The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-09-20 00:00:00

Wm. Ezra Bartlett, Esq.
NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE
[No. 42.—Vol. LIII.]
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1808.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS, a report has been industriously circulated in the Country, that Governor Langdon is opposed to the Embargo Laws; and has remonstrated with the President of the United States against certain regulations, necessary for carrying the same into effect; and has even sent a vessel to sea: and whereas it is the duty of every man to establish truth : therefore, I feel it incumbent on myself to declare, that the above reports, are founded in falsehood; and that, so far from disapproving of the Embargo Laws, I am FIRM in the opinion that they originated in the purest patriotism, are founded in wisdom, and are the only measures that could be adopted to preserve the honor and peace of the United States.
JOHN LANGDON.
September 9, 1808.
Laws of the U. States.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
AN ACT
Making further provision for the disposal of the sections of land heretofore reserved for the future disposition of Congress. BE IT ENACTED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all the sections of land heretofore reserved for the future disposition of Congress, not sold or otherwise disposed of, and lying within either of the districts established for the disposition of public lands in the state of Ohio, with the exception of the section numbered sixteen; of the Salt Springs and lands reserved for the use of the Army shall be offered for sale in that district, within which such reserved sections may respectively lie, on the same terms and under the same regulations as other lands in the same district: Provided , that such sections shall previously be offered to the highest bidder, at public sales, to be held under the superintendence of the registers and receivers of public monies of the land offices respectively to which they are attached, on the same terms as have been provided by law for the public sales of the other lands of the United States, and on such day or days as shall by a proclamation of the President of the United States, be designated for that purpose: And provided also , that no such heretofore reserved section shall be sold either at public or private sale, at a less price than four dollars per acre.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States, and
President of the Senate.
February 29, 1808. APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Making additional compensation to the Marshals of the Districts of North Carolina and New-Jersey.
BE IT ENACTED, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the last day of March next, there shall be paid annually to the Marshal for the district of North-Carolina the sum of four hundred dollars; and to the Marshal for the district of New-Jersey the sum of two hundred dollars, in addition to the fees and emoluments heretofore allowed them by law.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the
United States and President of the Senate.
February 25, 1808. APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
RESOLUTION
To authorise the disposition of certain charts of the coast of North-Carolina.
RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby directed to cause to be sold, as many of the charts of the coast of North-Carolina, published in conformity to the resolution which passed the second of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven, as shall remain on hand after reserving the number requisite for the use of the government of the United States.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the U-
nited States and President of the Senate.
March 4, 1808. APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
POLITICAL.
From the Baltimore American.
To the Citizens of the United States.
IT is not to be doubted, that at the moment the Federalists used most of the co-operation of the ignorant and deluded part of the community, they will boldly come forward to deny the heavy charges exhibited against them, and renew assurances of fidelity and love to the United States: it is not to be doubted, that seeing their plans and projects discovered; their policy and its meanings described; their perfidy unmasked; their ambition portrayed in all its shapes; their crimes laid open before the public; their infamy branded with the horrors of fate; their profligacy and warm attachment to King George, their precious master and adored sovereign—fully demonstrated—they will cry out to the People, that those enormous and dreadful charges are the invention of a confused brain! the dreams of a fanatic! the stupendous phantom that terrifies a fool in the hour of sleep! the tales of an imposter, a villain, a fanatic and a desperate man!!!—Stop, stop here! leading heroes of the phalanx of the opposition!—Stop do not chatter so loud; do not fill the air with your horrid cries!—Your masks are taken off; your hideous faces appear in open day—your profligacy and crimes are already recorded in the pages of history; the people can no longer be misled! You have seduced the unthinking citizens of some of the Eastern States: but you shall find that in the other States, they have perfectly well understood your perfidious policy! and how could they be mistaken in your objects? Have they not read your pamphlets, your speeches, your harangues your creeds, your Evangelic epistles, your morning and nightly prayers, your invocations to the God of tyranny, your corrupted printers and federal echoes? Have they not seen your march, your mysteries, your hearts stamped with the cast of the press in your mystick productions?—Stop again! the people allow no drawback! Your sentences are in your own actions, in your own productions, in your own writings, in the numberless volumes of federal prints!
Americans! Friends of your Country and Liberties! whose souls have not been impregnated with the vices and corruption of foreign influence, awake! come out of your long and dangerous lethargy! do not you hear the harbingers of the opposition crying out to you—Surrender your rights! Do you not hear the shouts of victory from yonder British columns and battalions of reserve in the service of the opposition? Republicans! awake! fly to your posts—unite your battalions—triple your columns—defy your enemy! take up the standard of your sacred Liberties and Independence—Fight for their preservation! imitate the glorious examples of your forefathers! Perish or maintain your Liberty, as they bled and died in its purchase!!!
A KING is the General who heads the legions of your enemies; his aids are cunning and full of deceit; they will exert all their talents to draw you through perilous paths. Beware how you march out of the field; examine well your every step; unite your voices and hearts; make a common cause; mingle your differences, your feelings and your souls: act but as one! On the election of your chiefs, depends the salvation of your boasted country. The fages best qualified to guide you through the perilous stages of political and national existence, are well known to you. Step then forwards, that not one of you should be found inactive, and Unanimously Elect JAMES MADISON, for President, and GEORGE CLINTON, for Vice President of the United States—These are the heroes, the devoted friends of the country and of the people; the able statesmen, whose virtues and patriotism promise the guarantee of your rights and the full enjoyment of prosperity and happiness.
Should my address to the people of the United States, be productive of some good, I shall be happy for having contributed, though in a small degree, to the welfare of my beloved country.
A REPUBLICAN.
From the National Intelligencer. MR. CANNING'S SPEECH.
We inserted in our paper of Friday Mr. Canning's remarks on the existing state of the relations between this country and Great Britain. They embrace several topics: the affair of the Chesapeake, the orders in Council and generally the alleged amicable disposition of the British administration to the United States; all of which are treated in such a way as to excite the astonishment of any one in the least acquainted with the situation of the two countries. Whatever may have been the intention of the minister, the use made of his allegations on this side of the Atlantic is such as might well have been foreseen. They are every where republished, with copious commentaries, by the enemies of the administration, on the eve of several important elections, to shew its culpable supineness or partiality, and to palliate, if not to justify, the temper of the British cabinet. We may shortly take occasion to notice somewhat in detail the several topics adverted to by Mr. Canning; at present we propose to confine our remarks to that part of his observations which applies most pointedly to the conduct of our government relative to the Orders in Council. These are as follows:
"Sir—Since the return of Mr. Rose, no communication has been made by the American government, in the form of complaint, or remonstrance, or intimation of any description whatever. I mention this particularly because it is notorious that there have been several arrivals from America, supposed to be of great importance, and that several special messengers have reached this country from thence, after having touched at France. But sir, if the honorable gentleman, in the execution of his public duty, had thought fit to move for any communications that had been made by the American government, since the departure of Mr. Rose, my answer must have been, not that his majesty's government were disinclined to make them, but that absolutely there were none to make. If it be asked 'why,' I am unable satisfactorily to reply; I can conjecture that America has entered into negotiations with France, which are expected to lead to some result, and that the communications of America to this country are to be contingent on that result. This, sir, is conjecture alone, but it is founded on the extraordinary circumstance of so many arrivals without any communication."
This part of Mr. Canning's remarks requires the more distinct notice, as it is made the foundation of a charge against our government, of evincing a criminal indifference to the restoration of harmony with England by withholding all remonstrance to her government on the orders of council; while it is more than insinuated that repeated remonstrances have been made to the French government: We pronounce this charge a gross and palpable falsehood, and aver that the measure, either of remonstrance or of action has been equally and impartially held out to both governments. The fact is, that no important aggression of neutral rights has been perpetrated by either France or England without immediate and strenuous remonstrance on the part of our government.—The fact is that with respect to every such aggression, an uniform sentiment has been felt, and an invariable course pursued.—When injured, no matter by which nation, redress has been demanded for the wrong, and security against its repetition. The documents published prove this to have been the case down to a late period, and those, which in all probability will be submitted to Congress at their next session, will equally prove it down to the present moment.
To substantiate our allegations beyond the reach of controversy, we shall proceed to specify some of the grounds on which they are made. If they bear hard upon the honor, the veracity or the delicacy of Mr. Canning, it will not be our fault; but that either of himself, or his reporter. We shall be perfectly satisfied with understanding that the facts asserted by him or the impression which the artful structure of the terms in which they are couched is fitted to make, are surreptitious. We shall in the mean time, demonstrate either the falsehood of the facts, or of the im-
pression evidently intended to be produced.
The celebrated British orders bear date the 11th, but were not promulgated until the 17th of November last. For some days however, previous to their publication in the Gazette, a general rumor prevailed that some such measure was on the eve of adoption, and the American merchants, consequently took the alarm. So strong was this rumor that Mr. Pinkney, our minister at London, deemed it his duty to wait on Mr. Canning, and he accordingly did wait on him on the 11th of November, the very day on which these orders were signed to enquire with regard to the correctness of the rumor, and to remonstrate in such case, against the contemplated measure. Mr. Pinkney did not succeed in seeing Mr. Canning, but he saw the under Secretary Hammond, to whom he communicated the leading considerations that offered themselves to his mind against the orders. Mr. Hammond neither admitted or denied that a measure was either taken or contemplated, thereby studiously concealing from Mr. Pinkney the fact, as if with the express and deliberate purpose of preventing remonstrance against it, until remonstrance should be too late. But Mr. Pinkney did, notwithstanding remonstrance against it, not merely with a view to protest against a measure actually taken, but to prevent its being taken. But the die was already cast, and he found to his surprise, a few days after that the fatal act had been consummated, the Rubicon had been passed, on the very day of his interview, without the least notice or opportunity for explanation or remonstrance.
On the 17th of November the orders appeared in the Gazette in form. Such a marked indignity had been offered to his country by this gigantic outrage on her rights without the least notice or explanation, that Mr. Pinkney might justly have shewn himself in a proud silence. He might have disdained remonstrance to a government that thus levelled a deadly blow at the prosperity of a nation she called her friend without apology, or notice. But feeling profoundly the deep responsibility of his station as the representative of a pacific nation, he determined to control his feelings, and by making a manly appeal to the justice and magnanimity of the British government, attempt to awaken them to a sense of their interests and a respect for our rights. This appeal, this remonstrance, was made without delay to Mr. Canning on the 21st of Nov. in an interview with him. While Mr. Pinkney was preparing his remonstrance, Mr. Canning asked an interview, when Mr. Canning laid he had requested to see him, not with the intention of discussing the general propriety of the orders, for they being now adopted, discussion, could answer no valuable purpose, but with the view of explaining such of their provisions as might be supposed to be liable to misconstruction.
Thus was the door forcibly closed by Mr. Canning upon all explanation, or remonstrance, by the unqualified declaration that discussion could answer no valuable purpose.
But Mr. Pinkney, confident of his power to expose the injustice of the orders, and entertaining, it would appear, some hope of the good effects of sound argument, insensibly led to a conversation upon the whole subject, in which he exposed the injustice of the orders, their unreasonableness and impolicy, and their destructive operation as well upon belligerent as neutral nations, as well upon Great Britain herself as upon the U. States.
But his remonstrance was unavailing. It was received with a silence that proved that the administration had unequivocally decided on their new system, which had no doubt, been long meditated in secret. All that could be got from Mr. Canning, on the enquiry of Mr. Pinkney whether Mr. Rose was authorised to advise the American government of the orders, was, that his mission had a special object, and that it was not meant that his functions should interfere with those of Mr. Erskine, to whom a communication of the orders would be made as soon as they should be freed from ambiguities and defects by the judgment of practical men being exercised upon them.
So far it appears that every avenue to remonstrance in England was closed by the British government, and
that its future theatre, if to be found any where, was located in this country. Accordingly on the 23rd of February, the Orders, three months and a half after their date were formally communicated by Mr. Erskine to the Secretary of State, accompanied by a letter, communicated to Congress at their last session, specifying the grounds on which they were issued. To this letter the Secretary of State replied in a strong and comprehensive remonstrance. A copy of this reply was sent to Mr. Pinkney by the April packet, the receipt of which Mr. Pinkney acknowledges on the 30th of May by which conveyance Mr. Erskine indistinctly intimated a copy of it, which may have been received by his government at the same time, and at least twenty four days previous to the delivery of the speech ascribed to Mr. Canning.
However, then, Mr. Canning may equivocatingly say "since the return of Mr. Rose (who reached England about the end of April) or since his departure from this country (about the first of April) no communication has been MADE by the American government in the form of complaint or remonstrance," the fact is that such a communication made at a period anterior to both those events, has been RECEIVED, and to this day remains unanswered. The fact is that the American government, through its minister at London, strenuously endeavored to prevent the Orders altogether by remonstrating against them anterior, as he supposed, to their existence; that he afterwards, as soon as he was apprised of their existence, more fully and pointedly remonstrated against them to Mr. Canning, who informed him that remonstrance could answer no valuable purpose! that Mr. Canning closed the door against all further remonstrance in England by making Mr. Erskine the organ of communicating and explaining the orders to our government here; that Mr. Erskine accordingly communicated and justified them in his letter to the Secretary of State of the 23rd of February last; and that, finally, the Secretary of State returned a full reply or remonstrance, which remains unanswered. If there be an American, who, after this explanation, would have his government humiliate itself by further remonstrance, which could only serve to court still higher indignity, while too, the outrage on the Chesapeake remains unatoned, he is unworthy of the name.
It is only necessary, to prevent all cavil, further to say, that the letter of Mr. Pinkney, to which we have alluded, was among the documents presented to Congress at their last session, and was read in the Senate with open doors, and that for the dates of the other papers we applied to the proper sources of authority.
The President in his answer to the address of the democratic republicans of Philadelphia, says—
"It is to be lamented that any of our citizens not thinking with the mass of the nation as to the principles of our government or of its administration, and seeing all its proceedings with a prejudiced eye, should so misconceive and misrepresent our situation as to encourage oppression from foreign nations.—Our expectation is, that their distempered views will be understood by others as they are by ourselves. But should war be the consequence of their delusions, and the errors of dissatisfied citizens find atonement in the blood of our founder brethren, we must meet it as an evil necessarily flowing from the liberty of speaking and writing which guards our liberties; and I have entire confidence in the assurances that your ardor will be animated in the conflicts brought on by considerations of the necessity, honor and justice of our cause."
This the editor of the New York Evening Post pronounces to be a "scandalous" production, and a writer in that paper, under the signature of "A Federalist," and no doubt a good tory, abuses Mr. Jefferson most roundly because the Federalists, as a body are certainly alluded to! How unfortunate are those fellows in their conclusions! The President was railed at by the Federalists because he ment them when speaking of those who violated the laws of their country, he designated them as the "most worthless part of society"—and Luther the prince of "order and good government," can hear no man called "a friend to traitors" without supposing his own portrait before him! "A guilty conscience needs no accuser!"
Balt. Eve. Post.
The result of the North Carolina elections has appalled the opposition. They counted on a total revolution—they had promised their followers that it would be so—But behold! they have only got three out of twelve! What man can believe their predictions after this? [Monitor.]

The Tories in the United States, have ever since the Revolution, been endeavoring to bring us again under Great Britain; or in close alliance with her.—In 1794 they induced President Washington to sign the British Treaty, much against his will; but to which he was influenced by several considerations.
This instance of favor to that Nation, first induced a tory to become a federalist, and to assume that appellat- tion; or to approve of the measures of the federal government, whenever they appeared favorable to the British, or adverse to France.—They hated the French because they helped us through the revolutionary war. They had been in the habit of hatred to Washington, until he signed this treaty.—They had in secret conclave, drank to his disgrace and downfall, from 1775 to 1783.—In the time of President Adams, they seized on his prejudices to accomplish their vile purposes of an alliance offensive and defensive with Great Britain, and a war with France.—Mr. Adams was too honest a man, and too much of a patriot to come into their views; he knew it would ruin us to get into a war with the French; and he pursued the pacific mode of a treaty with them, which succeeded.—But for this the tories abandoned him, and introduced a new candidate for the Presidency, backed by Hamilton, who travelled through the U. S. to establish his monarchical principles and support the new candidate: ostensibly Pinkney, but ultimately himself.
In 1800 the Republican principles of Jefferson, then Vice-President; and his unalterable patriotism induced the Republicans to chuse him President of the U. S.—The well known conduct of the Tories, and their adherents, at that period, in setting up Burr as their candidate, on an equality of votes; although a professed republican and one whom they hated, merely to embarrass the election and throw the nation into confusion; yielding to Hamilton or some other military man the opportunity of stepping forward to overthrow the government, must be fresh on the mind of every citizen.
The steady, firm, patriotic, frugal and republican administration of Mr. Jefferson; and his determination to adopt the republican principle of rotation in office; has brought them again into action with great force and energy, to cry down republicans and introduce the tory brethren.—The Embargo laws rendered necessary by the unjust orders of the British King in council, and the equally unjust retaliating decrees of France:—Laws, which though absolutely necessary to avoid a war, infinitely more calamitous; and which in a degree affect every citizen of the U. S. is now seized upon to agitate the public mind and prejudice the people against the measures of the administration.—The Tories are at the head of this business.—Under the guise of federalism, these tories are painting in horrid colors the wise measure of the Embargo laws; are endeavoring to introduce a new system of politics and bring us again under the yoke of Great Britain.
Citizens of New-Hampshire!—Citizens of the United States!—Be on your guard against these impositions:—The foregoing short sketch of Toryism, will surely bring to your recollection the transactions of these people:—They were expelled from the country in 1775, 1776 and 1777; after the peace took place they were permitted to return:—They have ever since been plodding mischief against our happy country.
My Countrymen, You have been deceived by the fallacies propagated by your enemies.—You have been led by the temporary evils of the Embargo, to join in the late election of members for Congress, with these very Tories, who are the greatest enemies of your country. They have excited your prejudices on account of this law.—They have told you that these new elected members would remove these laws, although they know they cannot take their seats in Congress, in less than 15 months from the present time. The Embargo will be removed before that day by the present Congress,—and would have been removed long before this time had it not been represented by these British agents, that the Americans would come to their terms, repeal the Embargo laws, submit to their orders in council, and pay tribute for licences to trade.
AMERICANS! be aware of the Wolves in Sheep's clothing.—Stand firmly in support of your government.—Chuse REPUBLICANS for your ELECTORS of President, or you are an enslaved—a ruined PEOPLE!
AN OLD WHIG.
The King of England in his last speech is said to have thanked Parliament for sanctioning the late Orders in Council. In what form will the British friends in America continue to charge this upon Mr. Jefferson. Will they say, that the Americans have never discovered any kind of disapprobation of these orders?
[Effemer Register.
SINCE my last communication I have read with pleasure the Governor's contradiction of the falsehoods lately propagated in the country, with respect to the alteration in his opinion as to the Embargo;—its publication will have a tendency to undeceive many of our country brethren who have lately been much injured by impositions, and will put us more on our guard, not to be too credulous in future deceptions. I have also seen the President's healing plaster for the town of Boston's "great sore;" but such are the maniacs "at the head quarters of good principles," they refuse the prescribed remedy. Their political unbelief induced them to suppose there was no balm in Monticello, and "no Physician there;" they obstinately oppose the benefits designed them. If a man conscientiously declares his religious sentiments, with a design to improve his hearers, however inconsistent with rationality, we should smile at his errors and refrain from persecution; or should he converse or write his political tenets with the same pure motives, however erroneous, undoubtedly he would have a claim on his fellow-citizens to equal indulgence.—But what punishment would that American Printer deserve, who wantonly traduces the fair character of our President, at the same time cannot but privately approve his conduct; (of whose integrity, ability and usefulness, his judgment has received the fullest evidence)—who is not only guilty of violent invectives, but publishes for gold his own and the productions of others, with a view to promote civil discord and bring us under the subjection of Great-Britain. Such men, if such men there are, justly merit an ignominious exit; therefore suspicion should be awake, and patriotism vigilant, otherwise ruin will ensue. We find by the civil list as published by the British Government, large sums of money appropriated for secret services.—This vile habit has been practiced by the English nation for time immemorial. Not only the European world have been involved in wars and calamities by the intrigues of British ministers, but Asia and Africa are melancholy witnesses of the inhumanity and cruelty of that haughty nation. The cause of their distresses are more owing to the disposition of the secret appropriations of Britain, than the power of her armies. History confirms the truth of the above observations, and the experience of America corroborates the fact; witness the arbitrary declarations and conduct of the British Ministry to our country antecedent and subsequent to our revolution. Can any traces of paternal affection be discovered? or the least shadow of friendship discerned?—surely not, the reverse of this is too evident; she has by bribery attempted to corrupt our morals, and by cruelty and intrigue subvert our government and subjugate us within the limits of her power. The present situation of that proud nation is less potent than formerly; her trade is almost annihilated, and she has to contend with France and almost every other power in Europe: her peculiar embarrassments make it more necessary for her to obtain an alliance offensive and defensive with America. Undoubtedly this is the object intended; to encourage which would be the extreme of folly in us, and if effected, would ruin us as a people;—for this purpose the enemies of that nation, joined with many unprincipled Federalists among ourselves, are using every exertion to enforce;—witness the unfairness and intrigues practiced at the late election. Can any man doubt on a review of the subject, that the British emissaries in the seaport towns and in the country, with the assistance of some of our own people, were not active and instrumental in promoting the deep laid plans of England? I have no more doubt of its truth, than that there is such a place as London or Paris; nor have I any doubt but they will double their exertions to aid the same cause in the ensuing election of President and Vice-President: they will not be in want of money for secret services, nor runners, or federal pamphlets and federal papers to accomplish their design, which is evidently to change the present to a federal administration. I have dwelt longer on the demerits of the British government than I intended, and am aware of being charged with partiality to France, —but I have no partiality to either country—both are inimical, and neither have a claim to our friendship. Were we have in any instance experienced a benefit from either nation, their subsequent conduct has ever proved the motive impure, and entirely destroyed the merit of the action. My wish is to assist in establishing this truth—that America cannot with safety confide in the friendship of any foreign power—but must rely on her own exertions, under Providence, to support a Republican Government;
and also that we are more immediately in danger of losing our liberties through British influence than from every other cause.—Let us, my fellow-citizens at the ensuing election for President and Vice President conduct with manly firmness in support of Republican principles—let us prove to our enemies we have a just sense of their value, and are entitled to the enjoyment of those blessings. Republicans always act, not from interested motives, but from principles of philanthropy. Money appropriated for secret services will have no effect on real republicans: neither will they be deterred from duty by an immediate demand of payment from British agents or federal creditors; nor will Bank Directors by allurements or threats prevail against them. Let us my fellow-citizens arouse from political slumber and perform the duty of Freemen:—then Republicanism shall rise triumphant, to the shame and disgrace of Federalism and Aristocracy.
A PLOUGHMAN.
From the Baltimore Evening Post.
Why is the Embargo Continued?
By the British orders in council an American vessel, if bound to the continent, is obliged to call at a British port and enter her cargo; paying cash for certain duties imposed, or giving bonds, with approved security for the same. When this is done, a royal licence, may be obtained, and the American vessel is permitted to proceed to her original port of destination. Without this licence the vessel would be brought in and condemned as a good prize. Here follow some of the duties an American is compelled to pay for this licence—if it is no tribute, I know not the meaning of the word:
 Cotton—16 cents per pound.  Coffee—6 1/4 do.  Pitch—1 dol. per barrel.  Tar—do. do.  Rice—45 cents per 100 lb.  Sugar—22 1/2 cents do.  Do. white or clayed—3 1/2 do.  Tobacco—23 3/4 cents per lb.  *Potatoes—22 1/2 per 100 lb.  Wheat—28 cents per bushel.  Flour—11 1/2 do. per Cwt.  Fish—90 cents per Cwt.  Butter—44 1/2 do. per 100 lb.  Spirits—31 do. per gal.  Cocoa—44 1/2 cts per Cwt.  Hides, raw—6 3/4 cts each 50 lb. 
The preceding are sufficient to show the nature of the orders in council.—The American must pay duties though his cargo was never intended or calculated for a British port! Those articles marked with an asterisk (*) he is not at liberty to carry away, even though he shall pay the duties imposed—they are retained for the use of the British; and to this list has lately been added the article of cotton—to that if an American vessel was bound to France with a cargo of cotton her owner must sell it in Britain, (even though it would not pay the duties) or render his vessel and her cargo liable to condemnation! The city of Baltimore, if it were possible that trade could be as brisk as it has been, would be compelled to pay the king of G. Britain, a tribute of above one million of dollars per annum for liberty to go where we have a right to! Who then is silly enough to with the embargo removed unless he desires a war with G. Britain? Could our government and people submit to these dreadful impositions—and is it not better that the embargo should be continued, and the experiment fairly tried, than we should enter into a war? The measures of our government are working with good effect on the British; and if they are found unavailing, then let our vessels be permitted to arm, and war follow in their train with all its concomitants of destruction.
The government and its friends have no desire for war. We all know that by peace we prosper, and will hope for better times. They will certainly be worsified by taking off the embargo before some guarantee is made that our rights will be respected—without this guarantee we must become the vassals of Great Britain or be deadly enemies—we wish to be neither.
Let me ask, who are they who wish the embargo removed, and the consequent payment of this enormous tribute? Are they the friends of America—the merchants, farmers or mechanics, or are they Tories, refugees, lawyers and choice spirits? A plain question!
A MERCHANT.
From the same.
EMBARGO—TRIBUTE OR WAR.
It is admitted the embargo has had its effect in preventing the free circulation of money, and of course, has created some partial disadvantages.—But, who that is a true born American would with it raised unless he desires WAR with Great Britain?—for WAR must come, or TRIBUTE be paid to avoid it.
Let the following facts speak for themselves.—Let us suppose the embargo was taken off, and an American vessel should clear out for a port of France, Holland, Germany, Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. or, in general, for the continent of Europe, laden with 400 hogsheads of tobacco, weighing 1000 lb. each. This vessel must go to England and there ask liberty to go on her voyage; and not only ask it, but also pay for it, at the rate of one penny half-penny sterling per lb. on her tobacco, and 12 shillings for each ton on her whole tonnage with several other expenses. What does this amount to? 400,000 lbs. Tobacco at 1 3/4
  sterling per pound, is 2500 dolls. 11,000 00   Tonnage at 12 1/2 per ton on 400 tons, is 240 6 1/4 sterling or 1,065 60   Light-money and about 50 other charges and attendant expenses,   will amount to 900 00 
The American after paying or securing the payment of this money, must purchase and pay for a royal licence—a bit of paper, which costs him about 100 dollars more—he may then proceed to his original port of destination!
Now let us suppose, after all these expenses, his vessel and cargo is not seized by the French, for having acknowledged himself a tributary of Britain, and the American is permitted to bring away his return cargo
  say of Gin, from Amsterdam. He must again stop at an English port, and pay the King of England his duties upon it at the rate of one shilling and three pence sterling per gallon—the cargo may be supposed to consist of 600 pipes of gin. Let us again see what the charges would come to:   60,000 gallons of gin at 1 3/4   pence sterling per gallon, amounts to 3750 3/4 sterling,   or dolls. 16,650 00   Tonnage duty as before 1,065 60   Light money and other expenses. 800 00   dolls. 18,515 60 
Put the whole together—and the amount is thirty-one thousand five hundred and eighty-one dollars and twenty cents for TRIBUTE, like that paid the Algerines, for liberty to navigate the ocean—the common highway of nations, IN SAFETY.
Freemen! sons of seventy six! what think you of this? Will you be slaves, or will you remain sovereign and independent? Will you support the embargo, and avoid TRIBUTE or WAR, or will you take it off, and have as great a stagnation of trade as we have at present, and add thereto all the horrors, distresses and expenses of war? Be assured, that a continuation of the embargo or immediate war are the only alternatives offered us.
The duties above mentioned are those (and others on all our produce, such as cotton, wheat, &c.) paid in consequence of the British orders in council—when to these we add the murder and impressment of our seamen, the attack on the Chesapeake and other flagrant violations of our territory, how great is the sum of indignity—how degrading the attacks on our independence.
But our government wishes peace, if it can be maintained—it knows we cannot prosper by a war with any nation, and has withdrawn our commerce from the grasp of European plunderers until they, by thrashing each other for a while, shall be disposed to respect our rights. Commerce could not be resumed if the embargo was this moment taken off, to any profit. The merchant would be ruined, and the farmer and mechanic, depending upon him become bankrupts.
Suffer not yourselves, fellow citizens, to be deceived by artful men. You have loved your Jefferson and he was worthy of it—his great mind has reviewed the forms and convulsions of Europe, and ever on the watch he has so far preserved us from a participation in their destructive wars. We have become rich and powerful by their quarrels; and he will not exhaust our resources or destroy our citizens without some reasonable prospect of success that by going to war we can better obtain a redress of grievances than they can be preserved by continuing the embargo.—Your government has never yet deceived you and judging for the future by the past, I may venture to say it never will.
Extract of letters from Mr. William Murdoch, (a wealthy and intelligent merchant in London, and a native of the United States) to a gentleman in George Town, Columbia, dated London, May, 1808, and received by the Union, arrived at New-York.
"I have this day received from Messrs. Wilkins in bills on your account £100.—They quote the price of Maryland tobacco in Holland 13 a 15 1/2. Virginia 15 a 16 1/2. If your embargo continues 6 months longer, prices there will be up to 20 1/2. or higher.—The two Mary's and several other vessels with Maryland tobacco, have of late been forced into this market contrary to their original intention, by the orders of council and French decrees—
"If your Embargo was removed and these orders in council, and French decrees continue, all the commerce you could carry on would be ruinous to you, for under these restrictions, your produce must come here to perish, or be subject to capture by the French. Nothing but a continuance of your embargo can save you from ruin, unless the European powers relax their severity against your commerce, and the embargo is the only thing to produce this relaxation.
"May 30.—I have this moment your favor of 31st March, by the packet. Your drafts have all had due respect. Nothing doing in Maryland tobacco, because it is not fit for the use of this country, and all the ports on the continent are shut against England, by the French.
"May 31.—If your embargo continues 6 or 8 months longer, your tobacco may be disposed of to some advantage. For by that time all the Virginias now in this country will be consumed, and then the manufacturers must use Marylands from necessity. If your government should be weak enough to remove your embargo before the orders in council and French decrees are annulled, this and all the other produce from America will be totally sacrificed. Under such circumstances, tobacco will not pay the freight and insurance, and will sink the whole first cost and more."
It is said Mr. Pinkney has been given up for Mr. Clinton by the federalists. This is the effect of negotiation. Negotiations were always unfortunate Mr. for Pinkney. He failed at Paris—and, it seems, he has failed at New-York.
[Monitor.
The leading merchants in the United States, federal and republican, approve the embargo. And who condemn it? Lawyers in general who have got no business—pettifogging creatures, who have so little talent that they are obliged to abuse respectable gentlemen to get themselves into notice.
[Ibid.
The federalists are working very hard for a very little gain. They cannot get the majority, and they will not be able to hold what they have got. The people will find them out completely before long, and such as have been elected will have to go back to their privacy.
[Ibid.
Ought the administration not to be endeared to the people by its disinterested course? Seeking the public good alone, the executive has put his popularity at stake, and risked every thing to save his country from subjugation and ruin.
[Ibid.
Who are the patriots? Men who propagate the most unbridled calumnies to get into office, or those who willingly put their offices at stake for the public good? [Ibid.
BY THE MAILS.
Burlington, (Vt.) Sept. 2.
The Supreme Court commenced a special Session in this town, on Tuesday last week for the trial of the crew of the Black Snake. His Honor Chief Justice Tyler, delivered a learned and impressive Charge to the Grand Jury. Bills of Indictment for the Wilful Murder of Omsby and Marsh, have been found against Samuel I. Mott, Wm. Noakes, Slocum Clark, Truman Mudget, Cyrus B. Dean, Josiah Peas, David Sheffield, and Francis Ledgard.
The trial of Mott commenced on Monday last, when the Rev. President of the University of Vermont, addressed the Throne of Grace in an able, pertinent and pathetic prayer. Col. Harrington, the State's Attorney, then opened the cause, by stating the substance of the evidence which would be offered to the Jury. A great number of Witnesses were then introduced, and the Court were occupied in receiving testimony till two o'clock on Wednesday afternoon; when David Pay, Esq. the District Attorney recapitulated the evidence, on the part of the Government, which took up about two hours.—At five o'clock Bates Turner, Esq. began his plea in behalf of the prisoners, and continued speaking till nearly seven, when the court adjourned to 8 o'clock, on Thursday morning, (yesterday) at which time Mr. Turner re-commenced his argument, which he concluded a little before two o'clock. He was followed by Amos Marsh, Esq. on the same side, who spoke about two hours. It is but justice to Mr. Turner and Mr. Marsh to say, that they were true to their client, and with much ingenuity availed themselves of every circumstance in his favor. The State's Attorney, Col. Harrington, in a cool, candid, dispassionate manner, then made the closing plea in behalf of the government. The Honorable Judges Gales and Harrington, and his Honor Chief Justice Tyler, severally charged the Jury, and while as men they feelingly acknowledged their compassion for the unfortunate prisoner—as Judges, they were firm and energetic in the discharge of their official duties.
The Jury retired at 11 o'clock, last night, and in about one hour returned their verdict—GUILTY.
This morning, David Sheffield, Francis Ledgard, and Cyrus B. Dean, were arraigned on the indictment for the wilful murder of Ellis Drake, and severally plead not Guilty.
The trial of Cyrus B. Dean commenced this morning.
Let us, says Washington, frown indignantly on the man that insinuates that THE NATIONAL UNION can in any event be abandoned; or who endeavors to enfeeble the sacred bands that now connect its several parts. [Federal paper.
[Federal paper.
The feds would probably be very wroth to be denominated Jacobins; but what are they but Jacobins and Disorganizers, when they do every thing in their power to over turn the government, and act in all respects as bad as the Pennsylvania insurgents ever did in days of Washington?—names are peccadillo immaterial; our present federalists are those who strive to unfederalize the UNION.
[Boston Democrat.
REFLECTIONS On the
Editor of the North Star, on the Murders in Vt.
Our brethren and friends, fellow-citizens, are MURDERED by the miscreant traitors to their God and country. They were murdered in cool blood while executing the laws of the land; laws which our legal representatives enacted and which we are all bound by the oath of God to support and defend. Their dying groans, their flowing blood call aloud for a speedy investigation of the causes which produced the unhappy event.
It is now no time to tamper with public feelings, to dispute with political opponents for the sake of wrangling. The hour is come when our country demands, whether we are for her or against her, whether we will rise en masse, and rescue traitors and murderers from the hand of Justice; or, whether we will, with an indignant voice, detect the traitor, the rebel, and call the murderers to a solemn account.—If the laws are injurious to our interest, our constitution points out a legal remedy. We are to have recourse to our votes and not to the BLUNDERBUSS and DAGGER. There seems to be an "invisible band" not only in our state but throughout the union, which points to TREASON and REBELLION; but the object is visible, it is the destruction of our government.
WAR IN DISGUISE.
We hear that an important work will soon be put to press, intitled England Waring with the United States in Disguise.—In this work it is said, is proved, that most of our Elections are conducted by her influence; and that the work of division, distraction, infurrection, death and conquest, are daily preparing in the United States—that the orders of council were intended to embarrass our government; and that every measure, however well calculated to counteract their fatal tendency, should be by the friends of England and seekers of office, violently opposed—that (altho' silent,) large forces were preparing at Halifax Canada, &c to assist an American Junta, in carrying on the infernal work of overturning the last free government in the world; for which pious work against an unoffending people, they have purchased most of the presses many of the Clergy and all the Liars of the United States; and are endeavoring to make both the civil and military departments their friends and pensioners. [Democrat.
If Americans are liable to indiscriminate impressment into English service, what are they better than British subjects? [Monitor.

Portsmouth, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1808. LATEST FROM ENGLAND. The ship Sufan, Deland, arrived at New York on Tuesday last, 48 days from Liverpool: papers to the 24th of July have been received by the Sufan.
It appears by the extracts from the English papers copied into those of New-York, that instead of Russia having declared against France, every endeavor and every means of conciliation have been used to preserve the friendship of Napoleon; that the Emperor of Russia had sent a variety of presents, and had used his every exertion to aid his ally in the prosecution of his measures against Spain.
The accounts from Spain appear on the whole to be favorable to the party opposed to the French; but it will be recollected that they come through an English channel.
A letter from Liverpool dated the 23d of July states, that a report had prevailed that the French were about to rescind their Decrees respecting neutral commerce, and that in consequence the English market was considerably affected, as it was understood that the British ministry were pledged to take off their Orders in Council as soon as the French decrees were at an end. A British government paper had given plausibility to this report—but we think it wants confirmation.
The St. Michael's American dispatch ship arrived in England the 17th July. Mr. Purveyance was a passenger in her. It was reported, that he was the bearer of a proposition of Bonaparte to rescind his decrees, if England would her orders; He left France the 7th July.
It must be highly gratifying to every true friend to his country; and to those, particularly, who have given a warm and decided support to the measures which the government has adopted in relation to foreign powers; to learn that recent intelligence from Europe affords strong grounds of probability that our difficulties with belligerent nations will be speedily removed and all disputes adjusted. The facts from which these opinions are founded flow from correct sources.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Gilmanton, September 11th, 1808. The famous Oracle has just been put into my hands, in which I have seen the Gilmanton petition to the President—Why a town, so far from the sea board should attempt to interfere in commercial affairs, I cannot perceive—But I strongly suspect it has been done to influence the approaching election of Electors. The manner in which the vote for the petition was obtained in Gilmanton, was very far from being justifiable—Being well acquainted with the facts, I have taken the liberty to transmit to you a few of the outlines of the transaction, which I wish you to insert in the Gazette.
I have not time to remark upon the petition, although it might readily be done—I have only time to give you a brief history of the manner in which it was obtained."
THE EMBARGO RAISED!
The Oracle says that "the respectable town of Gilmanton, the second in the State, in population and property, has at a legal town meeting, voted" a petition to the President of the United States, to raise the Embargo.—On the 29th of August, a meeting was held in "the respectable town of Gilmanton," for the purpose of balloting for Representatives to Congress, and to act upon some local affairs of the town. It is a well known fact, that a large majority of the voters in Gilmanton, have uniformly been on the federal side—the Selectmen are federal—A large number of articles were inserted in the warrant for calling the meeting, the 29th of August, which, if adopted, would very materially affect the interest of the town;—such as erecting a new Pound, (although a very expensive one has lately been erected,) purchasing a new standard of weights and measures, (notwithstanding one has already been provided,) and to see if the town would vote to have the town meetings in future held in different parts of the town, &c. &c. &c. Whether these articles were inserted at the instigation of the Selectmen, or other individuals, to induce the people to attend the meeting, and thereby increase the Federal votes, those who are best acquainted with the motives, must be the best judges.
The town passed upon ALL the articles which were inserted in their warrant, in a decent and respectable manner; and then the people principally voted, After which a motion was made to petition the President to raise the Embargo—This motion was objected to, by moderate and considerate persons, on the ground that the subject matter had not been inserted in their warrant; others thought it indecorous for a town so far in the Country, to come forward in this manner to embarrass, the measures of the general Government; and others thought it improper to act upon a subject of such magnitude, when so few persons were present.
However as the Republic had principally retired, and as it is evident that the plan had been preconceived by some of the leading Federalists, THE VOTE PASSED, and a committee was appointed to prepare an address, which address having been previously made ready, was soon reported, and accepted, notwithstanding many persons present requested a little time for reflection and deliberation—Even a letter on the subject addressed to the Moderator of the meeting, from a venerable and respectable patriot who was confined to his house by indisposition, but who accidentally had received an intimation of the design, WAS NOT SUFFERED TO BE READ, until after the report of the committee, who brought forward this important petition, had been accepted.
Not one FOURTH PART of the legal voters was present, or knew any thing of the subject—when "the inhabitants of the town of Gilmanton, in legal town meeting assembled," voted in favor of the abovementioned petition.
A writer in the last Saturday's Oracle who takes the signature of "rational liberty" has undertaken to justify and establish as truths, certain reports made and propagated designedly to deceive the people in the interior towns of the State, probably to serve electioneering purposes.
This writer seems to take to himself the charge of circulating falsehoods contained in the Governor's certificate.—A guilty conscience needs no accuser—I believe the Governor never saw the publication of the 27th Aug. on which the writer supposes the Governor's certificate is founded—but said certificate was undoubtedly founded on numerous informations from the back counties stating such facts.
This writer assumes a right also founded in false premises to censure the President of the United States for presuming to grant his special permissions in favor of the port of Portsmouth, thereby implying that he had a right to withhold such permissions.—This man is a mere cavier—who probably has availed himself of these permissions.—He seems like many others to seek occasion to injure the government and subvert its laws, without having any rational object in view.
I will tell this ingenious supporter of "rational liberty" that the President knowing that the law (however it might be intended) included Portsmouth in its restrictions from importing flour, and therefore in mere kindness to that and the neighboring towns, whose distant situations from the interior towns in this State which produce flour, did not admit of a supply from them, offered these permissions on the recommendation of the Governor.—To prevent the false premises of this writer from deceiving the public, I will point the reader to the first section of the act of Congress, passed the second day of March 1799.—It says, "that the State of Newhampshire shall be one District, to be called, the district of Portsmouth," and again in the same section it says, the said district shall "extend to the northerly boundary line of said State of Newhampshire, adjoining the British colony of lower Canada." If this "rational liberty" writer is an honest man he will come forward and acknowledge his error and be more cautious of making false statements in future.
Truth ought at all times to be supported and error and falsehood detected, and it is the duty and will be the practice of every good citizen to yield his assistance in performing this duty.
Extracts of a letter from a respectable gentleman in the country, to his friend in this town, dated 9th, Sept. 1808.
"As to the embargo, it has been industriously, artfully and basely used here by many active people from many States, as a very unnecessary pusillanimous and unconstitutional law to oppress this country. It has been almost the only argument to warp and prejudice the public mind and turn the people against our present republican government, which we so ardently struggled to establish thro' a bloody war, and which our illustrious Washington so zealously and parentally enjoined upon us to preserve. This indeed was his best legacy, and the only government that can promote and secure the interest of this country. But we are told by the opponents of our present, peaceful & happy administration, that this is not the form he supported and recommended to us. Let us direct them to look back to his administration, and recommend to their careful perusal his farewell address, and request them not to put upon us false constructions. Is it possible that the British agents in this country, and the old tories, who so violently opposed us in throwing off the galling yoke of Britain and establishing ourselves an independent nation, should so blindfold, and thus far mislead on the high road to another subjugation? They will inevitably effect it without much laudable exertion is made in our defence. Some exertions to diffuse true and proper information, and to undeceive the deceived, and render abortive the designs of their enemies."
The money in the care of British agents in this country, I cannot conceive is accepted by many; but here I knew very well, many among us here have been prompted by their apparently fair, but insidious arguments, and artful comments upon the embargo, to relinquish their former judicious opinions, and take up arms against their peace, prosperity and liberty. Many of us have discovered the deception, and now regret in bitter remorse the aggravating delusion.
The embargo has frequently been represented to us as an impolitic and unjustifiable act, by those very electioneering gentlemen who know and sometimes confess it to be the only means by which our property, navigation and seamen can be secured, and that will save us from a war with France or England. Nay through patriotism and honesty Mr. Wm. Gray of Salem, the most wealthy merchant in the United States, (although a federalist, and calculates to lose ten per cent. on all his property by it) advocates it, and thinks it to be the best measure that could be adopted.
Furthermore we have been told that if we vote for men opposed to our present government, the embargo will be taken off directly. I ask how can they help off the embargo, when they cannot go to congress before another year, altho' chosen this season. Indeed, before this time England would have withdrawn her orders of council, (as they suffer without us,) and the embargo would have been removed were they not waiting to see whom we choose for our rulers.—Now sir, can any judicious man send a vessel to sea or with the embargo to be taken off, as we likewise know they are invariably taken and condemned, before France and England shall withdraw their decrees and orders of council?
In short sir, I am not surprised that people among us have done as they have, by reason of their being denied proper information, and such gross falsehoods imposed upon them.—Nearly the whole sources of information we have here respecting the times, are Mr. Timothy Pickering's letter, the Repository, Centinel, the Portsmouth Oracle, and a multiplicity of pamphlets from the same office, with runners to urge and hire us to read and believe them."
Some persons have deemed it a very preposterous conjecture that the British should keep certain American newspapers in pay. But where is the absurdity of the supposition? Have they not hired the Austrians, the Prussians, the Russians, to fight their battles? And why may they not hire venal and profligate printers?
A Communication in the Oracle of Sept. 3d, contained some sentiments, which we highly approved.
They were considered to be at variance with federal practice; and the opinion was hazarded, that the writer was ignorant of a "system of persecution having been commenced, against mechanics, labourers and others who voted for the Republican ticket." To this last point we shall adhere.
The writer over the signature of "Truth," may flounce and flounder, he cannot extricate his party from the meshes in which they are entangled. In vain does he endeavour for that purpose to arrest our attention by introducing Mr. Jefferson and the general government. He is compelled to admit the fact, and to attempt a vindication.—When we assert that—"all men have certain natural, essential and inherent rights;"—that "all power resides originally in, and is derived from the PEOPLE;"—that "Government is instituted for the common benefit, protection and security of the whole community, and not for the private interest or emolument of any one man, family, or class of men;"—that "all elections ought to be free, and every inhabitant of the State has an equal right to elect or be elected into office;" and when we couple with those self-evident truths, the assertion, that the attempt in this town, to overthrow the "mechanics, labourers and others" for political and party purposes, was unjust, tyrannical, unconstitutional and oppressive;—we stand on a Rock from which we defy the whole federal phalanx to dislodge us.
The modest, decorous, immaculate and prudent Oracle man, says, the "bantling" was not "sent into the country on the morning of its birth" but made its first "public appearance" in this town.
All who have seen the brat, agree that it is a deformed, ugly, hideous, misshapen, ill-begotten monster.
We do not consider ourselves obliged to notice, all the mis-representations which appear in the Oracle; the most recent intelligence from North Carolina is, that out of 12 Representatives elected, 9 are Republican, 2 Federal, and one (McBride) doubtful; he being claimed by both parties.
The Providence Phoenix assures us that the Election in Rhode-Island, was lost only through the supineness and apathy of the Republicans, and that at the choice of Electors they will retrieve their disgrace.
COMMUNICATION.—NO. III.
IN my last number I cited the laws relative to the militia, in order to throw some further light on the subject, and to answer my first question as therein stated. I will now attempt to answer the second question proposed, as far as necessary circumstances will admit in ordinary cases. In a law passed the 28th of December, 1792, in section ninth, after pointing out the mode of warning, collecting fines, &c. it concludes thus: Provided nevertheless, That no such warrant shall be issued until fifteen days after said muster day, that the delinquent may have time to make excuse (if any he has) for his non-appearance, which is to be made to the commanding officer of the company. It appears clear by this law, that the commanding officer of a company has a discretionary power invested in him to excuse some, whom the other laws I have cited does not excuse, otherwise, why does it exist, it would be a mere dead letter, it might as well be clean blank paper as to be carefully revised and filled up with letters. It will likewise appear evident that the makers of this law contemplated at the time, numerous excuses the other militia laws has not made any provision for, and has left the commanding officer of a company, in the honorable character of a Judge, a character which never ought to be degraded nor disgraced. For instance, suppose a soldier was confined to his bed when notified, and remain sick during the fifteen days allowed by law to make his excuse, wholly unable to see the commanding officer within the above term, would it not be unreasonable in the highest degree not to excuse this man from paying a fine, although he has not strictly complied with the letter of the law? It seems there would be no hesitancy to excuse a soldier in this case, yet the commanding officer of a company (through ignorance) to administer this law literally might demand his fine. Again, suppose a soldier after being legally notified, was called upon to go immediately out of town to see a sick friend or relation, and circumstances were such he could not well avoid being absent on said muster day, has not he an undoubted right to expect to be excused on the principles contained in the above law? I think there would be no difficulty in deciding in this case, admitting the excuse was made within fifteen days.—But supposing the soldier to be ignorant and knows no law relative to his military duty, and thereby makes no excuse within the fifteen days mentioned, then likewise the power is with the commanding officer, and he being convinced of his ignorance, can, and all officers knowing their duty will, excuse in any such case.—Further, suppose a soldier after being legally notified, should wound himself so as to be unable to walk without the assistance of a crutch or cane, and should wait on the commanding officer hat in hand, (for those fond of a little brief authority must be waited upon with much ceremony) addressing his commander as follows, "Sir, I have been so unfortunate as to wound myself in the manner you see, I was not able to train yesterday, I wish you would be so good as to excuse me from paying a fine, I shall take it as a great favour.—Captain A. B. (I take the two first letters of the alphabet, they come in course) with the haughty air of a petty tyrant, have you procured a certificate from the surgeon of the regiment? No sir, I expected when you saw my situation you would be convinced I could not train and excuse me yourself, without giving me the trouble of procuring a certificate from the surgeon of the regiment. I don't care nothing about the trouble fays captain A. B. bring me a certificate from the surgeon of the regiment, and then I shall excuse you, otherwise I shall not;—the poor soldier is obliged to hobble along in the best manner he can in pursuit of the surgeon to procure a certificate. What think ye reader, is not such a commanding officer degrading his office, and playing a little too much with his power? Those suppositions with many others of a similar nature, will answer my second question, namely,—Who are excused from military duty by a discretionary power vested in the commanding officer of a company.
A friend to equal Rights.
The question which the past and pending elections involve, is one of the first magnitude to the nation. It is, whether the people of the United States shall elect their own President, or whether he shall be chosen by the British government. The republicans are contending, therefore, for all that is dear to the country. [Monitor.]
The Embargo or no Embargo, say the opposition, is the question. This is wrong. It is Embargo or War! Any body can take off the Embargo, but nobody can find a substitute without paying tribute to Great Britain or fighting. What say you people of America? Will you pay tribute to the English? I hope not; nor to the French either. [Ibid.]
"Millions for defence and not a cent for tribute!" was the old motto of the federal party. But they have turned about. It is now, "Pay tribute to Britain and go to war with France." [Ibid.]
The estimates begin to appear again in the Federal papers in favor of a separation of the States. Will Americans remain always blind to their true interest? Do they not see whither the opposition tends? To a separation, to civil war, to foreign conquests, and to the loss of all our national hopes. [Essex Register.]
The Oracle man in his paper of Sept 10th, announced that "Truth" should appear in his next publication.
Great was the public expectation. Enquiry was on tip toe. The dub-chiks and dunghill-ocks of federalism, crowded by fives and sevens, at the corners of the streets; and exultation was visible on the phizzes of the whole party. The showman himself improved every moment he could spare, from collecting ingredients to make a French fricasee of the "STATESMAN," and seemed determined to use every effort that the exhibition should be made with éclat. To us the fight would have been both novel and pleasing. We however have doubts of his success. We were told that an eclipse was once postponed to accommodate a great man; we recollected the story of the conjuror and the quart bottle; and had heard of the mountain in labour.
The expected morning arrived and we beheld—not a young virgin dressed in white with all the marks of youthful diffidence and modesty;—but the withered hag "Subterfuge & Sophistry" clothed in the tattered,—weather-beaten garments of "prevarication"! ! ! !
Vermont Election.
The Newburyport Statesman of yesterday, says, By information from Windsor, received on Saturday afternoon, it appears, that the general opinion there, was, that his excellency ISRAEL SMITH, was re-elected Governor, by a majority exceeding five hundred; the Council would be all Republican—and a majority of 20 or 30 in the House of Representatives. Our information is from an undoubted source and can be relied on.
REPUBLICAN TICKET, FOR ELECTORS of President & Vice-President, OF THE UNITED STATES.
His Excellency John Langdon, Samuel Bell, Amasa Allen, John Goddard, Robert Alcock, Nathaniel Shannan, William Tarlton.
MARRIED —In this town, Mr. EDMUND ROBERTS, mcr. to Miss CATHERINE W. LANGDON: Mr. STEPHEN P. JONES, to Miss SUREY T. HAZE.
DIED —In Hopkinton, Doctor JOHN CURRIER, aged 52. In this town, Mrs. DEBORAH CARTER, aged 52; A child of Mr. John Pitman, jr.
To be sold at Public Auction on Wednesday the 5th of October next, at eleven o'clock A.M. on the premises—
ONE quarter part of that valuable lot of LAND, (common and undivided) situate on Market-street, opposite Merchant's-Rowe—being the lot on which the mansion house of the late Capt. ROBERT FURNISS formerly stood. Terms of payment made known at time and place of sale. Portsmouth, September 20, 1808.
TO BE LET,
in Jaffrey-street, opposite to Judge SHERBURN'S—having two rooms on the floor, a convenient yard, a good cellar, and the accommodation of Aqueduct. Inquire of J. WHIPPLE. Portsmouth, Sept. 19.
TO LET,
The House and Shop in Washington-street, now occupied by Mr. William Walker. Apply to MARY CHASE. Sept. 19.
NOTICE.
THE Managers of the Portsmouth Live-ry Stable have voted a third and last assessment of Ten dollars, on each share.—The managers will be obliged if each subscriber will call and pay the above in the course of this week, to GEORGE F. SMITH, Treasurer. September 20.
HOUSE.
TO Let, a neat finish'd and convenient HOUSE, at a low rent, situated near the Parade,—Enquire of the Printers. September 19.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the estate of MOSES REMICK, late of Rye, deceased, are hereby requested to call on the subscriber for settlement. JOSEPH REMICK, Adm'r. Rye, Sept. 13, 1808.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. DIVISION ORDERS.
Major General H. BUTLER, Commander of the First Division of MILITIA, in said State:—
HEREBY Orders and directs that the Brigadier General or commanding officer of the first Brigade, in said State, do issue the necessary orders to the commanding officers of the several and respective Regiments composing said Brigade, for turning out the officers and soldiers belonging to their respective Regiments, equip'd as the Law directs, for review, inspection, military muster and exercise; in the order following, to wit:—The FIRST REGIMENT, to assemble and meet at some suitable and convenient parade to be named and appointed within the limits of said Regiment, on Monday the tenth day of October next, precisely at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
The THIRTY-FIFTH REGIMENT, of militia, to assemble and meet at some suitable and convenient parade, to be named and appointed within the limits of said Regiment, on Tuesday the eleventh day of said October, precisely at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And the Third, Fourth, and Seventh Regiments, of militia, to assemble and meet at the parade on the Plains near the meeting-house in Kingston, on Wednesday the twelfth day of said October, precisely at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
The Major General with pleasure observes that he places high confidence in the military ardour and patriotism of the Officers and Soldiers, composing said First Brigade; that at the present important crisis, these orders will be observed with promptitude, and that the respective days of Muster will be appropriated to Martial Instruction and Military Exercise.
Given at Nottingham, the 24th day of August, A. D. 1808. BY ORDER, DANIEL PLUMER, Aid-de-Camp, To Major General H. BUTLER.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. In the House of Representatives, June 14, 1808.
VOTED, That Messrs. MESERVE, of Adams; E. GERRISH, of Berwick; and SAMUEL QUARLES, of Ossipee; with such as the Senate may join, be a committee to receive proposals in the recess of the General Court, for the whole or any part of the land that is left of the townships No. three, and No. four; and lay the proposals before this House, at the next Session.
Sent up for concurrence, CHARLES CUITTS, Speaker. In Senate the same day.—Read and concurred, Mr. SHANNON, of Mountbrough joined. JOHN A. HARPER, Clerk. A true copy Attest, JOHN A. HARPER, Clerk of the Senate.
Nathaniel B. March, Respectfully informs the Public that he has for sale at his shop in Broad street, nearly opposite the Post-Office—
BEST plain and full weltd Hogskin Saddles, some trim'd with Leopards skin, common ditto; silver plated curb and snaffle bitted Bridles, common do.; Coach, Sleigh and Chaise, silver plated and brass mounted Harnesses; Chaise and Switch Whips; leather Buckets; Matrosses; Saddle Bags and Portmanteaus; plated Collars and Martingills; Trucks and Cart Harnesses; head and neck Halters,—and a great variety of Leather, Ciel, Calf, Hair and plated travelling TRUNKS. Also,
MILITARY APPARATUS, such as Holsters, Bear-skin & Canvas Knapsacks, one gross of Priming Wires & Brushes, Gun and Pistol Cartridge Boxes, black, red and white web and leather Sword Belts, Canteens, Gunslings, Holster Caps, Swords, &c. &c. &c. Portsmouth, Sept. 19, 1808.
Henry Beck, Informs the Public that he has for sale at his shop, a few doors West of the Bell-tavern, Congress-Street—
FANCY gilt Chairs of the newest fashion; strait and swivel back Bamboo Chairs; Fan back ditto; Settees; Arm Chairs; Kitchen ditto; one elegant Mahogany cafe eight day Clock,—on all of which a handsome discount will be made, for Cash or approved Notes. N. B. A few bottles of Copal Varnish of the best quality, for sale as above. Portsmouth, Sept. 19, 1808.
State of New-Hampshire.
PUBLIC NOTICE is hereby given that Samuel Holkins and others, have petitioned the General Court, representing that the roads which were opened a few years since, the one leading from Joseph Loomis, the other from James Hugh's, passing from Connecticut river, through Colebrook, township number two, Millsfield, Errol and Cambridge, to Hallowell and the other Eastern markets, are now for nearly the whole distance almost impassable, and for carriages, entirely so.—That the said petitioners and the public are suffering greatly, and the settlement of that part of the country greatly retarded and discouraged, for want of the same being made comfortable wagon roads;—Wherefore the said petitioners pray that a tax may be laid of three cents upon each acre of land in the said townships of Colebrook, Millsfield, Errol and Cambridge, and that a special committee may be appointed for the purpose of laying out the same.
ORDERED, That the petitioners be heard on their petition before the General Court, on the second Tuesday of their next Session, and that the petitioners cause that the substance of the petition and order of Court thereon, be published three weeks successively in the New-Hampshire Gazette, the publication of which to be six weeks prior to said day of hearing, that any person or persons may then appear and show cause, if any they have, why the prayer thereof may not be granted. JOHN A. HARPER, Clerk of the Senate. Concord, June 6th, 1808.
TO LET,
One half of a convenient Dwelling HOUSE situated in Buck-street, apply to GEORGE HAM. Sept. 19.

Miscellaneous Repository.
EARLY LIFE.
WHEN young in life, nor known to sorrow, How lightly flew the gladsome day! Gay dreams of bliss brought on the morrow, And gilt the sun's declining ray.
Then sweet and tranquil were my slumbers; Then, never wak'd mine eyes to weep, No sorrow which the heart encumbers, Poison'd the balm of downy sleep.
No treacherous friendship then had found me, Nor death's dread power had rent my heart, Hope spread her fair illusion round me, And play'd the dear deceiver's part.
She pictur'd years of tranquil pleasure, Peace and content the held to view; My thirsting heart dwelt o'er its treasure, And tho' the lovely vision true.
Ah! scenes of joy, by fancy given, To cheat the enraptur'd gazing eye; Say, why, alas! ye promise heaven, And give—but disappointment's sigh?
Dear days of bliss! ye wake my sorrow— Now sombly moves the tedious day, While fowbly shades o'ercloud the morrow, And shroud the sun's declining ray.
For the GAZETTE.
Messrs. Printers, Almost "a new thing under the Sun" has of late made its appearance; a Religious Newspaper, edited by Mr. E. SMITH, called the HERALD OF GOSPEL LIBERTY. This to be sure is a novelty; the editor says, "I know not but this is the first ever published to the world." I have seen the first and second numbers, and am much pleased with the editors address to the public; he says his design is "to have a steady and persevering regard to truth, and the general good of men, and to treat every thing in a fair and manly way; not scandalizing any, or doing any thing by partiality;" and likewise designs to give a plain description of the rights of men, and the opposite. This I believe is very necessary to be understood. He has in the piece under LIBERTY No. 1, given a short, but very comprehensive description of the nature of civil and religious liberty: and in LIBERTY No. 2, in the second number, the rights of men are defined, and it is presumed every rational man must be pleased with it.
I am not fond of ministers preaching politics, 'tis not their duty; but when they state the principles of civil and religious Liberty, the nature and importance of Government, I heartily coincide with them.—Saint PAUL taught the Romans, the nature and importance of government, and I think it the duty of ministers thus to do, so far as is congenial with the precepts and examples of their founder who said "render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and unto God the things that are God's."
If this paper is conducted agreeable to the features which now appear, we hesitate not to say it will be very profitable. The rights of men are important; it is necessary they should be instructed into the nature of them, particularly the rising generation; public teachers have been too remiss in their duty in this particular.—Deity has created us with certain unalienable rights, and our constitution acknowledges them; should not our children then be taught them, and the nature of them? most certainly! We with Mr. SMITH succeed, and sincerely hope we shall not be disappointed in our expectations by the introduction of any thing in future number contrary to his design, as stated in his address to the Public.
IMPARTIALITY.
The Gospel Preacher.
The subsequent pertinent remarks are from the BOSTON EMERALD.
"The Gospel, lovely for simplicity and truth, can please no longer, without the tawdry and adventitious ornaments of classical literature; Cicero, Aristotle, Longinus and Quintilian, have taken possession of our pulpits; the consequences which follow are natural; we exhibit the atheism of Aristotle, the pride and dissimulation of Cicero, and the refined as well as the more gross vices of Greece and Rome."
"In all this glory of learning, a Gospel CHRISTIAN is rarely to be found; nor ought we to wonder; it would be absurd to expect that wit, rhetoric, and the pride of human reason can increase the effect of, or are at all necessary towards inculcating the plain, simple and obvious doctrine of Christ, and Him crucified."
"What gross ignorance and extravagant presumption, to expect that Greek & Latin can teach us to put off the old man; that pagan poets, and heathen orators, can enable us to imitate the purity, meekness and humility of our blessed Redeemer."
"It is from mistakes like these, we have so many Ciceronian Gossellers, so few Gospel Penitents; instead of being contrite, submissive, and repentant, like the publican who went to the temple to pray, and who could only exclaim, God be merciful to me a sinner; we have high bred men of letters, who glory that they are not as other men are; we have your polished literati, whom you may hear sermon after sermon, stalking in heroics, without supposing, or even guessing, if you have not heard their text, that you were listening to a minister of the christian religion."
"Losing sight of the doctrine and practice of their master, who plainly tells them that the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God, they are only ambitious of the character of elegant rhetoricians, and connoisseurs in variety of style, now flying on the unfeathered wings of high sounding words, or transported on the enormous sublime of a Milton."
The secret of being always Easy.
AN Italian bishop struggled through great difficulties without pining, and met with much opposition in the discharge of his episcopal function, without ever betraying the least impatience. An intimate friend of his, who highly admired those virtues which he thought it impossible to imitate, one day asked the prelate if he could communicate the secret of being always easy? "Yes, (replied the old man) I can teach you my secret, and with great facility; it consists in making a right use of my eyes." His friend begged him to explain himself. "Most willingly (returned the bishop) in whatever state I am, I first of all look up to heaven, and remember that my principal business here is to go there: I then look
down upon the earth, and call to my mind how small a space I shall occupy in it, when I come to be interred: I then look around in the world and see what multitudes there are who are in all respects more unhappy than myself. Thus I learn where true happiness is placed, where all our cares must end, and how very little reason I have to repine or complain."
A List of Prizes,
IN DIXVILLE ROAD LOTTERY, is just received at the Bookstore of THOMAS & TAPPAN, where it may be seen gratis— TICKETS & QUARTERS, in Amoskeag Canal Lottery, which commences drawing the 28th this month, given in exchange for prize Tickets in the above. Tickets soon rise to 5 dolls. 50 cents. Sept. 6th, 1808.
Cotton Yarn.
WARP and Filling Cotton for Bed Ticks, &c. of the best quality, is just received and for sale, by wholesale and retail, at the Manufacturing prices in Providence, by EDWARD PARRY, agent for the Hope Cotton Manufacturing Company of Providence, Rhode Island. September 13.
COTTON YARN, and other American Manufactured COTTON GOODS.
TIMOTHY UPHAM,
Has just received a large consignment, and in future will keep constantly for sale a complete assortment of American Manufactured Cotton Goods, which he is enabled to sell at the lowest prices by wholesale or retail; being appointed an agent for one of the largest Manufactories in the United States.—viz.
COTTON Twist and Yarn, of all the various kinds; best American Bed-Ticking (warranted fast colours; Stripes; Cotton Shirting & Sheeting; Stripes; Checks, &c. of a very superior quality. On hand as usual, A very extensive assortment of European and India Goods. Orders from his friends and customers in the Country will be carefully attended to.
WM. JONES, JR.
Will receive in a few days, the following Goods, which will be sold at a small advance for Cash—or short credit—viz.— BLACK Florence Lustrings; blk. Crapes; green and white Sarfnets; color'd & black Lustrine Ribbons; Sattin open work and plain Straco Bonnets; a few elegant broad Garniture Ribbons; black & color'd Spanish sewing Silks; variety spotted Leno and Jaconet Mullins; glaz'd and unglaz'd Cambric; cotton Umbrillas; color'd Threads and Cotton Balls; British Shirting Cotton; common dark Calico, &c. &c. INDIA GOODS. Bandannos and Flag Handks.; fine Sheeting Baftas; Mon Sannas; Garrahs; Mammodies and Caffas; large supply low pric'd Cottons; blue Nan-kins, &c. &c. August 23.
S. MESSINGER,
Has just received at his Hat-Store, No. 2, Sheafe's Buildings—A SUPPLY of Youths and Childrens drab & green fur HATS, a few Gentlemens drab do. with large brims—constantly on hand, Gentlemens fine and coarse black do. August 30, 1808.
GUNS! GUNS!
A FEW TRAINING Pieces, for sale at JACOB WENDELL's Store, on Church-Hill, if applied for soon.—Also for sale a few fresh TAMARANDS. Sept. 6.
An ORATION describing the influence of Commerce on the prosperity, character and genius of nations, delivered at Canterbury Sept. 1, 1808, for sale at C. PEARCE's Bookstore,—price 20 cents.
TO LET,
AND possession given in October, A HOUSE pleasantly situated on Washington-street, now occupied by W. H. Wilkins.—Enquire of Sept. 13. JOHN SALTER.
NOTICE.
FOUR Gentlemen can be accommodated with BOARDING, in a private family, at a moderate price—Inquire at this Office. Sept. 13.
RENDEZVOUS.
AN OFFICE for the purposes of recruiting for the Army of the United States—is opened at the Brick store owned by Daniel Austin, Esq. near the Spring Market—Able bodied citizens, under the age of thirty-five years, who feel disposed to enlist in the service of their country, and may receive twelve Dollars bounty, by applying to G. W. PRESCOTT, Capt. 4th Regiment Infantry, Portsmouth, N. H. July 1808.
Room Papers & Borderings.
A LARGE assortment of ROOM PAPERS and BORDERINGS, just received and for sale at C. PEARCE's Bookstore, CHEAP FOR CASH. June 23.
To the Hon. the Legislature of the State of New-Hampshire, convened at Concord, on the first Wednesday of June, A. D. 1808:—
HUMBLY陈述, the inhabitants of Eaton and Burton, that nearly thirty years since Col. Moulton, advertised for settlers in Tamworth, Eaton and Burton, he owning Tamworth, and a number of rights in Eaton, and Burton settlers came forward, and by said Moulton's encouragement, began settlements in the several towns. Said Moulton was chosen a committee man, with several others at a proprietor's meeting of Burton, to settle the line betwixt Tamworth, Eaton and Burton, in order to pursue settlement, which lines were then unsettled, on account of a dispute betwixt said Moulton and Sandwich proprietors, respecting two miles Sandwich had crowded on Tamworth; said Moulton sent Henry Weed and others, to run a line betwixt Tamworth, Eaton and Burton, which was run to said Moulton's acceptance, who said that should be the present line to put on settlers by, till he recovered the two miles of Sandwich, and there they should have a line west accordingly.—There said Moulton and others of the Burton committee, went on and run out hand on said line, run by Henry Weed, &c. and put on settlers, made roads, built mills, &c. all to the satisfaction of said Moulton as per Burton proprietor's book. Said Moulton and Sandwich ruled out their dispute, and our present Gov. LANGDON, was chairman of said rule, who said Sandwich should have 8 miles only, but said Moulton died before matters were any further settled; and all was dead—said Moulton's rights were sold, which made new proprietors in Tamworth, who chose a committee, viz. Judge Cogswell, Bradbury Ciley and Thomas Leavitt, Esq's. to come forward and settle the lines betwixt Sandwich, Tamworth, Eaton and Burton—and if Sandwich would not give up the two miles, to attach them where Moulton left them. But they sold the two miles to Sandwich propriety, for nine hundred dollars, and gave them an indemnifying bond. Then Tamworth had but four miles left; but said committee run down on Eaton about 3 miles, and took off the glory of Eaton, and on to Burton and took off the two first ranges, with about 20 of the first settlers, put on by said Moulton and others as above stated, who were acknowledged to be in Burton by said Moulton till his death, and Eaton settlers likewise—Eaton and Burton proprietors, chose a committee of honest men, to dispute the matter with Tamworth committee, but they got fooled, and left Eaton and Burton in the lurch, and almost ruined. The proprietors dwindled away, and not able to help themselves, and many of them ruined, if the State will not protect them in their charter privileges and jurisdiction, which we conceive to be the duty of the State, to protect charters and jurisdiction; otherwise honest settlers in the wilderness would stand a poor chance to defend themselves against gentlemen speculators, who could divest themselves of humanity, and rob the poor settler's camps with impunity. The committee from Eaton and Burton proprietors were chosen for the purpose of ascertaining the boundaries of Sandwich and Tamworth agreeably to the true intent and meaning of their charter.—Not to leave it to strangers, that knew nothing about the circumstances, and to set in Portsmouth, instead of going on to the ground to investigate the matter.—Not to petition the General Court for a committee, some of which belonged to another State, not to leave Sandwich out of the petition, which was the whole bone of contention.—They had implicitly lost their cause before they appeared before the committee at Portsmouth, notwithstanding they had procured witnesses to prove Tamworth committee had sold two miles to Sandwich for nine hundred dollars, and give them a bond to indemnify them. Then the committee told them they had nothing to do with Sandwich, it was not mentioned in their commission.—Then our committee saw that they were gone, but had not preference of mind to forbid them from proceeding any further, till they were impowered to do justice. Then Tamworth committee made them believe just what they pleased, and threw us out of the whole, and saddled about a thousand dollars on our committee into the bargain, and thus the matter stands with us; and Tamworth has perhaps 60 of our voters, to give them a representation, and not one of them was meant to be on Tamworth charter. If Sandwich owned the two miles, why did they buy it? If Tamworth did not own it, why did they sell it, and give bonds to indemnify?—The cheat proves itself. We humbly pray the State to interpose in our behalf, and send a Surveyor General to ascertain the boundaries of Sandwich and Tamworth, according to the true intent of their charters, and restore us to Law, to seek our remedy or to assist us in obtaining our just right, in any manner your Honors may think proper.—If the two miles betwixt Sandwich and Tamworth does not belong to Tamworth, it never was granted but by said committee, and properly belongs to the State. No doubt but Sandwich now holds more than ten thousand acres more than their charter will cover—some of which belongs to the State, some to Tamworth, and some to Moultonborough. It is expected they have fifteen thousand acres more than measure. We are willing they should have their just air line, which is the most that charters contemplate. Eaton and Burton is a piece of waste neglected land, that lays between the State line and Tamworth, and between Conway and the Mountains, which were granted to the old ranging officers, &c. for services in the old French war, and is governed by movements more or less, and not by the chain.—So Sandwich and Tamworth think to crowd us as they please.—If the State will interpose in our behalf—We as in duty bound shall ever pray
RICHARD LARY, } Selection of JOE ALLAND, } STEPHEN DANFORD, } Eaton. BENJAMIN CAVERY, } Selection of ENOCH MERRELL, } of Burton.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
In the House of Representatives June 10, 1808. UPON reading and considering the petition of the Selectmen of Eaton and Burton, and the report of a committee thereon—Voted, That the petitioners be heard on their petition, before the General Court, on the first Tuesday of their next Session, and that the petitioners cause that the Selectmen of the towns of Tamworth, Eaton, Burton and Sandwich, be served with a copy of the petition and order of Court thereon, eight weeks prior to said day of hearing; and also cause that a like copy and order of Court be published in the New-Hampshire Gazette and Dover Sun, the same term of time prior to said day of hearing, that they or any other person or persons, may then appear and show cause, if any they have, why the prayer may not be granted.
Sent up for concurrence, CHARLES CUTTS, Speaker. In Senate, June 13, 1808— Read and concurred. JOHN A. HARPER, Clerk. A true copy Attest, JOHN A. HARPER, Clerk of the Senate.
TREASURY OFFICE, } County of ROCKINGHAM.
Exeter, September, 1808. THE several Collectors of taxes for the County of Rockingham, are hereby notified that the tax for the present year, became payable at the Treasury on the first day of the present month—In order that the demands on the Treasury may be discharged, it is expected that the Collectors will make immediate settlement at the Treasury. NATH'L GILMAN, County Treasurer.
Providence Factory.
COTTON YARN, BED TICK and COTTON STRIPES. Just received at DRAPER'S CHEAP CASH STORE, A LARGE supply of 2 and 3 threaded Cotton Yarn, Bed Tick of a superior quality, and Cotton Stripes, direct from the Manufactory—which will be sold on the very lowest terms by wholesale and retail.—Will receive in a few days, a further supply and in future keep a complete assortment. Sept. 6.
NOTICE.
State of New-Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given, that on the 30th day of August inst. an appeal to the Superior Court of Judicature was claimed and allowed from a decree of the Hon. Nathaniel Rogers, Esq. Judge of Probate, within and for the county of Rockingham, in said State, made the fifteenth day of August inst. approving and allowing a certain instrument to be the last Will and Testament of JOHN WENDELL, late of Portsmouth, in said county of Rockingham, Esquire, deceased, and granting administration of said estate to Dorothy Wendell, of said Portsmouth, widow; that due caution has been given to prosecute said appeal with effect, and that said appeal will be entered for trial at the Superior Court of Judicature, next to be held at Exeter within and for said county of Rockingham, on the Third Tuesday of September next. EDWARD SARGENT for himself and others, Appellants. Portsmouth, August 30, 1808.
State of New-Hampshire,—Chesterfield ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-residents proprietors and owners of land in the town of WENDELL, in the county of Cheshire, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that unless they pay the said taxes to me the subscriber on or before the 22d day of November next, so much of their lands as will pay said taxes, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at the house of Richard C. Rogers, in said town, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Acre. Rods. No. Town tax $ School tax $ County tax $ School tax $ School tax $ Hwy tax $     John Hunting— tamworth land 1 acre, do. pastureland 6 acres, 7 acres, part 75 6 6 28 38 3 0 0 0   Ichabod Harjey— moving land 1 acre, pasture land 2 acres, 3 acres, 116 acres 85 7 3 20 27 2   Stephen Patch, 85 11 119 1 35 46 3   Benja. Harris, 75 not pitched 18 24 2 62 85 11 5 20 27 2 71   John Wendell, 85 11 4 18 24 2 11 62 75 32 4 18 24 2 11 62   Do. 75 13 4 17 22 2 10 58 75 11 5 18 24 2 11 62   Do. 75 11 5 18 24 2 11 62 75 13 5 17 22 2 10 58   Do. 75 5 1 20 27 2 12 71 85 5 1 20 27 2 12 71   Do. 100 1 1 24 32 2 14 85 75 1 1 24 32 2 14 85   Do. 75 1 4 18 24 2 11 63 85 4 1 20 27 2 12 71   Do. 85 4 1 20 27 2 12 71 75 8 4 7 9 1 3   Do. 35 acres part 85 8 4 18 24 2 11 62 75 9 4 18 24 2 11 62   Do. 85 3 4 20 27 2 12 71 75 9 4 20 27 2 12 71   Do. 75 8 5 18 24 2 11 62 75 8 5 18 24 2 11 62   Do. 75 9 5 18 24 2 11 62 75 9 5 18 24 2 11 62   Do. 75 10 5 18 24 2 11 62 75 10 5 18 24 2 11 62   Do. 20 acres part 85 1 1 5 6 2 17 75 1 1 5 6 2 17   Do. 35 acres part 75 2 6 8 11 1 5 75 2 6 8 11 1 5   Do. 75 8 6 15 20 1 9 75 8 6 15 20 1 9   Do. 85 9 6 20 27 2 12 71 85 9 6 20 27 2 12 71   Do. 75 9 6 18 24 2 10 75 9 6 18 24 2 10   Do. 75 10 6 18 24 2 10 75 10 6 18 24 2 10   Do. 35 2 1 20 27 2 12 35 2 1 20 27 2 12   Do. 85 3 1 20 27 2 12 85 3 1 20 27 2 12   Do. 75 not pitched 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 49 acres part 85 8 2 12 16 1 6 85 8 2 12 16 1 6   Do. 75 not pitched 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 35 10 4 20 27 2 12 35 10 4 20 27 2 12   Do. 85 2 6 20 27 2 12 85 2 6 20 27 2 12   Do. 85 3 6 20 27 2 12 85 3 6 20 27 2 12   Do. 85 2 7 20 27 2 12 85 2 7 20 27 2 12   Do. 75 not pitched 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 85 8 1 16 22 2 9 85 8 1 16 22 2 9   Do. 100 3 1 24 32 2 14 100 3 1 24 32 2 14   Do. 75 not pitched 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   Do. 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11 75 do. do. 18 24 2 11   SAMUEL ROGERS, Collector. Wendell, September 32, 1808.  
CUT NAILS,
Of the Malden Factory of a very good quality—are sold by P. P. F. Degrant, No. 9, D. Spear's wharf, Boston, at the following reduced prices; and a discount of five per cent will be made upon any amount above fifty dollars: 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d—9 1/2 cents per lb. 6d,—10 cents, 4d—10 1/2—For Cash, foreign money. Boston, July 27, 1808.
G DAME'S ACADEMY, for Dancing and Painting, 2d quarter, will commence on Wednesday next, September 7, at the Assembly Room, as it will be the last quarter he expects to keep in Portsmouth, he will engage to teach C. Milions, Contra dances, Minuet, Hornpipe and Allemande—those who will favor him with the tuition of their children, may be assured he will study to give satisfaction—his terms will be six dollars per qr. Attendance Wednesday and Saturday afternoon, from 3 to 6 o'clock. Those for Painting will attend on the same days, in the forenoon, from 9 to 12 o'clock. Price for those who attended the first quarter will be 4 dolls. each, and for new Scholars, 5 dolls. per qr. Sept. 6.
Improved Patent Illuminators Or Sky Lights for Shipping.