The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-11-22 00:00:00

NEW HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE
[No. 51.—VOL. LIII.] TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1808. [TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.] PORTSMOUTH: (NEW HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
NEW GOODS.
James Rundlet, Has just received & is now opening a fresh supply OF Fall and Winter Goods, which added to his stock on hand, makes his assortment of Piece Goods very extensive, and they will be sold at a very small advance, for cash or short approved Credit. Nov. 8.
Tim o Upham,
Has just received for sale, a large assortment of Fall and Winter GOODS; COMPRISING,—Best superfine, midling and low priced Broad Cloths; Cassimeres, Ladies pelise Cloths; Serges, Duffs, Coatings, Blankets, Devonshire Kerseys, Forest Cloths, Bockings, Baizes & Flannels; —Thin fine scarlet Broadcloth for Shawls, with suitable Fur trimmings; fine SwanDown & toiletant Velvings, silk Velvet and black Satin ditto; silk and tabby Velvets of various colours and very superior quality; Bom bazetts, Wild Bores, Russels, Durants and Callimancoes. Large supply of Pine and low priced Calicoes, colored and black Cambricks; Ginghams, bordered gown Patterns—good CHAMBRA MUSLINS from 1/6 to 3/6 per yard; copper plate & supple Chintzes, furniture and common Dimities, cotton Shawls from 2/6 to 18/ each, silk ditto from 12/ to 36/ each; Madras and other Hkfs.—Ladies and Gentlemen's cotton & worsted Hosiery—a great variety of silk Goods; Florence and English Lustrings; double and common Sarfets of almost every color; India Satins, soft black satins for gowns; plain and twil'd black Modes; fawn, drab, yellow, white, pink and brown English Satins; black Crape; Cy press Handks. Ganze ditto. a complete assortment of Ladies and Gentlemen's black, slate and white silk Hose, with gauze hose of suitable colors to wear under them; Ladies and Gentlemen's silk Gloves.
Ladies long white kid, } Kid and wash leather, white, dark, } beaver blk. yellow, & fawn hskt. } Gloves. Gentlemen's best Deerskin from 6/ to 9/; Beaver lin'd with Fur, common leather, worsted & cotton Gloves. Cotton, silk & thread Laces, Footings and Edgings; bed Laces, Fringe & Tassels, comprising a great variety of different patterns. Rich hearth Carpets; Camels hair Shawls; Gentlemen's Suspenders; Linens; linen, and cotton and linen Checks; British Cotton; India Cottons of all prices from 12/ piece of 15 yds. to 36/; India Checks & Hkfs.
Palm, } and Winfor Soap, from Rose, } 6/9 doz. to 13/6. Violet, Ladies morocco Purse; Childrens toy watches; Ladies black Plumes; Silk and cotton Umbrellas. Cotton Diapers from 20 cts. to 6/9 per yard; linen Diapers from 2/6 to 16/6 per yard, and from 1/2 yd. wide to 2 1/2 yards; Damask and diaper table cloths from 10/6 to 20 dols. each; a great variety of fashionable Ribonds—silk cords of every color; silk and cotton Cords and Tassels—Gentlemen's fleecy under Vests. Knitting, } Cotton Yarn & Twist. Warp & } Filling. White, yellow, orange, green, cinnamon, brown, sky and dark blue—Factory Cotton Sewings. Very large supply of Beverly & Providence Bed-Ticks; American manufactured cotton Shirtings. The above American Goods are a consignment from the manufacture, and will be sold as cheap as at the Factory. Also, A few Casks of RAISINS.
T. UPHAM acknowledges with gratitude the liberal Patronage of his friends, and assures them his best exertions shall not be wanting to merit a continuance. Those whose accounts have been standing beyond the usual term of credit, are respectfully invited to call and settle them. Nov. 8.
S. Messinger,
Has just redressed at his Hat Store, No. 2, Shelf's Buildings.—A large assortment of ENGLISH and American HATS, for Men, Youth and Children—Also, Hatters, Linen; Hat Buckles; Gallon &c. Likewise, Muffs and Tippets of every description; two Hundred Racoon Skins, which will be sold cheap for Cash only. Nov. 8.
NEW GOODS.
Just received by the late arrivals at Boston, and now opening at DRAPER'S CHEAP CASH STORE, a very extensive and elegant assortment of Fashionable, Fancy and Staple PIECE GOODS, adapted to the present and approaching season. AMONG WHICH ARE
A N elegant variety } MUSLINS of colored worked, Brufels, figured leno, feed mull mull, diagonal, vioted and lace Black, dove, pink, light, buff and lilac } Canton Crapes. Fashionable Beaver & Straw } Hats & Bonnets. An elegant assortment of extra long and habit } Kid Gloves White Satin, best quality; double white Sarfets; white cotton lace Armlets; lace Gloves and Mitts. A great variety of Thread and cotton Laces and Footings; Ladies lace cotton HOSE, a new article. A great variety comprising all colours, Silk Velvets and Plushes. Leghorn Flats; Black, white, blue, maroon, scarlet, orange and coquelico } CRAPES Children's straw Bonnets; India plaid Lustrings; Spider-Nett; An elegant assortment of broad and common width } Ribbons India black Satins and Lustrings; Pink, white, buff and green Sarfets; Florence black Lustrings, very nice quality; Very cheap cambricks, book and jacquet } Mullins; Ladies and gentlemen's silk Hose; Fawn, purple, black and slate twilled } Cambricks. A very elegant variety of London Chintzes; 2 trunks low priced Calicoes; Plaid Ginghams and chombra Muslins; 7-8, 4-4 and 6-4 colored and black Cambricks; Plaid and plain silk chombra Muslins. A variety of elegant, Patch Furnitures; low priced do.; 6-4 twilled cotton Shawls; 6-4 damask silk ditto; white cambricks pocket Hkfs. remarkable cheap; linen ditto very fine; Ladies figured Turban and Neck Handks.; Linen Cambricks; Irish Linens; Dimities; Cotton Diapers; Ladies and gentlemen's cotton and worsted Hosiery. Scarlet, purple, brown, dove, fawn and black } Bombazets. Fawn, purple, olive & black } Tabby Velvets 4 cts 3-4, 7-8 and 4-4 British cotton Shirtings; 4-4, 5-4 & 6-4 Oil Cloths. London superfine black, blue, brown } Broad Cloths. Superfine double milled black, blue and drab } Cassimeres. Fawn, dark green and brown } Pelise CLOTHS. Scarlet, fawn and dark green } Pelise Flannels. Dark green Cassimeres; purple and black glass Buttons; Gentlemen's fashionable Toiletent and other waistcoatings; Real superfine drab Kersey; low priced do.; Silver'd Cords and Satinets. Velvets and Thicksets; silk and cotton UMBRELLAS. a very large and complete assortment of Men's Hats, from 1 to 7 dollars; a large supply of Baizes; Flannels; Bockings; Plains; Coatings; Fearnoughts; Kerseys; Serges; and low priced Broad Cloths; Rose Blankets, from 6 to 11-4. Elt, bear, black Jenet and mock fable MUFFS and TIPPETS. Fine Baftas and Sannahs, suitable for shirting; and a large supply of low priced India Cottons, &c. &c. Just Received, 500 yds. of Providence BED TICKING, which will be sold very cheap. To be had as above, 3 and 3 threaded Factory Cotton Yarn. Portsmouth, October 18, 1808.
For Sale, at No. 14, Merchant's row, 65 Puncheons Tobacco and Demerara RUM; 74 Hhds. MOLASSES; 30 Hhds. and Bbls. SUGAR; Crates Earthen-ware; Bbls. and half Bbls. BEEF & PORK. Russia IRON; Cod FISH, &c. Wanted, 100 M. merchantable BOARDS, for which any of the above goods will be given. H. & A. LADD. October 18.
REMOVAL. JUDKINS & SENTER, INFORM their friends and customers that they have removed to the corner of Broad and Pleasant Streets, where they have on hand a variety of the most fashionable Cabinet Work, and Chairs, of every kind, which they will sell as cheap for Cash or English and West India Goods, as can be bought in this town or elsewhere. They gratefully acknowledge past favors, and solicit a continuance. All orders will be punctually attended to. October 25.
NEW MUSEUM OF Wax Work.
PARDEE AND SMITH, RESPECTFULLY acquaint the ladies and gentlemen of Portsmouth, that they have opened at the Assembly Room, a new and elegant collection of Wax FIGURES, as large as life; among which are the following characters: A striking representation of the DUEL between Gen. Alexander Hamilton and Col. Aaron Burr. BONAPARTE, Emperor of France. The Death of Lord NELSON, in his last moments, attended by his Captain & Lieut. An elegant figure of the Grand MASHAW of Tripoli. A representation of the horrid transaction which took place at Middletown, New Jersey. Mr. Read, the teacher of the academy in that place, is represented with his throat cut, and reaching forth his hand with the Razor the second time, to destroy the life of Mrs. Conover, a lady to whom he had paid his unsuccessful addresses. A scene from Scripture, representing Sampson asleep, with his head resting on the lap of Delilah, while a Barber is standing by, in the act of shaving the locks of hair from his head. The FRIEND'S BEAUTY. The Handsome COQUETTE. A striking and interesting representation of STEPHEN ARNOLD, in the act of whipping, in a most cruel and barbarous manner, a little GIRL of six years of age; the little girl died, and Arnold was condemned to be hanged. With a variety of other Figures. MUSIC, an elegant ORGAN. Hours of Exhibition—from 9 o'clock in the morning, till 9 in the evening. Admittance—25 cts for grown persons—Children, half price. Portsmouth, November 15, 1808.
NEW GOODS.
Oliver Briard HAS received a very Fall assortment of GOODS, Comprising all those that are usually found in the best of length Piece Goods are now offered for Cash, or approved credit, at Store or Market-street. Portsmouth Nov 15
RAISINS. A FEW casks of Malaga and Smyrna RAISINS, in good order—for sale by Nov. 1 E. Wentworth.
J. S. WALKER, informs the public that he has taken a shop in Arkland, opposite Mr. Gerrish's Brasfoundery, and a few steps north of Mr. Davenport's Inn, where he carries on the BOOT & SHOE making business with neatness and dispatch.—His work being proved he thinks will be a sufficient inducement for people to call again, and as he has taken a shop in so central a part of the town, he hopes to meet with that encouragement that will afford him constant employment, that he might not be under the necessity of removing elsewhere. Portsmouth, Nov 15, 1808
NOTICE.
DEBTORS to the late firm of LADD & SMITH, are for the last time called upon to make payment, every demand not paid by the first of December next, will without discrimination be left with an Attorney for collection. HENRY LADD. Portsmouth, Oct. 18th, 1808.
Strayed or Stolen, FROM the lumberers lot in Exeter, on Thursday night of the 3d inst. a large light red or sorrel colored HORSE, about 12 years old, in full flesh, mane naturally inching on both sides the neck, and trots fast; whoever will return said Horse to me shall be handsomely rewarded. THOMAS ODIORNE. Exeter, November 7, 1808.
TO LET ONE half of a convenient Dwelling-house at the south part of the town near captain Luke M. Leighton—Inquire of Nathaniel Melcher. Portsmouth, Nov 8
ALMANACS.
ALMANACS for 1809, For sale at G. PIERCE's, Bookstore, Daniel-street. Portsmouth, October 7, 1808.
FLAX-SEED.
Cash given for Flax-Seed at No 15, Merchants Row, by Abel & P. Harris.
SHOOKS for Sale.
One thousand White Oak and Five hundred Red Oak SHOOKS—For sale on very reasonable terms—Apply to J. GODDARD. November 1.
POLITICAL.
ANOTHER Federal LIE refuted.
[Much having been said and printed about the Man that was tarred and feathered in Baltimore, we have copied the following statement of the business from the Baltimore Evening Post of the 19th ult.]
It was our intention to have passed over in silence the outrage on the laws committed yesterday afternoon, in this city; but as to answer party purposes, the whole truth relating to the subject has not been told, and a coloring is attempted to be given to the circumstance which does not fairly and honestly bear, a statement of facts seems necessary. At about four o'clock, yesterday afternoon, a journeyman shoemaker was violently torn from his work, put into a cart, tarred and feathered, paraded through several of the streets of this city, and afterwards landed at the place from whence he was taken by the same party who carried him away. The circumstances which led to this event, we are informed, are as follows: The sufferer is an Englishman, and frequently outrageous in his expressions of hostility against the government and people of the U. States. At a late meeting of the "Journeymen Shoemaker's Society," he cursed all the Americans, indiscriminately, as a pack of rebels to their King and rascals to each other—and hoped to see the day when one of his Majesty's sons would obtain his just rights over these States and be their King. He damned the President, and the government in the most bitter manner, and hoped when the British came here, as he intended to join them, to have the pleasure of shooting the President, &c. &c. Such conversations we are informed, were frequent with him, and the situation of those compelled, from the nature of their business, to be his associates, thus rendered irksome and uncomfortable. He was frequently warned to guard his tongue, and threatened with tar and feathers if he would not. He still persisted, and met the disaster, according to the promise of his fellow-craftsmen. The preceding, from the best information we can obtain, and many inquiries, we believe to be as nearly a correct statement of the affair as we can arrive at. The business originated with and was carried into execution by the Journeymen Boot and Shoe-Makers of the city—they certainly deserve credit for their attachment to their country, though we cannot speak in favor of their manner of shewing it. The thing is entirely wrong. Those who were most active in the affair have entered into recognizance to answer for the offence against the laws before the proper tribunal. Coleman has crowded his paper with accounts of the tar-ring and feathering of a seditious Englishman at Baltimore; and most pathetically appeals to the pity and compassion of the public! This outrage had no connection with party and was reprobated and condemned by every Republican—yet the tories are contriving to make an engine of it to prejudice the minds of the community. Coleman dreads every effusion of popular sentiment—and there is nothing effects him like the smell of tar—he is ever repeating to himself the words of McFingal. "Tar yet in embryo in the pine, Shall run on Tories back to pine; And geese unbark'd, when pluck'd in fray, Shall rue the feathering of that day!"
Newmen in any country have ever betrayed a stronger partiality for a foreign state, than our Boston Federalists (who want to separate the States) have manifested for England. They palliated the attack upon the Chesapeake, alleging the right of Humphries to take the scoundrel! They advocate the assumed right of Great-Britain to press seamen from American ships. They pretend to justify the British Orders in Council. They approved of the bombardment of Copenhagen. They have exulted to hear that the "President and United States" were bifsted at a public dinner in London; while at a military dinner in Boston, they drank to a bumper KING GEORGE THE THIRD!!! Muzaa for New-England Federalism! [Boston Chronicle.]
The professed solitude of the federalists for the success of the Spanish people, in their contention for a government of their choice, is quite a new trait of federal character. When the French people contended for a government of their own choice and resisted the powers who basely interfered, and who invaded France to force upon her people a king of their own choosing, with at least as little right as Bonaparte has to invade Spain to force on her people a king of his choosing; I say, when these things were transacting in France some years ago, where was the sympathy of federalists, in favor of a people struggling for "self government"? Or rather where was there an abusive word in the English language which was not used to excite the people to circumlocution? A recurrence to the conduct of federalists in those days, will enable the dullest understanding to detect the hypocrisy of federalists in projecting sympathy for a people on account of their struggle for self government!—and to convince every one that there is no principle in their present partiality for "Spanish patriots"—other than which guides their conduct in all cases. Federal-
ists with well to the Spaniards, not as patriots, but as allies of England.
Suppose Spain had been a neutral nation, and at peace with all the world, while France and England were at war—that her people had tossed from their flavish submission to Princes and ecclesiastical tyranny, abolished monarchy and established religion, and formed a Constitution similar to ours: that Britain had interfered, as she did in the case of France, to defeat such a glorious revolution; and that Spain had consequently gone to war with England—is any man so stupid as to believe that men, who excercised France in a similar case, would now be heard to pray for the success of Spanish patriots, as they do? Impossible! Nov. 22.
Ask a federalist why he is so clamorous in favor of the "Spanish patriots"? he replies because they are contending for the support of their own government against the foreigner who assists it.
How consistently this comes from the mouths of federalists—who are not only abusing their own government, and advocating its British adherents—but persecuting and reviling republicans, who contend in support of their own government! [Tid.]
Tory Consistency and the Embargo.
WE are informed by the travellers and collectors from the sea ports, and particularly those from Philadelphia, of the flourishing situation of their cities, of the advance in the rent of houses, of the great number of new buildings erecting, which they estimate by hundreds, and even by thousands—they inform us that money is so plentiful in its circulation, that interest is considerably reduced, that the banks are overflowing, and will discount notes even at twelve months date.—In the same breath these gentlemen inform us that they are ruined by the embargo!
We can inform those gentlemen, that instead of the embargo operating as a ruinous measure, it has been the parent of all those instances of increasing prosperity which they have enumerated. Had it not have been for the embargo, where would have been the wealth which is now made visible in our cities?—which reduces their usury—which improves their towns?—why, in the hands of British or French pirates—and those very men would now be curbing the administration for not laying on an embargo, had their property not have been saved from the rapacity of French decrees or British orders in council.
The truth is, and it must be visible to every American in the town of Lexington, that those collectors and pattern-cards carriers generally from the eastward, when they arrive in this place, act in their speeches and conversation, more in the capacity of the spies and hired agents of the British tyrant, than as sober PEDLARS, disposing of their plus and tapes, their looking and needle—they appear to be travelling as British agents to disseminate British and Tory politics, rather than selling their tea, their coffee, & hardware. Such conversation and such principles may be very well adapted to their master's shops and counting houses, but we assure them, that they are not accommodated to the soil and air of Kentucky—our atmosphere is not adapted to the nutrition of tory and British weeds. They will find but few persons who are not dependent on British wool, or whose hands have not become intoxicated with the fumes of British merchandise, to be traitors to the liberties of their Country. [Lexington, Kentucky paper.]
Extract of a letter from Montpelier, (Vt.) dated October 20, 1808.
Yesterday was a glorious day for the cause of Republicanism and liberty.—The honorable Jonathan Robinson was elected a Senator in Congress of the United States for the term of six years from the 4th of March next, and the present judges of the Supreme Court of this State were elected for the year ensuing; all by an average majority of nine.—The tories are to day dreadfully afflicted with the hot-jaw. They are well aware that Federalism in this State, is now consigned to a grave from which it never can have a resurrection.
Every possible exertion has been made by the Federalists to obtain a majority in the Legislature. They have their spies and agents here from all quarters of New-England; and it is confidently asserted that Brimfield Gold has been brought to this place for the purposes of bribery and corruption. But thank God, the Republican members stand firm, notwithstanding all the efforts which have been made them both of land and money to induce them to betray their trust, and become traitors to their God and country. It is therefore now reduced to a certainty that Vermont, instead of being governed by the harlot, Federalism, will have republican electors for President and Vice-President; consequently Madison will receive an addition of six votes which were not calculated on. [St Albans Advertiser.]
There Money and Lsf. Brasf.—The opposition say they have all the men of wealth and influence on their side; we are sorry, to be sure, to find so great a number of men because they have a little more of this world's goods than their neighbours, want also to rob them of their rights and liberties: though we believe if the whole fraternity were to throw all into a common stock and then pay all their debts out of the same they would come on of the little end of the horn and find the supporters of government after paying their debts, as wealthy and influential as their honours, though with less Brasf. [Columbian Centinel.]
Let the federalists point out some mode of safety for the indulgence of commerce other than by TRIBUTARY SUBMISSION—otherwise their croakings about free trade, and the embargo cannot but render them ridiculous.

Mr. Madison's Letter.
AMERICA,—SUPERIOR IN TALENTS AS IN VIRTUE.
The American people, cannot be too early nor too particularly called to the consideration of the following many and honorable vindication of the national rights and independence and exposition of outrage and oppression. The man who can read this able and spirited paper, without feeling his pride encreased, and his indignation excited, ought to suspect his head of imbecility, and his heart of insensibility to virtue or patriotism.
MR. MADISON TO MR. ERSKINE.
Department of State, March 25, 1808.
Sir,—Having laid before the President your letter of the 23d of February, explaining the character of certain British orders of council issued in November last, I proceed to communicate the observations and representations which will manifest to your government the sentiments of the president on so deep a violation of the commerce and rights of the United States.
These orders interdict to neutral nations, or rather to the United States, now the only commercial nation in a state of neutrality, all commerce with the enemies of G. Britain, now nearly the whole commercial world, with certain exceptions only, and under certain regulations, but too evidently fashioned to the commercial, manufacturing and the fiscal policy of Great Britain; and on that account, the more derogatory from the honor and independence of neutral nations.
The orders are the more calculated to excite surprise in the United States, as they have disregarded the remonstrances conveyed in my letters of the 20th and 24th March, 1807, against another order of council issued on a similar plea, in the month of January, 1807. To those just remonstrances, no answer was indeed ever given; whilst the order has been continued in its pernicious operation against the lawful commerce of the United States, and we now find added to it others, instituting still more ruinous depredations, without even the addition of any new pretext: and when moreover it is notorious, that the order of January was of a nature greatly to overbalance in its effects any injuries to Great Britain that could be apprehended from the illegal operation of the French decree on which the order was to retaliate, had that decree in its illegal operation been actually applied to the United States, and been acquired in by them.
The last orders, like that of January, proceed on the most unsubstantial foundation.—They assume for fact an acquiescence of the United States in an unlawful application to them of the French decree: and they assume for a principle that the right of retaliation accruing to one belligerent against a neutral, through whom an injury is done by another belligerent, is not to have for its measure that of the injury received, but may be exercised in any extent and under any modifications, which may suit the pleasure or the policy of the complaining party.
The fact, Sir, is unequivocally disowned.—It is not true that the United States have acquiesced in an illegal operation of the French decree: nor is it even true that at the date of the British orders of Nov. 11, a single application of that decree to the commerce of the United States on the high seas can be presumed to have been known to the British government.
The French decree in question has two distinct aspects, one clearly importing an intended operation within the territorial limits as a local law; the other apparently importing an intended operation on the high seas.
Under the first aspect, the decree, however otherwise objectionable, cannot be said to have violated the neutrality of the United States. If the governing powers of the continent of Europe choose to exclude from their ports British property or British productions or neutral vessels proceeding from British ports, it is an act of sovereignty which the United States have no right to controvert. The same sovereignty is exercised by Great Britain at all times, in peace as well as in war, towards her friends as well as her enemies. Her statute book presents a thousand illustrations.
It is only therefore, under the other aspect of the decree, that it can have violated neutral rights; and this would have resulted from its execution on the high seas, whether on the pretext of a nominal blockade, or with a view to enforce a domestic regulation against foreign vessels, not within the domestic precincts, but under the authority and protection of the law of nations.
Had then the French decree been executed on the high seas, against the commerce of the United States with Great Britain, and have the United States acquiesced in the unlawful and injurious proceeding?
I state, Sir, on undeniable authority, that the first instance in which that decree was put in force against the neutral rights of the U. States, was that of the Horizon , an American ship bound from Great Britain to Lima, wrecked within the territorial jurisdiction of France, and condemned under an exposition of the decree extending to the high seas its operation against neutrals. This judicial decision took place as late as the 16th day of October, 1807, and was not officially known to the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, till some time in November. At the date of the decree of the first order of Great Britain, no injury whatever had been done to her, through an aggression on the commerce of the United States. No presumption even had been sufficiently authorized, that the express stipulations in the treaty of France with the United States would not exempt their commerce at least from the operation of any edict incompatible with them. At the date even of the late orders of Nov. 11, it appears that the only aggression which had then occurred, was pretty certainly unknown to the British government, and could therefore have had no share in producing this alleged retaliation.
To this fact that the ship Horizon was the first that occurred of an execution of the French decree on the high seas, I am able to add, that as late as the 30th of November, no other case had been brought into the French court of prizes. From accounts which have lately appeared, it is more than probable that unlawful captures by French cruisers have since taken place, but it remains to be known whether they are to be referred to the concurrence of the French government in the judgment pronounced in the case of the Horizon , or not rather to a French decree of the 17th Dec. last, professing to be a retaliation on the British orders of Nov. 11.
I state with equal confidence, that at no time have the United States acquiesced in violations of their neutral rights injurious to G. Britain, or any other belligerent nation. So far were they in particular, from acquiescing in the French decree of November 1806, that the moment it was known to their minister at Paris, he called for explanations of its meaning in relation to the U. States which were favorable, and uncontradicted by the actual operation of the decree: that he steadily watched over the proceedings under it, with a readiness to interpose against any unlawful extension of them to the commerce of the United States; that no time was lost, after the decree came to the knowledge of the government here, in giving him proper instructions on the subject; that he was equally prompt on receiving the decision of the court in the case of the Horizon , in presenting to the French government a remonstrance in terms which can never be insured for a defect of energy; and that by the first opportunity after that decision reached the president, the particular instructions required by it, were forwarded to that minister.—Nor is it to be forgotten, that previous to the British orders of November, it had been explicitly communicated to the British government by the American minister at London, that explanations uncontradicted by any overt act had been given to our minister at Paris, which justifies a reliance, that the French decree would not be put in force against the United States, and that the communication was repeated to the British government immediately on the publication of those orders.
What more could have been required on the part of the U. States to obviate retaliation, pretensions of any sort on the part of Great Britain? Retaliation are measures of rigor in all cases. Where they are to operate through a third and involuntary party, they will never be hastily resorted to by a magnanimous or a just power; which will always allow to the third party, its right to dispute the merits of the case, and will never permit itself to enforce its measures, without affording a reasonable time for the use of reasonable means for substituting another remedy. What would be the situation of neutral powers, if the first blow levelled through them by one belligerent against another, was to leave them no choice, but between the retaliating vengeance of the latter, and an instant declaration of war against the former? Reason revolts against this as the sole alternative. The United States could no more be bound to evade the British orders by an immediate war with France, than they were bound to atone for the burning of the French ship of war on the shore of North Carolina, by an immediate resort to arms against Great Britain.
With respect to the principle assumed by the British orders, it is perfectly clear that it could not justify them in the extent given to their operation, if the facts, erroneously assumed, could have been fully insinuated.
Retaliation is a specific or equivalent return of injury for injury received—and where it is to operate through the interests of a third party having no voluntary participation in the injury received, the return ought, as already observed, to be inflicted with the most forbearing hand.
This is the language of common sense and the clearest equity. As the right to retaliate results merely from the wrong suffered, it cannot in the nature of things extend beyond the extent of the suffering. There may often be a difficulty in applying this rule with exactitude, and a reasonable latitude may be allowable on that consideration. But a manifest and extravagant departure from the rule can find no apology.
What then is the extent of the injury experienced by Great Britain from the measures of her enemies so far as the operation of those measures through the United States, can render them in any sense responsible.
A mere declaration by a belligerent, without the intention or the means to carry it into effect, against the rights and obligations of a neutral nation, and thence against the interests of another belligerent could afford no pretext to the latter to retaliate at the expence of the neutral. The declaration might give just offence to the neutral, but it would belong to him alone to decide on the course prescribed by the respect he owed to himself. No real damage having accrued to the belligerent, no indemnity could accrue.
For the same reason a declaration of a belligerent which he is known to be either not in a situation or not to intend, to carry but partially into execution against a neutral, to the injury of another belligerent, could never give more than a right to a commensurate redress against the neutral. All remaining unexecuted and evidently not to be executed is merely ostensible, working no injury to any, unless it be in the disrespect to the neutral, to whom alone it belongs to resent or disregard it.
Bring the case before us to this plain and equitable test. The French decree of November, 1806, undertook to declare the British Isles in a state of blockade, to be enforced if you please against the neutral commerce of the United States on the high seas, according to the faculty possessed for the purpose. As far as it was actually enforced, or an effect resulted from an apprehension that it could and would be enforced, it was an injury to Great Britain, for which let it be supposed the United States were answerable. On the other hand, as far as it was not enforced, and evidently either would not or could not be enforced, no injury was experienced by Great Britain, and no remedy could lie against the United States.—Now, Sir, it never was pretended that at the date of the first British order issued in January, 1807, any injury had accrued to, or was apprehended by Great Britain from an execution of the French decree upon the commerce of the United States, on the theatre of their neutral rights. So far from it, that the order stands self condemned as a measure of retaliation, by expressly stating that fleets of France and her allies, instead of being able to enforce the blockade of the British Isles, were themselves confined to their own ports by the entire superiority of the British navy: converting thus, by the strangest of reasonings, the security of Great Britain against injury from the French decree, into a title to commit injury on a neutral party.—In the November orders also, whilst it is admitted that the French decree could not be but imperfectly executed for want of means, it is asserted that the intention of the French decree, and not the injury accruing from its operation through the commerce of the United States, is the scale by which the retaliating injury against them is to be measured.
Such are the pretexts, and such the principles, on which one great branch of the lawful commerce of this country became a victim to the first British order, and on which the last orders are now sweeping from the ocean all its most valuable remains.
Against such an unprecedented system of warfare on neutral rights and national independence, the common judgment and common feeling of mankind must forever protest.
I touch, Sir, with reluctance, the question on which of the belligerent sides the invasion of neutral rights had its origin. As the U. States do not acquiesce in those invasions by either, there could be no plea for involving them in the controversy. But as the British orders have made the decree of France, declaring, contrary to the law of nations, the British Isles in a state of blockade, the immediate foundation of their destructive warfare on commerce, it belongs to the subject to remind your government of the illegal interruptions and spoliations suffered, previous to the decree of the neutral commerce of the U. States, under the several orders of British cruisers and courts, and for the most part of express orders of the government itself. On this prior note, I refer to the extensive aggressions on the United States, founded on the plea of blockade.
According to recognized definitions of blockade, which accord with our commerce with port, it is a measure not pretended to be in a state of blockade; and to the British order of council issued near the commencement of the existing war. This order, besides its general interpolation against the established law of nations, is distinguished by a special ingredient violating that law as recognized by the course of decisions in the British courts. It subjects to capture and condemnation all neutral vessels, returning with lawful cargoes, on the sole consideration that they had, in their outward voyage, deposited contraband of war at a hostile port. If the commerce of the United States could therefore in any case be reasonably made the victim and the sport of mutual charges and reproaches between belligerent parties, with respect to the priority of their aggressions on neutral commerce, Great Britain must look beyond the epoch she has chosen for illegal acts of her sovereignty, in support of the allegation on which she founds her retaliating edicts against our commerce.
But the United States are given to understand, that the British government has, as a proof of its indulgent and amicable disposition towards them, mitigated the authorised rigor it might have given to its measures, by certain exceptions peculiarly favorable to the commercial interests of the United States.
I forbear, Sir, to express all the emotions with which such a language, on such an occasion, is calculated to inspire a nation which cannot for a moment be unconscious of its rights, nor mistake for an alleviation of wrongs, regulations to admit the validity, of which would be to assume badges of humiliation, never worn by an independent power.
The first of these indulgencies, is a commercial intercourse with the dependencies of the enemies of Great Britain, and it is considered as enhanced by its being a deviation in favor of the United States, from the ancient and established principle of maritime law, prohibiting altogether such an intercourse in time of war.
Surely, Sir, your government in assuming this principle in such terms in relation to the United States, must have forgotten their repeated and formal protests against it, as these are to be found in the discussions and communications of their minister at London, as well as in explanations occasionally made on that subject to the British representative here. But permit me to ask, more particularly, how it could have happened that the principle is characterised as an ancient and established one. I put the question the more freely, because it has never been denied that the principle, as asserted by your government, was for the first time introduced during the war of 1756. It is in fact invariably cited and described in all judicial and other official transactions "as the rule of 1756." It can have no pretension there to the title of an ancient rule.
And instead of being an established rule or principle, it is well known that Great Britain is the only nation that has acted upon, or otherwise given a sanction to it. Nay, it is not even an established principle in the practice of Great Britain herself. When first applied in the war of 1756, the legality of a neutral trade with the enemy's colonies was not conceded by it. In certain cases only of the colonial trade, allegation was, that the presumptive evidence arising from circumstances against the bona fide neutrality of the ownership justified the condemnation as of enemy's property. If the rule of condemnation was afterwards, during that war, converted into the principle now asserted, it could not possibly have been in operation in its new shape, more than a very few years.—During the succeeding war of 1778, it is admitted by every British authority that the principle was never brought into operation. It may be regarded, in fact, as having been secretly abandoned; and within the period of war since its commencement in 1793, the manner in which the principle has been alternately contracted and extended, explained sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, reflects now on this foundation, now on that, is no secret to those who have attended to its history and progress in the British orders of council, and the British courts of admiralty.
With the exception, therefore, of a period, the last in modern times from which authentic precedents of maritime law will be drawn, and throughout which the United States, more interlaced in the question than any other nation, have uniformly combated the innovation; the principle has not in the British tribunals been in operation for a longer term than three, four or five years, whilst in no others has it ever made its appearance, but to receive a decision protesting against it.
Such is the antiquity and such the authority of a principle, the deviations from which are held out as so many favors conferring the United States for the wide spread destruction of their legitimate commerce.
What must be said as to the other exceptions, which seem to
have been viewed as claims on the gratitude of the United States? Is it an indulgence to them in carrying on their trade with the whole continent of Europe, to be laid under the necessity of going first to a British port, to accept a British licence and to pay a tribute to the British exchequer, as if we had been reduced to the colonial situation which once imposed these monopolizing restraints?
What again must be said as to other features which we see blended on the face of these regulations? If the policy of them be to subject an enemy to privations, why are channels opened for a British trade with them, which are shut to a neutral trade? If in other cases, the real object be to admit a neutral trade with the enemy, why is it required that neutral vessels shall perform the ceremony of passing through a British port, when it can have no imaginable effect, but the known and inevitable one of prohibiting the admission of the trade into the port of destination?
I will not ask why a primary article of our productions and exports, cotton wool, is to be distinguished, in its transit, by a heavy impost not imposed on other articles, because it is frankly avowed, in your explanation of the orders, to be intended as an encouragement to British manufactures, and a check to the rival ones of France? I suppress also tho' without the same reason for it, the inquiry, why less rigorous restrictions are applied to the trade of Barbary powers, than are enforced against that of a nation, such as the United States, and in relations such as have existed between them and Great Britain.
I cannot however pass without notice, the very unwarrantable innovation contained in the two last of the orders. In one of them a certificate of the local origin of a cargo, altho' permitted in the port of departure and required in the port of destination, by regulations purely domestic in both, and strictly analogous in principle to the regulations in the commercial code of G. Britain, is made a cause of capture on the high seas, and of condemnation in her maritime courts. In the other order, the sail of a merchant ship by a belligerent owner to a neutral, although a transaction as legal when fair, as a dealing in any other article, is condemned by a general rule, without an atom of proof or of presumption, that the transfer in the particular case is fraudulent, and the property therefore left in an enemy.
In fine Sir, the president sees in the edicts communicated by you, facts assumed, which did not exist, principles asserted, which never can be admitted: and, under the name of retaliation, measures transcending the limits reconcilable with the facts and principles, as if both were as correct as they are unfounded. He sees moreover in the modifications of this system, regulations violating equally our neutral rights and our national sovereignty. He persuades himself, therefore, that your government will see in the justice of the observations now made, in addition to those I had the honor verbally to state to you, in the first instance, that the United States are well warranted in looking for a speedy revocation of a system which is every day augmenting the mass of injury, for which the United States have the best claims to redress.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c. JAMES MADISON.
The Hon. David M. Erskine, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
National Legislature.
TENTH CONGRESS—SECOND SESSION.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, Nov. 3.—On motion of Mr. Dawson it was resolved, that the several standing committees of the House should be now appointed.
The following gentlemen were then named by the Speaker on the committees respectively. Ways and Means. Messrs. G. W. Campbell, W. Alston, Eppes, Smilie, Tallmadge, Fisk, and J. Montgomery.
Commerce and Manufactures. Messrs. Newton, McCreery, Cutts, Dana, Marion, Mumford and Porter.
Claims. Messrs. Holmes, Pitken, Seaver, Johnston, Humphreys, Brown and Butler.
Public Lands. Messrs. Jeremiah Morrow, Goodwyn, Russell, Boyd, Ely, Bibb, and Howard.
District of Columbia. Messrs. Lewis, Van Horn, Southard, Blackledge, Rea (Penn.) L. J. Alston and Wharton.
Revival and unfinished Business. Messrs. Clopton, Van Rensselaer, and Durell.
Accounts. Messrs. N. R. Moore, Stedman, and Milnor.
Wednesday, Nov. 9.—Immediately on meeting, the House proceeded in the reading of the documents accompanying the President's message; which being concluded.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, they were referred, together with the message, to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, and ordered to be printed.
On the question as to the number to be printed, it was moved by Mr. Fisk, and seconded by Mr. Dana, that ten thousand copies be printed. Negatived by a considerable majority.
Five thousand copies were then ordered to be printed. The House was then cleared and the doors closed for the purpose of reading the confidential part of the President's message.
After the doors were opened, a resolution yesterday laid on the table by Mr. Rhea, (T) for appointing a committee of Post Offices and Post Roads, to consist of one member from each state, was taken up and agreed to.
The following gentlemen compose the committee:—Messrs. Rhea, (T) Green, Chittenden, Davenport, Stanford, Calhoun, Troup, Desha, Whitchill, Newbold, Verplanck, Pugh, Storer, Jer. Morrow, Goldsborough, A. Wilson & Wildbour. Adjourned.
EMBARGO. Thursday, Nov. 9.—Immediately on the meeting of the House—
Mr. Chittenden said he rose with considerable diffidence to offer to the House a resolution on the subject of the Embargo. Having witnessed the feelings heretofore excited by a similar proposition at the last session, he said he would assure gentlemen that he had no object in view but to bring the subject before the House, and excite a fair and liberal discussion. He had hoped that the situation of our affairs would ere this have authorised the removal of the embargo. Disappointed in this, he felt it a duty which he owed to his constituents and to the nation, to endeavor to elicit an expression of the opinion of the House, to pre-
vent rash speculations, and to relieve the nation from suspense.—The measure had now been in operation 10 or 12 months, and he had not perceived the good effects resulting from it. The importance of this subject, its interesting nature to his constituents, who in addition to the common sufferings, had the extreme mortification of being represented as in a state of insurrection, made it an apology for his coming forward at this early period on the subject of the embargo. He then offered the following resolution. Resolved, that the act passed at the last session of Congress entitled "An act laying an embargo, on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the several acts supplementary and additional thereto," ought to be immediately repealed. On the question whether the House will agree to consider the resolution, it was decided by Yeas and Nays—Yeas 33, Nays 9. Mr. Chittenden then moved that it be referred to the committee of the whole on the state of the union, to whom was referred the President's message.
Mr. Macon had no objection to a fair discussion. If the laws were wrong and productive of no beneficial effect, they ought to be repealed. He suggested to the gentleman however the propriety of moving a reference to a committee of the whole, other than that on the state of the union.
Mr. Chittenden modified his motion, and it was agreed to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole. On the question for what day it should be the order, Mr. Chittenden moved to-morrow.
Mr. Smilie said he had no objection to meet this question, but not at so early a period. From the general state of our foreign relations he thought the resolution was ill timed. What could the gentleman mean, said Mr. S. that we must repeal the whole of the embargo system, and substitute nothing in the room of it? Certainly, if his intention may be judged by the manner in which the subject is brought forward, he means this. If he does, I wish him to come forward and tell us so; tell us that he and his constituents are willing to pay tribute and submit; that they will surrender the independence of their country. To consider this motion now, unless a substitute for the embargo were proposed, Mr. S. said he could not agree. He therefore moved that it be made the order of the day for Monday week. In the mean time he took it for granted that the President's message would become the subject of consideration, and the House would be prepared to say what course it would pursue.
Mr. W. Alston objected to the mode in which the subject had been now introduced; and suggested that it would have been more respectful to the President first to have considered the message. But since the gentleman had thus brought forward the question of repealing the embargo law, he was ready to meet him on his own ground to-morrow. He trusted it would then be seen in what quarter and from whom the opposition to the execution of the measure had arisen, and the desire for its removal now proceeded.
Mr. Macon said he no advantage in postponing a decision of the question, being himself ready to meet it at any moment. The very proposition of the resolution would excite all the attention of the seafaring, and awaken all their anxiety. He thought it out of order now to discuss the merits of the question.
Mr. Eppes was willing to vote in favor of the commitment of the motion; but did not with the delusion under which some portion of the people of the United States laboured should longer continue. He wished them to understand what course would be pursued. If, said he, it be the opinion of the Representatives of the Nation that the Embargo should be taken off and no other measure substituted, the majority governs in a Republic, and I should with every good citizen submit to its decision: but I should ever feel for the eternal disgrace of that nation of which I should then feel it a misfortune to be a member. As it is my opinion that should the embargo be raised, other measures ought to be adopted, whether I meet with the support of the house or not, I will at least contribute to the people whole Representative I am, that I will not submit to British or French tyranny, but hand down to their posterity unimpaired, that liberty which their forefathers so nobly achieved.
Mr. Eppes then proposed the following resolutions, as an amendment to Mr. Chittenden's motion:
Resolved, that from and after the day of next, all intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, its islands and dependencies, ought to cease and determine.
Resolved, that from and after the day of next, all intercourse between the United States and France, its islands and dependencies ought to cease and determine.
Resolved, that provision ought to be made by law for arming and equipping for immediate service a thousand militia in addition to the force already authorised by law.
The Speaker informed Mr. Eppes that these could not be received while another question was pending; and Mr. Eppes withdrew them for the present.
Messrs. Blackledge, Clopton and G. W. Campbell declared themselves positively opposed to the motion in its present abstract form. We have not room to detail their observations. They were however of the same tenor as those of Messrs. Smilie, Troup and Eppes.
Messrs. Cook and Cutts spoke in favor of an immediate consideration of the subject, from its importance to the mercantile interest.
The resolution was then made the order of the day for Monday next; a motion for postponement till Monday week having been negatived.
Mr. Elliot offered the following resolution. Resolved, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House of Representatives copies of all instructions which have been transmitted by him to the collectors of the revenue and other officers of the United States, in relation to the execution of the act laying an embargo upon all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary and additional thereto.
On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams, the following amendment was added to the end of the resolution:
Also so far as practicable, the names & places of residence of such persons as have been detected in violating the embargo laws.
Non-Intercourse Resolutions.
Mr. Eppes now moved the resolutions given above; which were referred to the committee to whom was referred Mr. Chittenden's resolution.

PORTSMOUTH,
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1808.
It is full in the recollection of our readers that in the course of the few last months, the federal papers have teemed with accusations against the Executive, of being corruptly influenced by the French government, and with having given the most incontestible evidence of determined hostility toward England, by the rejection of propositions which if acceded to would have given honorable reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, and placed the two countries in the most friendly and favorable relations.
With the President's Message before us let us bestow a few minutes in examining the charges thus brought by the federalists, against the federal government. The charges of French influence and British enmity are so intertwined together, and our present remarks will be so brief, that we shall consider them together.
The President explicitly informs, that "our minister at London and Paris were instructed to explain" the peaceful disposition of the Government of the United States "in such a manner as would withdraw the pretext on which the aggressions were originally founded, and open a way for a renewal of that commercial intercourse which it was alleged, on all sides, had been reluctantly reduced." Can any man of common sense and common honesty hesitate to acknowledge, that such instructions to the American ministers at London and Paris are conclusive, as to the impartiality and sincere disposition of the Executive to have if possible, peace and honest friendship with both nations? Is it possible for the most obdurate prejudice, or the most determined malignity to see in this proceeding aught which can in any the slightest degree support the base, groundless and most wicked assertions of the Federalists, that the Government of the U. States was under French influence?
Left however ingenuity or sophistry, malignity or prejudice, could in the above passage find a loop upon which to hang a doubt, we shall select one other passage, which is so luminously clear, that he who runs may read and he that reads must understand, yea and be convinced.
"To Great Britain, whose power on the ocean is so ascendant, it was deemed not inconsistent with that condition, to state explicitly, that on her rescinding her orders in relation to the commerce of the United States, their trade would be opened with her, and remain shut to her enemies in case of his failure to rescind his decrees also."
We are at a loss, even to conjecture, the ground which will now be assumed by the British agents as maintainable in support of the charge of French influence. We are certain, that whatever ground they take, they will be driven from it by the artillery of Truth, and the indignant reproaches of all sound and true hearted Americans. The British government have refused to rescind their Tributary orders in council, even though the American government offered, on that condition, to raise the embargo in favor of the British dominions, and to continue to enforce it against France and her allies, should the French government refuse to rescind its decrees against American commerce:—yet notwithstanding these stubborn official facts, there are men professing to be Americans, who charge the government of America with being under French influence. Shams and confusion of face to such Americans.
A few words as to the affair of the Chesapeake. It is now ascertained that the British have been so far from having tendered any thing like honorable or admissible reparation for that bloody outrage that they persist in demanding from the government of America, the repeal of the President's proclamation as a preliminary measure necessary and indispensable before they even state the nature of the reparation to be subsequently offered for the murder of our fellow citizens, and the disgrace of our flag. We hope and believe that the day is near at hand when all honest Americans will see through the wicked misrepresentations and base deceptions of the leading federal papers; as soon as that shall be the case, they will as one man rally round their own government and country, and determine at every hazard to support their dignity, honor and independence. [Democratic Press.]
New Hampshire Election.
In our last we gave the returns from 125 towns. We have since received those of 36 others, making in the whole 161 towns: Republican Ticket, 11612 Federal 12612
Majority, 1002.—There are more than 30 towns yet to hear from, which we think will yield a considerable Republican increase.—As the Legislature will be in session To-morrow, we shall be able to give the final result in our next paper. The change already apparent since August is highly gratifying to every Republican.
GOOD!
The New-York Legislature have chosen 19 Republican Electors. It is asserted from various quarters and corroborated by federal accounts that they are all MADISONIANS.
The inhabitants of Portsmouth are informed that the New Museum of WAX-WORK will be Removed from the Assembly Room To-morrow. November 22.
The President, in his message, lays that "to Great Britain, whose power on the ocean is so ascendant, it was deemed not inconsistent with that condition to state, explicitly, that on her rescinding her orders, in relation to the commerce of the U. S. their trade would be opened with her, and remain shut to her enemy, in case of his failure to rescind his decrees also."—Without waiting to see the instructions to our ministers at London and Paris, the federalists say that the President evades a settlement of our difficulties with Britain, by insisting on a matter of etiquette! And the credulity of the followers of the party is to be taxed to believe this glaring misrepresentation! What will not party prejudice swallow? There never was a more plain, candid, reasonable, direct and unequivocal proposition from one government to another. Read it, fellow-citizens, and understand it, and judge for yourselves.
By the President's message it appears that, on the 30th day of September last, there were near Fourteen Millions of Dollars in the national treasury; and that on the first of January next the whole eight per cent stock will be paid off.—That will complete the extinguishment of "THIRTY-THREE MILLIONS, FIVE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY THOUSAND DOLLARS" of the principal of the funded debt, being the whole which could be paid or purchased within the limits of the law and our contracts: and the amount of principal thus discharged will have liberated the revenue from about two millions of interest, and added that sum annually to the disposable surplus. Fellow citizens, consider and reflect on these prominent facts, and compare them with the federal funding system, which is demonstrated to have been calculated for perpetuity and not for extinguishment, by the irredeemable terms, which have prevented a more rapid reduction of the debt under the operation of the Republican system of redemption. This is not promise, but actual performance. It is not mere theory, but practical experiment. It is demonstration: and every friend to his country ought to remember and enforce it.
BRITISH LANGUAGE!
From the Boston Reporter of Nov. 1. "We are sorry to find that news of an open Declaration of War by Bonaparte against the United States is contradicted"!!!
Let him who can, doubt of the existence of a British Faction in the United States—after the utterance of sentiments like these. Whig.
MELANCHOLY.
On Saturday the 13th ult. while the wife of Mr. Robert Dunn, of Londonderry township in this county, was employed in some domestic concerns about the house, her daughter about 7 years of age had taken up an infant child from the cradle, with a view to pacify it, and while carrying it in her arms towards its parent, and passing a tub of soap that had been just boiling, unfortunately slipped and fell into the tub together with the infant, by which dreadful accident, both the little girl and the infant lost their lives, the latter immediately, and the former in a few hours after. [Pennsylvania paper.]
THE creditors of STEPHEN LITTLE, are requested to meet at Mr. John Davenport's on Thursday Evening next, 24th instant, at 7 o'clock.—A general attendance is desired as business of importance will be before them. Portsmouth, Nov'r 22
State of New Hampshire, Strafford ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of OSSPEE, in said County, who have not paid their highways, school, town and county taxes for the year 1808; that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber on or before the 24th day of January next, that so much of each delinquents land as will pay said taxes with intervening charges will be sold at public vendue at the dwelling house of the subscriber, at ten of the clock in the forenoon unless prevented by previous payment.
   Names. No. Quantity. Highway tax. School tax. Town tax. County tax.     John Rindge 19 272 200 60 40 20   Tho's Wallingford 14 400 250 75 50 25   Thomas Packer 36 400 350 105 70 35   John Mullet 31 200 125 37 1/2 25 12 1/2   S. Jennells 7 50 50 15 10 5   Joshua Grants' farm 43 200 150 45 30 15   John Gilman 23 50 100 30 20 10   Caleb Gilman 23 16 30 9 6 3   Joseph Garians 33 100 50 15 10 5   Mill Lot.   Daniel Kelly, land in 30 80 15 5 3 2   Part of a lot in the 94 66 45 14 10 5   Upper Division.   Mundred Acre lots in the Upper Division. 3 100 50 15 10 5   9 100 50 15 10 5   14 100 50 15 10 5   17 100 50 15 10 5   18 100 50 15 10 5   28 100 50 15 10 5   50 100 50 15 10 5   77 100 50 15 10 5   99 100 50 15 10 5   90 100 50 15 10 5   38 100 50 15 10 5   Lot on Canaway Road, 18 50 50 15 10 5  
WINTHROP SMART, Collector. Office, October 19th, 1808.
PORTSMOUTH, NOVEMBER 15th, 1808. BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF.
GENERAL ORDERS.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States having required of the Executives of the several States, their respective proportions of One Hundred Thousand Militia, including Officers, to be organized, equipped, and held in readiness to march at a moments warning, for the necessary defence of the Country; of which number three thousand nine hundred and fifty six is the proportion of the State of New Hampshire, and that number being carefully apportioned by the Governor to the several Divisions of the Militia from the last general return of the same, is made according to the annexed Schedule.
The Commander in Chief directs that the commanding Officer of each Division shall cause the number in the annexed schedule set to his Division, to be immediately detached including a suitable proportion of Officers, and that the same detachment consist according to the President's requisition, as nearly as may be, of one twelfth Artillery, one sixteenth Cavalry, and the residue Infantry.
That the Major Generals of each Division cause the same detachments as soon as made, to be organized into Companies, Battalions and Regiments, the Officers and Men to be armed and equipped for service, and held in readiness to march at a moments warning, and returns to be immediately made to the Office of the Adjutant General, of all the detachments with the names of the Officers of each.
Subsequent orders will be given for forming said detachment into Brigades and a Division, the detachment or any part thereof when called into actual service will be held to serve for the term of six months.
The Commander in Chief has full confidence in the patriotism and attention of the Major Generals and all Officers under their command, in immediately carrying these orders into effect.—After the detachments are made, any Companies of volunteers, who previous to orders for taking the field may tender their services to the commanding officer of the Brigade to which they belong, will be considered as a part of the aforesaid quota.
SCHEDULE
Referred to in the foregoing Orders.
There will be detached from the first Division one thousand men, including officers, these to form two Regiments, each regiment two battalions of Infantry, one company of Artillery and one company of Cavalry.
The first Brigade to furnish five hundred and fifty. } 560 The second Brigade four hundred and forty. } 440 1000
There will be detached from the second Division fourteen hundred and forty men, including officers, these to form two Regiments, each regiment two battalions of Infantry, one company of Artillery and one company of Cavalry.
The second Brigade to furnish eight hundred and twenty. } 820 The sixth Brigade six hundred and twenty. } 620 1440
There will be detached from the third Division fifteen hundred and sixteen men, including officers, these to form two Regiments, each regiment two battalions of Infantry, one company of Artillery and one company of Cavalry.
The fourth Brigade to furnish seven hundred and thirty five. } 735 The fifth Brigade seven hundred & eighty one } 781 1516
By ORDER OF HIS EXCELLENCY THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF. MICHAEL M C CLARY, Adj t General.
WHEREAS application has been made to me by more than one sixteenth part of the present owners and proprietors of the undivided land of CHARLESTOWN, in the county of Cheshire and State of New Hampshire, to warn a meeting of said proprietors—
These are therefore to warn said proprietors to meet at the house of Isaac H. Ely's innholder in said Charlestown on the fourth Saturday of December next, at one of the clock in the afternoon of said day, to act on the following articles—
First, To choose a Moderator, a Clerk, Treasurer, and agent, to take the charge of said proprietors property, also Assessors and Collector, and a committee to survey, lot out and sell said common Land, and to raise money to defray all expenses. SAMUEL STEVENS, Justice Peace. Charlestown, Nov'r 11, 1808
To be Let Cheap!
A CONVENIENT and neatly finished DWELLING House, with the Aqueduct, an excellent Cellar, and every convenience necessary—pleasantly situated in a central part of the town.—Likewise a Chamber in the Store occupied by Mr. Timothy Smith, opposite No 7, Merchants Row—for further particulars apply to the Store of J. MELCHER, in Market-Street.
NOTICE TO ALL CONCERNED
CESAR WHIDDEN will exhibit his account of the administration of the estate of POMP SPRING, late of Portsmouth, baker, deceased—before the Hon. Judge of Probate at Exeter, on Wednesday the 23rd day of Nov'r, inst. A.M. for allowance. Nov. 15.
FRESH GOODS.
BRIERLEY has just received, and is now opening a large supply of FALL & WINTER GOODS,
AMONG WHICH ARE, SUPERFINE, black, blue, brown and mixed Broad Cloths; second & low priced do.; fawn, bottle green, corbeau, Pelisse Cloths; black, blue, drab and mixed Kerfymeres; some best double milled do.; woolen Sattinets and Cords; fawn, black, slate, green and scarlet Pelisse Flannels; spotted do.; black, green, brown and other colored best silk Bonnet Velvets, pink and slate Silk Shags; tabby and pelisse Velvets all colors; black, scarlet, green, slate, and brown Bombazettes; olive, corbeau and dark green Coatings, some very fine; plain and twilled do.; Duffs; Baizes & Flannels, all qualities; 7 4, 8 4, 9 4, 10 4 and 11 4 rose Blankets; Wildbores; Calimancoes; Durants; Shalloons and Ruffles; 3/4 & 5/8 white cotton Cambrics very cheap; black and colored do.; fawn & black twill'd do.; British Shirting Cottons; 3/4 & 5/8 Irish Linens of an excellent quality; 3/4 & 5/8, 3/4 & 10 4 Diapers; fancy Vestings; cotton and thread Laces & Footings; black, white & color'd Florence Silks and Lute-strings; do. Sarinets & Tiffanies; English and India black and color'd Sattins; a few figured do.; black, white & color'd Crapes; black Cypress Crapes. A large assortment of Fancy Mullins, very fine plain leno Mullin, and spidernet lace do.; cotton and silk Lace Armlets; silk, cotton & Camels hair Shawls; fancy Gingham, plain and fancy silk and cotton Chambray Mullins; printed Calicoes & Chintzes—a large variety and very cheap Copperplate and Furniture Chintzes; London printed Cambrics.
India Chintzes and Checks; India Cottons, all qualities; olive and drab Thicksets very low; black olive and drab plain and figured twill'd Velvets, cotton and silk Umbrellas: a few of very superior quality, real Italian & English sewing Silks all colours; patent coloured Threads, flots Thread, white and coloured sewing Cottons, Ladies and misses black and slate worsted Hose, black white and slate silk & cotton do. silk, cotton, kid and beaver habit Gloves; a general assortment of Gentleman's Hose; Suspenders of various kinds & prices among which are some of Webb's patent; black Bombazine; best black silk Serges, Bandana & black silk Handkerchiefs, a few scarlet cotton twill'd do. plain & fancy Lute-strings Sattin and China Ribbons, hair Ribbons; Boot Webbing; Pins, Tape, &c &c
Straw Bonnets, a few Childrens do. and Leghorn Hats. Also, A large assortment of Bear, Elk and Genet
MUFFS and TIPPLETS, and Fur Trimmings for Shawls.
The above added to his former stock, makes his assortment very complete—all of which will be sold on very low terms for Cash or short approved credit. Portsmouth, Nov'r 22.
William Garland
Has for sale, No 9 Merchants Row SUGAR, Coffee and Molasses 22d November 1808. [New landing.]
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of WARREN, in said County, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes together with incidental charges, (unless prevented by previous payment) will be sold at Public Vendue, on Thursday the 19th day of January next, at the dwelling house of Jonathan Clement, innholder in said town, at ten o'clock, A.M. on said day.
   Proprietor's Names. Quantity. Number. Range. Population. Highway tax. Town tax. School tax. County tax.     Theodore Atkinson, Esq. 1 100 10 4 125 40 16 31   Nathaniel Courier, 3 75 64 0 23 8 3 6   Enoch Chase, 1 100 5 8 75 25 9 19   John Darling, 3 75 35 37 13 5 8 2   William Hacket, 1 100 7 8 60 19 8 14   Diah Hook, 2 100 3 1 125 41 17 31   Thomas Leavitt, 3 75 53 37 13 5 8 2   Ebenezer Page, 1 100 4 7 60 20 8 14   John Page, Esq. 3 44 53 40 14 5 10 2   Enoch Page, 1 100 9 8 75 25 9 19   John T. Gilman, 3 75 30 50 16 7 12 3   Benning Wentworth's reservation, 200 130 43 17 27 7   Jonathan Greely, Esq. 3 75 34 50 16 7 12 3   Phillip Tilton, 1 100 6 1 50 16 7 12   3 75 60 25 8 4 6 2   1 100 6 7 70 21 8 17   3 75 55 37 13 5 9 2  
Warren, October 28, 1808. STEPHEN FLANDERS, Collector.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of ELLSWORTH, State and county aforesaid, who have not paid their school, town and county taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at the dwelling house of Mr. John Blake, in said town, on Thursday the 26th day of January next, at 10 o'clock A.M. unless prevented by previous payment to me the subscriber.
   Names. Quantity. Number. Range. Population. Highway tax. Town tax. School tax. County tax.     John Hurd, Esq. 60 7 4 42 2 12 13 84   Samuel Cuts, Esq. 60 4 5 42 2 12 13 84   William Whipple, 60 23 4 42 2 12 13 84   Veru Rofs, 60 20 4 42 2 12 13 84   Daniel Shurbon, 60 17 2 42 2 12 13 84   Jonathan Blanchard, 60 1 5 42 2 12 13 84   Samuel Folker, 60 2 1 42 2 12 13 84   Daniel Cuts, 60 11 1 42 2 12 13 84   Supply Clap, 60 10 5 42 2 12 13 84   Daniel Cally,   Daniel Brufer, 60 3 5 42 2 12 13 84   Richard Jenkins, 60 22 3 42 2 12 13 84   Robert Fayet, Esq. 60 13 3 42 2 12 13 84   Nathan Hurd, 60 15 1 42 2 12 13 84   Nathan Weber, 60 21 3 42 2 12 13 84   John Froh,  
Ellsworth, October 19, 1808. JOSEPH MOLTON, Collector.
AUCTION.—TO-MORROW
FOR sale at Public Auction on Wednesday the 23rd day of November, instant, on the Premises by virtue of a licence from the Hon. NATHANIEL ROGERS Esq. Judge of Probate in and for the County of Rockingham—The following Estate of Samuel Clarke late of Portsmouth, Cooper, deceased.—The Northerly half of a Dwelling House and land situated on the Easterly side of Bow Street, in said Portsmouth, with half of the Wharf back of said Premises; the said Northerly half will be sold under the incumbance of the widow Olive Clarke's dower, as set off by a Committee appointed by said Judge; and an Incumbrance of sixteen dollars per year in quarterly payments, to Sally Rymes, as per bond for ground rent—and also a lease for 15 years of the southerly half of said Dwelling House and land having a good Cellar, and Acqueduct in the same, a lower kitchen, 2 Rooms on the first, and 2 Rooms on the second floors finished; 2 Rooms on the 3rd floor and garret unfinished, the premises may be viewed, plan seen and terms made known by applying to
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