The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1802-11-23 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
Appointed to publish the LAWS of the UNITED STATES for the District of New-Hampshire.
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY NATHANIEL S. & W. PEIRCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
For Charleston, (S. C.)
THE ship AURORA , will sail in 15 or 20 days, —for Freight or Passage, (having good accommodations,) apply to
ELIJAH HALL, No. 13, Portsmouth Pier.
WHO HAS FOR SALE
Cheap for Cash, Lisbon SALT, per Hhd.
A few Quarter Casks
Best Lisbon WINE.
Swedish IRON.
Grenada RUM and
MOLASSES,
Portsmouth, Nov. 2, 1802.
FOR SALE at Rindge's Wharf by Samuel Boardman, CLAP-BOARDS of a good quality; Merchantable BOARDS.
TAR, PITCH and ROSIN, a quantity of OAKUM.
Portsmouth, Nov. 9. 1802.
TO BE SOLD AT
PUBLIC AUCTION, On Monday the sixth day of DECEMBER next, at ten of the clock, A. M. on the premises,
A SAW-MILL AND GRIST-MILL,
together with the privilege adjoining, of about one hundred and twenty feet front on Mill-street, in Exeter, State of New-Hampshire, very advantageously situated for Mill business, or Manufactures, being on the great river, nearly in the centre of the town.
Inquire of SAMUEL GILMAN.
Exeter, Nov. 15. 1802.
FARM FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber offers for sale a valuable and productive FARM in LEE, containing about one Hundred &
Twenty Acres, as well proportioned for Mowing, Tillage, and Pasture Land as any to be found in the country, with a good House and Barn thereon, is well watered, has an excellent Orchard upon it, and is situated within six miles of Piscataqua Bridge—and for the accommodation of said Farm, a Wood Lot of twenty acres, but four miles distance therefrom, is also offered for sale.—The whole will be sold on terms which cannot fail of meeting the approbation of any Gentleman having the least desire of purchasing a Farm. JOSEPH CHESLE.
Lee, November 12, 1802.
NEW LINE OF STAGES.
THE Subscribers are now running a line of STAGES from this Town to Boston, every day in the week, (Sunday's excepted,)—Leave Portsmouth at 1 o'clock, and arrive at Boston the next day to dine—Leave Boston at 1 o'clock, arrive at Portsmouth the next day at 12 o'clock.—They have formed this Line of Stages for the convenience of those who do not wish to rise so early as to go in the Mail Stage, which starts every morning at 5 o'clock.
WILLIAM STAVERS, ELIAS BAGLEY.
Passengers who wish seats, will please to call at Mr. Davenport's Inn, in Portsmouth, where a Stage Book will be kept for the purpose of receiving their names.
Portsmouth, November 16. 1802.
HORSES & CARRIAGES TO LET.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and old customers, that he has lately purchased sundry good Horses and Chaise, which he intends to keep for the purpose of letting to those who may please to favor him with their custom.
WILLIAM STAVERS.
November 16, 1802.
President's MESSAGE.
WE propose to furnish our readers with ample details of the proceedings of the approaching Session of Congress, and in order that they may more easily connect them with those of the past. We now respectfully present our numerous patrons with the message of the PRESIDENT to both houses at the opening of the last session, which we intend to follow with a brief sketch of the whole course of that Honorable body; that the people, having a full prospect of the whole ground, may be enabled duly to appreciate the conduct of their political agents. In recommending the following address to general perusal, we would only remark, that it exhibits the extraordinary phenomenon, of a chief magistrate, inviting an investigation of his measures, and recommending a curtailment of his own powers.
MESSAGE of the President of the United States to both Houses of Congress.
December 8, 1801.
SIR, THE circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place rendering inconvenient the mode heretofore practiced, of making by personal address the first communications between the Legislative and Executive branches, I have adopted that by Message, as used on all subsequent occasions through the session. In doing this, I have had principal regard to the convenience of the legislature, to the economy of their time, to their relief from the embarrassment of immediate answers, on subjects not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence resulting to the public affairs. Trusting that a procedure, founded in these motives, will meet their approbation, I beg leave through you, Sir, to communicate the inclosed message with the documents accompanying it, to the honorable the House of Representatives, and pray you to accept, for yourself and them, the homage of my high respect and consideration. TH: JEFFERSON. The honorable the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives,
IT is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me, that on meeting the great council of the nation, I am able to announce to them on grounds of reasonable certainty, that the wars and troubles, which have for so many years afflicted our sister nations, have at length come to an end; and that the communication of peace and commerce are once more opening among them. Whilst we devoutly return thanks to the beneficent being, who has been pleased to breathe into them the spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we are bound with peculiar gratitude, to be thankful to him that our own peace has been preserved through so perilous a season, and ourselves permitted quietly to cultivate the earth, and to practise and improve those arts which tend to increase our comforts. The assurance indeed of friendly disposition received from all the powers with whom we have principal relations, had inspired a confidence that our peace with them would not have been disturbed. But a cessation of the irregularities which had afflicted the commerce of neutral nations, and of the irritations and injuries produced by them, cannot but add to this confidence; and strengthens, at the same time the hope, that wrongs committed on unoffending friends, under a pressure of circumstances, will now be reviewed with candor, and will be considered as founding just claims of retribution for the past, and new assurance for the future.
Among our Indian neighbours also, a spirit of peace and friendship generally prevails, and I am happy to inform you, that the continued efforts to introduce among them the implements and the practice of husbandry, and of the household arts, have not been without success: That they are become more and more sensible of the superiority of this dependence for clothing and subsistence, over the precarious resources of hunting and fishing: And already we are able to announce that, instead of that constant diminution of numbers produced by their wars and their wants, some of them begin to experience an increase of population.
To this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one only exception exists. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary states, had
come forward with demands unfounded either in right or in compact, and had permitted itself to denounce war, on our failure to comply before a given day. The style of the demand admitted but one answer. I sent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean, with assurances to that power of our sincere desire to remain in peace; but with orders to protect our commerce against the threatened attack. The measure was reasonable and salutary. The Bey had already declared war in form. His cruisers were out. Two had arrived at Gibraltar. Our commerce in the Mediterranean was blockaded; and that of the Atlantic in peril. The arrival of our squadron dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan cruisers having fallen in with and engaged the small ship Enterprise , commanded by Lt. Strett , which had gone out as a tender to our larger vessels, was captured, after a heavy slaughter of her men, without the loss of a single one on our part. The bravery exhibited by our citizens on that element, will, I trust be a testimony to the world, that it is not a want of that virtue which makes us seek their peace; but a conscientious desire to direct the energies of our nation to the multiplication of the human race; and not to its destruction. Unauthorized by the constitution, without the sanction of Congress, to go beyond the line of defence, the vessel being disabled from committing further hostilities, was liberated with its crew. The Legislature will doubtless consider, whether, by authorizing measures of offence also, they will place our force on an equal footing with that of its adversaries. I communicate all material information on this subject, that in the exercise of the important function, confided by the constitution to the Legislature exclusively, their judgment may form itself on a knowledge and consideration of every circumstance of weight.
I wish I could say that our situation with all the other Barbary states was entirely satisfactory. Discovering that some delays had taken place in the performance of certain articles stipulated by us, I thought it my duty, by immediate measures for fulfilling them, to vindicate to ourselves the right of considering the effect of departure from stipulation on their side. From the papers which will be laid before you, you will be enabled to judge, whether our treaties are regarded by them as fixing at all the measure of their demands, or as guarding against the exercise of force, our vessels within their power; and to consider how far it will be safe and expedient to leave our affairs with them in their present posture.
I lay before you the result of the census lately taken of our inhabitants, to a conformity with which we are to reduce the ensuing rates of representation and taxation. You will perceive that the encrease of numbers, during the last ten years, proceeding in geometrical ratio, promises a duplication in little more than twenty-two years. We contemplate this rapid growth, and the prospect it holds up to us, not with a view to the injuries it may enable us to do to others in some future day, but to the settlement of the extensive country still remaining vacant within our limits, to the multiplication of men, susceptible of happiness, educated in the love of order, habituated to self-government, and valuing its blessings above all price.
Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have produced an augmentation of revenue arising from consumption, in a ratio far beyond that of population alone; and though the changes in foreign relations, now taking place so desirably for the whole world, may for a season affect this branch of revenue, yet, weighing all probabilities of expence, as well as of income, there is reasonable ground of confidence that we may now safely dispense with all the internal taxes, comprehending excises, stamps, auctions, licenses, carriages and refined sugars: to which the postage on newspapers may be added to facilitate the progress of information: and that the remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide for the support of government, to pay the interest of the public debts, and to discharge the principals in shorter periods than
the laws, or the general expectation had contemplated. War, indeed, & untoward events may change this prospect of things, and call for expenses which the resources could not meet. But sound principles will not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow citizens to accumulate treasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which might not perhaps, happen, but from the temptations offered by that treasure.
These views, however, of reducing our burthens, are formed on the expectation, that a sensible, at the same time, a salutary reduction may take place in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose, those of the civil government, the army and navy will need revival. When we consider that this government is charged with the external and mutual relations only of these states that the states themselves have principle care of our persons, our property; and our reputation; constituting the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt whether our organization is not too complicated, too expensive; whether offices and officers have not been multiplied unnecessarily, and sometimes injuriously to the service they were meant to promote. I will cause to be laid before you an essay towards a statement, of those who, under public employment of various kinds, draw money from the treasury, or from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the ramifications of office being too multiplied and remote to be compleatly traced in a first trial—Among those who are dependent on executive discretion, I have begun the reduction of what was deemed unnecessary. The expences of diplomatic agency have been considerably diminished. The inspectors of internal revenue, who were found to obstruct the accountability of the institution, have been discontinued.—Several agencies, created by Executive authority, on salaries fixed by that also, have been suppressed, and should suggest the expediency of regulating that power by law, so as to subject its exercises to legislative inspection and sanction. Other reformations of the same kind will be pursued with that caution which is requisite, in removing useless things, not to injure what is retained. But the great mass of public officers is established by law, and therefore by law alone can be abolished. Should the legislature think it expedient to pass this roll in review, and to try all its parts by the test of public utility, they may be assured of every aid and light which executive information can yield. Considering the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies, and to increase expence to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen can bear it behoves us, to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents itself for taking off the sur charge; that it never may be seen here, that, after leaving to labour the smallest portion of its earnings on which it can subsist, government shall itself consume the residue of what it was instituted to guard.
In our care too of the public contributions entrusted to our direction, it would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation, by appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of definition: by disallowing all applications of money varying from the appropriation in object or transcending it in amount; by reducing the undefined field of contingencies, and thereby circumscribing discretionary powers over money; & by bringing back to a single department all accountabilities for money, where the examination may be prompt, efficacious and uniform.
An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as prepared by the secretary of the Treasury, will, as usual, be laid before you. The success which has attended the late sales of the public lands shews that, with attention, they may be made an important source of receipt. Among the payments, those made in discharge of the principal and interest of the national debt, will shew that the public faith has been exactly maintained. To these will be added an estimate of appropriations necessary for the ensuing year. This last will of course be affected by such modifications of the system of expence as you shall think proper to adopt.
A statement has been formed by the secretary at war, on mature con-
sideration of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be expedient, and of the number of men requisite for each garrison. The whole amount is considerably short of the present military establishment. For the surplus no particular use can be pointed out. For defence against invasion, their number is as nothing; nor is it considered needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up, in time of peace, for that purpose. Uncertain as we must ever be of the particular point in our circumference where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only force which can be ready at every point, and competent to oppose them, is the body of neighboring citizens, as formed into a militia. On these, collected from the parts most convenient, in numbers proportioned to the invading force, it is best to rely not only to meet the first attack, but if it threatens to be permanent, to maintain the defence until regulars may be engaged to relieve them. These considerations render it important that we should, at every session, continue to amend the defects, which from time to time shew themselves, in the laws for regulating the militia, until they are sufficiently perfect: nor should we now, or at any time, separate, until we can say we have done every thing for the militia, which we could do, were an enemy at our door.
The provision of military stores on hand will be laid before you, that you may judge of the additions still requisite.
With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be carried, some difference of opinion may be expected to appear: but just attention to the circumstances of every part of the union will doubtless reconcile all. A small force will probably continue to be wanted, for actual service in the Mediterranean. Whatever annual sum beyond that you may think proper to appropriate to naval preparations, would perhaps be better employed in providing those articles which may be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness when any exigence calls them into use.—Progress has been made as will appear by papers now communicated, in providing materials for seventy-four gun ships as directed by law.
How far the authority given by the legislature for procuring and establishing sites for naval purposes, has been perfectly understood and pursued in the execution, admits of some doubt. A statement of the expences already incurred on that subject shall be laid before you. I have in certain cases suspended or slackened these expenditures, that the legislature might determine whether so many yards are necessary as have been contemplated. The works at this place are among those permitted to go on: and five of the seven frigates directed to be laid up, have been brought and laid up here, where, besides the safety of their position, they are under the eye of the executive administration, as well as of its agents, and where yourselves also will be guided by your own view, in the legislative provisions respecting them which may from time to time be necessary. They are preserved in such condition, as well the vessels as whatever belongs to them, as to be at all times ready for sea on a short warning. Two others are yet to be laid up, so soon as they shall have received the repairs requisite to put them also into sound condition. As a superintending officer will be necessary at each yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto fixed by the Executive, will be a more proper subject for legislation. A communication will also be made of our progress in the execution of the law respecting the vessels directed to be sold.
The fortifications of our harbors, more or less advanced, present considerations of great difficulty. While some of them are on a scale sufficiently proportioned to the advantages of their position, to the efficacy of their protection, and the importance of the points within it, others are so extensive, will cost so much in their first erection, so much in their maintenance, and require such a force to garrison them, as to make it questionable what is best now to be done. A statement of those commenced or projected, of the expences already incurred, and estimates of their future cost, as far as can be foreseen, shall be laid before you,

that you may be enabled to judge whether any alteration is necessary in the laws respecting this subject. Agriculture, manufactures, commerce and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are then most thriving, when left most free to individual enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed. If in the course of your observations or enquiries they should appear to need any aid, within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention. We cannot, indeed, but feel an anxious solicitude for the difficulties under which our carrying trade will soon be placed. How far it can be relieved, otherwise than by time, is a subject of important consideration.
The Judiciary System of the United States, and especially that portion of it recently erected, will, of course present itself to the contemplation of Congress; and that they may be able to judge of the proportion which the institution bears to the business it has to perform, I have caused to be procured from the several states, and now lay before Congress, an exact statement of all the causes decided since the first establishment of the courts, & of those which were depending when additional courts and judges were brought in to their aid.
And while on the judiciary organization, it will be worthy your consideration whether the protection of the inestimable constitution of juries has been extended to all the cases involving the security of our persons and property. Their impartial selection also being essential to their value, we ought farther to consider whether that is sufficiently secured in those states, where they are named by a marshal depending on the court, or by officers dependent on them.
I cannot omit recommending a revival of laws on the subject of naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of citizenship under a residence of fourteen years, is a denial to a great proportion of those who ask it; and controls a policy pursued, from their first settlements, by many of these States, and still believed of consequence to their prosperity. And shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress, that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum on this globe? The Constitution, indeed, has wisely provided, that for admission, to certain offices of important trust, a residence shall be required, sufficient to develop character and design. But might not the general character and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicating to every one manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortune permanently with us? with restrictions perhaps to guard against the fraudulent usurpation of our flag; an abuse which brings so much entertainment and loss on the genuine citizen, and so much danger to the nation of being involved in war, that no endeavour should be spared to detect and suppress it.
These, fellow citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the nation, which I have thought of importance to be submitted to your consideration at this time. Some others of less moment not yet ready for communication, will be the subject of separate messages. I am happy in this opportunity of committing the arduous affairs of our government to the collected wisdom of the union. Nothing shall be wanting on my part to inform, as far as in my power the legislative judgment; nor to carry that judgment into faithful execution. The prudence and temperance of your discussions will promote, within your own walls, that conciliation which so much befits rational conclusion; and by its example, will encourage among our constituents that progress of opinion which is tending to unite them in object and in will. That all should be satisfied with any one order of things is not to be expected; but I indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens will cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts, which have for their object to preserve the general and state governments in their constitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad and order and obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of administration favorable to the security of liberty and property and to reduce expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of government. TH. JEFFERSON.
TURPENTINE.
It has been recently discovered that an application of Turpentine to parts which have been burnt or scalded, is the most effectual mode of allaying pain and lessening the effects of the injury. This practice is now generally adopted by Medical men, and is found preferable to any other.
From the Morning Chronicle of New-York. The opposition to the measures of administration, in this city, grows every day more feeble. Those persons whose pecuniary circumstances were affected by the change, continue to express their objections, but with little influence. The good sense of the people has now an opportunity of exercise: they can tell those measures by their effects; they can judge by their own experience, and are no longer to be deluded by the misrepresentations of men interested in exciting injudicious prejudices. The people want a government that will secure their properties and protect their persons, in the unobstructed pursuit of those objects which they consider as essential to their prosperity. They know that in a sudden change of public affairs—when a party that has long held the reins of power is supplanted, circumstances injudicious to individuals must result from a revolution of such magnitude. These murmurs therefore no longer excite their attention. They were taught to apprehend other evils of a more serious and general nature, which they now find existed only in anticipation. At the moment of Mr. Jefferson's election to the presidency, we heard many declare that they would close their accounts and seek a residence in some other country; for that, in the United States, the reign of anarchy and disorganization had commenced, which would diminish the value of their possessions, and utterly destroy their hopes of rational enjoyment. These forebodings being industriously echoed from every quarter of the city, had their weight with many well meaning men, who form their opinions from the information of others. These now find the affairs of government conducted with a wisdom and a regularity calculated to protect the citizen in the exercise of all his privileges; and with a mildness that regards with an eye of unmerited lenity the endeavours of disappointed persons to misrepresent its measures and insult its public officers. They find also the expenses of the nation reduced and the burthen of taxes diminished.
It is true that some men determined to disapprove every act, however meritorious, have attempted to raise a hue and cry at the reduction of the internal taxes . They will not give credit for what is done; but exclaim—this you have omitted. They will not acknowledge the good they receive—because not carved according to their particular appetites. Such is the outcry of individuals; but the mass of the people judge more rationally. This is a subject on which their own experience can determine: nor are they to be misled on a ground so void of intricacy.
The repeal of the auction duty affords an extensive relief to a numerous class of merchants, in moderate circumstances—as well as to those in extensive business: while the abolition of the stamp act has removed a weighty and inequitable burden, that operated oppressively, and almost exclusively upon the commercial interest. This was a tax that bore peculiarly hard on many retail dealers, whose industry was scarce competent to their support. It in many instances drew from them annual sums, greater than the whole amount of taxes, paid by more opulent citizens, whose concerns did not bring them within the operation of that law. In consequence of such salutary measures, the mist of prejudice is rapidly dissipating: and the people are daily becoming more strongly attached to an administration that confers general happiness, rather than national aggrandizement; and prefers the diffusion of riches among its citizens, to the accumulation of large sums in the public coffers.
For the N. H. GAZETTE. Messrs. Printers, I wish you to publish in your widely circulating paper, some Extracts from a small pamphlet that lately issued from your press, entitled "recent proofs of a defection from the Christian religion." We see many ephemera pieces constantly published in the Papers, expressing much interest and concern respecting that religion—As tho' it possessed a warm corner in the hearts of the writers. It should seem by this that any thing gravely written on the question, "what is the christian religion" would draw some attention; and might lead some to look at the Standard by which this question is to be tested and determined—As I think the Sentiments in the following extracts agree with that Standard, I should like to have them spread for examination. If true and important, tho' unpopular, the more diffused, the better; if any dislike them, (as many doubtless will,) they cannot well quarrel with the extensive publication, as it enlarges the sphere of opposition, and of providing answers to the obnoxious doctrines.—Not to weary your readers, I have divided the extracts into numbers, which if you please, you may publish, under the head of "recent proofs of a defection from the Christian religion" extracted &c. Yours &c. Y. Z.
No 1. "IF we now advert to the course of opinions in our own country, we may observe an alarm not unlike that in England. Many circumstances have concurred to bring into public view the doctrine that the Magistrate has no power in matters of religion. The vehement opposition to this doctrine has served to spread it far and wide. It has gained credence as it spread. It is the doctrine which Roger Williams of Salem, supported with great force of argument against the famous Cotton of Boston, and was part of the heresy for which that defender of truth, Williams, was banished.—Having been of late revived and ably defended, many pens have been drawn, many engines employed against it. The last and most extraordinary doctrine set up in opposition, is that "the Christian Religion is the Law of the Land." Proofs have been adduced to support this extraordinary position; never perhaps before held up in so many words. This goes quite beyond the English doctrine of alliance. That united Church and State by an alliance. This confolidates them. An open unbeliever according to this doctrine, must be an open transgressor of the law of the land.—And cannot be entitled to the privileges of a good citizen. It must be by mere indulgence, if he be allowed to by and tell as others, who have the mark of the State religion. This law christianity cannot, from its nature, be the belief of Christ's doctrine and submission to his laws. No law of the state can produce gospel faith or obedience.
The author of Christianity (properly so called) has plainly declared his, will, as to the way of propagating his religion. It is that the evidence should be laid before all sorts of men. When this is perceived his power appears. When the Law of the Land makes it men's interest to profess and conform to the state religion, the power of human law-makers appears. Their power can never operate in subordination to his, because just so far as men's authority influences in religion, just in the same degree Christ's authority is renounced for theirs.
It will not be pretended that Jesus Christ has by his own act made his religion the Law of the Land. The statutes are not approved by him, nor are the law or constitution makers inspired. Perhaps it will be said, he would have them take his religion under their protection, and enact his Laws over again. But some intimation should be produced from his word to justify such an interference in a Kingdom so opposed to theirs; and till this be done, a question once perversely put, may now be soberly asked; by what authority do ye these things; and who gave you this authority?
It is in vain to quote State constitutions in support of these things. The people never appointed delegates to meet in Synod, and chuse a religion for them—and if they had, till the convention could have no such power; for the people had it not to give—and Christ has given no power to any convention or court to incorporate his religion with the State, to make it the Law of the Land. But the opinion that it has become so, is now introduced to the public with much gravity, like a juridical maxim. It is calculated to have weight with the people and to prop the Clergy's Kingdom; reaching that the same Law protects their wealth and authority, and the subordinate rights of the Laity. Such doctrines from Jurists or Civilians of great knowledge, must please ecclesiastics; while prudence would restrain them from the pulpit. The order cannot be supposed ignorant of a doctrine disseminated in a paper espousing their cause, and their silent acquiescence will be deemed approbation.
Much as I abhor the prevailing open infidelity, I do not view with less abhorrence this open antichristianism; I consider all the holders and abettors of it, as standing in the same relation to the religion of Jesus Christ, that the zealous Pharisees formerly stood in opposing it no less than the Sadducees.—And it would not be strange if for holding the Heavenly nature of Christ's Kingdom, I should be called an opposer of the Law of the Land; meaning national christianity.
From the days of Constantine the Kingdom of Christ has been set aside, and a worldly kingdom set up in its stead.—This has taken place by the interference of the Magistrate, at the special instance of the clergy, in a matter out of his province. By his usurpations he tarnished every thing he touched. A worldly religion was set up under the christian name, and continues with immaterial alterations to this day. But never did it appear more gross than at present, flaking abroad, under its borrowed name, and proud of the patronage received, claiming respect as the Law of the Land. Are we not reminded of the strange woman, thus described: "She caught him and killed him, and with an impudent face she said, 'come—I have decked my bed—The good man is gone a long journey'—But they, who are seduced by her fascinating solicitations, going "like the fool to the correction of the flocks," will find "her end is bitter as wormwood, sharper than a two edged sword."
For the N. H. GAZETTE. Messrs. Printers,
IT is seldom I attempt any thing for public inspection but having before offered some observations on the frequent Bankruptcies in these States, and introduced them from the Royal Preacher, who says "Labour not to be rich"—It seems as tho' it did no suit a certain writer, who perhaps may have some fondness for Tom Paine, and cannot relish quotations from the bible, being willing that every one should get rich no matter how. Without further animadversion upon this said writer's performances, presuming that the said observations were not disagreeable, (excepting to a few,) I mean at present to hazard a few lines on the Bankrupt Act itself, sanctioned by Congress, in '99, (at the same time heartily wishing that the subject might be taken up by some more able hand.) I would however proceed and say, that the said Act, is a mere copy or transcript from the English Law; and does there not from this assertion arise doubt whether it can effectually and as justly operate in favour of these infant States, as it may there? The principles are unequal, they set forth such a licence for iniquity, as has been readily embraced by enterprising men, whose consciences are open to every avenue by which there is a prospect of obtaining wealth; There is no provision made, that in case he or she shall possess millions hereafter, any thing to oblige them to refund the Fatherless and the Widows from whom they have borrowed money under the fairest promises—Yes! to my knowledge: this has been the case, and the lowest pit, will be their portion if it is not repaid whenever they are able—I not the allurement great, as held forth in said act? an oath or affirmation absolves all, and how solemn is the impregnable part, as to the delivery of every article, money, &c. This frequency of the admission of oaths, bespeaks the depravity of the times, and we are verging into the practice of the British nation; as I am informed by a very respectable author, "that there are in that Kingdom, a million of perjuries annually;" oaths are required on so many occasions as to have lost all efficacy, and their multiplicity, makes them too familiar.—But to proceed to another objection—The act extends only to Merchants, they are excluded, Farmers, Manufacturers, Graziers, Fishermen and others, who are subject to misfortune—another offer, re-
specting the breaking open an innocent man's house, which is or used to be his castle, until the refined manners of the said British nation prevailed here. Again, this act operates too severely on a Bankrupt, by preventing his getting a legacy by the death of a friend, who may chance to die while the act is in dependency, and the Bankrupt not obtained his certificate, and if a bequest, designed for the benefit of the Bankrupt's family; the Testator not knowing of the operation—The said Testator's intentions may be left, and the Bankrupts Creditors eventually prove to be the Legatees instead of the Bankrupt and his family; another matter of consequence is, a man may be declared a Bankrupt through the malice of a Creditor, and have his character and credit injured, and after thorough investigation may not be insolvent; in such case damages ought to be attainable—That upon the whole I am of opinion, that a revision and amendment of the Bankrupt Law, is absolutely necessary for the welfare and condition of these United States. It is in vain to say that the English Laws are esteemed at the most perfect models existing; does not constant experience teach us otherwise? What! will not the improvement of ages, suggest to us more happy ones? if not, we must be reckoned under the denomination of slaves to the principles of others, however depraved. LYCURGUS.
By the Latest Mails.
WASHINGTON-CITY, NOV. 9. Within a short period ten sovereign States have chosen their representatives, and invested them with the highest political duties without the least exhibition of violence. Not a mob, that we learn, has sullied the exercise or this important political function. Yet, on no occasion, perhaps, have greater efforts been made to excite passion and kindle resentment.
Citizens of America! while you value freedom, respect and cling to this great right, that the bayonet may never be submitted in the room of the ballot.
FROM THE MEDITERRANEAN. "Constellation, off Tripoli, July 1, 1802." The Swedish Admiral, about a week ago, captured a small Tripoline gun-boat; and put a lieutenant, one midshipman, and eight seamen on board, and ordered her for Malta: but when she got within sight of Malta the wind chopped round, and drove her back to Tripoli, where got ashore, and the crew were all made prisoners. Capt. STERRETT informs me, he shall sail for America in the fall.
BALTIMORE, NOV. 9. Last evening a large concourse of people assembled at the Baptist meeting-house, Oldtown, to hear Jacob (a black man) preach, who, in imitation of his divine master, goes about doing good. The solemn and devout appearance that presided over the assembly, manifested hearty and anxious desire to hear his discourse. The extensive knowledge this unlettered African has of experimental and practical religion, affords an additional evidence that divine revelation is founded on a rock that cannot be moved. We understand he will preach again at the above place, at 6 o'clock this evening.
NEW-YORK, OCT. 20. The present flattering prospect of the republican cause, in this city, has not merely resulted from its own merits, evinced in the judicious measures of administration; it has derived an assistance from the improper conduct of its opponents.
The vile calumnies with which the private character of Mr. Jefferson has been insulted have roused the indignation of all dispassionate persons.—Such abuse generally originates in the malice of men, neither encumbered with honor, nor embarrassed with veracity. All are exposed to their base attacks; and the assassins who will thus plunge their daggers into the best characters in the community, will not be selected in the choice of their victims. Their malignity must be gratified; and the man whom they eulogize one day, may be the object of their assaults on the next. These truths are so generally felt, that it becomes a common cause, to take part with the injured; and many have been so far influenced as to separate from a party supported by such disgraceful expedients. It is true that federal gentlemen of respectability did not give countenance to such fabrications. Their own sense of honor revolted from these practices; and while they condemned in the strongest terms the invention of such tales, they censured also the impropriety of extending their circulation.
The high reputation Mr. Jefferson had acquired; as a man whose talents were honorable to his country, and who had ever employed those talents in promoting that country's welfare, had gained him general respect. The amiable virtues of his private character, which were universally acknowledged, had procured him the high estimation of all classes, however variant in political opinion. While the deference due to his station, as the head of the American people, was conceded by every man who felt a pride in his country, or a fair respect for the dignity of its Chief Magistrate. Under these and similar circumstances, the calumnies alluded to have disgraced their inventors, and weakened the cause they were intended to support.
WATER PROOF.
The following is the Chinese method for rendering cloth water proof: To one ounce of white wax (melted) add one quart of spirits of turpentine; when thoroughly mixed and cold, then dip in the cloth into the liquid, and hang it up to drain, till it is thoroughly dry. By the above cheap and easy method, muslin as well as the strongest cloths will be rendered quite impenetrable to the heaviest rains, and that without the ingredient used either filling up the pores of the cloth, or injuring in the least its texture, or damaging at all the most brilliant colours.
Portsmouth.
TUESDAY, NOV. 23, 1802.
FROM EUROPE.
The civil war which we have mentioned as raging in Switzerland, becomes daily more serious.
The best informed European politicians say, that the plan for dividing the Turkish dominions between France, Russia and Austria, is very far from being abandoned; and that the measures to effect that division are in steady, though secret, operation. France, it is said, is to have Egypt for her share of the plunder. When this is the case, another war between Great-Britain and France will take place immediately. The English have entirely evacuated Egypt; and the power of the Grand Seigneur is opposed by the native Bays, who are in force in Upper Egypt.
The inveteracy of BONAPARTE appears to be confined wholly to Republics.—When the "insatiable" General LANNES, the late French Minister at Lisbon, arrived at Paris, he received a severe rebuff from BONAPARTE, who immediately put him in Coventry, at his residence in Normandy. A new Minister is to be sent immediately to the Court of Lisbon, who will doubtless be instructed to assure the Prince Regent, that NAPOLEON the First, will not permit the freaks of a peulant minister to destroy the good understanding which ought ever to exist between Independent Monarchs.
BARBARY POWERS
By an arrival at Salem, from Magadore, (in the dominions of the Emperor of Morocco) we learn, that letters had been received there from the American Consul at Morocco, which have assurances, that all difference with that power and the United States had been amicably adjusted.
Capt. Boardman, who arrived here yesterday, informs that Gen. Rochambeau had arrived at Port-au-Prince from the south side, after retaking Jacquemel and Aux-Cayes from the brigands.—And, that the brigands had destroyed the principal part of plantations adjacent to Port-au-Prince and Cape Francois, and still continued in a state of general insurrection.
The intelligence from St. Domingo continues sanguinary. The blacks appeared to prefer death to slavery; and such was the reduced state of Le Clerc's army, that it was necessitated to withdraw itself into the fortified towns, and to act almost altogether on the defensive.
A Silver Urn has been presented to Commodore Truxton, by the underwriters of Lloyd's coffee-house, London, through our minister, Mr. R. King. The protection afforded to the commerce between the two countries, produced this mark of approbation. The workmanship was by the best artists, and in the most fashionable style of execution; and the cost estimated at 600 guineas.
We hear that HOPLEY YEATON, Esq. is appointed to take the Command of the Revenue Cutter, now fixing at this port. This is the same gentleman who was displaced, (not many years since) by Mr. Adams, late President of the United States, for not signing a bombastical Address.
Liberty of the Press.
WHATEVER will be the fate of the indictment pending against Mr. CARLTON, Editor of the Salem Register; every one who knows him and his meritorious paper, will regret that he should be selected by hatred and persecution, for a passage that has been imputed from one end to the other of the United States, in public and private, for these three last years; and for the first time on the lips of an election, it is thought to comport with the dignity or convenience of the Law; or rather the hatred and persecution of certain persons to prefer an indictment for an accidental and purely casual repetition in a newspaper of an hackneyed opinion, that could never be particularly meant or designed, with that ingredient of malice that constitutes a Libel. Therefore, to considering the article, no honest Jury can ever pronounce it a Libel.
The Liberty of the Press, like religion, makes ever fresh struggles, (to check even the excesses of it) the flame is confined, not extinguished, and burning fiercer from confinement, bursts out in destruction upon the persecutor. This is a purely philosophical sentiment, confirmed by history, ordinary experience verifies it.
The partiality and injustice of this persecution is more striking and palpable than could be imagined. At the moment, when the highest and fairest character in the United States is libelled with impunity, counteracted by contempt; the poisonous arrows of dark treachery and hired mendacity, plying with unwearied pains, and unvaried aim at his impregnable virtue and supereminent qualities.—An individual is singled out for what we know to be the casual, every day's accident of a newspaper, embracing a popular idea." But as in the former case "Good sometimes comes out of evil," the calumny on our revered President, has, from one corner of this great part of the habitable globe to the other, recoiled upon his wicked fashioned enemies, and redounded to his unceasing praise, by the viciousness of some attempts, and the weakness of others.—So, Mr. CARLTON, we doubt not that ere long you will be effectually shielded from the persecution of your particular enemies and persecutors, and realize the blessing (for persevering in the cause) of Liberty and Republicanism. We sincerely wish you a happy deliverance from those persecutors in this aim at you: and for the present cheerfully rely on the honor of your Judges, as you may well do on the virtue of a Republican Jury.
On Monday night, the 15th inst. the Academy at Atkinson, N. H. near Haverhill, Mass. took fire and was entirely, consumed with all the Books. A new Building is immediately to be erected.