The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1799-02-06 00:00:00

THE New Hampshire Gazette.
— MY COUNTRY'S GOOD SHALL BE MY CONSTANT AIM —
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE)—PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING BY JOHN MELCHER, PRINTER TO THE STATE, AT HIS OFFICE CORNER OF MARKET STREET, WHERE SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THIS PAPER, ADVERTISEMENTS, AND ARTICLES OF INTELLIGENCE ARE THANKFULLY RECEIVED.
Vol. XLIII — Numb. 2201.]
WEDNESDAY, February 6, 1799.
[One Dollar & half pr. Annum.]
New Set of Dispatches.
[MESSAGE from The President of the United States, accompanying sundry papers relative to the affairs of the United States, with the French Republic—laid before both Houses of Congress on the 18th ult.]
THE MESSAGE.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives; THE communication relative to our affairs with France, alluded to in my address to both Houses, at the opening of the session, is contained in the sheets which accompany this. A report of the Secretary of State, containing some observations on them, will be sent to Congress on Monday.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, Jan. 18, 1799.
Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Gerry, dated June 25, 1798. Department of State, Philadelphia, June 25, 1798.
SIR, BY the instructions dated the 23d of March, which, agreeably to the President's directions, I addressed to Generals Pinckney and Marshall and yourself, and of which six sets were transmitted, one by a dispatch boat sent on purpose, and some of which doubtless must have reached you during the last month, you will have seen that it was expected that all of you would have left France long before those instructions could arrive, and which were transmitted rather from abundant caution than necessity, seeing no probability or hope existed that you would accomplish the object of your mission. The respect due to yourselves and to your country irresistibly required that you should turn your backs to a government that treated all both with contempt; a contempt not diminished but aggravated by the flattering but insidious distinction in your favour, in disparagement of men of so respectable talents, untainted honor and pure patriotism, as Generals Pinckney and Marshall, and in whom their government and their country reposed entire confidence; and especially when the real object of that distinction was to enable the French government, trampling on the authority and dignity of our own, to designate an Envoy with whom they would condescend to negotiate. It is therefore to be regretted that you did not concur with your colleagues in demanding passports to quit the territories of the French Republic, some time before they left Paris.
Gen. Marshall has arrived and delivered to the President your letter of April 16th, with its inclosures; all which were, on the 21st instant, laid before Congress, accompanied by a message in which the President declares the negotiation at an end, and that he will never send another Minister to France without assurances that he will be received, respected and honored, as the representative of a great, free, powerful and independent nation."
It is presumed that you will consider the instructions of the 23d of March, before mentioned, as an effectual recal; left however, by any possibility, those instructions should not have reached you, and you should still be in France, I am directed by the President to transmit to you this letter, and to inform you, that you are to consider it as a positive letter of recal.
I am respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) TIMOTHY PICKERING. ELBRIDGE GERRY, Esq.
MR. GERRY'S COMMUNICATIONS.
Nantasket Road, 18 October, 1798.
SIR, I HAVE the honor to inform you of my arrival here this morning, in the brigantine Sophia, Capt. Geddes, from Havre, but last from Portsmouth, in Great-Britain; and to inclose copies of my letters to yourself of the 12th and 13th of May last, No. 1 and 2, of the correspondence between Mr. Talleyrand, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs and myself, numbered according to the respective dates from 3 to 28 inclusive; of an arrest inclosed in his last letter, No. 29; of my letter to Mr. Hautval, and his answer, No. 30 and 31; of my letter to Mr. King, our minister at London, and an extract
to Doctor Tafwell, the bearer thereof, No. 32 and 33; also the substance of a conference with the Dutch Minister, a day or two before I left Paris, No. 34; and an anonymous publication, "on the President's communication" of our dispatches, said to have issued from the French office of Foreign Affairs, No. 35.
When I left the United States in August, 1797, the citizens in general appeared to be earnestly desirous of a reconciliation with France, on terms consistent with the honor, interest, and welfare of the two Republics; these, being free from claims and controversies in regard to territory, boundaries, and many matters which embroil States; and from competitions relative to their productions, manufactures and commerce, had a mutual and manifest interest in the renewal of their commercial and friendly intercourse with each other. Nature seems to have entitled the United States, in their remote situation to the peaceful pursuits of their industry by means whereof, in its various branches, their wealth and power were rapidly increasing: and to an exemption from the conflicts of Europe; which, involving them, would check their population, drain their resources, and ensnare their poverty. On a candid investigation then of the causes of the unhappy differences between the two governments on a disposition to correct errors, to which all governments are more or less liable and on their mutual resolution to reciprocate justice, the success of the mission was once conceived to depend; and as this temper marked the plan of pacification adopted by the government of the United States, there was a rational prospect of success.
Soon after our arrival at Paris the scene was changed, and the hope of a reconciliation being diminished, the necessity of harmony in the United States was proportionably increased, as the only mean for preserving their welfare and independence at home, their rights and respectability abroad. In case of a war, there was every reason to believe that they would be able to defend themselves against any nation, or coalition that could be formed against them; whilst their citizens should consider the government, chosen by themselves, as the sole bar of their salvation; should rally round its standard when raised for their defence; should rise superior to foreign intrigues, always expert in fomenting divisions, and often aided by popular elections, legislative debates, and clashing opinions and interests; and should promote unanimity, by toleration amongst themselves. Nevertheless, the critical state of our affairs required that France should not be furnished with pretexts, for charging the American government, or ministers, with neglect of means for obtaining a reconciliation.
When the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in October last, unauthorised by the Executive Directory, as Mr. Y. had informed the envoys, to have any communications with them, had expressed a desire to see them in their private capacities, I was opposed to a compliance, individually; not from considerations of etiquette, which had no weight in my mind but because it would infer on me, a separate agency in matters wherein I was but jointly authorised; to prevent however the imputation of a failure of the negotiation, then daily expected to the U. States, I submitted to the measure, was unsuccessful in my attempts to make it general, and was thereby subjected to a series of embarrassments.
The particular attentions of the Minister to me, left they should be invidious, were in every instance but two, declined, and in one of these I yielded to importunity; preferences I viewed as a source of division.
The second conference which I held with the Minister, being on the 17th of December, and his propositions to the Envoys, were published with their dispatches.—Their answer which was unanimously in the negative, was delivered by me to his secretary. Mr. Y. had expected it, and expressed a surprise that the secretary had applied for it.
On the 4th of February, the Minister by order of the Executive Directory, proposed that I should treat separately; the circumstances thereof, and of my refusal, are generally
detailed in the correspondence inclosed.
The Minister afterwards desired me by his Secretary to communicate to the other Envoys, his proposition for a loan subsequent to the war; which he soon relinquished. On this subject our first instructions were silent; the last were explicit and necessary to determine my judgment.
In consequence of this letter to the Envoys, of the 28th Ventose, [18th of March] the Minister renewed his proposition for me to treat separately; and again received a negative answer. He then proposed that I should remain at Paris, until the sense of the government could be obtained; declaring as before, that an immediate rupture would be the consequence of my departure. To have left France under such circumstances, was a measure which I could not justify. The power of declaring war was not entrusted with the Supreme Executive of the United States, much less with a minister; and to have thus provoked it, would in my mind have been tantamount to a declaration thereof. Indeed, to have plunged the nation into a war, suddenly, even if it was inevitable, appeared to me in other respects unwarrantable. Congress who alone had the right to adopt this measure, might, by such a premature step, have been defeated in their previous arrangements, and subjected to other manifest inconveniences, and the Executive might have been placed on ground less advantageous for forming alliances, &c.—Whereas my detention at Paris gained time, if this was requisite; and could not procrastinate a declaration of war, if the United States were prepared for it. Other considerations had their weight.—France at that time was making very formidable preparations, with a professed design to overthrow the British Government; and such were the exertions and enthusiasm of her citizens, armies, and administration, as to spread a general alarm throughout Great-Britain. It was evident then to common observation, that should France succeed, the would acquire by the powerful navy and resources of Britain, such strength, as to be able to give law to Europe, and to regions more remote; and it was rational to suppose, that a coalition would be formed, of such European powers as were not in the interest or under the influence of France, to put an end to the war, by offering their mediation and declaring their intention to oppose the power which should refuse it; the temporising negotiations at Rastadt, had this aspect. Moreover, the internal affairs of France were in an agitated state, and threatened civil commotions. If then, on the one hand, a new coalition against France, a change in her government, or even a successful resistance on the part of Great-Britain, had happened, a favorable opportunity would have presented itself to the United States, for obtaining of her, a just and advantageous treaty; and this would have been lost, by a previous rupture in consequence of my departure. If on the other hand Great-Britain unaided had fallen, the United States would have been in a much better condition at peace, than in war with the most formidable power the world had exhibited. In such an event, they could have but small hopes of resisting France; and it might have been deemed madness in them even to have attempted it. For these reasons, I thought it my indispensable duty to remain a short time at Paris.
The tenor of our instructions, the last as well as the first shews that the government did not anticipate the proposition for treating separately and made no provision for such an event. The French minister has uniformly insisted, that I had power to treat; because in the instrument he saw that the Envoys had a separate and joint authority. If the position could be established, it would authorise a foreign government, at pleasure, to reduce the number of a commission consisting of two or more members, and thus to deprive the constituting government of the joint abilities of its Ministers; or absurdly to insist on a separate negotiation with each Minister, and to choose from their several treaties that which should best answer its purpose: besides, in case of the misconduct of Ministers, their govern-
ment has a right to expect information thereof, and an opportunity of substituting others in their stead; but I trust that the arguments stated in the correspondence inclosed, are sufficient to shew, that the power to treat did not exist; or if it did, that I was justified, under existing circumstances, in refusing to exercise it.
On the 3d of April I received the minister's note, No. 3, and apprehending that he proposed to draw me into a negotiation, notwithstanding my resolution to the contrary, I sent him an answer on the 4th of April, (No. 4.) to which he made no reply.
On the 20th of April, considering the unpleasant situation in which I was placed, detached from the other Envoys, destitute of power to negotiate, irreconcilable to an application for it, and even to an acceptance of it, if offered, I addressed to the Minister the letter No. 5, urged him to come forward with propositions for a reconciliation, and to release me from my confinement.
At our next interview, on the 28th of April, the Minister informed me, that he could not comply with my proposals; not knowing the views of the United States in regard to a treaty. To remove this obstacle, I gave the information, and in it the fullest extent to the claims of the American citizens against France, but I was silent with respect to the guaranty of the eleventh article of the treaty of alliance, and to what relates to the Barbary powers; and left it with him, in the first instance, to provide for a liberal commerce to the French colonies in the East and West Indies, and to express the views of France in regard to the proposed treaty. We afterwards conferred on the necessity of sending a French Minister to the United States; and he promised to deliver me, within three or four days the project of a treaty. On the evening of the 12th of May, Mr. Humphreys arrived and delivered me your letter of the 23d March; which the next morning was deciphered. Our government could not then have been apprized of the new state of affairs; but as it had signified, "that suspence was ruinous," I thought myself authorised to give immediate information to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, that I should return to America in the Sophia, as soon as she could be fitted for the sea; and that it was necessary to expedite the measures we had contemplated, for effecting a treaty. The Executive Directory, as well as the Minister, had, it was said during the three preceding weeks, been indispensably occupied by the new elections; and these being finished, they could now proceed on American Affairs; had the latter required more time than I had allotted for them, I was determined to have detained the Sophia a short period, rather than to have defeated the proposed arrangements. This I considered as my duty; for whilst the government manifested in their instructions, a just indignation at the treatment which their Envoys had received, it evinced a disposition to peace: and as far as I could judge, the same temper now existed on the part of France.
On the 24th May, the Minister sent the principal secretary of his bureau to inform me, that his government did not wish to break the British treaty; but expected in the new treaty, such provisions as would indemnify France, and put her on a footing with that nation: to this I answered, that the information gave me pleasure; that it was impossible for the United States, by violating that treaty, to become perfidious; that the treaty itself was an evidence of their good faith, inasmuch as it contained a provision, "that it should not be construed or operate, contrary to former and existing public treaties with other sovereigns or states;" that, if in its construction or operation, France had sustained injuries, still she was sure of redress by the provisions thereof, as well as by her own treaty with the United States: and that the latter ensured to her an extension of favours, in regard to commerce and navigation, if any such had been granted in Great Britain.
He said, there was a second point which respected the claims of American citizens on the French Republic; that if the latter should not be able to pay them, when adjusted, and the U.
States would assume and pay them, France would reimburse the amount thereof. To this I answered, that the measure was impossible; but, that the claims might be adjusted, funded and made transferable by France; and be redeemed, pursuant to such stipulations, as might be agreed on between the two governments.
He then stated a third point, which respected the consular convention. I answered, that perhaps it would be best, as its duration would be short, to let it expire. But if the present war should soon terminate, and commerce revive in France, it may be well to revise it in order to prevent further disputes, respecting the evidence for apprehending deserters, the judicial officers for issuing warrants, and the mode of executing consular decisions: stating at the same time, that foreign tribunals could never be admitted within the jurisdiction of the United States. The secretary reported the conference, and informed me the next morning, that the minister would send me his answer, in writing, in a few days.
On the 26th May, I had a conference with the minister, the substance of which is stated in my letter, No. 24. Having pressed on this, as well as former occasions, the necessity of sending a minister to the United States, he now readily acceded to it: this would have enabled France to relax from any stipulations, which she might have urged there, but which might be found by her minister in the U. S. to endanger the treaty.
In this state were affairs on the 27th May, when I was called on by one of the Gazettes, which announced the publication of our dispatches, to deny their authenticity. Having reason to suppose, that the result of this new embarrassment, if not pacific, would be very violent, I prepared for the event; being obliged to abide the consequences.
On the 30th May, I received from the Minister his letter No. 6, and returned for answer No. 7. In this I repeated, what was published in our dispatches, that X. and Y. had not produced a document of any kind, for authorising their conference with us. I was not disposed to accuse, or exculpate the French government, or minister: the latter had disavowed the intriguers, as they were styled, and they in their conferences with us had declared, that they were not authorized by the government: the matter was therefore left with the public, as it had been referred to their tribunal.
On the 1st of June, the minister sent me his letter No. 8, and I desired to know of the bearer, why application was again made to me for the names of the intriguers, when they could be otherwise ascertained. He answered, that he believed, by the exertions of the bureau and of the police of the city, the names were discovered; and he mentioned them to me. But he added, that matters had become very serious; that the Directory expected something from me, in confirmation of this discovery; that this was the use which would be made of my letters; and that the Minister did not wish for any declaration from me, but what should be perfectly consistent with truth. I assured him that no extremity should produce from me any other declaration, and sent the minister, my letter No. 10. In this I guarded against the publication, on my authority, of the names thus communicated; and did justice to certain individuals, who being suspected, were nevertheless innocent.
On the 7th of June, publication No. 35, appeared in the Redacteur. In this, contrary to assurances received, I was made to act a very conspicuous part; and was attacked under a thin veil of insidious compliments: the cause thereof was the detail, in the dispatches, of my particular conferences. The next day, I prepared a letter to the minister, for detecting the artifices, and correcting the abuses, of that curious performance. But having considered, that it might open a door to altercation and delay if not defeat the great object in view; or produce a mere disavowal of the anonymous publication, which afterwards was made in No. 21, I suppressed the letter, and on the 10th June addressed to him No. 13. in this, availing myself of the pacific declaration con-

ained in the strictures, I urged the ex- pedition of pacific measures, as a re- quisite to their success.
On the 11th of June, I received from the minister No. 14, in which, as he had informed my secretary, he received the disagreeable subject of the dispatches; and he concluded, by formally demanding whether I was in a situation to treat? Every circum- stance concurred now to prove, that the dispatches had excited the resent- ment of the minister against the go- vernment, as well as myself; and had changed his plan in regard to the United States.
On the 13th June, I answered that letter by No. 15, and on the 27th received a reply No. 16. In this the minister, in lieu of the proposed plan of a treaty, presented a general plan of negotiation: notwithstanding, as he stated it, "my persevering to think my powers were inadequate," and "the most irritating provocations," by the first "point" of this plan, a door would have been open to endless alter- cations, respecting the supposed abuse of the French government, by private writings, public acts of the United States, official letters, and the dis- patches of the Envoys; by the second point, the sense of the treaties was to be fixed, and the rights flowing there- from, were to be established; and by the third point, the damages of de- viations from the treaties were to be examined: He then stated, that "very general instructions" were necessary for the negotiations; and proposed, that I should apply for them; very gene- ral indeed must the first instructions have been, to have negotiated such a plan as this and it was impossible to view it in any other light than that of an evasion of the arrangements pro- posed. It was easy to have pointed out the misinterpretations and misre- presentations; as well as the impoli- cy of the plan, but I was under the necessity of avoiding this, or of enter- ing into a formal negotiation. To allure me into it, was probably the object of the minister; for soon after- wards, he invited me to discuss in writing some articles of the second point. In my answer the 22d June (No. 17). I merely observed, that "if he con- ceived a reconciliation would be best promoted by this mode only, I sin- cerely wished it success."
On the 29th June, I received the minister's letter No. 19; and in which after relaxing from the first point of his general plan, and suggesting that the third would not meet with much difficulty, as soon as the second should be amicably adjusted; he for the first time proposed that I should dis- cuss in writing, some articles of the treaty, comprised under the second point. Nearly three months had then elapsed since I had declared I could only confer with him informally on the object of the mission; nearly two months since he was informed of the views of the U. S. in regard to a treaty, and had promised to come forward in a few days with the prospect there- of; and six weeks since I had appre- hended him of my intention to embark in the Sophia. As then a compliance with his wishes would have given a sanction not only to his departure from the plan we had agreed on for forming an arrangement; but also to the measure adopted by his Govern- ment, of accrediting at pleasure the whole or a part only of a commission; and as I had frequently demanded my passport by letters as well as by my secre- tary, I passed in silence, his proposition for discussion, as a measure he well knew was inadmissible, and urged in my letter of the first of July (No. 22) in a more decided tone, the demand for the passport, &c.
On the 5th July, not having re- ceived an answer to my last, I called on the minister, to know the cause of his detaining my passport; and to give him an opportunity before my departure, of removing the obstacles to a plan of pacification. He began by observing that in a note accompa- nying his last letter, he had stated two points respecting the consular conven- tion, expecting that I would discuss them, as he had done, but I had not taken any notice of them; that I had said I had no powers—He had pow- ers; and of consequence, I should not compromise his: That I might take the discussion to the United States, and my government might judge of it; that when my colleagues were here the government could not treat with them; that when they were sent off, it was ready to treat with me; that altho' I had no powers I might send for them; or remaining there might give my government an op- portunity of sending other ministers, if I did not choose to proceed in the business; that in this, there would be no responsibility on my part; that there were but a few points for dis- cussion, which might soon be finished; and that if a war was the consequence of my leaving the country, it would be chargeable to me. To which I re- plied, that the last proposition of the Directory for me to treat, was one
which I had before rejected; that in April last, he knew I would only con- fer on the subjects of the mission, and made the objection to the measure; that on the 29th June, after my bag- gage was on board, and I was ready to embark, he first proposed a discus- sion in writing, of the articles of the treaty; that I considered this, how- ever qualified, as a formal mode of negotiation, which I had uniformly declined; that had he brought for- ward, as he had proposed, the plan of a treaty, and in it comprised the arti- cles which I had stated, we might have passed on it expeditiously,—and might have made it acceptable to both governments; that the most im- portant part might have been first considered, and if not adjusted, might have precluded the necessity of pas- sing on the rest; that in addition to the objection already stated to his mode, it commenced with the consu- lar convention, which would soon ex- pire; that should we agree on this, and on the lesser points of the com- mercial treaty, he may reserve to the last the weighty articles thereof; and failing in these, we might waste seve- ral months, by a fruitless negotiation; that should we unite in all the points which he has suggested, his mode of discussion would require several months; that the loss of time, by these or other means, might compromise the government of the United States, and myself likewise; that if a war should be the consequence of his de- parting from the plan we had agreed on, for obtaining a treaty, he would be chargeable as the cause of it.—The minister said the mode he had pro- posed was generally adopted by France. I replied the other was not unusual, and in the present case was prefera- ble, if not indispensable; he observed that the notes which I had sent him, respecting the views of the U. States, were informal. I answered, it was true, but that I would remove that difficulty: He then proposed that the 7th July for another interview, but afterwards put it off 'till the ninth. On the 6th I reduced the notes to form for constituting a part of the treaty.
On the 9th of July I called on the minister; and he enquired whether I had received his letter of that morn- ing; I answered in the negative, and desired to know the contents; he re- plied, a discussion of two other points of the consular convention; of which I want your opinion in writing. I informed him, that I had stated the views of the United States without discussion, and expected the same from him on the part of France; that when this was done, I would proceed to a conference on each point, but not to an epistolary discussion; that such a mode would require, of diligent negotiation, three months, and with his engagements, double that time: He said, no; that it would not re- quire as much time as I had conceiv- ed; that there were at most but six other points. On your side, I replied, but many on ours. He answered, "pas davantage," none besides. I said that I was glad to hear it, but to such a discussion as he proposed, I should prefer treating effectually! Some of the conversation was repeated which we had on the 7th, and I renewed my demand for the passport. He answer- ed, that my refusal to discuss must first be given in writing, and we parted. This is the substance of the two inter- views.
On the same day I received the letter mentioned at the interview, (No. 21) dated the 18th Messidor, (16th July) in which, speaking of his general plan in No. 16, he says "but it is not suffi- cient to send these propositions to your government, they are only the basis of discussions, necessary on each ques- tion of detail: the solution of which, we ought to find," although, in the last mentioned number, he had said in reference to them, "I am persuaded that you will transmit to your govern- ment exact document: it will be its province, to take the best measures for accomplishing a speedy, reconcilia- tion." In the letter first mentioned, the minister also observes, "I have ap- prized you, that it would be inconve- nient to charge with this discussion, a minister Plenipotentiary at Philadel- phia. Circumstances have rendered this inconvenience more serious; and I do not conceal from you, that after the arrival of the dispatches and other intelligence, from the United States, the executive Directory apprehended if a Minister was sent there, that he would not be accredited; and that overtures, or any plan unaccompanied by a minister, would meet a similar fate."
On the 10th July, in my letter No. 22, I refused an epistolary discussion; and demanded a definitive answer to my application for a passport and other documents.
On the 15th July, I received the minister's letter of the 24th Messidor, (the 12th July) No. 23, in which he appeals to me, for the truth of his as- sertion, "that if nothing had prevented me from pursuing with him, the ex-
amination of the grievances which separate the two countries, we should have needed nothing more than their respective ratification." Before the arrival of the dispatches of the envoys, the minister appeared to me sincere, and anxious to obtain a reconciliation. He had proposed by his secretary, an assumption of debts due to American citizens, which I rejected: but he had made no other proposition of a loan whatever; and never renewed that. Indeed his views in general, as far as I could then ascertain them, were liberal in regard to a treaty: it is nevertheless impossible for me to de- termine whether we should have united in opinion, on every point of dis- pute between the two republics. I had a full expectation, that by the middle of June at farthest, we should have agreed on the plan of a treaty, and that a French minister would have been sent to America for com- pleting it. I was likewise informed of the candidate: but after the arrival of the dispatches, although the minister in the name of the Executive Directo- ry, declared that they persevered in their pacific intentions, he probably for the reasons stated in explaining No. 21, abandoned the plan we had at first agreed on, substituted a general plan of negotiation, discussed some articles thereof in writing, and insisted, contrary to stipulations, on my answer- ing him in the same mode. At this period, a reconciliation being quite problematical, one of his objects evi- dently was, to prepare materials for a manifesto, in the event of a war, to shew that it was matter of necessity and not of choice. He says, "that after the arrival of the Sophia, I was disposed to depart; till that time, he had never conceived that I had a de- sign to embark before we should have agreed on the definitive articles, to be ratified by my government." Before and after the arrival of the Sophia, I had announced my intention to em- bark early in June; conceiving that the arrangements might be made by that period. I had no design, how- ever, of departing before they were completed; provided, there had been no reason to doubt of the minister's disposition, or of the success of our en- deavours, for obtaining a reconcilia- tion. His general conduct would have been the criterion of the first, and our progress in this business, of the last point; but having abandoned our original plan, he has not given me an opportunity to judge effectually of either.
On the 20th July, I sent the minis- ter No. 24, and received on the 22d, his reply, No. 25. In this he declines a contest in regard to the facts stated by me in No. 24, which I was ready to support; he complains of my pro- position for lopping from any future negotiation, every preliminary of a loan, and of explanations upon speech- es; and refers to his letter of the 30th of Prairial, No. 16, to prove that this step was unnecessary. But altho' the first point of his plan in that letter is silent on these demands, they might as I conceived, be hereafter revived, and were for this reason brought again into view: by these means they were ef- fectually renounced.
The minister, having the day before I left Paris, published his letter, No. 23, rendered necessary the publication of my answer, No. 24, and the note, No. 26, as a preliminary thereto.
On the 8th of August, I received at Havre, the minister's letter, No. 27, to which No. 28, is an answer; the former contained the arrete No. 29; and his desire to send it by the Sophia, probably produced the official impedi- ments which for several days prevent- ed her sailing. The minister is unwil- ling to admit that the arrete was the effect of my representations; I believe there is no doubt of the fact; but it is a matter of little consequence.
No. 30 and 31, will shew that Mr. Hautval in his letter to the minister, relative to our first interview, com- mitted some errors, and candidly cor- rected them.
No. 32 and 33, require no expla- nation.
No. 34, will shew the object of the Dutch minister in his conference with me, and requires no comment. I was before informed that this gentleman, if requested, would interpose his good offices; but did not think it proper to make the application.
No. 35, has already been the sub- ject of some general remarks.
To No. 9, a verbal answer was sent by the minister, that the letters and dispatches therein mentioned, "had never reached the government."
On the 26th of July, I left Paris; and from the best information which I could obtain relative to the disposi- tion of the Executive Directory (for I never had any direct communication with them) they were very desirous of a reconciliation between the republics. Every impediment to my departure had been adopted by the French minister; and he would have prevent- ed it, had he succeeded in his plan of an epistolary discussion; his object was, as I conceived, to gain time for
ascertaining whether the United States were then disposed to a treaty; of this he manifested doubts, being persuaded that their resentment was two great to admit of it. He seemed also to apprehend, that in consequence of the incredible exertions of G. Britain and the unequivocal evidence she had given of her ability to defend herself, they were inclined to avenge their in- juries, by an alliance with her: and that should France come forward with overtures, or the plan of a treaty, she would fail therein, and com- promise her honor. I was nevertheless of opinion, that should France be just and liberal in her measures, the gov- ernment of the United States would still meet her on the ground of accom- modation. My judgment was the re- sult of their instructions; for I had never received any other Official intelligence since my departure from America: I have therefore uniformly inculated that sentiment.
Having been thus in a situation, wherein, amidst a series of events, each has been productive of fresh embarrass- ments, I have pursued what to me ap- peared the honor, interest and welfare of my country, and been guided by the sense of the government, as far as I could ascertain it.
If the door is still open to peace, the establishment of it must be an hap- py event to the United States, as it will exempt them from calamities, which notwithstanding delusive ap- pearances, will with short intervals probably continue for half a century, to exhaust and depopulate Europe.
But if the national pulse beats high for war and the wise and constitution- al councils of the United States shall consider it as the only safe and honor- able alternative, may that Omnipotent Being, who controuls events, protect them, and may they commence the war with ardor, continue it with vigour, and terminate it with glory. That this will be the issue there can be no doubt whilst the American Re- public shall choose UNION for her MOTTO; and profiting by the misfor- tunes of other nations, shall be con- vinced that discord will insure depen- dence, and concord independence in war and peace.
I shall probably when at leisure, give you some other details of less conse- quence, and in the interim, Sir, with much esteem and respect,
Your very humble Servant, E. GERRY. TIMOTHY PICKERING, Esq. Secretary of State of the United States.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JAN. 14.
THE BANKRUPT BILL.
WAS taken up for a third read- ing. After some conver- sation respecting a provision in the bill that any person, borrowing money at more than lawful interest, should not be entitled to the benefit of the act. It was objected, that "lawful inter- est" were indefinite words, as what was lawful interest in one state, was not so in another: that of Pennsylva- nia being 6 per cent. That of Vir- ginia 5 per cent. and New-Jersey 7.
A motion was made by Mr. Sewall, to strike out the words "lawful in- terest," and insert 8 per cent.—This was negatived.
Mr. Gallatin then moved that the bill be recommitted, in order to make such amendments as may be agreed to. The bill was accordingly recom- mitted to the whole House, which sat immediately, and a motion to strike out the words, "who shall borrow money at unlawful interest," prevail- ed, which was agreed to in the House.
The question on the passing of the bill being then before the House, Mr. Gallatin moved to strike out the first section, and spoke at considerable length against the general principles of the bill. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, JAN. 15.
The Speaker having declared, that the business first in order was the Bankrupt bill on its third reading, Mr. Bayard rose in its favor, and spoke at considerable length. Mr. Sewall and Mr. Otis, spoke on the same side. Mr. Gordon and Mr. Baldwin delivered their sentiments against it.
The Yeas and Nays were taken as follow:
YEAS. Messrs. Allen, Bartlet, Bayard, Brace, Brooks, Champlin, Chapman, Cochran, Craik, Dana, Dennis, Dent, Edmond, Evans, A. Foster, Gillespie, Glen, Goodrich, Grifwold, Hanna, Harper, Hindman, Hofmer, Imlay, Kittera, Livingston, Machir, Matthews, M'Clenachan, Mor- ris, Otis, I. Parker, Pinckney, Rut- ledge, Schureman, Sewall, Shepard, Sinnickson, S. Smith, Thatcher, Tho- mas, Van Cortlandt, Wadsworth, Waln.—44.
NAYS. Messrs. Baer, Baldwin, Bard, Blount, Brown, Bullock, Cabel, T. Claiborne, W. Claiborne, Clay, Clopton, Dawson, Eggleston, Elmen-
dorf, Findley, D. Foster, J. Freeman, Gallatin, Gordon, Gregg, Grove, Harrison, Havens, Hoister, Holmes, Jones, Locke, Lyman, Macon, M'Do- well, New, Nicholas, J. Parker, Reed, Skinner, N. Smith, Sprague, Sprig, Stanford, Thomson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Varnum, Venable, J. Williams, R. Williams. 47.
Consequently the bill is lost.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 16.
Mr. Gallatin called up the resolu- tion which he laid upon the table a few days ago, requesting the President to lay certain papers before the House respecting our dispute with the French Republic.
Mr. D. Foster hoped the gentle- man from Pennsylvania would not urge a decision upon his resolution at this time. He was himself at the Se- cretary of State's Office this morning, and mentioned that the House were in expectation of receiving a commu- nication on this subject. He was in- formed that it was in forwardness, and might be expected to be made to- morrow. He hoped, therefore, the resolution would be suffered to lie: if not, he should move a postpone- ment of it.
Mr. Gallatin agreed to its lying. On motion of Mr. Grifwold, the House again resolved itself into a com- mittee of the whole on the bill for the punishment of certain crimes therein specified: when the following amend- ment, proposed by Mr. Isaac Parker, having been agreed to, and a long de- bate had upon several others, which were rejected, the bill was agreed to, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
"Provided always, that nothing in this act contained, shall be construed to abridge the right of any citizen of the United States, to apply by himself, or his lawful agent, to any foreign government, or agent thereof, for the redress of any injustice in relation to person or property, which such indi- vidual may have sustained from such government, any of its agents, citi- zens or subjects."
This amendment was carried in committee of the whole by 67 votes being in its favor. In the House, the Yeas and Nays being called upon it, it was carried 65 to 25.
THURSDAY, JAN. 17.
The bill for the punishment of certain crimes, passed, YEAS 58, NAYS 36.
FRIDAY, JAN. 18.
A Communication was received from the President on French Affairs, of which Mr. Gerry's letter (in this day's Gazette) is the beginning.
MONDAY, JAN. 21.
A MESSAGE was received from the President of the U. S. inclosing a report of the Secretary of State, men- tioned in his message of Friday last, containing the Secretary's observa- tions on the documents therewith sent. The reading of this report occupied an hour and a half, and tends to shew that the opinion which Mr. Gerry entertains (according to his letter to the Secretary of State,) that the French are disposed to a peace with this country, is altogether unfounded. Being finished.
Mr. Sewall moved for the usual number of copies to be printed.
Mr. Macon thought this report of a very novel nature; it was the first instance, he said, on which any of the Heads of Departments had thought it necessary to make a commentary on facts laid before this house. He did not understand this mode of act- ing; The paper appeared to him the most complete satire upon the mem- bers of the house that was ever passed upon them; it seemed to say they are not able to draw their own conclu- sions from facts laid before them, but must have them made to their hands. He wished time to reflect be- fore he voted. He had heard much about innovation of late; he thought this an innovation on any practice which he had heretofore seen.
The motion passed 46 to 35.
TUESDAY, JAN. 22.
The House went into a Committee of the whole on the bill further to suspend the commercial intercourse between the U. States and France.
The fourth section enacts that the President shall have power to open a negotiation with France, or any person claiming or exercising the Government of any place belonging to the French Re- public.
Mr. N. moved to strike out the words in Italic, which called forth a lengthy discussion, but the committee rose without a decision.
TO BE SOLD CHEAP for CASH, By William Neil, 18 bags Cotton per bag, Casks Raisins, Boxes Chocolate, and other Grocery Goods as usual.
CAME to the enclosure of Edward Ma- son, of Stratham, a short time since, a brown steer, about three years old, with a crop on the right ear, a white face, the two fore feet and the hind legs white; the own- er is requested to take the steer home, and pay charges. Jan. 22.

NEW-YORK, JAN. 22.
IMPORTANT DECISION.
Extract of a letter from a member of the New-Jersey Legislature, dated Jan. 19. An important question was yesterday determined in the House of Assembly. The Legislature of Virginia and Kentucky...
The Legislature of Maryland adjourned on the 20th inst. after having under their serious consideration certain resolutions from the State of Virginia concerning the Alien and Sedition Laws...
Intelligence has been received at Norfolk, that the Isle of France had declared itself independent, and that all the French troops were sent out of the Island.
It is said that Denmark and Sweden have joined the coalition against France. These two powers, by this measure, recover their free navigation, and their vessels now detained by the English...
HARTFORD, Jan. 24.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia, to his friend in this city, dated Jan. 15.
"You doubtless have observed an account of some ill-treatment, by a commander of a British armed vessel towards Capt. Phillips, of the Baltimore, one of our armed vessels...
[We have seen a letter from a Member of Congress; in which Capt. Phillips is spoken highly of as a brave and intelligent officer; and his dismissal from the service is considered as an act of rigid necessity.]
BOSTON, Jan. 30.
We understand, that such representations have been made to proper authority on the subject of the officers memorial, read in Congress by Mr. Harper, as will convince every one that an incorrigible Jacobin...
The excellent federal motto, "Millions for defence but not a cent for tribute," sticks in the throats of the Jacobin scribblers. As they pretend to be very witty on the subject, could they not play on the words, by inquiring...
The Jacobins are always boasting of their patriotism and republicanism; but they take special care not to demonstrate it by their works. On the other hand, the Federalists, without making windy pretensions to exclusive merit...
FEBRUARY 4.
NEWS from LISBON.
Capt. Bates, arrived here on Saturday, in 54 days from Lisbon, on the day of his departure, the American Consul at that place informed him, "That Malta, Goza, (a small island near Malta) and Minorca, were taken by the British...
From LEGHORN, Oct. 24, 1798.
[We have had several arrivals from Italy. By one of which we have received the following, from a gentleman of veracity and information.]
"You must undoubtedly, ere this reaches you, have had every circumstantial account of the late glorious victory of Admiral Nelson, over the French fleet, at Alexandria, in Egypt. Buonaparte, with his army, who had landed previous to the engagement, is now, according to the latest accounts, reduced to extremity.
a Russian fleet of 12 sail of the line and six frigates, has sailed from the Black Sea, through the Dardanelles, into the Archipelago. It is to be joined by a considerable Turkish armament, and will proceed immediately into the Mediterranean...
We understand that the house of Barings of London, have made propositions to our executive for advancing the money for the whole of the loan of five millions which it was authorized by a law of the last session to borrow on the credit of the United States.
Lt. Bainbridge of the fch. Retaliation, is not confined on board a prison ship; but allowed to remain on board the frigate who captured him.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Philadelphia, to his correspondent in Elizabethtown.
"The physicians say, there are frequent deaths of the black vomit, where persons lie in beds in which others who have had the fever have lain. It is probable the disease will rage with all its fury as soon as the warmth of the vernal sun revives its acrimony.
A law has passed in the Legislature of the State of North-Carolina, prohibiting all gaming at cards, dice, billiards, or other games of chance under a severe penalty.
A bill was presented and read in the same assembly, inflicting an heavy fine on any white man having connection with any negro or woman of colour, and in default of payment thereof on conviction, corporal punishment...
Wanted in France—A few useful articles—such as religion, decency, morals, cash, confidence and comfort. As yet the Directory, have offered no premium to encourage a supply, but, on the contrary, are reducing the quantum every hour.
MARINE INTELLIGENCE.
Boston, Jan. 30.
Saturday, Jan. 26. Arrived, brig Apollo, Parker, 91 days from Hamburg. Three days after leaving port, was boarded by a French privateer for Dunkirk, and by her was treated well!
The sloop Mercury, with her cargo amounting to about 4000 dollars, including 700 dollars, Branch Bank bills belonging to Messrs. Sylvanus Drew and Sons, of Duxbury, got on fire, and were consumed on Wednesday night last.
NEW-LONDON, Jan. 30.
Capt. Thomas Willson, of the brig Effiequabo Packet, from Martinico has favored the Public with the following narrative:—"On my outward bound passage to windward of Martinico I saw a schooner early in the morning; which gave chase and hoisted English colours. When within half a mile, hauled down the English colours, set the tricoloured flag and fired a shot. I was then convinced what she was, and accordingly prepared to go on board...
EXETER, JAN. 27.
FASHIONABLE BONNETS.
Lady W. a writer in the Worcester Gazette, complains bitterly to Lady X. of the late modern fashion of making bonnets. She concludes thus:—"For my part, I cannot say, that I feel perfectly easy about the matter; for as true as I now live, I have not had a single kiss, since I first wore the Bonnet; nor do I so much wonder, for it is impossible for any creature, except it be a horie, or some other long nosed animal, to come near enough to perform the act.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
CITIZENS OF AMERICA.
READ the report of the Secretary of State made to the President the 18th of January, '99, and treasure it up in your minds—and if you have the least spark of patriotism, if you have the least love for your country, regard for virtue, justice, honor or any thing praiseworthy; in a word if your souls are not absorbed in detestable Jacobinism, than which nothing can be more detestable; you will shudder with horror, your minds will be filled with the most irreconcilable antipathy, hatred and loathing for that cruel, rapacious, corrupt, depraved nation the French, and their infamously perfidious rulers.
A FRIEND TO GOVERNMENT.
PORTSMOUTH, FEBRUARY 6.
The French appear to have been imitating the dog in the fable, who by grasping at a shadow, and by opening his jaws too wide, missed what he sought, and lost what he had gained, and what he might have kept.
Had France been contented with revolutionizing her own territories, and not pursued a conduct with regard to others similar to that already deprecated and resented by herself, the powers of Europe would have been less justifiable in their late Belligerent measures, and mankind would have been universally happier.
What havoc does Ambition make!
CONGRESS.
On Monday the 21st inst. agreeable to message, The President communicated to Congress a Report of the Secretary of State, on the subject of Mr. Gerry's Dispatches. [This is a very lengthy, spirited and able State paper; and will be handed to our patrons in the Gazette.]
Mr. Harper, agreeable to a request of the House on the 9th inst. reported a bill for authorizing the President to make allowance to the assessors in the valuation of Houses, &c. provided in no case it should not exceed two dollars per day; and to a clerk provided it should not exceed one dollar per day, for the time employed. He also reported the opinion of the committee, that as an improper idea was entertained that numbering the windows was meant to introduce a window tax, therefore it was proper to amend the bill so as to repeal that part: also a report from the Secretary on the subject. The bill was read a second time, and committed for Wednesday.
A gentleman lately from Algiers informs, that when the Algerines heard of Buonaparte's expedition, they were greatly alarmed for the treasures of Mecca: and called the French "a damned pack of fellows, that would not let the world live in peace."
Accounts have been received at Philadelphia from Norfolk, stating, that the Montezuma, Capt. Murray, had captured in the West-Indies, a French privateer of 18 guns, and a brig of 12 guns—the channel through which the information comes, is not mentioned.
A letter has been received at the Secretary of State's office, from Liverpool, stating, that the snow Adolphus, Wikler, had arrived there from Virginia, with a cargo of Tobacco and Staves; but not being American built, without a register, and sailing under a sea letter, has been repeatedly refused entry, and must proceed to some other place to land. This is published for general information.
William Hill Wells, Esq. has been appointed Senator of the United States, for the State of Delaware, in the place of the late Joshua Clayton, deceased.
Capt. Seaward in the armed ship Camilla, of Boston, arrived at Cadiz the 2d Nov. from Boston, left from Lisbon, off the rock of Lisbon fell in with a French privateer of 9 guns, and a Portuguese brig, prize to the privateer, which he took, and gave the privateer a good drubbing: not being able to spare men enough to work, he was obliged to leave her, taking what was most valuable out of her, which he returned to the former owners in Lisbon.
The fchr. Martin, Captain Roach, of Portland from St. Croix bound to the Havannah, was taken by a privateer from Tortola, vessel sent to Tortola, Capt. and crew arrived at St. Thomas the 3d of January.
The sloop Ralph, from Connecticut river, bound out, in lat. 25, was boarded by a French frigate, which in a "polite manner," took 15 oxen and all his small stock—without money or price.
ENTRIES AT THE CUSTOM HOUSE.
Jan. 2. Schooner Polly, Rowe, Tobago. 14. Ship Mercury, Bourn, Tobago. 15. Brig Polly, Turner, Martinico. 23. Brig Ranger, Shaw, St. Vincent.
CLEARED.
8. Brig Little Cherub, Shackford, Havana. 10. Brig Resolution, Keen, Antigua. 19. Schooner Charlotte, Paul, Martinico. Brig Friendship, Cutter, Surinam. 21. Brig Two Friends, Phillips, ditto. 23. Schooner Hiram, Appleton, Martinico. 24. Brig Adona, Hooper, Turks Island. 25. Brig Betsey, Blunt, Martinico. Feb. 2. Schooner Swan, Blunt, St. Vincent.
MARRIED—In this town, Benjamin Brown, Esq. of Chester, to Mrs. Mary Libbey.—Mr. Jacob Holmes to Miss Polly Hobbs.
At Pownal, (Kennebec) Allen Gilmar, Esq. of Hallowell, attorney at law, to Miss Pamela Dearborn, daughter of the Hon. Henry Dearborn, Esq. of Pownal.
DIED—At Berwick, on the 18th January, in the 47th year of his age, Jonathan C. Chadbourne, Esq. eldest son to the Hon. Benjamin Chadbourne—In his life, were conspicuous the endearing characters of a dutiful son, the most affectionate husband, an indulgent parent, a kind master and faithful friend, with a mind enlarged with the most liberal sentiments, and a heart fraught with benevolence; his dispositive goodness and active charity endeared him to society when living, and make his death long regretted. At Philadelphia, Hon. Henry Tazewell, Senator from Virginia.
NEW GOODS.
Peter Coffin, Has just received, an assortment of Staple & Fancy Goods, Among which are the following: BEST SUPERFINE
French black and blue Cloths of a superior quality; Fashionable brown and mix'd Cloths; Plain, printed and mix'd Cassimere; Coatings; Duffils; Forest Cloths; Devonshire Kerseys; Baizes; Flannels.
Swansdown, Cassimere, Quiltings, Molekin and Silk Waist-Coatings; Velvets; Thicksets; silk Florentine; silk Cape-Velvet.
Fashionable plad Chintzes and Calicoes; Ginghams; chintz & copper-plate Furniture; fine linen Handkerchiefs; black and color'd silk Shawls; long and square Camel's hair Shawls.
Book, jaconet, strip'd, check'd, tambor'd, japan, and fine black Mullins; fine India plain and corded ditto; Mullin Handkerchiefs; Lawn Handkerchiefs and Aprons; Lawns; Cambricks; fine Dimeties; Cravats, and square Handkerchiefs.
Lutestrings; black and color'd Satins for Cloaks and Bonnets; black Modes; Sarfnets; Tiffanies; crape, plain and nett Gauzes; black and white Italian Crape; black Lace Veiling, and nett Veils.
A great variety of fine thread Laces and Edgings; black silk Lace and Edgings; gold and silver Fringes; Silver Laces; Chincal; fancy gown trimmings; Elastic Girdles; Ribbons.
Fashionable Satin Beavers; a few fancy Hats and Bonnets with bands; Dunstable straw Hats; Morocco and Kid Slippers; Elastic Slips; lasting, satin and florentine Shoes and Slippers; Childrens' Morocco Shoes; French white and grey Kid Gloves; Silk Gloves and Mitts.
Necklaces and Eardrops; Spangles; gold and silver Epaulets; gold and silver Cord; silk Stay Laces; cotton and silk Elastic Slings; silk Stock Stiffeners; a variety of fancy Feathers; Shoe Ties.
White angola, mock fable and ting'd Canary Fur Trimmings; real fable ditto.
Worsted, cotton and silk Hosiery; Mens' worsted, beaver and Woodstock Gloves; Mens' fashionable Hats; mock-velvet and worsted Caps.
Diaper Table Cloths; Green table Coverings; Brown Holland; check Linens; India Cottons; Crapes; Camblets; Shaloon; Durants; Tammies; plain and rib'd Calamancoes; Ruffles; Lastings; Satinets; Florentines.
Steel, pearl, plated, gilt, paper, Italian and Princes Buttons; steel Knee Buckles; high polish'd steel Scissors; shirt Buttons; tooth Brushes; Morocco Pocket Books, and thread Cakes.
Embroidering and common Sewing Silks; Twist; white and color'd Threads; Ferrets; Galloons; Tapes; Pins, &c. &c. &c. Portsmouth, Feb. 2, 1799.
TO BE LET.
By Eliphalet Ladd,
A VERY good FARM in Stratham, of near 600 acres—none need apply but those that can be well recommended.
Also, a few tenements in Portsmouth. Wanted by said Ladd, about 1000 merchantable Boards, and 60 or 80 good shipping Horses immediately. Feb. 5.
TO BE SOLD BY
Samuel Hill,
A few whole and half Chefs BOHEA TEA,
(They being a consignment will be sold very low.)
Received by the last vessel from London,
A full assortment of
FISHING GOODS, viz.
Lines of different sizes; Salmon and Herring Net Twine; Herring Nets best sizes; Hooks of all kinds—By the bale or less.
Portsmouth, Feb. 1, 1799.
Fashionable GOODS.
Richard Evans,
Has just received an addition to his full assortment of English and India
GOODS, Among which are a variety of FANCY Chintzes and
Calicoes; fashionable Mourning Chintzes; beautiful Mullin Chintzes, of the latest patterns; sprig'd, spotted, strip'd and check'd Mullins; a variety of black Mullins; green Mullin Shawls; pink, blue, green and yellow Tiffanies.
A variety of Color'd Satins; black Satins and Modes.
A few fancy Bonnets; fashionable Plumes; long and short Gloves; Glove knots.
Elegant Steel Clasps; Velvet Ribbons; silk stay Laces; Shoe Ties.
Emigrant Socks, and a few large and small dark Muffs which, (as the season is far advanced) he will sell very low.
—ALSO—
Mens' most fashionable Hats.
Fancy Swansdown Vesting.
Rich black Satins.
Superfine Navy blue Cloth.
A variety of silk Velvets for capes; silk and cotton Gallowsies.
Irish Linens of the first quality; silk Handkerchiefs; Hosiery; watch Chains, Keys, &c.
—LIKEWISE—
Best Bandanno Handkerchiefs, And a very general assortment of
INDIA COTTONS,
Some of which are very fine. Portsmouth, beginning of Market-Street, Feb. 2, '99.
WHEREAS a number
of persons have repeatedly called at the dwelling house of the subscriber, without seeing him, being out on his collection business—they having their taxes to settle with him, and to remedy any future disappointment to the inhabitants on his being absent; He proposes for their convenience to attend at the Town Clerk's Office, every day in the week, (Saturday and Sundays excepted) once every hour, from 7 o'clock in the morning till 5 o'clock in the afternoon, until the 2d day of March next, by which means he trusts it will render the collection agreeable to the citizens whom he wishes to please, and flatters himself the mode will be approved of, and as the annual meeting is approaching it being highly necessary that the taxes should be collected previous thereto; He doubts not but that the delinquents will manifest their attachment to the Constitution and mild Government by a cheerful discharge of their arrearages, and will evince their approbation of the officers of their choice in the town.
GEORGE WENTWORTH, Collector. Portsmouth, Feb. 5, 1799.
TO BE SOLD,
At Public Auction,
On Tuesday the 19th day of February next, on the premises.
A LARGE and convenient dwelling House, two stories high, with four rooms on a floor, mostly finished, together with a Barn and Shop suitable for a Trader, or Tradesman, situate at the Newfields, in Newmarket, on the main road from Portsmouth to Concord, lately improved by Henry Wiggin.—Conditions of Sale to be made known at time and place, or before by applying to the Printer, or to Michael Wiggin, of Newmarket.
AN Act limiting the
time within which claims against the United States, for credits on the books of the Treasury may be presented for allowance.
BE it enacted by the
Senate and House of Representatives, of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all Credits on the books of the Treasury of the United States, for transactions during the late war, which according to the course of the Treasury, of the Treasury, have hitherto been discharged by issuing certificates of Registered debt, shall be forever barred, and precluded from settlement or allowance, unless claimed by the proper creditors, or their legal Representatives, on or before the first day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine.
And the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby required to cause this act to be published, in one or more of the public papers of each State.
JONATHAN DAYTON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
THEODORE SEDGWICK,
President of the Senate Pro Tempore.
JOHN ADAMS, President of the
United States.
Approved, July 9, 1798.

WHEREAS
By an Act of Congress passed on the sixteenth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight...
11. A book for receiving subscriptions to a Loan of five millions of dollars for the use of the United States...
12. The sums subscribed shall and may be paid to the credit of the United States...
13. The sums subscribed and paid in pursuance of the tenor of the second article...
14. The credit for the said capital stock shall and may be separately certified...
Offices respectively, in pursuance of the rules which have been, or which may be established...
Given under my hand and the seal of the Treasury of the United States at Philadelphia...
State of New-Hampshire. Rockingham, ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land...
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
State of New-Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of land...
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
State of New-Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of lands...
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
State of New-Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of land in Chester...
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
State of New-Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land...
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
State of New-Hampshire. Grafton, ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land...
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
TO be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, at my dwelling house in Hebron...
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
FOR SALE. A small Farm, Pleasantly situated in the town of Lee near the Meeting-House...
FURS. CASH and a good price given for all kind of FURS, by Henry Bafs, Esq. Co.
State of New-Hampshire. Grafton, ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land...
Table with columns: Name, Acres, No., Range, Dols., Cts., Dcts. Lists land owners and their tax details.
TO be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, at my dwelling house in Hebron...
TO BE LET. THAT commodiously situated TAVERN HOUSE in Greenland...