The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1802-12-07 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
Appointed to publish the LAWS of the UNITED STATES for the District of New-Hampshire.
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY NATHANIEL S. & W. PEIRCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Edw'd Parry, Informs his friends and customers that he has returned from Europe with A very large assortment of
GOODS, Which was purchased from the manufacturers, and which he will sell at small advances for cash or approved credit, by the package, piece or retail & assures those who have money to disp. of for any articles in his line, that they will find it to their advantage to call at his Shop.
 His Stock consists of 150 pieces of Superfine & low price fashionable Broadcloths, from 6/ to 40/ per yard.  200 ps. Plain & Forest Cloths.  50 ps. Superfine Coatings, Ratteens and Lambkins.  40 ps. blue, red and green Serge and Farnoughts.  35 ps. Fashionable Cassimere, from 6/ to 21/ per yard.  50 ps. fashionable Swan-downs.  150 ps. Baizes and Flannels.  200 pair Rose Blankets, all sizes.  200 ps. Durants, Tammies and Moreens.  100 ps. Russels & Calimancoes.  150 ps. Wildbores, Camblets, and Cambleteens.  40 ps. Shalloons & Antilons.  40 ps. blue and black Velvets and Corduroys.  50 ps. Florentine and Lastings.  200 ps. Irish Linens & Sheetings.  1000 groce fashionable & common Buttons.  10,000 yds. fashionable Chintzes & Copperplate Furnitures.  600 yds. Dimities & Mullinets.  1000 yds. sprig'd & tambor'd Mullins, from 3/ to 24/ per yard.  1000 yds. cambric, jaconet & book Mullins.  600 yds. English Bed Ticks.  1200 yds. black Modes & Satins.  200 yds. Pelicee Silk.  30 doz. men's Beaver Hats, of the latest fashion.  20 doz. Ladies' Beaver Hats, some of which are very elegant.  30 doz. fashionable Ranalloy straw Hats & Bonnets: Trimmings.  50 doz. camel's hair, silk, mouselin, cambric and chintz Shawls.  100 doz. of best Jersey & Wiltshire men's knit Stockings, superior to any ever imported.  100 doz. Ladies' Cotton & Silk Hose, Gloves and Mitts.  2 trunks of fashionable Muffs and Tippets, Furr Shawls and Wadding. 
A large assortment of Ladies' London made Shoes with water proof soles to fit. An elegant assortment of English and French Laces & Edgings. A large assortment of Bed Laces, Fringes & Tassels. English patent white and colored sewing Cotton Thread. Water proof Umbrellas. 20 Bales 1st thread Cod Lines, sewing Twine, Herring Netts, and patent Shoe Thread; With a general assortment of Other GOODS, as usual. Pot & Pearl Ashes, and Flax-Seed will be received in pay. Market-street. Portsmouth, Nov. 23.
NOTICE. THE connections of Jonathan Elwell alias JONATHAN BROWN, mariner, deceased, are informed that he on the 18th of Nov. inst. was lost overboard from the brig Gov. Strong of Portsmouth, and that his legal Representatives may receive his effects by applying to NATHANIEL BOAKMAN master of said brig. WANTED TO PURCHASE. 1 Barrel Carolina Snake-root. 1 Do. Sassafras. Inquire of the Printers.
FOR SALE BY John Rindge, NORTH END, A few Hogheads West-India RUM. Portsmouth, Nov. 23.
BOHEA TEA Of the best quality, in whole, half and quarter Chests— ALSO A few boxes of SOUCHONG, FOR SALE by Jonathan Goddard. Portsmouth, Nov. 23, 1802.
FOR SALE AT D. Austin's store, Opposite the New-Market, Fresh Raisins and Currants; with a general assortment GROCERIES, also, Red, Blue and Green Morocco and Roan SKINS, good in quality and as cheap as can be bought in Boston. Nov. 23.
100 Dollars Reward. STOLEN from the stable of the subscriber in Pepperelborough, on the 15th inst. a sorrel coloured HORSE, about sixteen hands high, a small star in his forehead, three white feet, had on only two shoes when stolen, inclining to pace when he first starts; carries his head very high—ALSO a Bay MARE, about fifteen hands high, a white stripe on her face—trotts all, two white feet, naturally very cross. Supposed to be stolen by two men, one said his name was William Coleby, about six feet high, light complexion, has a fever on his leg.—The other a Scotchman, short of six feet high, sandy complexion, red hair, by the name of Milligan, supposed to reside in Conway. Whoever will apprehend and return to the subscriber said Horses, shall receive FIFTY DOLLARS reward, and FIFTY more for apprehending and securing said thieves. THOMAS CUTTS. Pepperelborough, Nov. 20, 1802.
Daring Robbery! LAST evening about 7 o'clock was cut off and stolen from behind the Eastern Stage, while waiting at Mr. Davenport's door in this town, a TRUNK, containing a bundle of valuable Papers; a Pocket Book, tied with tape; and wearing apparel, marked G. F. 10 DOLLARS, reward will be given for the property stolen, and TWENTY for the Thief and property, by GEORGE FROST, of Berwick, or JOHN BOWLES, jr. of Portsmouth. Portsmouth, November 23, 1802.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of land in the town of CHARLESTOWN, in the county of Cheshire, and State of New-Hampshire, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the year 1801—That so much of their land in said town, as will pay said tax and cost, will be sold at public vendue, to the highest bidder, at the dwelling-house of Mr. Moses Willard, innholder in said town, on the last Monday of February next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Original Proprietors Names. No. Lot. Acres. Range. Amount. Highway. County.     Sam'l Hunt, 14 3 100 4 1 0 41   Moses Wheeler, 10 0 100 5 1 0 41   Lemuel Hastings, 12 0 100 6 1 0 41   Capt. Weatherby's heirs, 13 0 100 6 1 0 41   Moses Wheeler, 10 0 100 7 1 0 41   Hunt & Weatherby, half, 11 0 50 0 50 20 3/4 4   Peter Labree, 15 0 100 1 0 41 4   Lemuel Hastings, 21 0 100 1 0 41 4   Moses Wheeler, 15 0 100 8 1 0 41   Samuel Hunt, 19 0 100 1 0 41 4   Simon Stevens, 13 0 100 0 1 0 41   Samuel Stevens, 13 0 100 4 1 0 41   Wm. Hewwood, 14 0 100 5 1 0 41   Seth Walker, 58 0 50 0 50 20 3/4 4   John Spafford, 14 0 100 6 1 0 41    JONATHAN GROUT, Collector. Charlestown, November 9, 1802.
EXETER Day Stage.
THE Subscribers propose running their DAY STAGE, for the accommodation of the towns of Exeter and Portsmouth, and for Travellers in general; Leave Exeter every Tuesday and Thursday morning at 9 o'clock, and return to Exeter on the afternoon of the same days;—Passengers who will not go through in a day, may be furnished with seats in this Stage and be assured of a passage through to Boston on the following days:— Passengers who are bound eastward that travel in this line may be sure of a passage on without any delay. Seats may be had in this Stage by applying at Hutchinson's tavern in Exeter and Davenport's Tavern at Portsmouth, where books are kept for that purpose. Fare from Portsmouth to Boston FOUR DOLLARS. JOHN DAVENPORT. EZRA HUTCHINGS. Exeter, Nov. 30, 1802.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Grafton, ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of Land in the township of WHITEFIELD, in said county of Grafton, who are delinquent in payment of a proprietors tax of SEVEN DOLLARS, on each original Right of Land in said township, voted the 26th of June 1801, for the purpose of paying for Roads, Bridges, surveying Land, and other expences—which tax has been assessed and committed to me to collect, and by me advertised for payment, and still unpaid—Therefore, so much of each and every of the following original Rights of Land in said township, will be sold at public vendue, on the 10th day of February next, at ten of the clock A. M. at the dwelling-house of Mr. Nathan Field, innholder in Bath, in said county, as will pay said tax, and incidental charges, unless prevented by previous payment, viz.—the rights of Joshua Moody, Tho's Clough, Leavitt Clough, Jonah Long, Eliphalet Neal, William Norton, Phinehas Merrick, William Frothingham, Samuel Cate, Samuel Cate, jr. Phinehas Hodsdon, Jeremiah Clough, Esq. Peter Green, Esq. John Flagg, Esq. Samuel Swan, jr. Eleazer Richardson, William Farrington, Holten Johnson, Henry Oliver, Matthew Harrington, Jeremiah Clough, jr. Esq. John Holden, John Lewis, Edward Murden, Henry Clough, Henry Gerrish, Capt. Stephen Gerrish, John Hurd, Esq. Joseph Hurd, Isaac Hurd, William Harris, Benning Wentworth. JOHN BURNS, Collector. November 10, 1802.
State of New-Hampshire. Grafton, County.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of the undivided land in CANAAN, who have not paid a tax of one dollar, on each undivided right, was voted October 13, 1802, and committed to me to collect, that so much of their lands as will pay said tax, with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling-house of Moses Dole, in said Canaan, on Tuesday the 25th day of January next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment to me the subscriber.
NAMES OF THE GRANTEES.
Thomas Gurtin, Thomas Gurtin, 2d. right, Gibson Harris, Ebenezer Harris, Daniel Harris, Joseph Babcock, Amos Wallworth, Joseph Eames, Ebenezer Eames, Ebenezer Peck, Allen Whitman, Jabez Spencer, Esq. m Wells, jr. Thomas Wells, Jeded'h Lathrop, Clement Daniels, John Chamberlin, Benjamin Chamberlin, Almer Chamberlin, David Chamberlin, Richard Sparreow, George Harris, Caleb Whiting, William Roe, jr. Stephen Kellogg, Israel Kellogg, Aaron Cady, Aaron Cady, jr. John Tabbie, Samuel Dodge, Samuel Meacham, Isaiah Rathbun, William Chamberlin, Thomas Gates, William Chamberlin, jr. George Lamphear, Thomas Miner, Phineas Sabins, Joshua Rathbun, Sylvester Randall, Samuel Dodge, the 3d. Ephraim Wells, Joshua Gates, jr. Lewis Louverdig, Rufus Randall, James Jones, Jonathan Beebe, the 3d. Jabez Jones, Tho's Gurtin, jr. James Nevins, Esq. Capt. John Wentworth. EZEKIEL WELLS, Collector. Canaan, October 26, A. D. 1802.
A VIEW OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE LAST SESSION OF CONGRESS. (From the National Intelligencer.)
To the People of the United States. (Concluded from our last.) THE internal taxes, whatever might be their wishes, they did not venture until after the election of Mr. Jefferson to make perpetual. These taxes were temporary, and most of them would have expired before this day, had not the desire of the party to preserve the trappings of monarchy induced them to pass the law of the 25th of February, 1801, by which they were made perpetual. To satisfy the public that the design of the opposition in objecting to the repeal of the internal taxes, was solely to embarrass government, and not to relieve the poor, who, while they use it with moderation, are as much comforted by spirits as by tea or sugar—it is proper to examine their conduct while in power, a little more minutely. Instead of lessening the duties on these articles in the month of February, 1797, when they had the benefit of the knowledge of the operation of the duties for more than six years, they increased them. Every member of Congress from Connecticut (including Griswold and Dama) every member from New-Hampshire, and every member present from Massachusetts (excepting Wm. Lyman) voted in favor of that measure. At the same session a law was passed granting relief to distillers, by removing the duty from the amount of spirits, and fixing it on the capacity of the still. Every member from the states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts and Connecticut, voted in favor of this law. These facts appear from the journals of Congress.
Here, people of New-England, is a just view of your representatives, who would induce you to believe that the government of the country was sacrificing its interests at the shrine of Virginia's ambition.
It has been said that found policy required the application of these taxes to the discharge of the national debt. To this it is answered—maintain the present economical establishment, the surplus funds arising from the remaining revenues will pay the debt as soon as Congress have by law a right to pay it, and the exorbitant expense of collecting the excise will be avoided.
It has been said by opposition, that these taxes are repealed, and the duties on imported articles continued, with a view to destroy commerce. Let the commercial interest reflect. There is not an additional cent imposed on commerce. As the taxes of the nation are lessened, the ability of the people to pay is increased. Let it be remembered with what promptitude the trade of the Mediterranean was protected. That government has completed a treaty with Great-Britain, whereby our merchants are enabled to recover their lost property, and continue in the enjoyments of commercial enterprise—Above all, that government, relying solely on commerce, for her revenue, stands pledged by interest, the strongest of all ties, to cherish and support it. The removal of the internal taxes, so far from evincing hostility to commerce, furnishes proof next to demonstration, of a determination on the part of the government to support it.
To close the remarks on this subject it has been said, the repeal of these taxes was designed as a blow to the funds, and was a prelude to extinguishing the national debt with a sponge.
Nothing can be more unfounded than this aspersion. The payments are made with punctuality. The government has by a law of this session appropriated 7,300,000 dollars annually towards the discharge of her debts; the funds in the market are worth 12 per cent. more than they were during the last administration.
Does the creditor's confidence in his debt increase in proportion to the debtor's extravagance and dissipation? Does a man's living beyond his income furnish the best evidence of his remaining able to pay his debts? Does a debtor forfeit all claims to confidence by uniting rigid economy with a constant attention to business?
Congress have repealed the act passed in February 1801, establishing six new circuit courts, and limiting the labours of the judges of the supreme court to the holding of two sessions in a year at the seat of government; and by another act have remedied the evils of the former system, by specifying the districts in which each judge of the supreme court should hold a circuit court, and dispensing with one session of the supreme court; by this they have effected an annual saving of 33,000 dollars, and abolished sixteen useless officers.
This measure was objected to, both as unconstitutional and impolitic.—As to the constitutionality of the measure, the distinction exists between the supreme and the subordinate courts. The former is created by the constitution; the latter by, and subject to legislative discretion. One may be abolished; the other cannot. The objection that this doctrine destroys the judicial department, by engulfing it in the vortex of party is unfounded. The judges are not subject to the will of the executive, or even of the legislature. No new system is established, by which a new corps of judges is created—The administration of justice is entrusted, as it has heretofore been, to the judges of the supreme court, whose independence has not been affected, or ever controverted. The right to create and abolish inferior courts has heretofore been acknowledged by the legislatures of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland and
Virginia, who have similar constitutions and no legislature ever adopted a contrary construction. As to the policy of the measure, the only questions are, whether the six judges will be able to perform the service; and whether an annual session of the supreme court is sufficient.
To decide upon the ability of the judges to perform the service, let us consider the labours of one judge—Judge Cushing, for instance. The law requires of him to hold annually, in conjunction with the district judges, two sessions of a circuit court in each of the states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts and Rhode-Island.—Ten days may easily be computed the full length of a session.—The courts will then require sixty days.—His travel in going to and returning from those courts cannot exceed 480 miles, which allowing one day for each 20 miles amounts to 24 days more.—A session of the supreme court will not require more than 21 days. His residence does not exceed 480 miles distance from the seat of government.—At the above moderate rate of travelling there must be added 48 days more, making the whole time while on expense and in public service, 153 days, or a little over five months, for which service he receives three thousand five hundred dollars in each year. A less portion of time than he devoted to the public service while a judge of the state courts of Massachusetts. As to the sufficiency of an annual supreme court it cannot be doubted, when it is known that for ten years that court decided but forty-three cases, and that at its last session the docket consisted of eight only, three of which were decided.
Assuming the fact that there will be neither a greater or less number of causes before the supreme court, for ten years to come than there was for the first ten years after its establishment, and there appears no reasonable ground on which to calculate for an increase of business; it is easy to see what the comparison was between the services to be rendered and the compensation made according to the provisions of the act repealed at the last session of Congress.
The salaries allowed by law to the judges of that court amount annually to 21,500 dollars, of course in ten years to 215,000 dollars. The salaries of the clerks for the same time is 2,300 dollars. The total amount of salaries for ten years, is 217,300 dollars. In the course of ten years, forty-three causes only were decided, as is appears by the reports of Dallas. By this it is manifest that under the last federal judiciary system, which was repealed at the last session of Congress, the people of the United States would pay more than five thousand and fifty-three dollars for each decision.—Does that man exist who will say the public money should be thus squandered?
A revision of the laws relating to naturalization has also taken place. The act of 1798 is repealed, and the former law revised, by which a residence of five years entitles a foreigner of good conduct and reputation to the rights of citizenship.
The justice due to a large number of people who emigrated under the faith of existing laws, and the policy of opening the wilderness and acquiring the arts and manufactures of Europe required this revision. It is only a revival of the Washington system.
Congress have continued to the officers residing at the seat of government the compensation they enjoyed under the act of 1799. This has been the subject of much newspaper abuse; it has been falsely represented as an augmentation of salaries.
The government has been charged with a departure from economical principles and those gentlemen who supported the measure but opposed the grant in 1799, have been charged with inconsistency. These charges will not be accredited, when it is known the expense of living is considerably higher at the seat of government than at Philadelphia.
To prove this fact it is only necessary to resort to the acts of the late federal, and of the last session of congress.
The acts of 1799 ascertained as well the compensation of the clerks as of the officers. When the officers were removed to Washington the increased expense of living rendered it necessary to augment the compensation of the clerks. They were accordingly increased fifteen per cent. The act allowing them fifteen per cent. expired last winter—it was revived—here is the concurrent testimony of both parties uniting in this proposition, there is a difference of fifteen per cent. in the price of living. To cover this difference of expenditure the salaries of 1799, were established for two years. In fact there was not a member of the opposition who contended the salaries were too high.
To facilitate the progress of information and private intercourse, an increased expenditure of the revenue of the general post-office has been authorized, both to ensure the more safe and expeditious transportation of the mail, and to extend the benefits of the establishment to the inhabitants residing upon or near almost sixty new established post-roads. It was proposed to remove the postage from new papers. The danger of retarding the progress of the mails, and destroying country presses, prevented the adoption of this measure. This postage is not a tax. It does not amount to one fourth part of the monies expended in their conveyance by government.
In addition to these measures, the compensations of the collectors of the revenue have been reduced. This has effected an annual saving of about 17,000 dollars.
The prompt and ready payment of the public monies and the eventual responsibility of the officers of government, have been secured by an act declaring, that each bond

shall be a lien on the real estates of both principal and surety, and shall be renewed once in four years.
The object of every grant of money has been specified with accuracy and precision, to ensure its just application, and to limit the powers of executive officers as far as possible.
The danger of war with the savages has been removed by providing for a general establishment of our boundary lines, and for a due regulation of the intercourse between this nation and their tribes.
And lastly—The people of the territory north west of the river Ohio have been elevated to the rank of freemen and the consequent blessings of self-government, by an act authorizing them to call a convention, form a constitution, organize a government, and become a member of the union.
Having concisely stated the important acts, passed by the legislature, it only remains to give the public a general view of the reduction of national expenditure, since the change of administration.
These reductions are of two kinds—First—Of expenditures which are casual or temporary, and which ought not to be brought into the estimate in ascertaining our yearly burthens, or in forming an opinion of the different systems contended for. Of these are the erecting and repairing fortifications. The appropriations for the support of seamen, and the like. The expenditures of this kind for the current year have been lessened about one hundred and sixty thousand dollars.
Second—Those expenses which according to the late system of politics were permanent and annual, and may be fairly taken into view, to determine which political party is best entitled to national confidence.
Of these expenditures, from the peace establishment of the late administration, the following reductions have been made by the Executive and by Congress at its last session. By the executive in reducing various offices whose existence depended on his will, and other economical arrangements made before the session of Congress was effected an annual saving of 161,695 91
By a further reduction of the marine corps just ordered with a view to pay only those who are actively employed, has been produced a further saving of 39,000
By Congress—by reducing a part of the army 322,000
By reducing a part of the navy 200,000
By repealing the whole system of internal taxation, there has been saved to the people out of the fees of the excise officers 135,000 dollars over and above the sum necessary to defray the collections of imposts to an amount equal to the whole revenue derived from internal taxation; it being the difference between the expenses of the two systems 135,000
By abolishing the late judicial system and establishing the former system 33,000
By reducing the commission of the collectors of customs, &c 17,000
Total amount of Dolls. 1,107,695 91
Annual savings one million one hundred and seven thousand six hundred and ninety five dollars and ninety one cents.
The benefit of the reduction of expenditure will be more felt and appreciated by all classes when they know that these annual savings exceed the whole expense of all the state governments in the Union, so that in a pecuniary point of view, they are more than equal to bestowing upon the people, free from expense, the whole benefits of state government.
The following is a statement of the annual expenditures of the several states:—
Table with 2 columns: State, Dollars. Lists expenditures for New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia.
Total, one million and sixty thousand dollars, 1,060,000
Which deducted from the aforesaid reduction leaves the sum of 47,695 dollars and ninety one cents. The excess of the reductions beyond the whole expense of the state governments. The statement of state expenditures is not accurate, it is substantially true, and it is believed that the gross amount is equal to the expenditure of the whole states. The reader will reflect, that in those states where the expenditures are small, the relief to the people is annually much greater than the expenses of their state government.
Pursuing the same system of policy for twelve years, the period of time between the commencement of the present government and the close of Adams's administration would, upon the principle that money is worth an annual interest of six per centum, lessen the amount of monies drawn from the people by taxation, the sum of eighteen millions six hundred and eighty-six thousand, seven hundred and sixty dollars, which divided among the people of the several states in the same proportion as they paid the land tax of two millions of dollars, would within that time be a relief to the people of the several states, of the following sums:
Table with 2 columns: To the people of, Dollars. Lists amounts for New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania.
Table with 2 columns: State, Dollars. Lists amounts for Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North-Carolina, Tennessee, South-Carolina, Georgia.
To an average state consisting of one hundred towns it is equal to a grant to each of those towns of more than twelve thousand one hundred and twenty-four dollars.
All this has been effected by the present administration in a little more than one year. The citizens have been left in the enjoyment of their civil and religious liberties. The nation has been respected abroad, and quiet and happy at home. The laws have been duly executed—the ties of morality remain in full force, and as perfect order has been preserved as was ever enjoyed on this side heaven.
Here is a just picture of the Republican Administration, which many have been taught to believe would destroy your civil and religious institutions, burn your temples, remove all distinctions between virtue and vice, rend asunder your conjugal ties, and substitute disorder and confusion for an obedience to law, and the due regulation of government.
From the National Intelligencer. THOMAS PAINE, To the Citizens of the United States.
LETTER THE SECOND. As the affairs of the country to which I am returned are of more importance to the world, and to me, than of that I have lately left, (for it is through the new world the old must be regenerated, if regenerated at all,) I shall not take up the time of the reader with account of scenes that have passed in France, many of which are painful to remember, and horrid to relate, but come at once to the circumstances in which I find America on my arrival.
Fourteen years and something more have produced a change, at least among a part of the people, and I ask myself what it is? I meet or hear of thousands of my former connections, who are men of the same principles and friendships as when I left them. But a non-descript race, and of equivocal generation, assuming the name of Federalists, a name that describes no character of principle, good or bad, and may equally be applied to either, has since started up with the rapidity of a mushroom, and like a mushroom is withering on its rootless stalk. Are those men federalists, to support the liberties of their country, or to overturn them? To add to its fair fame, or to riot on its spoils? The name contains no defined idea. It is like John Adams's definition of a republic in his letter to Mr. Wythe of Virginia.—It is, says he, an empire of laws and not of men. But as laws may be bad as well as good, an empire of laws may be the best of all governments, or the worst of all tyrannies. But John Adams is a man of paradoxical heresies, and, consequently, of a bewildered mind. He wrote a book, entitled, A defence of the American Constitution, and the principles of it are an attack upon them. But the book is descended to the tomb of forgetfulness, and the best fortune that can attend its author, is quietly to follow its fate. John Adams was not born for immortality. But to return to federalism.
In the history of parties and the names they assume, it often happens, that they finish by the direct contrary principles with which they profess to begin, and thus it has happened with federalism.
During the time of the old Congress, and prior to the establishment of the federal government, the continental belt was too loose; it buckled. The several states were united in name and not in fact, and that nominal union had neither centre nor circle. The laws of one state frequently interfered with, and sometimes opposed those of another. Commerce between state and state was without protection, and confidence without a point to rest on. The condition the country was then in, was aptly described by Palanah Webster, when he said, "Thirteen flukes and ne'er a hoop will not make a barrel"
If then by federalism is to be understood, one who was for cementing the Union by a general government, operating equally over all the states in all matters that embraced the common interests, and to which the authority of the states severally was not adequate, for no one state can make laws to bind another, if I say by a federalism is meant a person of this description, (and this is the origin of the name) I ought to stand first on the list of federalists, for the proposition for establishing a general government over the Union, came originally from me in 1783, in a written memorial to Chancellor Livingston, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Congress, Robert Morris, Minister of Finance, and his associate Gouverneur Morris, all of whom are now living, and we had a dinner and conference at Robert Morris' on the subject. The occasion was as follows.
Congress had proposed a duty of five per cent. on imported articles, the money to be applied as a fund towards paying the interest of loans to be borrowed in Holland. The resolve was sent to the several states to be enacted into a law. Rhode-Island absolutely refused. I was at the trouble of a journey to Rhode-Island to reason with them on the subject. Some other of the States enacted it with alterations, each one as it pleased. Virginia adopted it, and afterwards repealed it, and the affair came to nothing.
It was then visible, at least to me, that either Congress must frame the laws necessary for the union, and send them to the several states to be enregistered without any alteration, which would in itself appear like usurpation on one part, and passive obedience on the other, or some method must be devised to accomplish the same end by constitutional principles, and the proposition I made in the memorial, was, to add a continental legislature to Congress, to be elected by the several states. The proposition met the full approbation of the gentlemen to whom it was addressed, and the conversation turned on the manner of bringing it forward. G. Morris, in walking with me after dinner, wished me to throw out the idea in the newspapers. I replied, that I did not like to be always the propounder of new things, that it would have too assuming an appearance; and besides, that I did not think the country was quite wrong enough to be put right. I remember giving the same reason to Dr. Rush at Philadelphia, and to Gen. Gates, at whole quarters I spent a day on my return from Rhode Island, and I suppose they will remember it, because the observation seemed to strike them.
But the embarrassments increasing, as they necessarily must from the want of a better cemented union, the state of Virginia proposed holding a commercial convention, and that convention, which was not sufficiently numerous, proposed that another convention, with more extensive and better defined powers, should be held at Philadelphia, May 10, 1787.
When the plan of the federal government, formed by this convention, was proposed and submitted to the consideration of the several states, it was strongly objected to in each of them. But the objections were not on anti-federal grounds but on constitutional points. Many were shocked at the idea of placing, what is called, executive power, in the hands of a single individual. To them it had too much the form and appearance of a military government, or a despotic one.—Others objected that the powers given to a President were too great, and that in the hands of an ambitious and designing man, it might grow into tyranny, as it did in England under Oliver Cromwell, & as it has since done in France. A republic must not only be so in its principles, but in its forms. The executive part of the federal government was made for a man, and those who consented, against their judgment, to place executive power in the hands of a single individual, repented more on the supposed moderation of the person they had in view, than on the wisdom of the measure itself.
Two considerations, however, overcame all objections. The one was, the absolute necessity of a federal government. The other, the rational reflection that as government in America is founded on the representative system, any error in the first essay could be reformed by the same quiet and rational process by which the constitution was formed; and that, either by the generation then living, or by those who were to succeed. If ever America lose sight of this principle, she will no longer be the land of liberty. The father will become the master of the rights of the son, and his descendants be a race of slaves.
As many thousands who were minors are grown up to manhood since the name of federalist began, it became necessary, for their information, to go back and shew the origin of the name, which is now no longer what it originally was; but it is the more necessary to do this, in order to bring forward, in the open face of day, the apocrypha of those who first called themselves federalists.
To them it served as a cloak for treason, a mask for tyranny. Scarcely were they placed in the seat of power and office, than federalism was to be destroyed, and the representative system of government, the pride and glory of America, and the palladium of her liberties, was to be overthrown and abolished. The next generation was not to be free. The son was to bend his neck beneath the father's foot, and live, deprived of his rights, under hereditary controul.—Among the men of this apostate description, is to be ranked the ex-president John Adams. It has been the political career of this man to begin with hypocrisy, proceed with arrogance, and finish in contempt. May such be the fate of all such characters.
I have had doubts of John Adams ever since the year 1776. In a conversation with me at that time, concerning the pamphlet Common Sense, he censured it because it attacked the English form of government. John was for independence, because he expected to be made great by it; but it was not difficult to perceive, for the fortunes of his temper makes him an awkward hypocrite, that his head was as full of kings, queens and knaves, as a pack of cards. But John has lost deal.
When a man has a concealed project in his brain that he wants to bring forward, and fears will not succeed, he begins with it as physicians do by suspected poison, try it first on an animal, if it agrees with the stomach of the animal he makes further experiments, and this was the way John took. His brain was teeming with projects to overturn the liberties of America and the representative system of government, and he began by hinting it in little companies. The secretary of John Jay, an excellent painter and a poor politician, told me, in presence of another American, Daniel Parker, that in a company where himself was present, John Adams talked of making the government hereditary, and that as Mr. Washington had no children, it should be made hereditary in the family of Lund Washington. John had not impudence enough to propose himself in the first instance, as the old French Normandy baron did, who offered to come over to be king of America, and if Congress did not accept his offer, that they would give him thirty thousand pounds for the generosity of it; but John, like a mole, was grubbing his way to it under ground. He knew that Lund Washington was unknown, for nobody had heard of him, and that as the President had no children to succeed him the Vice-President had, and if the treason had succeeded and the hint with it, the goldsmith might be fain to take measure of the head of John or of his son for a golden wig. In this case the good people of Boston might have for a king the man they have rejected as a delegate. The representative system is fatal to ambition.
Knowing, as I do, the consummate vanity of John Adams, and the shallowness of his judgment, I can easily picture to myself that when he arrived at the Federal City, he was strutting in the pomp of his imagination before the Presidential house or in the audience hall, and exulting in the language of Nebuchadnezzar—"Is not this great Babylon that I have built for the honor of my majesty?" But in that unfortunate hour, or soon after, John like Nebuchadnezzar, was driven from among men and fled with the speed of a post-horse.
Some of John Adams's loyal subjects, I see, have been to present him with an address on his birth-day; but the language they use is too tame for the occasion. Birthday addresses, like birth-day odes, should not creep along like dew-drops down a cabbage leaf, but roll in a torrent of poetical metaphor. I will give them a specimen for the next year. Here it is—
When an Ant, in travelling over the globe, lift up its foot, and put it again on the ground, it shakes the earth to its center: But when YOU, the mighty Ant of the east, was born, &c, &c, &c, and the center jumped upon the surface.
This gentlemen, is the proper stile of address from well bred Ants to the monarch of the ant hills; and as I never take pay for preaching, praying, politics or poetry, I make you a present of it. Some people talk of impeaching John Adams; but I am for softer measures. I would keep him to make fun of. He will then answer one of the ends for which he was born, and he ought to be thankful that I am arrived to take his part. I voted in earnest to save the life of one unfortunate king, and I now vote in jest to save another. It is my fate to be always plagued with fools.—But to return to federalism and apostasy.
The plan of the leaders of the faction was to overthrow the liberties of the new world, and place government on the corrupt system of the old. They wanted to hold their power by a more lasting tenure than the choice of their constituents. It is impossible to account for their conduct, and the measures they adopted, on any other ground. But to accomplish that object a standing army and a prodigal revenue must be raised; and to obtain these, pretences must be invented to deceive. Alarms of dangers that did not exist even in imagination, but in the direct spirit of lying, were spread abroad. A apocrypha stalked through the land in the garb of patriotism, and the torch of treason blinded for a while the flame of liberty.
For what purpose could an army of twenty five thousand men be wanted? A single reflection might have taught the most credulous that while the war raged between France and England, neither could spare a man to invade America.—For what purpose then could it be wanted? The case carries its own explanation. It was wanted for the purpose of destroying the representative system, for it could be employed for no other. Are these men federalists? If they are, they are federalized to deceive and to destroy.
The rage against Dr. Logan's patriotic and voluntary mission to France was excited by the shame they felt at the detection of the false alarms they had circulated. As to the opposition given by the remnant of the faction to the repeal of the taxes laid on during the former administration it is easily accounted for. The repeal of those taxes was a sentence of condemnation on those who laid them on, and in the opposition they gave in that repeal, they are to be considered in the light of criminals standing on their defence, and the country has passed judgment upon them.
THOMAS PAINE. City of Washington, Lovell's Hotel, Nov. 19th, 1809.
Remarks on Mr. Adams's Reply to the Address of certain Citizens of Quincy.
Many of the leading measures of the Adams administration have already received national condemnation; but it was reserved for the unfortunate pen of Mr. Adams himself to give them their mortal blow. In the justification he has attempted, he has confirmed every imputation of error and weakness that has been ascribed to them, offering no other reparation than the integrity of his motives.
"Some of the measures" says he, "were the effect of imperious necessity, much against my inclination." By what was this imperious necessity created? By the imprudence of the measures of Mr. Adams, and his then friends. But for those measures, he would not have found himself in a situation that required the adoption of other measures against his inclination, nor would he have been driven to the humiliating necessity of making so degrading an apology; an apology which, proceeding from a citizen, once the chief magistrate of the nation, must tend to degrade in the view of foreign powers our national character.
"Others," says he, "were the measures of the legislature which, although approved when passed, were never previously proposed or recommended by me."
Whether those measures which undetermined liberty by the passage of unconstitutional laws, which oppressed property and industry by the imposition of enormous taxes, which hazarded the peace of the country by irritating reproaches call upon foreign nations, and which seemed intent on war, were the measures of Mr. Adams, or of those who governed him, is totally immaterial. The fact may deeply involve the personal character of Mr. Adams, but cannot in the least, affect the justice or expediency of the measures themselves. It is sufficient that they came from men with whom he acted, who shared his confidence, and who either controlled him, or were controlled by him. In either case, the administration, taken in the aggregate, who advised, adopted and executed them are, in every correct political view, reprehensible for them, and responsible to the people for their effects. It was right, then, in the people, so soon as they discovered the errors of their rulers, to displace them, and we thank Mr. Adams, whatever may be the feelings of his quondam friends, for this candid confirmation of public opinion.
"Some of them," he proceeds, "left to my discretion, were never executed, because no necessity for them, in my judgment, ever occurred."
Can language more unequivocally condemn some of the measures of the last administration? If no necessity for them ever occurred, even in the judgement of Mr. Adams, how came it that he approved, though he might not have proposed or recommended them? Does not this show that the Chief Magistrate, with all his boasted independence, and notwithstanding his Spartan spirit, was in subjection to those around him, and that he was only the puppet of state, while others held the "rod of empire?" And if such was the fact, was not the removal of such an officer, and such an administration an act called for by the abuse of power by both?
So far as to the measures of the Adams administration. If such are the avowed sentiments of Mr. Adams, what are probably his secret opinions respecting them. Disposed, like other men, to conceal his own frailties, and the political transgressions
of his friends, we are justified in considering the censure he has cast upon them as the mildest his conscience could suffer him to express. Had he opened his heart, it is probable that the measure of reprobation would have been ten fold.
He next speaks of himself—"Let me add one observation more. Under the continual provocations, breaking and pouring in upon me from unexpected as well as expected quarters, during the last two years of my administration, he must have been more of a modern epicurean philosopher than I ever was, or ever will be, to have borne them all without some incautious expressions at times of an unutterable indignation. I have no other apology to make to individuals or the public."
He, who is sensible of his faults, and has the candour to acknowledge them, is sometimes entitled to our forgiveness and always to our commiseration. This rule invariably holds true in private life; but is not equally applicable to those in public station. In the first case the sphere of influence is limited, and the private citizen can do but little injury, however his actions may deviate from correct principles. But the effect is altogether different in the case of those who fill public stations, and particularly of those who occupy the highest stations. The political vices of these men, and even their errors of opinion, however pure the motives from which they flow, may lead, as they often have led, to the subversion of empires, to the destruction of liberty. The duties, which we owe to our country, are of all duties the greatest; because on the observance of them depends not only our own happiness, but that of millions. We cannot, therefore, we ought not to forgive political vices that might have ruined our country. For if we forgive, it is to be feared that we shall soon forget them. No. Let them be held in everlasting remembrance as a beacon to guard us in future times from dangerous confidences, with the same view that we cherish the remembrance of illustrious acts of duty, as so many models and incitements to the imitation of others. But though we ought not to forgive, we may commiserate the frailties of him who commits these vices. This is sincerely believed to be the case respecting the subject of these remarks. There is not a citizen of America that does not regret and pity the spectacle of political degeneracy exhibited by him.
Still will it be mortifying to those who prize national character, to derive from the Chief Magistrate himself a confirmation of the bitterest reproaches of his opponents, when they charged him with ebullitions of passion and gusts of resentment undignified and unworthy of the high office he held, calculated to lessen him in the public opinion, and to degrade the government of the country. Again we are forced to put the question, was such a man fit to be President of the United States? Could he ever inspire respect in a nation, who had not sufficient self-respect to preserve himself from "incautious expressions of unutterable indignation."
To conclude, the republicans will thank Mr. Adams for his full condemnation of federal measures, and entire justification of the republican corrective applied; while, the federalists, whatever friendship they may profess, will, in their hearts, denounce the man who, in the depth of their misfortunes, treats them with such harsh consolation.
By the Latest Mails.
PHILADELPHIA, NOV. 23. Extract of a letter from Madeira, dated 13th September.
WE have had within this week past two severe thunder storms, severe for this place. The first was at night during which, Bangers' Pillar, erected, on our beach, was struck with lightning, and the mail at the top splintered. The natives were very much terrified, this being the only instance ever known here, of damage being done by lightning. In America, we should not have thought any thing of the thunder, and the Portuguese were astonished that I was not alarmed at it, whilst they were invoking all the Saints in the Calender, to protect them, from the imminent danger with which they were threatened.
"On the 5th inst. at half past twelve A.M. a more melancholy catastrophe happened. The Aurora, a Portuguese ship of 550 tons burthen, and 36 guns lately arrived from Lisbon, bound to Brazil, blew up. She had about 40 casks of powder on board. The explosion was dreadful. On enquiry, I found that only two poor fellows had escaped, of thirty-four souls on board. They were found on board, and immediately taken, by one of its boats on board an English frigate.—The quarter, deck, with the mizen and mainmasts, were blown into the air, and the ship fairly split in two.—The scene during the night was awful, but that which presented itself at day-light was truly horrid.—The poor wretches were lying, in every position, on board the wreck; some with half their skulls blown off, some without a leg, and others without arms, several were actually roasting in the flames. Eighteen bodies, only were found. About six I got home, much fatigued and distressed in body and mind.
Various opinions circulate respecting this disaster—the most prevalent is, that the act was designedly perpetrated by a desperate villainous sailor, one of the crew, who had sworn vengeance against the Captain for having confined him a few days before the event, for mal-practices. He belonged to Lisbon, where he had been immersed in the condemned hole for murder. He was heard to declare that the ship should never depart from this port, and the wretch was sufficiently desperate to sacrifice his own life with his mates, from motives of private resentment. The ship and cargo were estimated at 90,000 sterling.
WASHINGTON, NOV. 22. By letters received from our Consul at Liverpool, we have the pleasure of stating, that on the 25th of September the harvest in England was nearly closed, and as the weather for gathering it had been very fine, there remained no doubt of its being excellent in quality, as well as very abundant. It is further stated, that the agricultural prospects of Europe in general are very promising.

Portsmouth.
TUESDAY, DEC. 7, 1802.
Yesterday the Congress of the Union met—not to lay on fresh taxes, not to raise armies to fight imaginary enemies; not to send through the country hordes of excise officers and collectors with salaries to keep up toryism; not to create large salaries for an army of Judges, or Judges for salaries, with nothing to do: Not to create systems of finance for purposes that the people are not acquainted with, and have nothing to do—but to secure the blessings of domestic peace and tranquillity—to ensure to the Farmer and Labourer his hard earned bread—to prosper the Agriculture and Manufactures of the country—to make us respectable at home, and then, when occasion shall present itself, we can always show ourselves formidable abroad!!!
FOREIGN SUMMARY.
Public opinion favors the belief that Bonaparte will make a change in the interior government of France. The departments, like our districts, will yield to the will of the First Consul. The whole population of France has been given, as reported from the last census, as amounting to 38,558,551 souls. Paris is found to contain 536,856 souls, and the department of the North 774,450. All blacks, mulattoes, and persons of colour are to leave France, if they have not authority to stay from the Minister of Marine, and they cannot enter France from the Colonies without permission first obtained from the persons who command in the Colonies. The edict has reached us. The arrival of the French Minister was expected in England, and the commercial agents were in nomination, so that a commercial treaty appears probable. The Italian republic was still under the authority of Bonaparte, and he has decided what artillery was to be ceded, and has directed that it should be recast. The armoury was to be at Mantua, and bridges were to be established over the Po, the Oglio and Adige. With the same sovereignty has Bonaparte regarded the present state of Switzerland. He has notified them of the measures he had adopted for their tranquillity, and that his good designs have been defeated.
The Senate of the Helvetic government and the Cantons have been directed to send deputies to Paris, that he might be assured of the actual state of their affairs. French troops are to march into Switzerland, part of whom are to be sent from the Milauve. Open hostilities had taken place between parties in Switzerland. Near Berne there had been an action, but a capitulation had ensued. A convention had been held at Zurich, and the Commissioners of the Helvetic government had consented to pass an act of oblivion on former transactions, and had given up the military command of that city to its inhabitants. Three parties are represented to have existed. That of Berne, connected with Balle, Zurich, Soleure and Schaffhausen, which has been most favorable to the new order of things, and upon all accounts must be deemed the most respectable. The five petty Cantons who are to hold a diet at Schwitz, and who have always held the strongest prejudices of their local governments. And that of the Pays de Vaud, who have been flattered with the hopes of distinct political privileges. The event seems to depend, at least for the present, upon the will of the First Consul of France, who possesses power enough to overrule all their prejudices, and to whom they will probably submit. Rapp had gone into Switzerland in the name of the French Consul, to direct what measures were to be taken till the final decision of their claims. The French have not been content with authority over Algiers. They have made as positive demands at Tunis, and have found the Bey as submissive as they have desired. The Bey has made several pretences to the First Consul as a proof of his friendship. The letter of Admiral LeClerc explains this whole proceeding. Admiral de Winter was in the Mediterranean upon the same errand, of visiting the Barbary powers, undoubtedly with the concurrence of France. The situation of the Swedes respecting these powers is still uncertain, as is that of Portugal. By the last accounts the choice of the Grand Master of the order of Malta was to be vested in the Pope, who was to choose from candidates presented by the priors of the order. The negotiation of this affair is not communicated in any papers, which have reached us.
The importance of commerce and manufactures to the unrivaled prosperity of England is well known. 1,843,554 persons in England and Wales are reported to be employed in trade and manufactures. In Glasgow, Scotland, Parton's cotton manufactory is said to employ 700 persons. And the machine moved by steam can work 38,000 spindles.
In the states of Prussia in 1801, the births are 456,650, of whom a 33d part were children of the Prussian soldiery. The births exceeded the deaths by 109,928, and the marriages given were 89,309. Three hundred years ago there were not more than 700 manufacturers in all this country.
The Russians are about to explore the northern great Ocean, and intend to plant a colony among the islands which have a ready communication with China and Japan. (Sal. Reg.)
From the West-Indies.
Capt. Warner, arrived at New-York, from Jamaica, informs, that just before he sailed, a French frigate arrived there from the Cape, dispatched by General Le Clerc, for the purpose of soliciting of the Governor of Jamaica, an asylum for his Lady and suite (Madam Le Clerc) during the troubles of St. Domingo—intimating that the Blacks had become so formidable, that it was unsafe for the Whites any longer to remain on the Island. It was also stated, that in a late engagement between the French troops and the Blacks, the latter were victorious.
Extract from a letter of the Consul of the United States at Lisbon, dated August 22, 1802, to the Secretary of State.
"On the 18th instant an order was received at the Custom House from the Minister of the Interior, to prohibit altogether the importation of Cordage for home consumption." National Intelligencer.
The last news from New-Orleans, confirms the unwelcome tidings, that the navigation of the Mississippi will receive great embarrassments. Instead of the enterprize, & the jealousy of France, the Mississippi is yet to be ruled by the ignorance and oppression of Spain, a nation that has been impoverished by great riches, and that has ruined its commerce, by the power to command it. A lesson to all nations, to command an enlightened policy, for the support of national glory.
For the N. H. GAZETTE.
Messrs. Printers, I MUST acknowledge that Lycurgus is right in his opinion respecting Bankrupts, in part—but do not think that Bankrupts are so free in general as many think them to be, the Creditors generally think when they have chosen their Assignees that they have done all that the law requires them to do; but they are mistaken, the Assignee cannot do more than the law requires them, which I firmly believe that they comply with, but my meaning is, that when we see daily the numerous Bankrupts, after having obtained their certificates, think they have a right to come forward as men of property, with their ill gained wealth, and put on such superfluous airs, as to give the public an opinion of men of fair character and of business—Now I insist that the fault is not theirs, but that of their Creditors, whose business it is to see how they came by their property, and if they cannot find which way they secreted it, which the law is open to; there never was a law which has not two sides. COMMON SENSE.
The following speculation on the Practice of the Law, we have taken from the FARMER'S CABINET, a weekly paper just published at Amherst, which contains many judicious observations, and we hope will become the vehicle of useful knowledge to the citizens of this State, who wish to encourage literature and the peace of society.
The adroitness with which the gentlemen of the law too frequently manage the causes of their clients, in England, to obtain Continuances, Re-hearings, new Trials by procrastinating pleas and fictitious petitions, often times proves more injurious to their clients, than if they had paid the original demand at first, though unjustly due. This consideration has a natural tendency to lead men to reflections on the nature and practice of the law, and the labyrinths into which many unfortunate men have fallen, that the shortness of a man's life will hardly suffice to procure them a discharge. But we are happy to know that we are not yet arrived to those tedious pursuits in this country, and we hope it will be confined to the narrow limits of Great Britain; and though it is fast creeping in upon us, yet while our Judges are gentlemen of consideration, and adhere to that well known adage, Oporet judices juste judicare , we shall never see them overcome by the insinuating artifices and chicaneries of any of the Faculty; and while they have the resolution to support their own dignity, let there never be any order of men arise to make them afraid of discharging their important trusts. LIBERUS.
When Judge WASHINGTON was lately in Connecticut, he observed, on a circle of gentlemen of both political parties, that the opposition papers containing such abuse of administration as ought not to pass without punishment; that although he was himself opposed to President JEFFERSON in politics, he thought it unutterable, that a man of private character, especially when vested with a chief magistracy of the nation, should be treated with so much personal insult and abuse; and that it ought to be the subject of legal animadversion. The Post-Master General, who was in the company, said he could point out a more effectual method of remedying the evil; and being asked what it was, replied, do you, Sir, and Judge Law, who was also present, sit down and write to the editors of such abusive papers to discontinue sending them to you, so long as they continue to insult and abuse the President. That would produce a greater and better effect, than any judicial correction, which your honors can inflict, and at the same time not endanger an infringement of the freedom of the Press. Pittsfield Sun.
The federal dogs grow very warm—they walk about and lop out their tongues; the canine heat makes them very restless; upon Mr. PAIN'S second letter, their tongues are perceived to be more and more swollen; froth, and a blackness about the mouth.—O ye generation of Vipers—Where are your black Cockades?
The SONG, sung at a late Republican entertainment in this town, will be read in the last page of this day's Gazette, and is from the pen of J. WENTWORTH, Esq.
FOR SALE A few Casks fresh RAISINS, and 3d proof Grenada Rum pr. the Hoghead, by John M'Clintock, at No 11, on the Pier.
Cash Given for OX HORNS and White Oak Hhd. Staves, by SAMUEL JONES,
Thanksgiving Sermon On Daniel ii. 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, concerning the image of gold, silver, brass, iron and clay, with the stone cut out without hands, which broke the image: Delivered at Jefferson-Hall, by Elder ELIAS SMITH, on Thanksgiving Day, is by the particular request of a number of respectable gentlemen of this town, (who had not the pleasure of hearing it,) to be re-delivered to-morrow evening at 6 o'clock, at said Hall.
MARINE INTELLIGENCE. Saturday arrived here, Snow Equator, Capt. Rindge, in 17 days from Turks Island, spoke 2d inst. Schr. Relief, Capt. Johnson, in 68 days from Copenhagen, who was dismissed on the 25th ult. on the 23d ult. spoke the brig Polly, Capt. Turner, two days out from this port, all well. Arrived at Boston, on Monday last, ship Baltic, Capt. Blunt, owned in this town, 56 days from St. Ubes, cargo Salt. Left there Oct. 5, ship Patriot, Seaward, of this port, to sail in 10 days.—Salt plenty at St. Ubes. At St. Petersburg, Sept. 13, ship George, Neil, for this port.—At St. Croix, Nov. 4, ship Industry, Walker, of this port. Left at Surinam, on the 18th October, Brig May-Flower, Fall, of Berwick—Brig Polly, Odiorne, of Portsmouth.
ENTERED AT THE CUSTOM-HOUSE. Sch. Fanny, Sullivan, St. Thomas. Sch. Sally, Tuttle, Jamaica. Brig Gov. Strong, Boardman, Port-au-Prince. Brig Hitty, Payson, St. Thomas. Sch't Resolution, M'Clean, Guadalupe. Sch't Rainbow, Paul, St. Vincent. CLEARED. Ship Nancy, On, Cadiz. Ship Magnet, Treadwell, Jamaica. Ship Bellona, Fellows, Jamaica. Ship Commerce, Blunt, Antigua. Ship Eagle, Shaw, Antigua. Brig Pallas, Flag, Tobago. Brig Maria Jane, Salter, Demerara. Brig Polly, Turner, St. Vincent. Brig Oliver Peabody, Gilman, Demerara.
Bill of Mortality. —DIED— At Jamaica Mr. JAMES GRANT, aged 31, of this town. He has left an affectionate wife and beloved child, to mourn the loss of a kind and tender husband, and indulgent parent; besides a number of truly sympathizing friends, to mourn the loss of a friend indeed. At Boston, Mrs. Ann Coffin, aged 61, wife of Mr. Charles Coffin.—Capt. Duggan, aged 58.—Mr. Robert Duncan, aged 58.—Mrs. Brazier, aged 29.—Miss Spear, aged 26. At Charlestown, Major Samuel Goodwin, aged 85. At Salisbury, on the Saturday the 27th ult. Mrs. SARAH CURRIER, comfort of Mr. David Currier. At Lyndeborough, Mrs. Mary Fuller, wife of Mr. Benjamin Fuller, aged 40; also, Miss Anne Blanchard, aged 7 years. At Amherst, Miss Hannah Hobson, aged 13 years; also, Mary Blanchard, aged 14 months, only child of Mr. Ephraim Blanchard. At Madbury, Mr. Benj. Gerrish, aged 66. In this town, Mr. Joseph Benjon, aged 76.—M. s. Mary Elliot.—Mrs. Sarah Luey.—A child of Mr. Daniel French. Drowned, on his passage from Surinam, Mr. Isaac Mansfield, of Lyndeborough.
Valuable MEDICINES. LEE'S GENUINE WINDHAM BILIOUS PILLS, so celebrated in America and the West-Indies, as a mild, safe and sovereign remedy for Bilious and Yellow Fevers, Jaundice, Indigestion, Colicwinds, Dysentery, Bilious Cholick, Dropsy, Worms, Head Ache, Scurvy, &c. &c.—Dose—from one to three or four, to be taken when going to bed. price 50 cents a box.
The virtues and efficacies of these Pills, not only in the above enumerated complaints, but in most diseases of the human body where purges are necessary, are so well known, that any comments upon them must be altogether superfluous.
As there is some dispute between SAM'L H. P. LEE's friends and the Public, respecting which are the Genuine Bilious Pills, it may be proper to observe that my Patent was obtained in April, 1796, and the demand soon became so great and benefits of my Pills so amply ascertained and publicly acknowledged, that Sam'l. H. P. Lee, of New-London, thought proper to take advantage of the similarity of names and of the credit of my Pills, and for that purpose obtained a Patent in June, 1799, and calls them Bilious Pills, the basis of which is Mercury. If people incautiously purchase his Pills for mine, I shall not be answerable for their effects, as there is no Mercury in my Pills. SAMUEL LEE, Jr. Patentee.
Tyce's patent Itch Ointment or, Beautifier of the Skin. This Ointment is the most remarkable composition ever yet discovered, for cleaning and beautifying the Skin. It removes all pimples or defects from the Face, and immediately cures all cutaneous distempers. The Itch is cured by it in a few days, with perfect safety and ease.—It likewise prevents every kind of itching sensation of the Skin, either from poison or obnoxious perspiration. It is necessary that every member of a family should have a box of this Ointment, to keep by them. price 50 cents a box.
BITTERS! Excellent BITTERS, prepared by Dr. Rawson, of Connecticut, for which he has obtained a patent from the President of the United States. These Bitters are excellent for Jaundery and Bilious complaints; for Indigestion; sickness at the Stomach; four Belchings; Hiccups; complaints in the Liver; loss of Appetite; Fainting Fits, &c. &c.—It is earnestly recommended that every person try some of these Bitters. The above may be had at the COLUMBIAN BOOKSTORE, No. 5, Daniel-street, Portsmouth, where may also be had a general assortment of PATENT MEDICINES.
FOUND A GOLD RING and sundry other articles, the owner may have them again by applying to the Printers. Portsmouth, Nov. 23.
GRAND LODGE. THE OFFICERS and MEMBERS of the Grand Lodge of New-Hampshire, are informed that a special Grand Lodge will be holden in the Lodge room in Portsmouth, on Monday the 27th inst. at half past 5 o'clock P. M. for the purpose of installing the worshipful Master and Wardens of KING SOLOMON'S Lodge, No. 13,—where punctual attendance is required.
All Brethren of the craft, not Members of the Grand Lodge, will give their attendance at 6 o'clock, in the Court room adjoining the Lodge. None admitted into the Grand Lodge room after 7. By Order, L. SPALDING, Grand Secretary. December 7.
Received by the Samson, Capt. Richard S. Tibbetts, from London, AND FOR SALE, by Cazneau Bayley, Sign of the Spinning-Wheel, Daniel-street, a variety of
LADIES', Gentlemen's and Youth's BEAVER HATS. —A few dozen extra long, white, black, and color'd SILK GLOVES. A general assortment of HOSIERY. Superfine BROAD-CLOTHS, warranted to cost 18f. sterling, being a consignment, will be sold at the reduced price of 30f. L. M. Portsmouth, Dec. 7 1802.
ELLIOT & MARSH, Have on hand a few hundred Yards of BEVERLY BED-TICK Of the best quality—which they will sell as low as those of any other Manufacture can be afforded. Portsmouth, December, 7 1802.
American Manufactured Cotton BED-TICKS. THE subscriber has just received and can supply shopkeepers & others with any quantity of Providence Manufactured COTTON BED-TICKS, warranted not to shed Feathers; equal to the Beverly manufactured. —ALSO—
COTTON YARN, of every kind, wholesale and retail, at the same prices as sold for at the manufactory, with the expences of freight, &c.
CANDLE WICKS, in any quantity.—Any persons desirous of purchasing any of the above articles to sell by retail, will be supplied with the same on liberal terms by NATHAN B. FOLSOM. Portsmouth, December 7, 1802.
Notice to Creditors. THE Creditors of BENJAMIN CONNOR, a Bankrupt, are notified and requested to meet the subscriber at his office, on Saturday the 10th of this month, at 11 o'clock A. M. to determine whether they will pursue a demand or claim of the said CONNOR, against the French Republic, exhibited some years ago, by an American Consul in France, to the Government there; and advance monies in order to support and recover it, or whether the same shall be sold at Auction, for the benefit of the Creditors, DANIEL HUMPHREYS, Assignee. Portsmouth, December 3, 1802.
State of New-Hampshire, Rockingham, ff. THE subscribers being appointed executors of the last Will and Testament of THOMAS SIMES, late of Portsmouth, Chaise Maker, deceased, and having accepted that trust, request all persons who have demands against the estate of said deceased, to exhibit them to JEREMIAH LIBBEY, and all indebted to said estate are desired to make payment to said LIBBEY at his store in Market-street without delay.
SARAH SIMES, JEREMIAH LIBBEY. Portsmouth, November 30, 1802.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. Rockingham, ff. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in NORTHWOOD, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1802—that so much of their lands as will pay the same and incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue on the 15th day of February 1803, at the house of Henry Batchelder, innholder in said Northwood, at ten of the clock A. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
   Owners Names. Acres. Town. School. County. Highway.     Sam'l. Woodman, 7 6 28 17 13 3 43   Abner Davis, 7 10 80 93 33 7 1 0   John Calf, 8 13 78 0 0 0 99   James Hunger, 9 31 78 0 0 0 73   Nath'l Sargent, 10 9 90 0 0 0 50   George Tuttle, 10 7 156 0 0 8 1 30   and Stoten.   WILLIAM SMITH, Collector.   Northwood, November 29, 1802.  
AUCTION. THIS DAY, At 10 o'clock A. M. will be sold at JACOB WALDEN's auction room, in Daniel-street, a quantity of valuable Household Furniture, among which are the following; Mahogany and common Bedsteads; Tables; Stands; Chairs; Sofa; Carpets; Looking-Glasses; Beds; Plated Ware; Crockery and Tin Ware; Kitchen Furniture, &c. 20 pieces best of LINEN; A number cases of Bottle Porter. Portsmouth, December 7, 1802.
FOR SALE, At AUCTION, On TUESDAY, the fourteenth inst. TWO thirds of the Schooner FANNY, of 87 tons burthen, together with her CARGO—Consisting of TENERIFFE WINE, in half pipes and qr. casks. SUGAR and MOLASSES. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock, at Mark Simes' Wharf. **Conditions to be made known at time and place of Sale, or by applying to the subscribers. MARK SIMES, SAM'L SPARHAWK. Portsmouth, Dec. 7, 1802.
Valuable Real Estate, FOR SALE, Belonging to the estate of Dea. Sam'l Bowles, late of Portsmouth, deceased.—Viz.
A CONVENIENT DWELLING HOUSE in Daniel-street, with a Stable and other Out Houses. To Sell or Let immediately.
A small convenient Dwelling House and Shop at the east end of the Brick Market. Also, to Sell or Let,
A large convenient Dwelling House, with Out Houses, in Washington-street, lately improved by Mr. Swett. Likewise, to Sell or Let,
A convenient Dwelling House near the fourth mills, and a number of House Lots with a water privilege adjoining, for which a good part of the pay would be taken in joiner's work, and a generous credit given for the remainder. Also, for sale,
A small House, with about half an acre of Land, within a few rods of the Pound, in this town. Two rights of Land in the township of Success; two do. do. in Britain Woods; one do. do. in the township of Orange; one hundred acre lot of Land in Wakefield; one fifty acre lot in Gilmanton.
The above out lands will be sold on reasonable terms, and country produce received in payment.
H. BOWLES wishes to inform her country friends and customers that she still continues to keep a BOARDING HOUSE, next door to Mr. C. Peirce's Book-store, in Daniel-street, where she will be happy to wait on customers as usual; has also remaining on hand, and for sale in her shop, an assortment of WEST-INDIA GOODS and GROCERIES, viz.
Tea, Coffee, Sugar, Molasses; Rum, Rice, Flour, Candles, Indigo. An assortment of Men's, women's and children's Shoes & Slippers, whole & half Boot Legs, Spermaceti Oil, &c. Portsmouth, Dec. 7, 1802.
WALES'S LOCATION. WHEREAS the proprietors of Wales's Location, in the county of Grafton, State of New-Hampshire, at their adjourned proprietors meeting, held on the fourteenth day of April, A. D. 1802, at the house of Simon Drake, in Pittsfield, did vote a tax of EIGHT DOLLARS, to be paid on each original right or share of Land in said Location, to defray the expence of calling said meeting, and of surveying said Location into lots, and other proprietary expences—said tax being committed unto me to collect, and I having advertised the same for payment, as the law in such a case directs, and the tax on the following original rights remains unpaid, viz.—Joseph Trumbull, Esq. Nathaniel Wales, Jr. Abijah Larned, David Larned, Abel Larned, Nathaniel Wales, 3d. Nathan Wales, Simon Larned, Ebenezer Larned, John Squires, Jr. Nathaniel Wales, 4th. Eleazer Wales, Benjamin Larned, Eleazer Rosebrooks, Jeremiah Jackson, Solomon Wales, Eleazer Wales, Jr. Seth Wales—I do therefore notify and warn the above mentioned original proprietors or the owners of said rights, that unless they pay said tax of Eight Dollars on each of said rights unto me, on or before the second Tuesday of January next, I shall then sell at public auction, at 10 o'clock forenoon on said day, at my dwelling-house in Pittsfield, so much of each of said original rights, as will pay said tax, with legal cost. SIMEON DRAKE, Prop's Collector. Pittsfield, county of Rockingham, State of New-Hampshire, Nov'r 29, A. D. 1802.
Strayed or Stolen, FROM the pasture of William Boardman, of Newmarket, on the night of the 6th of November last, a BAY HORSE, 14 hands high, black mane and tail, 7 years old, half hipt. Whoever will return said Horse to the subscriber, shall be rewarded for their trouble. JOHN SAWYER. Portsmouth, Dec. 7, 1802.

Miscellaneous Repository
ORIGINAL.
REPUBLICAN SONG, At a late Entertainment in this town. Tune—Rural Felicity.
WHEN LIBERTY sprang from the loins of her mother, 'Twas Wisdom directed how she should go.
She fix'd on the Land, you'll not find such another,
COLUMBIA'S PLAINS, where her OFF- SPRING did grow;
She wrestled and struggled with Tory malignity,
Beat down the tyrant overpow'r'd the foe, Come see our nation's felicity.
TRUE hearts and sound bottoms Republi- cans show.
The Tories are striving in vain to di- vide us,
To save their last hopes in a desperate cause, They feign would persuade us "we are our worst enemies."
Orator Morris, will beg us to PAUSE, But Liberty's force over Tory malignity,
Beats down the Apostate, o'erpowers the foe.
Come see, &c.
Our wives and our churches they said were in danger,
That daggers and murders too soon would prevail:
REPUBLICAN virtue to them is a stranger. The Tories are sick of their federal tale;
Their lies their alarms flow from Tory malignity,
TRUTH has appeared and confronted the foe.
Come see, &c.
Our leaders and statesmen alike we admire, Consulting our welfare with Patriot glow;
Our JEFFERSON lives I tried by seve- ral times fire:
As the purest of gold to his value we know; But rancour and vice flow from Tory malignity;
TRUTH has appeared & confronted the foe. Come see, &c.
Extract from a Pamphlet entitled "Recent Proofs of a Defection from the CHRISTIAN RELIGION.—No. III."
Of the coalition between the modern State Re- ligion, and the newly restored Popish Religion.
"TO the proofs already produced, such a coalition, a kind of treaty of amity with popery may be added. The defendants of zealous puritans who could not bear even the church of England, now seem cordially stretching forth the right hand of amity to the church of the Pope. I have referred to the well known paper called the Centinel, for a sentiment, touching the restoration of religion in France. For real religion is con- sidered as restored. And the restoration has been mentioned as a happy event. We may consider the paper before mentioned, and the other, whose sign is the winged Mercury, as vane shewing which way the wind of the modern political religion blows. In the Centinel of July 7th, is a short but curious production. It may be viewed as an exultation of joy at the restoration of po- pery by the convention between the Pope and First Consul.—Perhaps some would have been more cautious, but the Editor was eager to gratify his readers with the restora- tion sermon, and thus introduces it, with a prefatory note.
"The re-establishment of religion in France, is an event interesting to humanity. It will go far to convince deists of the sta- bility of the rock on which christianity is founded, and will be a death blow to athe- ism and infidelity in the two hemispheres. Having been favoured with a faithful trans- lation of the first sermon preached by the Archbishop of Tours, before the First Con- sul, Buonaparte, on the subject of the re- storation of religion; we do not hesitate immediately to lay it before the readers of the Centinel."
"The force of this preface to a popish ser- mon without a text, addressed to the First Consul, might be thus expressed in a para- phrase.
"The religion of Jesus Christ was by his authority, and that of the Pope and French King established in France, some years ago, under the reigning house of Bourbon. But a set of innovating revolutionists overturned the establishment, and prostrated that reli- gion.—But the religion of Jesus Christ has revived again, and is established a second time, by the joint acts of the Pope and of the First Consul. And this must have a great effect in convincing deists, of the stable foundation Christ the Rock, on which the restored church and religion stand—Some of the old protestants indeed considered this church as Babylon, that was to fall like a mil- lone into the sea, never to rise again.—But we see her rise from her fall. They consid- ered this church as an inhuman, persecuting society, that had shed the blood of saints and prophets, 'till she was drunk with martyr's blood. But the friends of humanity now think differently; they rejoice in the event of its restoration. It interests their humani- ty. And this restoration we will venture to prophecy will be a death blow to atheism and infidelity. Infidels will see that all states will have some religion. That they natu- rally recur to old forms. The religious in our hemisphere think well of the Catholic way, as the true religion, and as answer- ing state purposes; infidels must now see its power and prevalence, and be awed into silent submission to a powerful reigning est- ablishment.
This is the Centinel's view, but what would a real protestant of the old stamp, say on the occasion? May we not imagine we heard him expressing his sentiments to this effect?"
"The following is an extract from a ser- mon, that was actually delivered, a few weeks since, in the north parish of Far- -g-on, state of Connecticut; to an audience who are unaccustomed to such kind of discour- ses."
"A very respectable character told another very respectable character, and that re- spectable character told me, that there is now actually existing in our present legisla- ture, a large party who are determined to cut off all the ministers' heads."—Com- ment is unnecessary.
CHESTER.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non- resident owners of land in CHESTER, in the county of Rockingham, and State of New-Hampshire, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1802—that so much of their land as will pay the same, with inci- dential charges will be sold at public vendue, to the highest bidder, at the dwelling-house of Capt. Pearson Richardson, innholder in said Chester, on the tenth day of February next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Non-resident Un- known Proprie- tors Names.
Quantity. No. Range. High- W. fide. County. C. C.
Enoch Sanborn, } 18 1 0 5 1 15
Clement Misharvey, 40 2 0 5 1 15
Benjamin Sanborn, 40 3 0 5 1 15
Col. Richard Kent, 40 4 0 5 1 15
John Silly, 40 6 1 5 1 15
Rev. Nath'l Rogers, 40 7 1 5 1 15
Richard Jaquis, 40 11 2 5 1 15
John Little Hale, 40 12 2 5 1 15
Elisha Smith, 40 13 2 5 1 15
Nath'l Batchelder, 40 14 2 5 1 15
George Jaffrey, Esq. 40 15 2 5 1 15
Jacob Balford, 40 16 2 5 1 15
Thomas Dean, 40 17 2 5 1 15
John Sanborn, 40 22 3 5 1 15
Jethro Talton, 40 24 2 5 1 15
James Fogg, N. End, 20 25 2 5 1 15
Richard Wibard, 40 27 2 5 1 15
Abraham Drake, 40 29 2 5 1 15
Eleazer Ruffel N. end, 20 34 2 5 1 15
Jona. Brown, N. end, 40 37 1 5 1 15
Jona. Clough, 40 41 1 5 1 15
Jacob Gilman, 40 47 3 5 1 15
Samuel Thomson, 40 54 3 5 1 15
Eph'm Dennet, Esq. 40 55 3 5 1 15
Samuel Mastin, 40 56 3 5 1 15
William Croswait, 40 57 3 5 1 15
Peter Weare, 40 59 3 5 1 15
Benj. Gambling, Esq. 40 60 3 5 1 15
Samuel Shackford, 40 62 3 5 1 15
John Cram, 40 67 3 5 1 15
Joseph Samborn, 30 72 3 5 1 15
John Shackford S. end, 80 75 d. l. 5 1 12
Zechariah Clifford, 40 76 3 5 1 15
Michael Whidden, 40 77 3 5 1 15
Samuel Page, 40 84 4 5 1 15
Edward Emerson, 40 87 4 5 1 15
Caleb Towle, N. end, 21 88 4 5 1 15
Nathaniel Sanborn, 40 91 4 5 1 15
Sam'l Penhallow, Esq. 40 92 4 5 1 15
Samuel Boid, 40 94 4 5 1 15
Samuel Blake, 40 99 4 5 1 15
Nath'l Batchelder, jr. 40 100 4 5 1 15
Benjamin Fogg, 40 101 4 5 1 15
Benjamin Towle, 40 102 4 5 1 15
Sam'l Smith W. fide, 20 106 4 5 1 7
Jona. Plummer, do. 20 108 3 5 1 7
Thomas Smith, do. 20 111 5 5 1 7
John Prescott, 40 113 5 5 1 15
Ebenezer Dearborn, 40 114 5 5 1 15
Richard Clifford, 40 118 5 5 1 15
James Perkins, 40 119 5 5 1 15
Rev. Thomas Sims, 40 120 5 5 1 15
Rev. Theoph. Cotton, 40 121 5 5 1 15
Wm. Healey, N. end, 20 195 5 5 1 7
Sp'n Webber N. end, 32 131 5 5 1 12
Moses Blake, 40 133 5 5 1 15
Stephen Sweat, 40 135 5 5 1 15
Ichabod Robie, 40 136 5 5 1 15
Jeremiah Sanborn, 40 137 5 5 1 15
J. Batchelder N. end, 54 48 9 4 2 21
Capt. J. Sherborn, do. 54 50 9 4 2 21
Rich'd Wibard Esq. } 54 53 9 4 2 21
N. End, 54 53 9 4 2 21
Sam'l Penhallow, Esq. 60 54 9 4 2 22
Sm. Webber w. fide, 51 58 10 4 1 19
Stephen Jonson, 60 61 10 4 2 22
Capt. Joh. Wiogate, 30 66 11 4 1 11
John Calfe, 60 67 11 4 2 22
Jona. Brown, South } 60 68 11 4 2 22
half paid, 60 70 11 4 1 11
John Shackford, 60 83 12 4 2 22
Thomas Dean, 18 85 12 4 1 7
Abraham Drake, } 18 85 12 4 1 7
N. end, E. half, 42 95 13 4 1 16
Benj. Gambling, Esq. S. end, 60 98 13 4 2 22
Robert Ford, 15 102 5 4 0 5
Col. Shad'k Walton, 60 103 5 4 2 22
William White, 60 110 5 4 2 22
Jona. Emerson, 60 110 5 4 2 22
Stephen Sweat, 60 111 5 4 2 22
Sam'l Thompson, 60 115 14 4 2 22
Zechariah Clifford, } 30 116 14 4 1 11
S. end, 60 117 14 4 2 22
Thomas Silver, 45 119 14 4 1 16
Jona. Clough, E. fide, 20 220 14 4 1 7
James Fogg, 15 134 1 4 0 6
Elea. Ruffel N. East corner in Chester, } 15 134 1 4 0 6
SECOND DIVISION.
Za'h Clifford W. fide, 50 95 17 2 1 18
Dea. S. Shaw E. half, 50 96 d. l. 2 1 19
Moses Blake, E. fide } 60 97 17 2 2 22
of road, 60 97 17 2 2 22
SIXTH DIVISION.
Description.—Between 62 & 67, forty Acre lots in 5th Division,
Qu'y. No. Div. H'ty
John Prescott, 10 88 6 4
S. Penhallow, Esq. 10 89 6 4
Samuel Blake, 10 90 6 4
Clement Hughs, 10 91 6 4
John Cram, 10 93 6 4
Jacob Gilman, 10 94 6 4
Ephraim Dennet, 10 95 6 4
Joseph Batchelder, 10 96 6 4
Samuel Thomson, 10 97 6 4
James Prescott, 10 98 6 4
John Sanborn, 10 99 6 4
Richard Wibard, Esq. 10 101 6 4
Descrip'n.—North of the 20 acre Pas- sage & School lot, adjoining the same,
William White, 10 40 6 4
Jonathan Emerson, 10 41 6 4
Stephen Jonson, 10 78 6 4
Stephen Webber, 10 79 6 4
Ebenezer Lovejoy, 10 80 6 4
John Shackford, 10 81 6 4
John Prescott, jr. 10 82 6 4
Jonathan Dearborn, 10 83 6 4
Reuben Sanborn, 10 84 6 4
Col. Peter Weare, 10 86 6 4
Defc'n.—2d. Range, Mount Mesury,
Jeremiah Sanborn, 10 13 6 4
Robert Ford, 10 15 6 4
Nathaniel Batchelder, 10 17 6 4
Defc'n.—Between the 78 & 80, in 4th Division,
Jacob Stannul, 10 109 6 4
Benjamin Gamble, Esq. 10 103 6 4
Jonathan Brown, 10 104 6 4
Edward Gilman, 10 105 6 4
Enoch Sanborn, 10 106 6 4
Thomas Silver, 10 107 6 4
Stephen Sweat, 10 108 6 4
Thomas Phips, 10 109 6 4
   Qu'y No. Div. H'ty     Thomas Leavitt, 10 110 6 4   George Pearce, 10 111 6 4   Clement Melharvey, 10 112 6 4  
Non-residents Known Owners Names.
Sam'l Adams, L. Derry, } 17 21 4 0 57
part of the farm in Division,
David Read, L. Derry, } 7 9 2 0 25
meadow,
Rich'd Jenness, do. unimp'd. } 0 0 1 0 15
James Woodis, Portsm'th, between Hot's & Derry, } 0 0 1