The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-12-06 00:00:00

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Miscellany.
MR. ADAM'S CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
Answers to Mr. Kalkoen's Queries.
LETTER V.
Amsterdam, October 9, 1780.
SIR,
THE fifth inquiry is, "Whether a voluntary revolt of any one or more of the States in the American confederation is to be apprehended: and if one or more were in revolt, whether the others would not be able to defend themselves?"
This is a very judicious and material question. I conceive that the answer to it is easy and decisive. There is not the least danger of a voluntary revolt of any one State in the Union. It is difficult to prove a negative, however: and still more difficult to prove a future negative. Let us, however, consider the subject a little.
Which State is the most likely to revolt, or submit? Is it the most ancient Colony, as Virginia, or the Massachusetts Bay? Is it the most numerous and powerful, as Virginia, Massachusetts, or Pennsylvania? I believe nobody will say, that any one of these great States will take the lead in a revolt or a voluntary submission.
Will it be the smallest and weakest States, that will be most likely to give up voluntarily? In order to satisfy ourselves of this, let us consider what has happened; and by the knowledge of what is passed, we may judge of what is to come.
The three smallest States are Rhode-Island, Georgia and Delaware.
The English have plainly had it in view to bring one of these States to a submission, and have accordingly directed very great forces against them.
Let us begin with Rhode-Island. In the latter end of the year 1776, General Howe sent a large army of near seven thousand men, by sea, under a strong convoy of men of war, detached by Lord Howe, to take possession of Newport, the capital of Rhode-Island.—Newport stands upon an Island, and was neither fortified nor garrisoned sufficiently to defend itself against so powerful a fleet and army, and therefore the English made themselves masters of the place. But what advantage did they derive from it? Did the Colony of Rhode-Island, small as it is, submit? So far from it, that they were rendered the more eager to resist; and an army was assembled at Providence, which confined the English to the prison of Rhode-Island, until the fall of the year 1779, when they were obliged to evacuate it, and our army entered it in triumph.
The next little State which the English attempted was Delaware. This State consists of three counties only, situated upon the river Delaware, below Philadelphia, and is the most exposed to the English men of war of any of the States, because they are open to invasion not only upon the ocean, but all along the river Delaware. It contains not more than thirty thousand souls. When the English got possession of Philadelphia, and had the command of the whole navigation of the Delaware, these people were more in the power of the English than any part of America ever was, and the English generals, admirals, commissioners, and all the Tories, used all their arts to seduce this little State; but they could not succeed; they never could get the appearance of a government erected under the King's authority. The people continued their delegation to Congress, and continued to elect their Governors, Senate, and Assemblies, under their new constitution and to furnish their quota to the continental army, and their proportion to the militia, until the English were obliged to evacuate Philadelphia. There are besides, in this little State, from various causes, more Tories, in proportion, than in any other. And as this State stood immovable, I think we have no reason to fear a voluntary submission of any other.
The next small State that was attempted was Georgia. This State is situated at the extremity of all, and at such a distance from all the rest, and such difficulty of communication; being above an hundred miles from Charleston, in South Carolina, that it was impossible for the neighbouring States to afford them any assistance. The English invaded this little State, and took the capital, Savannah, and have held it to this day: but this acquisition has not been followed by any submission of the Province; on the contrary, they continue their delegation in Congress, and their new officers of government. This Province, moreover, was more immediately the child of England than any other; the settlement of it cost England more than all the rest, from whence one might expect they would have more friends here than any where.
New-Jersey is one of the middling sized States. New-Jersey had a large British army in Philadelphia, which is on one side of them, and another in New-York, which is on the other side, and the British army has marched quite through it; and the English have used every policy of flattery, of terror, and severity, but all in vain, and worse than in vain; all has conspired to make the people of New-Jersey some of the most deter-
mined against the English, and some of the most brave and skilful to resist them.
New-York, before the commencement of hostilities, was supposed to be the most lukewarm of the middling States, in the opposition to the designs of the English. The English armies have invaded it from Canada and from the Ocean, and have long been in possession of three Islands, New-York Island, Long-Island, and Staten Island; yet the rest of this Province has stood immovable, through all the varieties of the fortune of war, for four years, and increases in zeal and unanimity every year.
I think, therefore, there is not even a possibility, that any one of the Thirteen States should ever voluntarily revolt or submit.
The efforts and exertions of General Howe, in New-York, Long Island, Staten Island, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, to obtain recruits; the vast expense that he put his master to in appointing new corps of officers, even general officers; the pains they took to enlist men, among all the stragglers in those countries, and among many thousands of prisoners which they then had in their hands; all these measures obtained but three thousand six hundred men, and very few of these Americans, according to General Howe's own account, shews, I think, to a demonstration, that no voluntary revolt or submission is ever to be apprehended.
But even supposing that Rhode-Island should submit, what could this small Colony of fifty thousand souls do, in the midst of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New-Hampshire?
Supposing Delaware, thirty thousand souls, should submit, what influence could it have upon the great States of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, among which it lies?
If Georgia, at the extremity of all, should submit, what influence could this little society of thirty thousand souls have upon the two Carolinas and Virginia? The Colonies are at such vast distances from one another, and the country is so fortified every where, by rivers, mountains, and forests that the conquest or submission of one part has no influence upon the rest.
JOHN ADAMS.
Mr. Kalkoen.
HOME TRUTH.
BEAUTIES OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. THE following is extracted from the proceedings of a very numerous meeting of the freeholders of the county of Middlesex, (England) convened for the purpose of taking into consideration the necessity of a Parliamentary reform, August 9, 1809.
MR. HARE TOWNSEND —When I came here I did not think that I should be called upon to second the resolutions so ably introduced by my friend, Major Cartwright, and which you have heard read. Convinced, however, as I am, and as I trust you all are, of the necessity of these Resolutions, I second the motion with sincere pleasure—and the more so, because in undertaking so to do, I stand in a situation perhaps more peculiar than that of any other gentleman in the room. I am a farmer, and hold a farm, (belonging to myself,) for which, were I at this moment to let it, I could not obtain more than 160 l. per annum. Gentlemen, what will you say, and what will you think of the situation of England, when I tell you that the taxes, and rates, and tythes of this farm amount to more than the rent? [ hear! shame, abominable! ]—Such, gentlemen, is the fact, which I attribute, in a great degree, to the immoderate and unnecessary profusion with which the publick money is lavished. This land is tytheable , and being lately called upon for an increase of the annual payment in respect of my great tythes , I wrote a letter to the inhabitants of Godalming , near to which my farm lies, which is so exactly illustrative of the present situation of the country, that with your permission I will take the liberty of reading it. Whatever coincidence there may appear between this letter and the object of this meeting, I can assure you that even the requisition was at that time not known by me to be in contemplation. You will observe, that in the account of the expenditure of the farm the tax on cart horses is accidentally omitted—and the truth on that subject is, that the calls of the tax gatherer are so numerous, so incessant, and so indeterminate, that I really forgot to insert it—so that the statement is really below the real amount of expenditure in rates, taxes and tythes. My house too being on a scale somewhat more extensive than that which would be deemed requisite for the occupation of a farm of this extent, I did not think it fair to include the house and window tax . A farmer to be sure, must have a house—that is, if he can get one in the present alarming and deplorable state of the country. [ Read, read! ] Mr. Townsend then read the following letter:
A letter addressed to the inhabitants of Godalming, on the recent rise of the Great Tythes. Buebridge, July 28, 1809.
GENTLEMEN,
AS an increased demand for tythes will oblige me to cease from being a Grower of Corn, a circumstance which concerns the publick as nearly as it does myself, I beg to present the inhabitants of Godalming Parish with a statement of facts, which perhaps may
stimulate them to come forward with the friends of British freedom to procure that reform which can alone save the country from ruin.
When a bow has been strained to the utmost it will break at last. But as if the calls of the government were not sufficient to snap the string, and as if the snapping of it were an honour to be coveted, the Proprietor of Tythes has come forward on the present occasion to give the finishing pull, before another Budge should have prevented the farmer from supplying the people with corn, except at a price which none but the most affluent could afford to pay.
Gentlemen, the farmer, the mere farmer has been forced to comply with the various demands made upon him, and with the rise of Tythes that has lately taken place, for the chance that some scanty pittance might still remain to him by which he might keep his family from starving. But where a man is not dependant on the next year's crop for his support, he has another duty to perform: he is bound to act in such a way as to shew the people the true state of the country, and not, by submitting to be the mere agents of others who are fattening on the publick spoil, appear to be a partaker of the plunder, and he held out to publick detestation and pointed at by the finger scorn, as selling his corn at an enormous price; when in fact, the money he receives at market with the one hand, is immediately parted with by the other in payment of Land-tax, Property-tax, Poor-rate, High-way-rate, Church-rate, and Great and small Tythes. In corroboration of which, I shall now proceed to state my facts, by giving you an account of what I pay annually under those heads, upon a farm for which, were I to let it, I could not obtain more than 160 l. per annum rent:
   l. s. d.     Land-tax 16 8 5   Property-tax 31 6 4   Poor-rate 47 5 0   High-way-rate 10 17 3   Church-rate 1 13 6   Great-Tythes 39 2 6   Small-Tythes 11 5 0   Total 157 18 0  
This, gentlemen, is what I pay at present. But when the proprietor of the Great-Tythes was for raising to 50 l. a year! which would have brought my outgoing for Tythes, Taxes, and rates, to eight pounds fifteen shilling and six pence per year, beyond any rent I could obtain, I felt that the last pull broke the bow, but that it nerved the man to resist further oppression!
Gentlemen, when you consider, in addition to what I have here stated, the increased price of labourer's wages, and the increased price of every thing that is used upon a farm, such as Iron, Timber, Leather, Cart Horses, &c. (all of which are in constant wear and tear, the three first in the shape of Harness, Carts, Waggons, Harrows, and Ploughs, for which again there is necessarily an increased demand in the making, and that the last are frequently swept off by the disorders incident to colts, or the influence of contagious distempers) you cannot wonder at the high price of corn; and you must be convinced that the system of Taxing and Tything, if persevered in, will in a short time prevent the farmer from selling the produce of his farm, except at such a price as I have observed before, which none but the affluent can afford to pay.
Now, gentlemen, there is an easy remedy for the grievances which all feel but of which few dare openly to complain, and that is, a fair and equal representation of the people in Parliament.
Were the guardians of the people's property their real representatives instead of being returned to serve in Parliament in the way they are, it is not unreasonable to suppose that some check might be put on the proprietor of Tythes, when his exorbitant demands have driven the farmer to submit to his Tythes being taken in kind; and that the farmer should at least have a right to retain a fair proportion of the tenth part of his crops set apart for the Tythes, for the money he had expended in buying, dressing and artificial Manure: And it should not be forgotten, that when the Clergy were first allowed a tenth part of the gross produce of the land, the Tythes were divided into four equal parts, and applied to four different purposes: The first fourth went to the Bishop; the second to the maintenance of the repairs of the Church; the third to the support of the Poor; and the fourth was all that was pocketed by the Rector. But, gentlemen, the Rector now pockets all! and so far from contributing to the support of the poor, absolutely demands that the farmer should pay the poor tax on the Tythes he has compounded pay for.
Now, Gentlemen, I shall conclude by observing, that it is an observation that should be particularly attended to at the present juncture, that those who have not the spirit to resist oppression and extortion at home, will fall an easy conquest to a foreign foe, should he ever effect a landing on our coasts. Rouse, therefore, Britons! from your torpor; come forward to procure a Constitutional Parliamentary Reform, and you may then look forward to Peace, Liberty, and Plenty in the room of War, Famine, and Foreign Dependence. I am, &c.
HENRY HARE TOWNSEND.
Gentlemen, I really had not an idea of this

This day at 12 o'clock, the President communicated to both Houses of Congress by his Secretary, Mr. Graham, the following
MESSAGE.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives,
AT the period of our last meeting, I had the satisfaction of communicating an adjustment with one of the principal belligerent nations, highly important in itself, and still more so, as presaging a more extended accommodation. It is with deep concern, I am now to inform you, that the favourable prospect has been overclouded, by a refusal of the British government to abide by the act of its Minister Plenipotentiary, and by its ensuing policy towards the United States, as seen through the communications of the Minister sent to replace him.
Whatever pleas may be urged for a disavowal of engagements formed by diplomatic functionaries, in cases where by the terms of engagements a mutual ratification is reserved; or where notice at the time may have been given, of a departure from instructions; or in extraordinary cases, essentially violating the principles of equity: a disavowal could not have been apprehended in a case, where no such notice, or violation existed; where no such ratification was reserved; and more especially, where, as is now in proof, an engagement to be executed without any such ratification, was contemplated by the instructions given and where it had, with good faith, been carried into immediate execution, on the part of the United States.
These considerations not having restrained the British government from disavowing the arrangement, by virtue of which its Orders in Council were to be revoked, and the event authorising the renewal of commercial intercourse, having thus not taken place; it necessarily became a question of equal urgency and importance, whether the act prohibiting that intercourse was not to be considered as remaining in legal force. This question being, after due deliberation, determined in the affirmative, proclamation to that effect was issued. It could not but happen, however, that a return to this state of things, from that which had followed an execution of the arrangement by the United States, would involve difficulties. With a view to diminish these as much as possible, the instructions from the Secretary of the Treasury, now laid before you, were transmitted to the Collectors of the several ports. If in permitting British vessels to depart, without giving bonds not to proceed to their own ports, it should appear that the tenor of legal authority has not been strictly pursued, it is to be ascribed to the anxious desire which was felt that no individuals should be injured by so unforeseen an occurrence: And I rely on the regard of Congress for the equitable interests of our own citizens, to adopt whatever further provisions may be found requisite, for a general remission of penalties involuntarily incurred.
The recall of the disavowed Minister having been followed by the appointment of a successor, hopes were indulged that the new mission would contribute to alleviate the disappointment which had been produced, and to remove the causes which had so long embarrassed the good understanding of the two nations. It could not be doubted, that it would at least be charged with conciliatory explanations of the step which had been taken, and with proposals to be substituted for the rejected arrangement:—Reasonable and universal as this expectation was, it also has not been fulfilled. From the first official disclosures of the new Minister, it was found that he had received no authority to enter into explanations relative to either branch of the arrangement disavowed; nor any authority to substitute proposals, as to that branch which concerned the British Orders in Council: and finally, that his proposals with respect to the other branch, the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, were founded on a presumption repeatedly declared to be inadmissible by the United States, that the first step towards adjustment was due from them—the proposals at the same time, omitting even a reference to the Officer answerable for the murderous aggression, and asserting a claim not less contrary to the British laws, and British practise, than to the principles and obligations of the United States.
The correspondence between the Department of State and this Minister will show, how unessentially the features presented in its commencement have been varied in its progress. It will show, also, that, forgetting the respect due to all governments, he did not refrain from imputations on this, which required that no further communications should be received from him. The necessity of this step will be made known to his Britannick Majesty through the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States in London. And it would indicate a want of confidence due to a government which so well understands, and exacts what becomes foreign ministers near it, not to infer that the misconduct of its own representative will be viewed in the same light, in which it has been regarded here. The British government will learn at the same time, that a ready attention will be given to communications, through any channel which may be substituted. It will be happy, if the change in this respect should be accompanied by a favourable revision of the unfriendly policy, which has been so long pursued towards the United States.
With France, the other belligerent, whose trespasses on our commercial rights have long been the subject of our just remonstrances, the posture of our relations does not correspond with the measures, taken on the part of the United States, to effect a favourable
meeting at the time I wrote the letter I have just read, nor would I have presumed to occupy the time and attention of the meeting by reading it, had it not appeared to me to be the very best way of seconding Major Cartwright's motion, which I greatly approve. To that such respected character, as to every friend of freedom, I shall at all times give that strenuous support which I think the cause deserves.
Literary Miscellany.
FOR THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
MISCELLANEA—No. XIV.
GENIUS.
GENIUS exhibits itself in the pursuit of various objects. To define it, therefore, as belonging to the Bard and Orator only, is a glaring absurdity. Poetry and rhetorick are, most assuredly, characteristic of genius, but not more so than the abstruse sciences. The mathematician, metaphysician, and naturalist, have as high pretensions to this "irradiation of divinity," as he who mounts the rostrum, or strays in "Helicon's embowering shades." Euclid and Archimedes have equal claims to original talents with Horace, Longinus, and Cicero. The mental energies of Newton and Locke, were illustrious as those of Milton and Chatham. Linnæus stands as elevated upon the ground of genius, as Thompson; and Lavoisier and Leibnitz, rank with Racine, Corneille, and Masillon.
ELEGANT COMPLIMENT.
BARLOW, in the Fifth Book of his Vision of Columbus, after noticing the names of a number of the heroes that adorned the American Revolution, makes this neat and well-turned compliment to those whom he omits to enumerate:—
"While other Chiefs and heirs of deathless fame, Rise into sight, and equal honours claim; But who can tell the dew drops of the morn? Or count the rays that in the diamond burn!"
GRAY.
GRAY possessed strong powers of genius. His mind was illuminated by extensive reading. His imagination was fertile, and moved, with equal facility, through the sober walks of truth, and the flowery fields of fiction. He elegantly combined historical facts with the creations of fancy. He gathered the brightest blossoms, whether glowing on classical ground, or adorning the "recesses of Gothick ruins." He was warmly enamoured of the productions of both nature and art, and "comprehended the vast without neglecting the minute." He was always prepared to catch useful hints from every object that met his active curiosity; "from the trembling dew drop, or the tumultuous ocean; from the molehill, or the mountain; from the solitary fly, or the bird of Jupiter."
COMPLAISANCE.
Nothing is more necessary in the common intercourse of life than complaisance.—Without this it is impossible to command respect, or conciliate affection and esteem. Its deficiency is an invariable mark of ignorance, and self-conceit. Whoever is so careless, or assuming as to offend against the established rules of civility, never fails to meet with detestation and contempt.
BOERHAAVE.
THIS celebrated physician is buried in the great Church of Leyden, under a large marble urn, bearing this simple inscription:
Solutifero Boerhaavi Genio Sacr.
Political Miscellany.
FOR THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE.
WHEN Genet, the French minister, during the administration of the good Washington, made his injudicious appeal to the American people, the vengeance of the then administration, aided by the British faction resident in this country, were poured out upon the Republick of France, and upon the author of the act, with all the malevolence peculiar to their insidious designs. We were then told the direful consequence that would inevitably result, should we tolerate and countenance a privileged foreigner to abuse our government, and suffer him to shield himself from merited punishment by appealing to the people, securing their patronage, their confidence, and their approbation by a fallacious misrepresentation of facts and circumstances. An insult, said these votaries of British influence, offered by this accredited Envoy to our government, is an insult offered to the whole American nation. Every individual of the community was loudly called upon immediately to resent with becoming dignity the outrage committed upon the honour of our publick characters. The feelings of all, by all the various forms that language could portray the insulting offence, were made, used and directed to the interest, prejudice and passion of every individual citizen. Nothing was left undone, nothing untried to inflame their minds, and kindle a dormant spark of resentment into a flame of retaliating revenge. Rise, say the writers of those days, unsheathe your swords once more, and
wipe off with their keen edge the disgrace and humiliating stigma placed upon you by this Genet—you are no longer free—your independence will be lost—your honour is tarnished—your national spirit is insulted—your confidence and good will is abused—your national pride is mortified—your forbearance scorned, misunderstood and misrepresented: in fact, with all the eloquence of a Cicero, and with the cunning hypocrisy of jesuitical fraud, from one extremity of the continent to the other, these apparent, but not in fact, sainted patriots, by artful and ingenious misrepresentations, excited and created such a spirit of revenge in the good minds of many, that, like a resistless torrent, that threatens annihilation to gravity, bearing down every repelling barrier, overspreads a wide extended country, that nothing could be heard, either in publick or in private, but the severest reproaches and maledictions against France, and her insolent accredited minister, Genet.
The French envoy was dismissed and made a victim for his indecorous behaviour. Was this indignation well founded? Was this denunciation just? Was it true that we were a degraded and dishonoured nation by this appeal? Is it a fact then, an insult offered by a French minister to our government is an insult offered to the whole American nation? If true, miserable indeed is the contrast between those and the present days; what was then just and meritorious is now dishonest and base—what was then a virtue is now a crime—what was then deemed patriotick is now called treason—what was then an insult offered to the whole nation, is now restricted to a personal affront—what was then esteemed a love and support of government, is now denounced as a French attachment. Why all this contrast—this contradiction in practice and principle—this dissonance of profession and conduct? Why this departure from legitimate propriety, respect and love, for the most sacred of our institutions—for those officers appointed by the suffrages of a free people, to carry the laws of those institutions into effect? The reasons are obvious.
Mr. Jackson, his Britannick Majesty's late accredited Envoy by our government, has most shamefully insulted and calumniated the Executive of the country; and after enduring the Envoy's abuse till further forbearance became a crime, the President, to spare his injured and wounded feelings—to preserve the honour of the nation, and to prevent a repetition of disrespect, with which every communication from Mr. Jackson was replete, preferred a dismissal of him, rather than place himself in the power of a privileged man to reiterating insult and abuse.
No sooner was this information made publick, than the hirelings and well payed demagogues of his Britannick majesty let loose their whole hatred and vengeance; denouncing the government—calling upon the people to oppose their rulers—raise the standard of opposition, and choose an Essex Junto faction to govern and guide them in the ways of unerring truth. But why has, and what is the object of Mr. Jackson's appealing to the people through the medium of a pretended communication made to the British consuls? Was it necessary to make known to them the precise course of his negotiation with our government? Admitting the novelty of the order; that he was bound by his instructions received from his infamous master Canning to do so; was he instructed—was it necessary—and is it the etiquette of negotiators, that their secret correspondence is to be published in all the newspapers of the country to which they are sent? No! the motive is too conspicuous: it is to afford time to prepare the way and means, and marshal the Essex Junto faction and old tories into a formidable phalanx, to raise, if possible, a motley host of opponents, to denounce the government and make it as contemptible in the eyes of foreign nations as possible. Pass over but this insult unresented, on the part of Great Britain's Envoy, and you invite ALL EUROPE to similar ABUSE, and quote your forbearance with that nation as a precedent.
How often shall we be told by British writers, that the President means to sell this country to France? Is not the President fond of power? Is he not, and his patrons anxious to retain their places? Absurd and ridiculous as this nonsensical threadbare-worn story may appear, still it is repeated and by some stupidly believed. How shall the President and Government sell the liberties of America without including their own—without displacing themselves from office, and throwing themselves from the highest stations known in this country and descend to slavery and submission? This is a paradox worthy of their stupidity. Have they less a sense, or a love of Liberty and Independence than the British partizans and advocates? Believe it not! It is a story hatched in a malignant heart, supported by falsehood and nourished by treachery and deceit; and if believed and supported will produce chains and fetters, that will control the will, as well as bind the body in servitude and bondage.
Palming this idea upon the American people, that our government is acting under French influence, the Essex Junto and their patrons mean to force this country into a war against France and yoke our destiny with that of Great Britain; and if possible, by her aid and assistance, to raise a monarchy upon the ruins of our oppressed country. How far the people of this happy land will consent for their children to become the slaves, and their fortunes to be wasted in the service of Great Britain, can only be ascertained by appealing individually to them upon the subject. If there can be found one man, who has one child too many—if there can be found one man who is too rich, and wishes to lessen his wealth—if there can be found men, whose blind attachment to Great Britain is so resist-
less and pleasing, who would willingly haz-ard their dearest interests to espouse and defend her cause; does it follow as an inevitable consequence, that this whole country must be driven into a war against France to gratify their whims, wishes, and caprice? No! Let them leave the country, with all their property, their children, and their slaves; and unite their destinies with that of Great Britain: no true American will mourn or regret their departure.
Americans, there is a secret combination to overthrow your liberties—to reduce you to the degrading situation of slaves, by destroying your dearest privileges and immunities; and unless you watch with jealous eyes their stratagems and designs, your ruin is inevitable. Before they are, however, successful, and their object crowned by a consummation of their delightful wishes, this happy land will be deluged with blood; and they compelled to wade through it up to their necks before they realize and enjoy their contemplated throne.
EURIPIDES.
FOR THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
ADAMS'S REVIEW OF WORKS OF FISHER AMES.
A "Review of Works of FISHER AMES, compiled by a number of his Friends," is now publishing in several newspapers. In these Remarks, from the pen of JOHN Q. ADAMS, Esq. the patriotick reader will find much to applaud. The style is elegant, luminous, and easy; the sentiments correct; the reasoning forcible. The observations exhibit a mind fraught with erudition, and deeply versed in political knowledge. The writer has done much to expose the arts and designs of those who collected and prepared the materials of this book for the press, and plainly demonstrated that their publication was merely to subserve the interest of that party, which is assiduously endeavouring to sap the foundations of American liberty. This Review is calculated to obviate the effects which Mr. AMES's Works may produce, and ought to be disseminated wherever they have found their way. The Reviewer has, perhaps, in a few instances, been rather severe, considering that it never was the intention of Mr. AMES to become a publick author, and that he now sleeps in the mansions of peace. But this is, in some measure necessary, in consequence of the sinister use that has been made of these papers. The Review is a powerful antidote to the poison infused into the unwary mind by the writings of Mr. AMES, so much extolled by the friends and emissaries of aristocracy. Would the Editor of the Rhode-Island Republican , adorn his columns with this production of Mr. ADAMS, he would render far more essential services to the cause of freedom, than by filling them with the "Correspondence" of the ci-devant President. EDGAR.
In the observation of the writer on the subject of Mr. Adams's Correspondence, we certainly, acquiesce; and shall discontinue the publication of these letters, as soon as we have finished the Answers to Mr. Kalkoen's Queries. We do not, however, mean to admit, that Mr. Adams's Correspondence is devoid of interest;—we think it possesses much valuable and interesting matter. The Editors of the Boston Patriot are now publishing the work in Numbers, which will, collectively, form a valuable addition to the libraries of the politicians of our country—and we sincerely recommend to every man, who feels an interest in our national independence, to subscribe for this work, which is a faithful history of the difficulties our country had to contend with in its infant struggle against tyranny and despotism.—Ed. Refub.
American Congress.
ELEVENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, NOV. 27.
This day being the day appointed by law for the meeting of the Second Session of the Eleventh Congress, eighty members appeared on the floor of the House. At 12 o'clock the Speaker called to order, and the Clerk proceeded to call the members.
It being decided that there was a quorum present, Mr. Dawson made a motion to the following effect, "That a committee be appointed on the part of the House to join a committee of the Senate to wait on the President of the United States, to inform him that the house had formed a quorum, and were ready to receive any communication which he might have to offer."
A committee of two was appointed on the part of the House, who, after returned, and the Speaker informed that the Senate had not yet formed a quorum.
Mr. Ely then rose, and observed that as the Senate had not formed a quorum, the House could not with propriety, enter on any business of consequence. He, therefore, made a motion for adjournment. Lost.
Mr. Nelson made the usual motion for supplying the members with Newspapers, which was carried.
A resolution was offered by Mr. Nelson, making the hour of 11 in the morning the stated hour for the meeting of the House during the Session. Carried.
After some other desultory conversation, on motion of Mr. Nelson the House adjourned.

change. The result of the several communications made to her government, in pursuance of the authorities vested by Congress in the executive, is contained in the correspondence of our Minister at Paris now laid before you.
By some of the other belligerents, although professing just and amicable dispositions, injuries materially affecting our commerce have not been duly controlled or repressed. In these cases, the interpositions deemed proper on our part, have not been omitted. But it well deserves the consideration of the legislature, how far both the safety and the honour of the American flag may be consulted, by adequate provisions against that collusive prostitution of it, by individuals unworthy the American name, which has so much favoured the real or pretended suspicions, under which the honest commerce of their fellow-citizens has suffered.
In relation to the powers on the coast of Barbary, nothing has occurred which is not of a nature rather to inspire confidence than distrust, as to the continuance of the existing amity. With our Indian neighbours the just and benevolent system continued towards them, has also preserved peace, and is more and more advancing habits favourable to their civilization and happiness.
From a statement which will be made by the Secretary of war, it will be seen that the fortifications on our maritime frontier are in many of the ports completed: affording the defence which was contemplated; and that further time will be required to render complete the works in the harbour of New-York, and in some other places. By the enlargement of the works, and the employment of a greater number of hands at the publick armories, the supply of small arms of an improving quality, appears to be annually increasing, at a rate, that with those made on private contract, may be expected to go far towards providing for the publick exigency.
The act of Congress providing for the equipment of our vessels of war having been fully carried into execution, I refer to the statement of the Secretary of the Navy for the information which may be proper on that subject. To that statement is added a view of the transfers of appropriations, authorised by the act of the session preceding the last, and of the grounds on which the transfers were made.
Whatever may be the censure of your deliberations on the subject of our military establishments, I should fail in my duty in not recommending to your serious attention the importance of giving to our militia, the great bulwark of our security, and resource of our power, an organization the best adapted to eventual situations for which the United States ought to be prepared.
The sums which had been previously accumulated in the Treasury, together with the receipts during the year ending on the 30th of September last, (and amounting to more than nine millions of dollars) have enabled us to fulfil all our engagements, and to defray the current expenses of government without recurring to any loan. But the insecurity of our commerce, and the consequent diminution of the publick revenue, will produce a deficiency in the receipts of the ensuing year, for which, and for other details, I refer to the statement which will be transmitted from the Treasury.
In the state which has been presented of our affairs with the great parties to a disastrous and protracted war, carried on in a mode equally injurious and unjust to the United States as a neutral nation, the wisdom of the National Legislature will be again summoned to the important decision of the alternatives before them. That these will be met in a spirit, worthy the councils of a nation, conscious both of its rectitude and of its rights, and careful as well of its honour as of its peace, I have an entire confidence. And that the result will be stamped by a unanimity becoming the occasion, and be supported by every portion of our citizens, with a patriotism enlightened and invigorated by experience, ought as little to be doubted.
In the midst of the wrongs and vexations experienced from external causes, there is much room for congratulation on the prosperity and happiness flowing from our situation at home. The blessing of health has never been more universal. The fruits of the seasons, though in particular articles and districts short of their usual redundancy, are more than sufficient for our wants and our comforts. The face of our country every where presents the evidence of laudable enterprize, of extensive capital, and of durable improvement. In a cultivation of the materials, and the extension of usual manufactures, more especially in the general application to household fabrics, we behold a rapid diminution of our dependence on foreign supplies. Nor is it unworthy of reflection that the revolution in our pursuits and habits is in no slight degree a consequence of those impolitic and arbitrary edicts, by which the contending nations, in endeavouring each of them to obstruct our trade with the other, have so far abridged our means of procuring the productions and manufactures, of which our own are now taking the place.
Recollecting always, that for every advantage which may contribute to distinguish our lot, from that to which others are doomed by the unhappy spirit of the times, we are indebted to that Divine Providence whose goodness has been so remarkably extended to this rising nation, it becomes us to cherish a devout gratitude, and to implore from the same omnipotent source a blessing on the consultations and measures about to be undertaken for the welfare of our beloved country.
JAMES MADISON.
LETTER
Of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France, Mr. CHAMPAGNY, to General ARMSTRONG, Minister of the United States, at Paris, dated Mienburg, August 22, 1809.
"SIR, "His Majesty, understanding that you are about to despatch a ship to the United States, commands me to make known to you the unalterable principles which have and will regulate his conduct in the great question respecting neutrals.
"France admits the principle, that the flag protects trade. The trading vessel which carries the license of its government, may be considered as a moving colony: to insult such a vessel by search, pursuit, or any act of arbitrary power, is a violation of the fundamental law of colonization, and is an attack upon the government of the same. The seas belong to every nation, without exception; they are the common property and domain of all mankind.
"Consistently with this doctrine, merchant vessels belonging to individuals may pass by inheritance to persons who never exposed themselves to be made prisoners of war. In all her conquests France has considered sacred private property deposited in the warehouses of the vanquished State, and such have had the complete disposal of matters of trade; and at this moment convoys by land of merchandise, and especially cottons, are passing through the French army and Austria, to proceed to the destination commerce directs. If France had seized the monopoly of the seas, she would have accumulated in her territory all the products of the earth, and she would have obtained immeasurable wealth.
"Undoubtedly, if England had the dominion of land, which she has acquired on the ocean, her acquisitions would have been equally enormous. She would, as in times of barbarism, have sold the conquered, and distributed them as slaves throughout her land. The avarice of trade would have absorbed every thing, and the government of an enlightened nation, which has brought the arts of civilization to perfection, would have given the earliest instance of the return of the savage ages. That government is fully impressed with the injustice of its naval code. But what has that government to do with Justice, which inquires only for profit?
"When France shall have established a naval power, which, with the extent of her coasts and her population, will be soon accomplished, then will the Emperor reduce these principles to practice, and apply his mandate to render it universal. The right, or rather the usurpation, of blockading rivers and coasts by proclamation, is palpably contrary to reason and equity. A right cannot possibly spring from the will of an interested party, but must always be founded on the natural relation of things. A place is not properly blockaded unless it be besieged by land and water. It is blockaded to prevent the introduction of assistance, by which the surrender of the place might be protracted; and then we have only the right to prevent neutral ships from entering the port, when the place is thus circumstanced, and the possession of it is a matter of doubt between the besiegers and the besieged. On this is grounded the right to prevent neutrals from entering the place.
"The sovereignty and independence of its flag, like the sovereignty and independence of its territory, are the property of every neutral. A state may transfer itself to another state; it may destroy the archives of its independence, and pass from Prince to Prince, but the right of sovereignty is indivisible and unalienable: no one can renounce it.
"England has placed France in a state of blockade. The Emperor has, in his decree of Berlin, declared the British Islands in a state of blockade. The first of these regulations forbid neutral vessels to proceed to France: the second prohibited their entering English harbours.
"England has by her orders of council, of the 11th of November, 1807, levied an impost on neutral ships, and obliged them to enter its ports before they sail to France. By the decree of the 17th of December, of the same year, the Emperor has decreed, that all such ships be denationalized, which had entered English ports, or submitted to be searched.
"In order to ward off the inconveniences with which this state of things threatened her commerce, America laid an embargo in all her harbours: and although France had done nothing more than used the right of retaliation, its wants, and those of its colonies suffered much from this measure: yet did the Emperor magnanimously come at the proceeding, in order rather to endure the privation of commerce, than to acknowledge the authority of the usurper of the seas.
"The embargo was raised, and a system of non-intercourse was substituted for it. The powers on the Continent, in alliance with England, having the same object in view, made a common cause with her, that they might derive the same advantages. The harbours of Holland, of the Elbe, of the Weser, of Italy, and of Spain, were to enjoy those benefits from which France was to be excluded: and the one and the other were to be opened or closed to commerce, as circumstances rendered expedient, so as France was bereft of it.
"Thus, Sir, in point of principle, France recognizes the freedom of neutral commerce, and the independence of the maritime powers: which she respected up to the moment when the maritime tyranny of England, that respects nothing, and the arbitrary proceedings of its government, compelled her to adopt measures of retaliation, to which she resorted with regret. Let England revoke her blockade of France, and France will recall her declaration of blockade against England. Let England revoke her Cabinet Orders of the 11th Nov. 1807, and the Milan Decree will expire of itself. The American commerce will then recover its complete freedom, and be assured of finding in the harbours of France favour and protection. But it belongs to the United States to attain this happy object by their firmness. Can a nation, resolved to remain free, hesitate between certain momentary interests, and the great cause of maintaining her independence, her honour, her sovereignty and her dignity?
(Signed) "M. CHAMPAGNY."
OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The federalists perceive, in the reputed letter from Mr. Champagny to Mr. Armstrong, an "impudent insult offered to the United States." We wish their optics were as discerning when insult comes from England or her Ministers. One must be near-sighted indeed, who cannot discern something of insult from both nations. One requires us to sacrifice our independence, to her pride and the resources of our wealth, to her avarice—the other insists that we ought to preserve both, but modestly implies that both must be made auxiliary to her views. England is unequivocally determined on our recolonization. France gives good advice, where even advice at the best should be considered as inadmissible, and as evidence of her good intentions refers us to her hostile decrees, and like England, insults us with the pretended right of retaliating on us the offences of her adversary. Which is the first or greatest offender, is, in the present state of our foreign relations, a question for them to settle in their own way.
We have evidently, and it is believed wisely, fixed this question. The idle discussion of this, as a party question, is not the cement, which is to bind Americans together, against foreign aggression. Let either of the offenders meet us directly on the ground of open and honourable friendship, and Americans will unite in their resentments against the other. This is so manifest, that we are surprised that any man of common sense, if he do not suspect the motives, should not condemn the folly of that Machiavallian policy which the Courts of St. James and St. Cloud have pursued, and appear to be now pursuing towards this country—a country whose united energies, if roused to justice and honourable action with either of the contending parties, would, in all human probability, soon turn the scale against the other. This opinion, shaped perhaps to out national pride—but firm and weighty in our own minds, presses on us something more than a suspicion, that their meaning is to divide and conquer—their object at best to make our resources and our very sovereignty subservient to themselves. We have resolved unanimously as a nation that we would not submit to their aggressions. Neither have atoned for their aggressions. Whoever would submit to either would surrender our independence by the hatches. We frankly confess we had rather go for the whole; and if we must part with the gem of our honour, this heart of great price, we care not whether it sparkles on the crown of the King of England or the Emperor of France.
[Boston Patriot.]
NEWPORT:
WEDNESDAY, NOV. 29, 1809.
On Monday arrived at Baltimore, the French government corvette Tiisit, Capt. Desmolands, in 50 days from Bayonne, with despatches for the French Minister. This vessel has brought no papers. An officer informs that 100,000 French troops were passing through Bayonne for Spain, and that some horses belonging to the Emperor's household had arrived there, as Buonaparte was shortly expected. His illness was not known at Bayonne. (N. Y. paper.)
On Sunday morning last, arrived in this port, the U. S. Cutter Eagle, Capt. LEE, in ten hours and a half from New-Haven, bringing a detachment of the U. S. troops, commanded by Ensign Bacon. We understand they are on their way to join the 4th regiment, stationed at Fort Independence, Boston harbour.
The account of the death of Gen. WADE HAMPSON is contradicted in a letter written by himself, to a friend in Philadelphia. (Nos. Pal.)
The remains of ANTHONY WAYNE, a name imperishable as the history of his country, have been transported from the shores of Lake Erie, and re-interred with appropriate honours, near the place of his nativity, in Chester county, (Penn.) The Rev. David Jones, who acted as his chaplain during the revolutionary war, performed the last sad offices to the hero and patriot.—Belt. E. Post.
The late news from England is important as it adds confirmation to what before was opinion.—The Austrian power is in fact extinct.—Peace is concluded between Russia and Sweden. It is now so manifest that the whole continent will pursue the system of warfare directed by Buonaparte with union and vigour, that it is hardly to be presumed that England will think of finding allies beyond her present coadjutors, the Turks and Algerines. This state of things, it has been supposed by many, would induce England to cultivate the friendship of America. This inference might perhaps be fairly drawn from the good sense of the British nation—but there is in her enormous naval power, a disposition to depredation, which neither the king nor the people can control.—Her marines must and will have pillage and choose to fight for it. It is also painful to what of honesty remains in the Cabinet and Courts of Admiralty to forge pretences for the capture and condemnation of fair neutral commerce. Both these causes must combine to create a wish to place us in the relation of open enemies. [Boston Patriot.]
MARRIED,
At Providence, HENRY WHEATON, Esq. Attorney at Law, to Miss CATHARINE WHEATON, daughter of Dr. Levi Wheaton, all of that town.
DIED,
In this town, on Friday last, SAMUEL VERNON, sen. Esq. merchant, aged 65.
Mr. VERNON possessed a clear, discriminating mind; and he was often consulted, and his judgment was much relied on, in the circle of his acquaintance. He was noted for his sincerity, his frankness, and his rectitude. He was an ardent friend of Liberty; and of those Republican forms, by which Liberty is cherished and preserved. Of that firmness, so essential to the great and noble character, he was an eminent example. For many years he had been an invalid, oppressed with infirmities, and gradually declining to the grave. But his mind was superior to calamity, and unappalled at the approach of Death.
At New-York, on the 29th ult. after a long and painful illness, Mr. MOSES SEIXAS, of this town, aged 65 years.
Hardly had the Bank of Rhode-Island recovered from the loss of their President, before they were compelled to mourn over that of their Cashier. The virtues and the talents of the one have already commanded our attention; and the virtues and the talents of the other now deserve it.
With a mind strong and enlightened, Mr. SEIXAS never moved in the world of politics—with a heart tender and benevolent, he rather courted the pleasures of private life—the honours of office had no influence over him: to the finer sensations of nature he was always open.
Was he a tender husband? apply to the heart of his widow—was he a tender and indulgent parent?
look at the tears of his children—was he warm in friendship? listen to the sighs of friendship.
In the busy world SEIXAS was punctual, well-informed, and industrious.
As a man, he was amiable, honest and humane; polite in his manners, and cautious in his expressions.
As a mason, the honours to which he had ascended, showed the merits which he possessed—and the masonic feelings excited at his death, have proved the virtues of his life.
He has now gone, with others who have gone before him; and well may his friends anticipate the success of his journey.
On the 15th ult. Mr. JOHN REMINGTON, in the 87th year of his age.
At Providence, on Thursday last, Col. BENJAMIN HOPKIN, in the 63d year of his age.
At Warwick, on Thursday last, in an advanced age, the Hon. WILLIAM GREENE, Esq. formerly Governor and Commander in Chief of this State. At New-Orleans, Capt. JOHN T. BENTLEY, of the U. S. army.
Downed—On the 24th ult. from on board the brig Russell, on her passage from Havana to this port, Mr. SAMUEL CHAPPELL, son of Mr. James Chappell, of this town, in the 19th year of his age.
MARINE LIST.
PORT OF NEWPORT.
Entered—Ship Eagle, Hudson, Liverpool; do. Rebecca, Leonard, do.; do. Columbia, Winslow, Isle of Mays; brig Russell, Newton, Havanna; sloop Party, Baker, do.; do. Harriet, Lee, St. Bartholomew; sloop Farmer, Hatch, New-York; do. Fame, Davis, do.; do. Betsey, Gifford, do.; sch. Federalist, Gummison, St. Bartholomew.
Cleared—Ship Mary, Tisdale, Cape de Verd Isles, and Coast of Patagonia; sch. Mary & Elizabeth, Tew, Charleston, S. C.; sch. Atlantick, Travera, Philadelphia; sloop Golden Age, Cottrell, New-York; sloop Polly & Nancy, Gardner, Alexandria; sloop Aurora, Cahone, New-York.
FOR SALE,
THE SHIP EAGLE, burthen 203 Tons, two decks, as she has just returned from sea, and is now lying at Gyles's Wharf.—For further particulars and terms, apply to CHARLES GYLES. Newport, December 6.
WILLIAM ENGS & SON,
No. 170, Thames-Street. HAVE just received their Fall supply of HARD-WARE GOODS, which, together with their former stock, makes their Assortment unusually extensive, comprising all the articles generally found in a Hardware Store. They have for sale, as usual, a large Assortment of Nails, best English, German and American Steel, sheet Lead, sheet Iron, Brass Kettles, &c. &c. Newport, December 6, 1809.
FARM.
FOR sale an excellent FARM, containing about 100 acres of good Land, situated on Jamestown, about 8 miles north of the Ferry, with a convenient Dwelling House and other necessary Out-Buildings, thereon standing. There is an excellent Spring of Water near the House, and the land is well watered. Said Farm contains a good Orchard, and well Fenced. Possession given previous to the 25th of March next. For further information apply to ELISHA TEW, Jamestown P.O. 7. on the Premises.
FARM—FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber will sell his Farm, in Middletown, on the most liberal terms—such as cannot fail giving satisfaction to any one who may be inclined to purchase. For further particulars, apply to the Subscriber, on the premises. CARDER HAZARD. Middletown, Nov. 28, 1809.
NOTICE.
THE publick are hereby informed, that on the first of December, a SCHOOL will be opened in the CHURCH SCHOOL-HOUSE. For terms apply to JOHN RODMAN, No. 63, Spring-Street. Newport, Nov. 29, 1809.
TAKE NOTICE.
WILLIAM PEARCE, Respectfully informs his friends, and the publick in general,
THAT he continues keeping a TAV-ERN at his house in the village of Wickford, town of North-Kingstown, next door to PHILIP TILLINGHAST, Esq. where the greatest attention will be paid to those who may please to favour him with their company, and may depend on having the smallest favour gratefully acknowledged. The house may be well known by its end fronting the street, and the sign of a Bunch of Grapes. Wickford, (R. I.) Oct. 25, 1809.
TO LET,
For the term of five years, or a shorter term. A FARM in South-Kingstown, in that part called Boston Neck, formerly owned by JOHN SEIXAS, of Providence, deceased, and now owned by the Subscriber, consisting of about 350 acres. The natural fertility and advantages of Sea Manure, belonging to said Farm, are too well known to require description. The Tenant will be allowed to make payment of the greater part of the rent in improvements or repairs, such as making wall, cutting and clearing the land of bushes, &c. &c. The Tenant to give good security for the performance of the conditions in the lease, on his part. For further particulars and terms, enquire of the Subscriber at Bristol. Application to be made before the 25th of December next. JAMES D'WOLF. Bristol, Oct. 30.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice, to the Baking business. A smart active Lad about 12 or 13 years of age, who can produce good recommendation, may hear of a situation, by applying at the office of the Rhode-Island Republican. N.B. One from the country would be preferred. May 10.

Poetry.
(SELECTED.)
From a late Eastern Paper.
The following small poem was found inscribed on the Tomb of Commodore PREBLE. The circumstance of its having been done with a pencil, and the letters consequently indistinct, rendered the transcription difficult. However, I believe it is given word for word as it was originally written. The beauty of the effusion, and the ingenuity of its arrangement, will make it interesting to the admirers of poetry, independent of the value it derives from the occasion on which it was produced.
"A youth, who has served under the banner of the gallant Preble, and who visits his Tomb with feelings of veneration, leaves there this simple tribute to his memory."
Lamented Chief! though bright thy name, In history's splendid page appears; Though all thy deeds the trump of fame, Shall sound with praise to future years! And tell how undaunted thou fought in the battle, How steadfast thou stood in the conflict's loud rattle, When the balls to and fro, From our ships and the foe, Spread wide o'er the wave, and the earth desolation, And shells through the air, Destruction would bear, Like the thunderbolts hurl'd by the gods on creation. How, advancing—for dangers the brave ne'er ap- pals, With cannon, you grappled the foe's iron walls, And stood mid the shrieks and the groans of the dying, Tho' in pity thy heart for the orphan was sighing, Unshaken and firm as the God of the ocean, When its dark rolling bosom heaves with emotion. Those deeds and achievements so dear to the na- tion, In history's line, Resplendent may shine, For our sons to behold with rapt admiration; Yet a rough honest tar, Who beheld thee in war, When thy spirit this conflict was braving— O'er thy head the bright banner of victory waving, Tho' simple be his humble lay, Hath been by friendship hither led, The homage of his muse to pay— The tribute of a tear to shed.
The following Song is adapted to the Tune of CAPTAIN O'RAIN.
The mountain was wrapt in a cloud of the ocean, The winds roar'd aloud in the cave of the shore, When Ellen, fair Ellen in wildest emotion, With speed climb'd the cliffs mid the tempest's dread roar.
On the wide waste of billows a bark was seen reel- ing, A flag of distress streaming high from the mast; The skill of the pilot do longer availing, She drove at the will of the strong sweeping blast.
"'Tis Henry's, oh save him!" exclaim'd the fair vision, "Ye powers of the storm, my poor Henry save." The powers heard her not; for 'twas fate's fell de- cision, That doom'd her lov'd Sailor to sleep in the wave! One shriek sent her spirit to join her lost lover; Now maid in the twilight oft see her soft form, On the sea's rocky margin she views the clouds hover, And mingles her shrieks with the howl of the storm.
PAT AND THE TRAVELLER.
A Traveller one day chanc'd to meet brother Pat Come tell me, I pray, whose mansion is that? Arrah, honey, says Paddy, whilst scratching his head, One Patrick Fitz Gibson lives there, but he's dead! The Traveller, good soul, said to Pat as he sigh'd, I pray thee how long since the owner has died? Oh! your honour, says Pat, in very great sorrow, He'd just been three weeks dead, had he liv'd till to-morrow!
AMUSING MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ANTHOLOGY.
Original Letters, from an American Traveller in Europe, to his friends in this country.
LETTER TWENTY-THIRD.
Rome, Nov. 14, 1804.
MY DEAR FRIEND, You will perceive that I now address you from the proud mistress of the world, as her citizens once proudly called her. My progress has been not only rapid, but much more so than I either expected or wished. On my arrival at Bologna, I had the great mortification to find all intercourse with Tuscany prohibited. The reports which had prevailed as to the existence of a malignant fever at Leghorn, were but too well founded; and a cordon of troops most effectually checked our hopes of seeing our friends at that place. Unfortunately, all my letters were either for Leghorn or Naples. Thus I found myself without friends, without letters, with a scanty supply of money, in a foreign country, whose language I very imperfectly understood. I was compelled either to push on to Rome, or to return to France. I de- termined on the former, were I shall remain till I can receive assistance from my friends.
Before I give you a detail of my interesting tour through the Papal dominions, and of the objects which have arrested our attention in Rome, I think it best to go back to Milan, to which place, if I recol- lect right, I had conducted you. Milan, the third city of Italy, in point of population and importance, is inferior to none of them, except Rome, in anti- quity. It has always been the capital of the Milan- ese, one of the richest parts of Lombardy, which is itself the garden of Italy, and indeed of Europe. It has successively been the prey of the various powers of Europe, and has followed the fate of the nations to which it has been subject. The house of Austria had however held it for three or four centu- ries past until the French, in that revolution which has shaken Europe to its centre, wrested it from that ancient and powerful house, and under the name of a new republic which it has created in Italy, holds it in fetters the most ignominious. The Italian Re- public, (for so it is called) consists of the fairest and finest portion of Italy, which, with the sem- blance of independence, is really a province of France. It is said, that its subsidy to France is 14,000,000 livres, and it is certain, that the General and Commander in Chief of the Italian Republic is
at the same time a French General, being no less than the celebrated General Jourdan.
Milan is not an elegant or well built city; it much resembles the cities of France, and has not that air of elegance and taste, for which most of the cities of Italy, are distinguished; being situated in a plain well watered with numerous rivers, they have been enabled to surround it with canals, which having a rapid current, contribute to its salubrity, and facili- tate its commerce. Its theatres are vast and ele- gant, and the lovers of opera d—l—are, that the per- formances are delightful. We went to the opera, twice; but not being virtuosi, after yawning and gaping for an hour or two, we retired determined for the future to trust the judgment of the more en- lightened as to the excellence of Italian music.
One thing I must commend in the Italian opera houses, and which I think proves that even the re- fined Italians cannot endure forever the delights of their own music, and that is, the convenient ar- rangement of their own boxes. They have elegant silk curtains in front, which they occasionally drop, and take a game of cards, conversation, supper or other refreshment, and only come forward when a favourite performer is upon the stage; thus there are thirty or forty different parties talking or supping at the same moment in the theatre, and it is only when some distinguished Eunuch or some accom- plished female singer are performing, that you find a general attention to the piece. There is one thing in the economy of the city of Milan peculiar to it and worthy of imitation. In the middle of the street, and also just at the ordinary distance of the wheels of a carriage are nearly arranged flat pave- ments, so that the two wheels constantly run upon them without the least noise or jolting motion; a carriage in Milan would last as long again as in any other place, and the pleasure of riding is infinitely increased.
But the most interesting object in Milan is its Cathedral; it is, next to St. Peter's at Rome, the largest in the world; it is wholly built within and without of white polished marble; it has been up- wards of 300 years in building, and is yet incom- plete. Its chief peculiarity is the number of its statues. Mr. Addison, who saw it about a century ago, computes them at 11,000 and they have been adding to them ever since; some of them are cele- brated and most of them of respectable workman- ship. The bas reliefs relating chiefly to the differ- ent parts of ecclesiastical history are beautiful; on the whole, the building is august and sublime; its size is imposing; the multitude of the statues aston- ish you; and when you reflect, that, since succes- sive generations have laboured in the erection of it, and now slumber in peace, while it is yet unfinished, it produces a combination of ideas and feelings, which approach to my notion of the sublime.
There is nothing else in Milan worth notice, ex- cept a number of fine churches, which you find in every city of Italy, and of the splendour of which I should vainly labour to give an American any idea.
The most magnificent architectural decorations of our country, are insignificant, are mean, are truly despicable, compared to the sumptuous, and shall I say vain, extravagance of Italian architecture. The celebrated picture of Leonardo da Vinci of the last supper, the admiration of the world for four centu- ries, is now in its last stages.—I am happy that I saw it even in these. The attitudes are fine though the colours are almost effaced. But I find from my own experience, that a taste from the fine arts is not na- tural, it must be acquired, and it can only be obtained by studying the best models. I find myself frequent- ly deceived, when judging according to what I thought a good natural taste.
From Milan we made a little detour to see Pavia , for many centuries, the residence of the Lombard Kings, who were the successors of the Roman Em- perors, and of course, during that time, the capital of Italy. It has since been celebrated by the defeat of Francis I. who was here made prisoner; and by its University, one of the most famous in Europe.
It has all the marks of decayed grandeur, but it is now small and insignificant compared to its former splendour. Its university is still respectable and well supported.—The buildings are large and elegant. Its anatomical school and collections are admirable, and its collections of natural history inferior to very few in Europe. We passed some pleasant hours in view- ing these curiosities, and I could not help reflecting, and blushing as I reflected, how much we are behind Europe in the fine arts, in the sciences, and in estab- lishments which contribute to their perfection. There are nearly twenty Universities in Italy, and each of them has collections of natural history, superior to all the public and private collections in the United States.
In addition to which, in every great city here, there are twenty private collections shown for money super- ior to those of any of our public seminaries. It is not that they are so much richer or more populous, but we want the taste.
[Letter 23d to be concluded.]
FINAL NOTICE.
THAT six months longer is allowed, from the 1st day of November, for all persons who have any claims against the Estate of WILLIAM R. THURSTON, late of Newport, Mariner, must be rendered in, properly attested, otherwise they will be debarred.
DANIEL VAUGHN, Administrator. Newport, Nov. 29, 1809.
NOTICE.
State of Connecticut, New-London County, ss. Superior Court, September Term, A. D. 1809.
GILMOR ROBBINS, of Preston, in New-London County, brought his Petition to this Court, a- gainst his Creditors, alleging that by means of sun- dry losses and misfortunes, he has become insolvent, praying that his body may be exempted from future arrest and imprisonment, agreeably to the Act of the Legislature in such cases provided: which Petition is continued by said Court, to the Superior Court, to be holden at Norwich, in and for New-London County on the third TUESDAY of January, A. D. 1810, when and where the said Creditors of the Petitioner, are hereby notified to appear, if they see cause, and shew reasons, if any they have, why the prayer of said Pe- tition should not be granted.
CHARLES LATIROP, Clerk. JAMES LANMAN, Attorney for Petitioner.
S. STACKHOUSE'S (NEW INVENTED)
PATENT CHURN.
THIS Churn will work much easier than the com- mon one; besides, it has the advantage of col- lecting the butter in rolls; it may also be made to any size, so as to churn any quantity the possessor may wish; and it may be fixed in such a manner as to work either by hand, water, wind, or any other power.— Good Cream has often been churned into the best Butter, by this excellent and simple machine, in eight or ten minutes, and deposited in neat rolls, producing an eighth of the whole more butter than in the com- mon way.
The above Churn may be had of BATMAN MONRO, in Portsmouth, or ROBERT & NICHOLAS LAWTON, No. 61 String-Street, Newport. August 2.
William and Henry Moore,
OFFER FOR SALE, AT THEIR STORE, No. 5, MARKET-SQUARE, For Cash, Country Produce, or approved Credit, at as low prices as can be purchased at any store in Newport— 30 boxes excellent brown SUGARS; 5 do. do. white do.; 20 bbls. do. do.; 2000 wt. excellent COFFEE; 10 chests Souchong TEAS; 5 do. Hyson do.; 5 do. Hyson do.; 10 casks GINGER; Bags of PEPPER; do. PIMENTO; 5 pipes Country GIN, of a superior quality; 5 bds. 3d proof W. I. RUM; 15 do. N. E. do.; IRONMONGERY, CUTLERY, and HARD WARE; NAILS of all kinds; ANCHORS, of every size; Sundry articles in the Dry Goods Line; 4 bales COTTON.
Also, at their Store, No. 100, THAMES-STREET, A general and extensive assortment DRY GOODS, as cheap as can be found.
All the above articles will be sold at wholesale or retail. N. B. All those persons who have long standing accounts, are desired to call and settle the same by cash or note.
CASH,
And the highest price given for good clean Flax-Seed, Tow-Cloth or Feathers. Wanted, 2000 bushels good clean Barley. Apply at No. 5, MARKET-SQUARE. Nov. 8.
DANIEL SHELDON,
RESPECTFULLY informs his friends, that he has on hand— A quantity of excellent cedar Clapboards, cedar Shingles, pine Shingles, Boards, Plank, Joist, &c. &c. Which he will sell cheap, at his stand on SHER- BURNE'S Wharf. Nov. 15.
FANCY GOODS.
WILLIAM S. NICHOLS has just received in addition, to his former stock, a variety of the most fashionable FANCY GOODS, which from price and quality cannot fail to suit purcha- sers. Newport, Nov. 22, 1809.
Elegant China, Glass Ware, &c. &c. JUST RECEIVED,—And for Sale by GEORGE W. MARTIN, No. 2, CHURCH-STREET. 30 Casks, containing Dining-sets, 21 Boxes do. Tea-sets, } Of the new- 10 Tierces do. Glass-ware, } est fashions. A L S O— 2000 Bushels Liverpool SALT, 200 Small Kegs Good BUTTER, 100 doz. London PORTER. Nov. 22.
THE SUBSCRIBERS HAVING formed a connexion in trade, under the Firm of HOWLAND & EDDY, OFFER FOR SALE, ON REASONABLE TERMS, At their store, No. 72 & 73, THAMES-STREET, A general assortment of GROCERIES, consisting of Rum, Brandy, Gin, Coffee, Sugars of various kinds, Hyson, Souchong, and Bohea Teas, a few boxes Bordeaux Cordials, &c. &c. Also—600 wt. Cheese, of a superior quality, suit- able for family use; a few kegs Negro-head Tobac- co. Likewise, fresh Flour, by the barrel. They transact COMMISSION BUSINESS.— Those who are pleased to favour them in this way, may depend on the utmost exertions in their behalf, BENJAMIN B. HOWLAND. JOSEPH W. EDDY. Newport, Nov. 22, 1809.
GODFREY WENWOOD,
HAS FOR SALE, On the most reasonable Terms, A QUANTITY of Ship and Cabin Bread; Alexandria and New-York Flour of the first quality; Molasses by the gallon; coarse and blown Salt by the bushel; Ginger and Pearl- Ash by retail.—Also, Mystick Tyle by the dozen, and Philadelphia Bricks by the hundred; Hops by the pound; Malt by the bushel or smaller quantity; Wheat Bran by the bushel; Coal by the bushel.—Also, A quantity of Bricks and Tile, made of Pipe Clay, suitable for Ovens. Newport, Aug. 30, 1809.
LOPEZ & DEXTER,
OFFER FOR SALE, 36 Puncheons St. Croix RUM; 11 Pipes 4th Proof Spanish BRANDY; 15 do. 1st do. Country GIN; 10 do. Madeira WINE; 24 Quarter Casks Lisbon do.; 75 Chests Souchong TEA; 8 do. Hyson Skin do.; 26,000 lbs. West-India COFFEE; 15 Bags PIMENTO; 74 Bales Upland COTTON; 100 Boxes Muscatel RAISINS; 55 Barrels N. Y. inspected PRIME PORK; 60 Tons assorted Swedes' IRON; 700 Quintals CODFISH; 15 Boxes Window GLASS; 150 Reams Wrapping PAPER; 100 do. Writing do.; 3 Hogsheads LOAF SUGAR. ALSO— The following Fresh Imported DRY GOODS:— 5 Cases India Silks; 600 Pieces Blue Nankeen; 200 do. Yellow ditto; 250 do. White ditto; 3 Bales Sarine Broadcloths; Cases Cotton Sewings; do. Fancy Prints; 1 do. English Sewing Silks; 1 do. Men's and Women's Gloves; 2 do. Cotton Shirting; 1 do. Fancy Muslins; 1 do. Marseilles Vesting; 1 do. Cambric Muslins; 1 do. Bombazetts; 1 Bale Cassimeres; 1 Case Velvets; 100 Pieces Russia Diaper; 50 do. Red, Yellow and Brown Bandanocs. Newport, August 16, 1809.
JOESPH BRIGGS,
No. 63, Thames-street, HAS for sale—100 bbls. Prime Pork, war- ranted; Gin, per pipe. Also—An assortment of GROCERIES. N. B. He transacts Commission Business. Those who are disposed to favour him in this line, may depend on his exertions in their be- half. STORAGE for goods may be had by ap- plying as above. July 26.
REMOVAL.
THE Subscribers have removed their Auction and Commission Store to that very eligible stand 94, Thames-Street, directly opposite Messrs. WAN- TON & RATHBONE'S Book-Store, a part of which was lately occupied by PAUL M. MUNFORD, Esq. as an Office, where they continue to transact Au- ction and Commission business. Those who may please to employ them may depend on a faithful and prompt attendance being given to their interest. FOR SALE—on terms unusually good. 20 Chests Campoy Tea, 10 Pipes Country Gin, 20 Bags Coffee, 10 bbls. Pimento.
The above Goods, being separate consign- ments, will be sold at prices greatly reduced, in order to close the Sales. N. B. Those indebted to the Subscribers, are requested to settle immediately.—All orders from distant customers will be duly attended to. HENRY Y. CRANSTON, & CO. Newport, Nov. 1, 1809.
The Progressive Company,
AT THEIR GRAINERY AND GROCERY STORE, No. 11, LONG-WHARF, Have for Sale, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest cur- rent prices.
A Constant supply of Rye and Indian Corn; do. do. Rye and Indian Meal; Flour, of the most approved brands. An extensive assortment of GROCERIES and LI- QUORS—among which are— 10 hds. 3d proof St. Croix and Antigua Rum; 20 pipes 4th proof Spanish Brandy; 20 quarter casks Sherry Wine; 20 boxes Raisins; 20 do. Chocolate; Hyson, Souchong, and Bohea Teas, by the chest or lesser quantity, &c. &c. 1600 bushels Exuma Salt, of a superior quality; 1500 do. Liverpool do. 500 do. Turks-Island do. 500 do. Bonavista do. Also—a quantity of well seasoned mer. Bows; Likewise—Just received, 5 pipes Gin; 5 hds. old Jamaica Spirits; 26 chests Compoey Tea, of an excellent flavour; 1000 wt. Cheese; 200 Meal Bags; 8 crates and 2 hds. Crocker's Ware, &c. &c. Cash given for CORN and RYE. N. B. Those persons who have in their possession Meal Bags belonging to the Company, will have the goodness to return them. WILLIAM COGGESHALL, jun. Agent. Newport, Oct. 18.
Feather Beds and Feathers.
FOR SALE—Three new FEATH- ER BEDS, and a quantity of FEATHERS. Apply to ABRAHAM BARKER, Nov. 22. No. 1, Charles-Street.
STOVE PIPES,
OF TIN, or sheet IRON, of any length or size, made by the Subscriber, at his Shop one door west of Messrs. J. MUNROE & Co's. Grocery Store.—Also, Tin Ware for sale as cheap as can be purchased in this state. The smallest favour gratefully acknowledged. N. B. Cash given for old Pewter and Lead. NATHANIEL NASON. Newport, Nov. 1, 1809.
FOR SALE,
AN elegant Mahogany BILLIARD TABLE, almost new, with all its apparatus. Enquire at this Office. Newport, Nov. 1.
FOR SALE,
THAT pleasant situation South of the Brick-Market, about 60 feet on Thames-street, extends about 400 feet west, with a small Wharf. There are two large and very commodious Dwelling- Houses, one fronting on Thames-street, No. 177 and 179, with two convenient Shops in front; the other stands west, very well calculated for two families. JOSEPH ALLEN. Newport, September 13, 1809.
FARM.
FOR SALE, by the subscriber, a val- uable Farm, situated in the town of Portsmouth, adjoining that of SAMUEL ELIAS, Esq. about 5 miles from Newport.—Said Farm contains about 70 acres of excellent Land; a Dwelling-House, Barn, and other suitable out Houses. For terms and particulars, reply to HENRY TEW, on the premises. Newport, Aug. 23, 1809.
FOR SALE,
THE House and Lot at, the North part of Easton's point, lately occupied by the Rev. Mr. Bradley. Also—The Marsts, Sairs, Sails, Rigging, Stores, &c. suitable for a single decked Brig, of 110 or 115 tons, or a big or double decked Brig of 120 or 130 tons.—Apply to CONSTANT TABER. Newport, September 13, 1809.
FOR SALE,
TWO Lots of Land, pleasantly situ- ated at the head of Broad-street, adjoining each other, containing 250 feet front, and 70 feet rear, with a large two-story new building thereon fronting the head of Broad-street. The building has been occupied as a Coach-maker's shop, and is well calculated for a Dwelling-House, and with a small expense may be made a beautiful situation.—On one of the Lots is a good well of water.—Also for Sale, Three good Chaises, with round and square tops, and one Gig, all with plated harnesses. Also, Two excellent Chaise Horses.—The above may be bought very cheap.—For terms apply to ISAAC STALL. Newport, Oct. 25, 1809.