under the funding act, ought to have been paid for the public securities of this State. The history of these proceedings is given to show Gov. G.'s opinion of the value of public securities, and the probable part he would have taken, if called upon as Mr. L. was to vote on the question of adopting the funding system.
Lucius says "there never was a question about opening the galleries of the Senate chamber," this is not true, there was such a question, & Mr. L. voted in favor of it. See Journals 1st session 3d. Congress, page 56. There are besides a few other contradictions which Lucius has had the politeness to make, of too little importance to merit attention; if Lucius is really desirous to know the truth, a decent application to the proper source will insure him all necessary information, and shew him that the declarations of the Citizen are true.
We have now done with the mighty charges brought by Lucius against the political character of Mr. L. and may we not with propriety exclaim Mons parturit, &c.
The sum of the whole matter is briefly this, Mr. L. is a Republican Federalist, one who believes that all men are born equal; that all power originally belongs to the people of right; that the Constitution was made by them, and for them, and not they for the Constitution; that all powers not expressly surrendered by the people are retained by them. Sentiments like these are abhorrent to Aristocratic pride; they will insure perfection wherever possessed. Mr. L. has been called to act on important questions in the most difficult times, and it would be extraordinary indeed if he never did wrong, and if he had always done right, he would still be more sure of censure.
All free governments that have hitherto been established, from the Grecian and Roman to that of the American, have by turns fallen a sacrifice to aristocratic intrigue, and the rights of the people been sacrificed on the altar of power, and shall we not profit by those examples? Our fathers and brethren sought and bled to secure our privileges, and shall we tamely suffer them to be wrestled from us? God forbid! — let us rouse them from our slumber, and by all possible means guard against such a calamity, let us carefully watch over our Constitution and those appointed to administer it, and be assured that our best security lies in the frequent change of our public officers; it not only deprives them of opportunities for forming plans dangerous to our liberties, but by suffering them frequently to mix with the people, they become acquainted with their wants, and do not forget what it is to be governed. The more this principle is contended against by men in office and their friends, the greater should be our jealousy, and the stronger our resolution to hold it fast.
At the close of his last essay, Lucius has thought proper to accuse the committee (appointed by the General Court to settle the Treasurer's accounts) with an impatient curiosity in requesting a sight of the money in the treasury on a certain occasion, denying any authority in their commission for making such request. Had this imputation fallen from the Treasurer himself, who is a man of principle and acquainted with the circumstances of the case, it would have come with much greater weight.
The committee alluded to was appointed at the fall session of the General Court in 1797. Some time before this, suspicions had arisen in the minds of many, that the money of the State had been occasionally used for private purposes, whether from the circumstance that very large loans had been made by certain gentlemen in Exeter, or from any other cause, or no cause at all, the writer of this will not undertake to determine; of this he is certain that such suspicions did prevail, and that some of the committee of the preceding years were applied to by many of the members of the General Court for information on the subject, who answered that they knew nothing respecting it, and had not conceived themselves authorized to make any enquiries of the kind, of the Treasurer. Many expressed their surprise that the money was not voluntarily shown, and a determination to know more of the matter in future. The votes for appointing committees of this kind before this time, were expressed in the following words, viz: — "Voted that A. B. and C. be a committee in the recess of the General Court, to settle the accounts between this State and the Treasurer thereof, and report at the next session of the General Court." On this occasion their appointment was in the following words, viz: — "Voted that A. B. and C. be a committee to settle the accounts between this State and the Treasurer thereof, in the recess of the General Court, and report at the next session, their proceedings together with the state of the Treasury."
The committee I am told, were not at a loss for a meaning to the last clause of the vote for their appointment, they conceived it to be their duty to proceed further than barely to settle the accounts, and in this there was no diversity of opinion. If my information be correct, and I have no reason to doubt it, they complied with this part of their duty with reluctance, first giving the Treasurer every opportunity by his own voluntary act, to relieve them of the task, but as he did not see fit to do it, they felt themselves bound to express to him their opinion, that it was the intention of the General Court that the committee should at least have a sight of the treasury — this was objected to by the Treasurer, for the reason that he did not think the vote sufficiently explicit — such is the state of facts, and the public are left to form what opinion they please.
The above statement has not been made with a view to criminate the moral character of the Treasurer — the writer of this conceives him to be not only a man of integrity, but an amiable man, and one, who, if left to himself, would seldom do wrong — nor is it intended to reflect on his understanding or his firmness — neither the best nor the wilful of men are beyond the influence of
the advice and example of those they have been in the habit of esteeming their friends, and if the Treasurer has at any time been led into an error of this kind, it could by no means be considered an extraordinary thing. If the present Treasurer or his predecessor, or their friends have at any time been benefited by the large sums of public money, for which there was no other use, it may be said in favor of it; — That the Treasurer's bonds are sufficient to secure the State against loss, and that if a sufficient sum be always ready to meet the demands of the State, no possible evil can arise from it; with these observations I quit the subject.
The public and every individual have an interest in the reputation of the man whom they with to honor. The Citizen was, and still is of opinion, that Mr. L. is the most suitable character to fill the highest office in the State, if the majority of the people are of Republican principles, if otherwise he is ready to confess that Mr. G. has the strongest claim. He few with concern the public and private reputation of Mr. L. wantonly calumniated and abused, and as he conceived the interests of the community endangered by it. He felt it his duty, however inadequate to the task, to oppose his feeble endeavours by way of defence. He was at first anxious because he knew his antagonist to be subtle and crafty, but is now consoled in the belief that every cunning man is not always the most dangerous man. Lucius has closed his philippic under circumstances peculiarly propitious. He defers well of Mr. G. for his indefatigable exertions — while Mr. L. and his friends have little cause to complain.
A CITIZEN OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
Portsmouth.
TUESDAY, MARCH 9, 1802.
***** Erratum — In our last Gazette in the list of Candidates under Portsmouth head, for Councilor, — read Joseph Blanchard, instead of Josiah.
The Coo-cooing Editors of the Oracle, one would think, had found a rattle — and meant to shake it over the Editors of the Gazette; but they would inform those young gentlemen, they have more liability than to be chaunted from their duty, by such prating as the sample presented in last Oracle. And the Editors of the Gazette still assert, there was no indecent triumph expressed or shewn by the majority, in the town meeting of the first inst. — but that every transaction of the day was conducted with the greatest harmony. And every thing those "democratic" editors could catch at, was, that after the poll was closed, and the votes declared, Mr. LANGDON rose, and very aptly addressed (in a concise and masterly manner) his fellow citizens, who had shewn him such high respect; after he was seated, some present wished to express their approbation by clapping their hands, and he would ask, where was the harm? — When the votes for Mr. GILMAN was declared, there were a few people that began to hiss, which conduct was immediately checked and highly disapproved of by the Hon. JOHN GODDARD, moderator, and every other respectable character present. From this trivial circumstance was founded the GREAT hue and cry of Huzzas and Hisses in the last Oracle! It may well be compared to a drowning man, catching at a straw!
Returns of Votes for GOVERNOR.
Langdon. Gilman. Portsmouth, . . . 549 145 Wolfborough, . . . 70 33 Concord, . . . 140 91 Pembroke, . . . 94 94 37 Hopkinton, . . . 103 119 Henniker, . . . 86 66 Bolscaven, . . . 111 64 Northwood, . . . 78 49 Pittsfield, . . . 51 26 Wakefield, . . . 21 97 Thornton, . . . 0 44 Offspec, Northfield, Deering, Merrimack and Goffstown, we hear, are unanimous for Mr. LANGDON.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Washington, to his friend in this town, dated February 15th, 1802.
"It is expected that the bill from the Senate, to repeal the Judiciary act of the last session, will this day begin to be debated in the House of Representatives; how long the debate may be continued is quite uncertain, though I have some hope that it will be finished in all this week — no doubt is entertained but the act will be repealed."
"The repeal of the Internal taxes will probably be the next important act, and then a permanent appropriation for the final discharge of the public debt, according to the terms of the several contracts under which it has been made; and neither the repeal of the taxes, nor the appropriation for the debt, will prevent proper and adequate measures being taken for the protection of our commerce against the Tripolitans; If their measures will not convince the people that their affairs have not suffered by the change in the administration, will any thing less than a miracle convince them."
The report, received at the southward, of the severe Quarantine imposed in Spain, on American vessels, is confirmed by intelligence received here, which states, that "an order had been received at Cadiz, from Madrid, to subject all vessels from the United States to perform FORTY DAYS Quarantine; excepting vessels from New-York and Norfolk, which are not permitted to enter port on any account whatever." This effect of the superfluous notions of the Spaniards respecting the importation of the yellow fever from the U. S. will essentially injure our commerce.
Marine Intelligence.
Portsmouth, March 9, 1802.
Yesterday arrived here brig Orland, Capt. William Trefethen, 31 days from St. Vincent. — February 14. Lat. 24, 35, long. 68, 30 west, spoke ship Prince, from Charleston, bound for Jamaica. — Feb. 20, lat. 33 00, long. 69 30, spoke brig Fairy, of Newburyport, John Brown master, from New-Orleans bound for Liverpool.
Same day arrived here brig Oliver Peabody, Stephen Gilman master, 19 days from Santacruz — and ship, Commerce, Captain Robert Blunt, from Martinico.
SHIP-WRECKS BY THE LATE SEVERE STORMS.
The recent storms appear to have been very extensive, and destructive in their operation — We have now to add the following disastrous accounts, received since the last Gazette: — The New-York papers say, that four Sloops were driven ashore between Throg's Point and Riker's Island; and one at Huntington, some of which had gone to pieces. — Sloop Alva, Clark, drove ashore near Lloyd's Neck, and will be lost. — The Two-Sisters, Parker, from New-London, stranded on Eaton's Neck. — Several fishing smacks drove ashore below Shrewsbury. — Brig Lapwing, from New-Orleans, ashore near the Middleton point, with loss of cable and anchors. Also, a Sch'r, name unknown. — The new ship Liberator, Capt. Stevens, from New-Bedford, for New-York, which ran on Hog-Island Beach the 4th ult. bilged on the night of the 2nd, in the storm, after many ineffectual endeavours by Mr. Eliza Blossom, and the company of carpenters and riggers, (who went down from N. York) to get her off. Five of the ship's company were frozen to death on Rockaway Beach; the remainder are in a very deplorable situation.
With respect to the fate of the Salem vessels, we extract the following from the Salem Gazette, of the 5th inst. A state of anxious uncertainty concerning the fate of the Brutus, and her consorts the Ulysses and Volusia, has existed ever since the first report of their being wrecked on Cape-Cod in the late severe snow-storm, until yesterday, when a melancholy relief was afforded by letters from Capt. S. and J. Cook. These three valuable ships sailed from Salem together, on Sunday, the 21st ult. It appears from the letters that they kept company together until 12 o'clock at night, when the weather was so threatening that Capt. S. Cook, of the Volusia, attempted to return, but before they could get sight of Cape-Ann, it became so extremely thick of snow and blew so very hard that it was impossible to make the land. They were then under the disagreeable necessity of wearing ship and endeavouring to keep off shore, which they effected until 11 o'clock next day, under reefed top-sails, &c. the wind at E. N. E. blowing extremely hard. The first thing that presented to their view was the high land of Cape-Cod under their lee. "Finding it impossible (says Capt. S. Cook's letter) to weather the Cape, we wore ship, thinking to get into the Cape Harbour, which was the only resource left us to prevent the fate which finally befel us. It then blowing excessively hard, we parted our fore-top-sail-sheet and split the sail in pieces, at the same time carrying away the flings of the fore-yard, which brought the yard down on deck, and of course rendered our head sails totally useless. We then had no other alternative but to get on shore in the best way we could for the preservation of our lives. In ten minutes the ship struck on a bar about one mile from the shore, previous to which we had cut away our mizen mast. As soon as the struck we cut the main yards; the main-mast went immediately over the side; and the ship then beat over the bar, and up on the beach pretty high. We stayed by her until low water, when, with some assistance from the inhabitants, we got on shore all safe. We little expected the other two ships would have so soon followed us; but, painful to relate, they were both lost! The Brutus, Capt. William Brown, vessel and cargo are totally lost; the Captain and most of the crew perished. — The Ulysses, Capt. James Cook, is gone to pieces; the cargo will be partly saved, with damage. The Volusia is not bilged, and should the weather be good she may be got off again; the cargo will, I am in hopes, be partly saved, but with great damage."
Capt. J. Cook, of the Ulysses, writes, that he was wrecked about a mile distant from his brother in the Volusia; that the goods from his ship might mostly be saved, though in general damaged. "Poor Capt. Brown, (he relates) is dead, and all his people but five, and his ship and cargo lost. It does not appear that any of the hands, either of the Ulysses or Volusia, have suffered material injury."
Capt. Ricker, arrived at Boston on Friday last, from Demerara, via Vineyard, his vessel, the brig Eliza, owned at Berwick, and bound to Boston, was drove on shore on Sunday last in the storm, two seamen were also drove on shore at the same time, one from the Havana, bound to Salem, the other it was said belonged to Marblehead, could not learn their names, no lives lost. — Left at the Vineyard Capt. Rutherford in a brig, from Lisbon for Newburyport, 80 days out, a brig belonging to Saco, and 2 or 3 others who had rode out the gale. Capt. Ricker sailed from Demerara, 25th Dec. in company with brig Joseph, Odiorne, for Portsmouth; brig Republican, Tilton, of do for Martinico — Left ship Ocean, Snow, and brig Portland, Lincoln of Portland; Mairmaid, Kellehorn; Tarantula, Clapham; Priscilla, Whitman, Capt. Powers, Hubbard, and Hopkins for Boston. At Berwick, ship Portland, Dicks, of Portland — the latter, and a 3 or 4 of the former it was said, were bound to N. Orleans. Spoke 18th inst. 10 leagues southward of Block Island, brig Joseph, Odiorne, for Portsmouth.
Capt. Ricker in passing through Plymouth, heard a report that a ship from St. Ubes via New-York, (supposed to be the Florenzo, Capt. Ham, who left the Vineyard on Friday previous bound to Portsmouth) was drove on shore at Marshfield — a Vineyard Pilot and 3 of the crew lost. — He also heard that a sch'r. from Martinico, left from Saco, with molasses, for Boston, was drove on shore at Sandwich, crew and cargo safe.
We hear that a sch'r. from Halifax, for Boston, is drove on Cohasset Rocks, one or more of the crew lost.
A letter from Capt. Bowes, master of the ship Caroline of this port, mentions the death of five of his crew out of seven; viz. Daniel Briard, aged 19, son of Mr. Robert Briard of Kittery, died at Trinidad; and the four others died on the passage from Demerara to Charleston, viz. Thomas Holkin, Thomas Martin, Samuel Rowe, and John Newton, all of the Yellow Fever.
Hymenacl Register.
MARRIED — At Haverhill, (Mass.) Mr. JOHN DAVENPORT, innkeeper of this town, to the very agreeable Miss SALLY BRADLEY, of Haverhill.
Bill of Mortality.
DIED — Very suddenly at Kittery on the 27th ult. Major SAMUEL LEIGHTON, aged 60.
This gentleman with three other persons, being about half a mile from his house, breaking the roads with his team in the late deep snow, and being walking by the side of the team, informed one of the persons who was on the sled, that he felt very much out of breath — in a few minutes after which, he was seen to fall up against the cattle twice and then fell down — he was immediately taken up, but without the least appearance of life — he was carried back to his house and medical assistance soon after was procured, but all to no effect — he has gone to pay the last debt of nature.
Major Leighton supported through life the character of an honest, industrious, worthy citizen. — And was a kind neighbour, a sincere friend, an indulgent husband and a good father.
At Chester, Mrs. FRENCH, consort of Daniel French, Esq.
In this town, Mrs. Wyman, aged 94.
FOR SALE,
THAT valuable lot of Land formerly owned by HUNTING WENTWORTH, Esq. deceased, fronting on Congress-street, near the Court-House, measures 53 feet front, and 78 feet deep, and is one of the best situations in town either for a Store, or Dwelling-House — the terms may be known by applying to the subscriber, and if not sold at private sale, it will be sold at Public Auction, on Thursday the 15th day of April next, at 12 o'clock, on the premises.
Benjamin Penhallow.
Portsmouth, March 9, 1802.
State of New-Hampshire.
PUBLIC notice is hereby given that Daniel Craig, and others, inhabitants of Trecotick, have petitioned the General Court, representing that said town remains in an unincorporated state, in consequence of which, the inhabitants thereof suffer many inconveniences — and as there is a sufficient number of inhabitants in said town, to hold town-meetings, &c. they pray they may be incorporated into a body politic, with privileges, &c. as are enjoyed by the other towns in said State.
ORDERED by the General Court, that the petitioners be heard on their petition before the General Court, on the first Tuesday of the next session, and that the petitioners cause that the substance of the petition and order of Court, be published in the New-Hampshire Gazette three weeks successively, commencing twelve weeks prior to said day of hearing, that any person or persons may then appear and shew cause (if any they have) why the prayer thereof may not be granted.
Attest, NATH'L PARKER, Dep'y Sec'y. Hopkinton, June 9, 1801.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the estate of Captain
TILLEY WENTWORTH,
late of Somersworth, mariner, deceased, are requested to call on the subscriber and have their accounts settled immediately.
ELIZABETH WENTWORTH, Administratrix.
Somersworth, March 6, 1802.
LOST on the road between Piscataqua Bridge and Portsmouth, a small bundle of papers wrapped up in an old newspaper, consisting of a bond against John Chesley, of Northwood, — and upwards of fifty dollars in Bank Bills, whoever takes up said bundle and will leave it with the Printers hereof, shall be entitled to five dollars reward by the subscriber.
EPHRAIM HACKET. Northampton, March 5, 1802.
FOUND in a street of this town, during the last sitting of the Superior Court, a note of hand dated Chichester, February 14, 1801, for five hundred dollars, on said note are four indorsements amounting to 209 dollars — the owner may have it again by applying to the Printers and paying cost of this advertisement.
Portsmouth, March 6, 1802.
WANTED,
A LAD about 16 years of age, to do the usual work in a family — to such a one good encouragement will be given — Inquire of the Printers. March 9.
WANTED a good industrious BOT, about 15 years of age, as an apprentice to the Blacksmith's business — one from the country would be preferred — Inquire of the Printers. March 9.

Miscellaneous Repository.
RETIREMENT IN WINTER.
HOWL on ye winds that rudely hurl The storm about my cot; I'll closer press my lovely girl, And bles my happy lot.
Moralist.
WHAT IS MY BIBLE WORTH?
WAS a question which occurred to my mind lately on viewing this Holy Book; in our sense it is but of small value; only 6 shillings did I give for it.
Bedey.
ALCIBIADES, one of the first Theban commanders of antiquity, when preparing for some grand expedition, which he dreaded the Thebans would get hold of to talk about, made use of a laughable expedient to divert the popular attention from the real objects of his designs, and to make something like what is now called a mine days wonder.
LEOSTHENES endeavoring by a pompous and audacious harangue to persuade the Athenians to war, was answered by Phocion in this manner: "Thy words, young man, resemble the cypress tree; they are mighty, and carry their heads high, but bear no fruit."
A FABLE—for the Ladies.
A FINE powdered butterfly fell in love with a beautiful rose, which expanded its charms in a neighboring parterre. Matters were soon adjusted between them, and they mutually avowed eternal fidelity.
HANOVER, Feb. 23. FIRE!
On Wednesday evening last, the house of Mr. Samuel Cleaveland, of this town, was destroyed, with all its contents, except one barrel of meat, by fire.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Cheshire, ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of land in the town of New-Grantham, in the county of Cheshire and State of New-Hampshire, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1800, that so much of their land in said town as will pay said taxes and cost, will be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, at the dwelling-house of Mr. Amos Spalding, in said town, on Tuesday the 29th day of June next, at 10 of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: ORIGINAL PROPRIETORS NAMES, 1st. Hundred, 2nd. Hundred, 3rd. Hundred. Lists names like Elias Jones, Capt. Jonathan Hunt, Benjamin Barrett, etc.
New-Grantham, February 16, 1802.
To PETER CARLETON, Esq. one of the Justices of the Peace within and for the county of Grafton, in the State of New-Hampshire.
WE the undersigned being owners and proprietors of more than one sixteenth part of the town of Concord, in the county of Grafton aforesaid, request your Honor to notify and call a meeting of the proprietors of Concord aforesaid, to be holden at the dwelling-house of Samuel Young, Esq. in said Concord, on the 13th day of March next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, to act on the following articles:
1. To choose a Moderator, proprietors' Clerk and Treasurer. 2. To vote any or all the settlers in said Concord such quantities of land therein, as shall appear just and reasonable. 3. To see if said proprietors will quiet such persons as have made improvements on land in said Concord, which they may not be allowed by said proprietors to hold as settlers, by assigning the same to such right or rights as they have lawful title to. 4. To see if said proprietors will complete their survey and allotments of said Concord. 5. To see if said proprietors will raise a tax of one cent per acre, on all the common lands in said town, or any other sum for the purpose of cutting and making passable a road through an unletted part of said town. 6. To see if said proprietors will agree to commence an action or actions against any person or persons who are trespassing on the common land in said Concord, and to choose an Agent to prosecute the same. 7. To raise such sum or sums of money, as may be thought necessary, and to appoint Assessors and a Collector. 8. To see if said proprietors will choose a committee to ascertain the boundaries and lines of Concord, and treat with any committee of the proprietors of the adjacent towns, and make report. 9. To see if said proprietors will ratify and confirm any vote or votes by them heretofore passed.
JESSE YOUNG, ROBERT YOUNG, JOSIAH BISHOP, SAMUEL JAMESON, EBEN RICHARDSON, BENJAMIN WHITCOMB, ISAAC MOORE, HENRY CRUGER, by WM. WOODWARD, his Attorney. Concord, Jan. 25, 1802.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Grafton ss.
Landaff, Jan. 21, 1802.
AGREEDLY to the foregoing request, these are to notify and warn the proprietors of the town of Concord aforesaid, to meet at the aforementioned time and place, and for the foregoing purposes.
PETER CARLETON, Justice Peace.
For SALE, Freight or Charter, THE brig CAMILLUS, burthen about one hundred and twenty-three tons. For terms apply to THOMAS MANNING or JOHN GODDARD, on Portsmouth Pier. Feb. 16.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Cheshire, ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of lands in New-Grantham, in the county of Cheshire, and State of New-Hampshire, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the years 1797 and 1799, that so much of their land in said town will be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, as will pay said taxes and all necessary charges, at the house of Mr. Amos Spalding, in said town, on Monday the 28th day of June next, at 10 of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: ORIGINAL PROPRIETORS NAMES, 1st. Hundred, 2nd. Hundred, 3rd. Hundred. Lists names like Lt. Sam'l Hunt, Sam'l Dickenson, John Hunt, etc.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in Stoddard, in said State, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1801, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, so much of their lands as will pay the same, and all lawful charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling-house of Gardner Towne, in said Stoddard, on the fourteenth day of June next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: NAMES, Lot, Acres, Dollars. Lists names like The Heirs of Col. Stoddard, Matthew Thornton, etc.
WILLARD MARCY, Collector. New-Grantham, Feb. 16, 1802.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Grafton, ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of land in the town of Coventry, that at a legal meeting of the proprietors holden at Haverhill, May 28th, 1800, there was voted to be assessed on each original right in said town, the sum of six dollars, for the following purposes, viz. four dollars of each six to be expended on the roads in said town, as are described in said proprietors vote, the other two dollars remaining of the six, to remain in my hands for the future use of the said proprietors, to be delivered over to them on legal demand; and the same hath been assessed, and committed to me the subscriber to collect, unless the same be paid to me at my dwelling-house in Plymouth, within fourteen days after the third and last week of this advertisement, so much of each proprietors land, as will pay the aforesaid sum of six dollars, will be advertised for sale as the law directs. MOOR RUSSELL, Collector for said Proprietors. Plymouth, March 9, 1802.
Sales at Auction.
By virtue of a licence of the Superior Court, WILL BE SOLD at Public Auction on Wednesday the seventeenth instant, at 3 o'clock, P. M. the remainder of that
Very valuable FARM,
the property of Tristram Redman, late of Northampton, deceased, consisting of about forty acres of excellent land, (more or less) together with the Mansion House, Barn, and all privileges appertaining to the same. Sale to be on the premises, where the conditions (which will be liberal) will be made known. EBENEZER CHADWICK, Attorney for Joanna Caley, petitioner. March 1, 1802.
NOTICE.
To be sold at public auction on Monday the 12th day of April next, at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises, so much of the real estate of RICHARD MILLS, deceased, consisting of half a dwelling-house, the land on which it stands and the lot adjoining, situate in Broad-street in this town, opposite the house of Joseph Whipple, Esq. as will pay the following taxes and incidental charges, unless prevented by previous payment, to me at my house in Portsmouth. viz. D. C. Rich'd Mills, for 1799, 4 31 do. do. 1800, 3 34 Estate of Rich'd Mills, deceased, for 1801. 3 34 JOSEPH AKERMAN, jr. Collector. Portsmouth, February 23, 1802.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Rockingham, ss.
THE creditors to the Estate of JOHN BROWN, late of Portsmouth, in said county, Merchant, deceased, represented insolvent, are hereby notified that a further time of five months from the 17th inst. is allowed by the Judge of Probate, for them to exhibit their claims, and the commissioners will attend that service at the Store of Jeremiah Libbey, in Market-street, in said Portsmouth, on the last Monday of this and the four following months, and on the second Monday of July next, from 3 to 6 o'clock P. M. THOMAS THOMPSON, JEREMIAH LIBBEY, EDWARD SARGENT, Portsmouth, February 19, 1802.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being duly appointed Executrix to the last will and testament of WILLIAM CURRIER, late of Portsmouth, blockmaker, deceased, has accepted the trust and given bonds as the Law directs. All Persons having demands against the Estate of said William Currier, are desired to exhibit them, and all persons indebted, are requested to make immediate payment to HANNAH CURRIER, Executrix. Portsmouth, Feb. 23, 1802.
ALL persons indebted to,
or that have any demands against the estate of JOSHUA RAND, late of Rye, yeoman, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the subscriber for settlement, being appointed by the Hon. Judge of Probate for said county, administrator to said estate. SAMUEL RAND. Rye, Feb. 22, 1802.
STOVE—FOR SALE.
A Small Sheet-Iron Stove, new this winter, with 27lb. new funnel, for sale reasonably. Enquire of the Printers.
WHEREAS REBECCA,
wife of me the subscriber, has conducted herself in a very indecent manner, refused to bed and board with me, and has taken every thing from me she could lay her hands on—This is therefore to forbid all and every person from harbouring or trusting her, the said Rebecca, on my account, as I am determined to pay no debts of her contracting after this date. SAMUEL ABBOT. Portsmouth, February 6, 1802.
CONDITIONS.
PRICE of the GAZETTE, is one dollar and fifty cents a year, fifty cents of which paid on subscribing, the residue any time within the year.
Subscribers admitted at all times, with liberty to withdraw their names whenever they please, paying up their bills, till which they will be considered as customers.
Newspapers done up in bundles, and directed to any particular place in a town, without additional cost—whenever sent single, or in bundles to Post-Offices, the subscribers must pay the postage.
Advertisements reasonably and conspicuously inserted in the Gazette, which has by far the greatest circulation of any paper in New-Hampshire, and District of Maine.