The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-12-13 00:00:00

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Miscellany.
MR. ADAM'S CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
Answers to Mr. Kalkoen's Queries.
LETTER VI.
Amsterdam, October 10, 1780.
THE sixth task is to show, "that no person; in America, is of so much influence, power, or credit, that his death, or corruption by English money, could be of any nameable consequence."
This question is very natural for a stranger to ask; but it would not occur to a native American, who had passed all his life in his own country; and upon hearing it proposed, he could only smile.
It should be considered, that there are in America no Kings, princes, or nobles; no popes, cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, or other ecclesiastical dignitaries. They are these, and such-like lofty subordinations, which place great bodies of men in a state of dependence upon one, which enable one or a few individuals, in Europe, to carry away after them large numbers, wherever they may think fit to go—There are no hereditary offices, or titles, in families; nor even any great estates that descend in a right line to the eldest sons. All estates of intestates are distributed among all the children; so that there are no individuals, nor families, who have, either from office, title or fortune, any extensive power or influence. We are all equal in America, in a political view, and as much alike as Lycurgus's hay-cocks. All publick offices and employments are bestowed by the free choice of the people, and at present, through the whole continent, are in the hands of those gentlemen who have distinguished themselves the most, by their counsels, exertions, and sufferings, in the Contest with Great Britain. If there ever was a war, that could be called the people's war, it is this of America against Great Britain; it having been determined upon by the people, and pursued by the people in every step of its progress.
But who is it in America that has credit to carry over, to the side of Great Britain, any numbers of men?—General Howe tells us, that he employed Mr. Delancy, Mr. Cortland Skinner, Mr. Chalmers, and Mr. Galloway, the most influential men they could find;—and he tells you their ridiculous success.
Are they Members of Congress, who by being corrupted, would carry votes in Congress in favour of the English. I can tell you of a truth, there has not been one motion made in Congress, since the Declaration of Independence, on the 4th of July, 1776, for a reconciliation with Great Britain; and there is not one man in America, of sufficient authority or credit to make a motion in Congress, for a peace with Great Britain, upon any terms short of independence, without ruining his character forever. If a delegate from any one of the Thirteen States, were to make a motion for peace, upon any conditions short of independency, that delegate would be recalled with indignation by his constituents, as soon as they should know it. The English have artfully represented in Europe, that Congress have been governed by particular gentlemen; but you may depend upon it it is false. At one time, the English would have made it believed, that Mr. Randolph, the first President of Congress, was its soul. Mr. Randolph died, and Congress proceeded as well as ever.—At another time Mr. Hancock was all and all. Mr. Hancock left the Congress, and has scarcely been there for three years; yet Congress has proceeded with as much wisdom, honour, and fortitude, as ever.—At another time, the English represented that Mr. Dickinson was the ruler of America. Mr. Dickinson opposed, openly, and upon principle, the declarations of independency; but, instead of carrying his point, his constituents differed with him so materially, that they recalled him from Congress, and he was absent for some years: yet Congress proceeded with no less constancy: and Mr. Dickinson lately, finding all America unalterably fixed in the system of independency, has fallen in, like a good citizen, and now supports it in Congress with as much zeal as others.—At another time, the English have been known to believe that Dr. Franklin was the essential Member of Congress: But Dr. Franklin was sent to France in 1776, and has been there ever since; yet Congress has been as active and as capable as before.—At another time, Mr. Samuel Adams was represented as the man who did every thing; yet, Mr. Samuel Adams has been absent for the greatest part of three years, attending his duty as Secretary of State in the Massachusetts Bay: yet it does not appear that Mr. Adams's absence has weakened the deliberations of Congress in the least.—Nay they have sometimes been silly enough to represent your humble servant, Mr. John Adams, as an essential Member of Congress; it is now, however, three years since Congress did him the honour to send him to Europe as a Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Versailles, and he has never been in Congress since: yet Congress have done better since he came away, than they ever did before.
In short, all these pretences are the most ridiculous imaginable. The American cause would have been essential, if the whole body of the people; upon their prejudices, passions, hopes, and principles, which they derived from their ancestors, their education; drew in with them their wives, and have been confirmed by the whole course of their lives: and the supporters whom they have made conspicuous, by placing them in their publick employments.
And what better can be said of matter borne; They rise, they triumph, and to that sea return.
The same reasoning is applicable to the governors, lieutenant-governors, secretaries of state, judges, senators, and representatives of particular States. They are all elected every year by the body of the people; and would lose their character and importance the instant they should depart from their publick conduct, from the political system that the people are determined to support.
But are there any officers of the army, who could carry over large numbers of people? The influence of these officers is confined to the army: they have very little among the citizens. But if we consider the constitution of that army, we shall see, that it is impossible that any officer could carry with him any numbers, even of soldiers.—These officers are not appointed by a King, or a Prince, nor by General Washington: they can hardly be said to be appointed by Congress. They have all commissions from Congress, it is true: but they are named and recommended, and are generally appointed, by the executive branch of government in the particular State to which they belong, except the general officers, who are appointed by Congress. The continental army consists of the quotas of officers and troops furnished by thirteen different States. If an officer of the Massachusetts Bay forces, for example, should go over to the enemy, he might, possibly, carry with him half a dozen soldiers belonging to that State; yet I even doubt any officer whatever, who should desert from that State, could persuade so many as half a dozen soldiers to go with him.
Is it necessary to put the supposition that General Washington should be corrupted?—Is it possible that so fair a fame as Washington's should be exchanged for gold, or for crowns?—A character so false, so cruel, so blood-thirsty, so detestable as that of Monk might betray a trust; but a character so just, so humane, so fair, so open, honourable, and amiable as Washington's never can be stained with so foul a reproach.
Yet I am fully of opinion, that if Mr. Washington should go over to the English, which I know to be impossible, he would find none, or very few, officers or soldiers, to go with him. He would become the contempt and execration of his own army, as well as of all the rest of mankind.
No Sir! the American cause is in no danger from the defection of any individual. Nothing short of an entire alteration in the sentiments of the whole body of the people can make any material change in the councils or in the conduct of the arms of the United States: and I am very sure that Great Britain has not power or art sufficient to change essentially the temper, the feelings and the opinions of between three and four millions of people, at three thousand miles distance, supported, as they are, by powerful allies.
If such a change could ever have been made, it would have been seven years ago, when offices, employments, and power, in America, were in the hands of the King.—But every ray of royal authority has been extinguished now between four and five years, and all civil and military authority is in hands determined to resist Great-Britain to the last.
I have the honour to be, JOHN ADAMS.
Mr. Kalkoen.
LETTER VII.
Amsterdam, October 10, 1780.
SIR,
YOUR seventh inquiry is "Whether the common people in America are not inclined, nor would be able, to find sufficient means to frustrate, by force, the good intentions of the skilful politicians?"
In answer to this, it is sufficient to say, that the commonality have no need to have recourse to force, to oppose the intentions of the skilful: because the law and the constitution authorize the common people to choose governors and magistrates every year; so that they have it constantly in their power to leave out any politician, however skilful, whose principles, opinions, or systems, they do not approve.
The difference, however, in that country is not so great as it is in some others, between the common people and the gentlemen—for noblemen they have none.—There is no country where the common people, I mean the tradesmen, the husbandmen, and the labouring people, have such advantages of education as in that: and it may be truly said, that their education, their understanding, and their knowledge, is nearly equal as their birth, fortune, dignities, and titles.
It is a maxim, that whenever the common people will determine upon peace, or submission, it will be done. But of this there is no danger. The common people are the most unanimously determined against Great-Britain of any: it is the war of the common people; it was undertaken by them; and has been, and will be, supported by them.
The people of that country often rose, in large bodies, against the measures of government, while it was in the hands of the King. But there has been no example of this sort, under the new constitutions, except one, which is mentioned in Gen. Howe's Narrative, in the back part of North-Carolina. This was owing to causes so particular, that it rather serves to shew the strength of the American cause in that State than the contrary.
About the year 1772, under the government of Tryon, who has since made himself so odious to all America, there were some warm disputes in North-Carolina, concerning some of the internal regulations of that Province; and a small number of people in the back parts rose in arms, under the name of Regulators, against the government. Governor Tryon marched at the head of some troops drawn from the militia, gave battle to the Regulators, defeated them, hanged some of their ringleaders, and published Proclamations against many others.—These people were all treated as having been in rebellion, and they were left to solicit pardon of the crown. This established in the minds of those Regulators such an hatred towards the rest of their fellow citizens, that in 1775, when the war broke out, they would not join with them. The King has since promised them pardon for their former treasons, upon condition that they commit fresh ones against their country.—In 1777, in conjunction with a number of Scotch Highlanders, they rose; and Governor Caswell marched against them, gave them battle and defeated them. This year they have risen again, and been again defeated. But these people are so few in number; there is so much apparent malice and revenge, instead of principle, in their disaffection; that any one who knows any thing of the human heart will see, that, instead of finally weakening the American cause in North Carolina, it will only serve to give a keener edge and an obstinacy to those who support it.
Nothing, indeed, can shew the unanimity of the people throughout America in a stronger light than this—that the British army has been able to procure so few recruits, to excite so few insurrections and disturbances.—Nay, although the freedom of the press, and the freedom of speech, is carried to as great lengths in that country as in any under the sun, there has never been a hint in a newspaper, or even in a handbill, nor a single speech or vote in any Assembly, that I have heard of, for submission, or, even for reconciliation.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your humble servant, JOHN ADAMS.
Mr. Kalkoen.
THOMAS ADDIS EMMETT, Esq.
Yesterday this gentleman appeared in the Supreme Court of this state, and in open court took the oath of abjuration to the king of Great-Britain, and of allegiance to the United States of America. The hon. Pierce C. Van Wyck, Recorder of the city of New-York, and Richard Riker, Esq. the district attorney, attended and proved, in behalf of Mr. Emmett, the pre-requisites directed by the act of congress.
It is with no little satisfaction that we announce to our country the acquisition of so valuable a citizen. His high standing in his native land; his zeal in espousing its invaded rights; his acknowledged talents; the excellence of his private character, and the enmity of the British government, endeared him to us before he landed upon our shore, and present so many pledges of his attachment to our nation.
So far as Mr. Emmett will mingle in the political affairs of this, his adopted country, he cannot fail to be eminently useful. He knows the characters that compose the ministry of England, and how readily they sacrifice every principle of honour and of truth to their detestable policy. Every leading man in the United States should view England as the modern Carthage of the world, and be ambitious that this country should imitate the conduct of ancient Rome.
We fear that Mr. Emmett will not find leisure to devote any considerable portion of his time to publick concerns. Standing, as he does without a rival at the bar in this state, he is incessantly occupied with professional business. Upon all occasions where a question involving publick liberty has been drawn before the courts, he has been found as prompt as he is able to defend the privileges of the people. In the forum we know his great value, nor can we wish him to relinquish a pursuit so important to his clients, and so lucrative to himself. Yet we indulge a hope that he will occasionally lend a hand to sustain, in America, the political fabric which he so anxiously sought to erect in Ireland. N. Y. Columbian.

Miscellany.
ELEGANT EXTRACT.
The following is an extract from the address of Dr. Mitchell delivered at the opening of the University Classes, in New-York.
"What inviting prospects are before us! I seem to behold the regions embraced by our national confederacy, assimilated into an indissoluble compound, by canals running from north to south, and by roads branching from east to west. I see machinery introduced by water and steam to perform the carding, spinning, and weaving, heretofore laboriously done by the human hand. I view the two plants, which the enslaved negroes brought with them from Africa, the sycamore (or benni) and arachis (pea nut) yielding to the screw, oily products superior to that afforded by the tree of Minerva. In the interval not occupied by the preferable culture of grass and bread corn, I watch the vine as it curls its tendrils and unloads itself of its clustered fruit. The poppy effuses its milky juice, and affords to pain its lulling opiate. And under the domestic cultivation of flax and hemp, I discern that important articles of these kinds and of foreign growth, are even twisting their last threads."
"Have we not, therefore, reason to rejoice in the excellence of our situation? Ought we not to be thankful for a profusion of good things? Oh! let us ever be mindful of the beneficent giver, and offer him unceasingly our grateful acknowledgments! Let us learn to read his hand writing on the pages of creation; and to grow wiser and better by the interpretation of his works!"
"Young gentlemen of the classes—in you I view the rising hopes of society. To you life is opening, with its alluring prospects. I charge you to respect your country, and its institutions. It is your duty, by assiduous conduct, to prove yourselves worthy of the great advantages you enjoy. You should pray for a continued blessing upon their labours, and for an increase of their number and ability. With such a temper, will your aptitude to learn be quickened, and your acquisitions be rendered additionally useful, to yourselves and your connections. In the performance of this day's service, I have been able to draw but a rough and hasty outline. To the learned and highly qualified professors, who fill the different chairs in this college, I refer you for the nicer colouring and finishing touches of the picture. Under their guiding and protecting care you will be led through the productive fields of knowledge. There will you learn to labour in the vineyard; there will you partake in the richness of the harvest. Estimate well, therefore, the present opportunity. For during the current sessions it is probable, many of you may lay the foundations of your destinies; whether you shall occupy private stations, objects of love to your families and of respect by your neighbours; or be called to perform the functions of magistrates and legislators, adorned with the civic wreath, or invited to succeed in due time to these academick seats, crowned by Apollonian laurels, the examples and instructors of the growing generations.—At any rate, there is one goal to which each is driving, and for which it will be important that every one should be prepared; and that is, the future hereafter , to which this world with all its knowledge, and all its pretensions is but a preparatory exercise ."
THOMAS PAINE.
The biography of Mr. Thomas Paine is known. He was of low origin; but even in his youth of a strong, resolute, and constant temper. He had from his infancy adopted the opinions he so successfully promulgated in his manhood. All his literary productions evince an acute, profound, determined mind; his language is simple, accurate and nervous, adapted to all capacities, so pointed and unequivocal, that there is no misconceiving its real intentions; his axioms are incontrovertible, self evident, and their impression indelible. No human being's efforts have done more for liberty—he made more converts than Sydney or Russel.—His "Common Sense" enfranchised America. America was divided into two parties—the arguments of this little pamphlet decided the contest. His "Rights of Man" had nearly a similar effect in England. Innumerable replies have appeared against it—but so weak and futile as to injure the cause they were meant to sustain.—He reasoned from facts, and his diction was irresistible—he pours like a torrent, and bears down every thing before him—he was persecuted for his works, but they are so admired they are in every library. He seemed stern and morose, but he was lenient, friendly and benevolent.—He instanced his humanity by his resolute vote to save the King's life. The sanguinary Robespierre never forgave him. In the reign of terror, Robespierre imprisoned him, but the apostle of liberty, though in such imminent danger, never retracted his opinions, or solicited mercy—it Pleased Providence that he should escape this monster. Bold, manly and fearless he never concealed his sentiments—positive and inflexible they never varied. He continued in Paris long after Buonaparte rendered himself supreme in the State, and spoke as freely as ever. He told the writer of this article at Paris, on the peace of Amiens, that he was preparing for America—that he could not reside in comfort in the dominions of Buonaparte—that if he was to govern like an angel, he should always remember that he had perjured himself—that he had heard him
swear that France should be a pure Republic—and that he would die rather than endure the authority of any single individual—he would end his days in America, for he thought there was no liberty any where else.—There he soon went, and there he paid the debt of nature—but his memory will never perish. (London Paper.)
To the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser. SIR,
As our government is procuring arms, the following extract of a note in Col. Macdonald's translation of the French Tacticks, is worthy of attention:—
"To avoid the inconvenience of turning the Ramrod in loading, such as striking it against the faces, heads or arms of the men in the other ranks, or letting it fall; The Prussians do not turn it, and therefore wad in less time than they would by turning it. The Ramrod is made cylindrical, and is equally thick at both ends, and small along the rest of its length."
"The Touch hole, or the vent, of the Russian musket, which is shaped inwards like a truncation, renders the motion of priming unnecessary, as the piece primes itself, from the conical construction of the vent, the external orifice of which is not wider than it generally is; in ramming, the powder passes in sufficient quantity into the pan; no powder is spilt in priming, the whole charge enters into the barrel; time is saved and the effect of the shot is more powerful. The Austrians, at first, ridiculed this improvement, and afterwards imitated it."
"In the Prussian service, a piece of leather is sewed round the barrel, where the hand holds it in loading, to enable the hand to hold it heated, as it will become after ten or twelve quick discharges."
Political Miscellany.
From the Aurora.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES.
Numerous are the essays that have been addressed to you, calling on you and requesting you to look at your situation, and urging you to enquire and learn the cause why your situation is what it is—had you attended to this call, the strong probability is, you would have discovered the cause and found a remedy for it—but neglect has caused the evil to increase, and more exertions will now be necessary to remove them than would have been required, had you earlier attended to your interest, and let me say to your duty; the neglect you have shown is the less excusable from the pains that have been taken to persuade you to look at your situation, and the information your executive has laid before you on the subject.
Nothing on the part of your executive has been omitted to support your rights and defend your honour, and every step he has taken you have been apprized of. Yet strange though you see him struggling against usurpations, claiming reparations for insults, and restitution for the property you have been plundered of, you have looked with supineness, and withheld your aid, when that aid would have carried measures into effect which would have removed the ills that now threaten to involve you in war. Should that evil happen, and much it is to be feared it shortly will, who have you to blame? Alas! none but yourselves. Had you been faithful to yourselves, jealous as you ought to have been of your own interest, your rights and your honour—you long since would have received reparation for the insults offered your flag—it would now be flying, respected, in every sea, and your commerce more free and extended than ever it was.
Look at what this indolence—this want of exertion—this neglect of supporting your executive, have reduced you to.
Deprived you of commerce and invited insult abroad; in every quarter, you are treated with more insult than any other nation ever bore, and at home in a manner that marks but too strongly the opinion that that nation which has been the prime cause of all your misfortunes, entertains of you.
That you have greatly mistaken as well as neglected your interests, I believe, now as dear to you, as that you have sacrificed much character from indolence on one hand, and a love of commerce on the other. Had you done your duty as you ought in the first instance, and firmly insisted on your rights of neutrality, as a free and independent nation, you would have been in the full enjoyment of them at this day—a submission to the first encroachment led to the second, and so on. Your first dereliction from principle was worse, and produced much if not all the evils you now suffer.—To obtain some little privilege of commerce, you admitted the right of pre-emption—this cession, which is to be found in Mr. Jay's treaty, has led to the captures and impressments Great Britain has made; and the insolence with which you have been treated by her, has induced other nations to follow up her example, to plunder and insult you. So far have matters now been carried, though hitherto you have declined the advice that has been offered, urging you to look at your situation—that you must now, per force, do it.—You cannot much longer remain in the position you now are, you must soon adopt some measures that will produce a change—or sink into submission.—A short time since firmness in supporting your executive, would have preserved peace—now to do so, you must prepare for war, and to defend your rights; further concessions or submissions you cannot make—they would answer no purpose—you must then at once re-
ceive to resume your station and rank among nations, and retaliate on the first insult offered you, regardless of the insult which, be it what it may, after resistance and using all the exertion in your power, will be preferable to your present situation.
Can you submit to live despised and insulted by every nation, and cringingly crave an intercourse with them. Yet I ask you to look at your situation, and answer if that is not your case at this moment—and if you are not searching every round-a-bout way to keep up a communication, even against the spirit of your laws, and the opinion of an administration, chosen by yourselves, and following principles laid down by their predecessors.
Your delegates in congress will soon be assembled, and each member I hope well informed of the sentiments of his constituents—If those are what I presume they are, a determination to support all their rights, and to resist any or every power that attempts to infringe on them—some efficient measures must early be adopted by them—should that be done, our duty will be to see them carried into effect, and note the man who dares oppose. The ills we now suffer for a weak indulgence to a wrong opinion of a few of our deceived citizens, will be sufficient caution against a similar weakness—although in one instance it may be called weakness, a repetition can only be regarded as criminal, and treated as such. The evil appears to have come to our very door—remove it then we must, if we have the means, and that we have there can be no doubt, if we exert them—to prepare to do so now becomes the duty of all, and none it is to be hoped will shrink from it. You have rights—if you would preserve them you must resolve to defend and support them—this cannot be done by temporising—it is firmness alone can do it. If refused you must follow the example of your forefathers and have recourse to the same means—or resign your inheritance and your name—what is not worth defending, is not worth having. SEALEX.
The following is from the Essex Register.—We invite the friends of the Union to the article. The separation of the states as contemplated by the Essex Junto, is nothing new to the citizens of New-York. Overtures were made long since by eastern federalists, to bring this object into publick view, and to attach to the dismembered portion of the U. States, the state of New-York. A distinguished federalist, then alive, was attempted to be brought over to the proposal. It is well understood here that he resisted it with great warmth.
Whatever may be the desires of eastern federalists on this subject, we can say with great confidence, they have nothing to hope for from the state of New-York. The ascendancy acquired here is of ephemeral consequence, and of momentary duration. The sentiment of this state is most decidedly Republican, and an election to-morrow would verify this assertion by an overwhelming majority of Republican suffrages. The success of federalism last spring is spurious—the delusion is over and gone.—[N. Y. Col.]
The old tune of the SEPARATION of the STATES revived!
The temporary success of the federalists in the City of New-York, has revived the hopes of the Junta, and they again look forward to the golden opportunity for the division of the Northern from the Southern section of the union. The last Gazette has broached the subject, in the true "Pickering" style. After speaking of the success in the City of New-York and expressing a hope that it is "an earnest of the speedy return of the whole state," the Gazette says:
"This would, at the present moment, be the most important and beneficial political event that could probably happen. The commercial section of the union would then, we trust, have a head, and be bound together in one solid compact of interests and action. The Virginian, anti-commercial policy, so oppressive to the eastern states, would not long predominate against such a combined physical strength as would be opposed to it. New-York and New England united, in interests in policy, and in act—what a glorious object."
The writer then speaks of these sections (New-York and New England) co-operating, and nursing and cherishing all their resources for trade and for ARMS—tells about "French policy;" "wandering mazes of philosophy;" "the mushroom princess;" "the Baltimore imperial twig," and other nonsensical things "too numerous to particularise," and thus triumphantly concludes—"All hail, then, New-York and New England united!!!"
Alas! poor Juntoites, Tories, Pickeroons, your hopes will soon be blasted, and your fancied prospects of success in your diabolical plans will vanish into "thin air."
Of late the federal part of the community appear more silent and less clamorous against our government than formerly. They begin to get ashamed of their partiality for Britain, or at least ashamed to express their partiality, or have some object in view by their silence, since the government of Great Britain has acted so disgraceful, unjust and treacherous. They begin to find, that our own government has acted honourably and impartially, and they likewise find, although they stigmatized the government with want of energy, that it has sufficient energy to resent an insult. They now see that all their former accusations against the government have been wrong, and that through blindness many charges have been laid at the door of the administration, destitute of truth, and that libels have been committed on our people at large. By this
we are not to suppose that all clamour has ceased, we have heard one say "that our government was too precipitate in discharging Jackson."—Too precipitate! Shall the officers of our government be branded with the epithet of liars! Shall an insolent foreign minister be permitted to trample with impunity on us, without our daring to look him in the face, or without our saying, Sir, you do not behave as a minister ought to, we shall no longer negotiate with you? Shall our whole nation be called a pack of rascals? From no other man than Jackson should we expect such treatment. Jackson has proved himself the character as represented before his arrival. Jackson is a man, who, at any time, will descend from the character of a gentleman to use the language of Billingsgate. He, of Copenhagen memory, possesses a true spirit of a Briton; pride, insolence and injustice are distinguished traits in his character. He never came as the messenger of peace, he is better calculated to carry destruction through a country; better calculated to flourish the firebrand and sword.—Although the not receiving Chevalier Onis raised a partial hue and cry, there seems in general but little complaint; in the unsettled state of Spain he could not be received. We have not the least doubt, but in time, most of the federalists will come in, in support of our government. Already has been added many, the most respectable of their party. But there will always be some few who will oppose the publick welfare; there are among us Tories who will hold to the British government to the last, though the British government be forsaken by her own subjects there are some few in this country who will ne forsake her. [N. Y. Journal.]
From the Aurora.
COMMUNICATION FROM WASHINGTON.
The papers that accompanied the message are the letters that have passed between the secretary of state and Mr. Erskine; Mr. Erskine and Mr. Gallatin; and between Mr. Secretary Smith again and Mr. Jackson. You will find that some tricks have been attempted by British agency to excite suspicions and jealousies in the cabinet, but I may say, with the cross readings of the Irish member of parliament—
Last week M. — wrote an insidious letter to Mr. —
But the pistol missed fire and the villain made off.
That you may not be at a loss to know the general tenour of this curious business of the British diplomatists, I will just state that Mr. Erskine in his communications says, that in closing the negotiation with the U. States, he conceived himself authorized by the spirit and tenor of his instructions to do so; but he laments that he is obliged to encounter the painful conviction, that he had misunderstood (not his instructions) but the intentions and views of his "majesty's government!"
The correspondence with Mr. Jackson, opens with a letter from Mr. Secretary Smith to Mr. Jackson, which recapitulates what had passed in two previous interviews between them and informing him that the discussion of the subject in difference must be in future conducted in a written form.
Upon this it seems Mr. Jackson mounted his stilts, assumed lofty airs, and in a style of mixed insolence and querulousness, affects to complain of the infraction of the rights of ambassadors in his person, and forsooth that he would appeal to his government!
Thus in the true style of Queerumania's Minister of war, Bombardinian, he turns his back upon the subject of his mission, and attempts to kick up a smoke out of the ashes he had made; he neither acknowledges nor denies the recapitulations, no doubt affording thereby a large latitude for lying to his emissaries, and room for himself to make a shew of great candour, if he should be forced into it by circumstances; he labours however to shew that it is not necessary for him to enter into any explanation of the disavowed convention entered into by Mr. Erskine.
He then, supposing no doubt, that all he says is admitted as granted, and that there is net common sense enough in our government to comprehend what he would be at—with great non chalence launches into a discussion of other points, and in the same confident style that he addressed the Prince of Denmark, unreservedly declares that he has nothing new to offer, and that he is not even authorised to receive the proposal of the three conditions published in Mr. Canning's despatch; and that GREAT BRITAIN NEVER WILL CEASE TO MAINTAIN the principles of the orders in council, in some one shape or another!
What the feelings of those people who have been upholding the influence and interest of England will be on this occasion, I would much rather conceive than be in the situation to experience; the time, I fancy, is come when we shall see who is who.
But to proceed—Mr. Jackson, in the course of his discussion, endeavours to maintain the position, that in the intercourse and negotiation with Mr. Erskine, our government had dictated the terms; or, as he says, substituted the terms of negotiation, instead of taking Mr. Erskine's terms; and this he rings the changes upon throughout his whole correspondence.
It was on these points that the reprehensible conduct took place which rendered necessary for the government to protect itself against this bullying minion.
Mr. Secretary Smith's reply exposed the sophistry and insincerity of this deportment; and demands of him an explanation of the reasons for violating and disavowing the arrangements.
Mr. Jackson at last condescends, through

power of veracity, to approach this question, and the amount of what he says is in fewer words, that Erskine had disobeyed his instructions.
The main effort of Jackson appeared to be to drown the real subjects of wrongs done us in a sea of words, and in a multitude of topics; and by perplexing and confounding all, to evade the fulfilment of justice to us, and to place us on the ground of aggressors instead of the injured. This you will recollect, was the very course pursued by Lord Grenville with Mr. Jay, but we have bought experience too dear to be duped by such means again. For example, he endeavours to separate the outrage of the Chesapeake, for which no reparation has yet been made, on ground separate from every thing else; and on this head he suggests that the British government will restore the men, &c. provided the American government will admit the claim of Great Britain to any of the captured men who may be British subjects.
Thus he attempts to enforce by this contemptible diplomacy, a principle that was abandoned by his government in the most explicit manner, that of the usurped power to search and impress on board neutral ships, and thereby establish a precedent which would authorise the going on board any of our ships in future, and taking the whole crew away if permitted. A proposition of such a kind could be intended only for insult.
The curvettings and caprices of this redoubled chevalier, have been truly ridiculous. At one time he said he had full powers, but on being politely requested to be admitted to a view of them; he flew off in a tangent, with a declaration that he would not, unless Mr. Secretary Smith would also exhibit a full power to shew against it; as if the injuries we have complained of were known, and as if we had been guilty of some unwarrantable wrong; in this spirit—he said he was authorised to "receive and discuss propositions" from our government.
In a word, my friend, we have nothing to expect but from the virtue of our people, the constancy and energy of our congress, and the wisdom and vigour of our executive. Upon foreign nations we can place no dependence further than their interests lead them. America must now unite, or be disgraced forever.
NEWPORT:
WEDNESDAY, DEC. 13, 1809.
The great length of the state papers which accompanied the President's Message, and the protracted time which would necessarily ensue, were we to insert them in our paper, has induced us to print them in a book form. They will be published as speedily as possible in a large handsome octavo pamphlet.
THE DOCUMENTS.
THE publick, in perusing the Documents laid before Congress at the present session, will see the unjust pretensions of the belligerent powers of Europe, who aim a deadly blow, not only at the commerce, but the dignity and independence of the American nation. History affords no parallel, and presumption cannot justify, such an unmerited assault upon the feelings, much more commit, coolly and calmly such an outrage upon the liberties of a free people. We behold, on the part of Great Britain, a more daring demand than she ever before avowed; which, if acceded to by the American government, annihilates our dearest and vital interests.
Great Britain demands as a conditional stipulation for the repeal of her orders in council, a renunciation of our trade to her enemies' colonies; and also an act of Congress, authorizing her navy to enforce our laws, by capturing our vessels found contravening the surrendered colonial trade. Admit but this destructive principle—and will America be free? Where will then be the freedom and independence of this nation? Where will then be our dignity, and what nation in future would respect us? What in future would be our commerce, and would it be worth pursuing? What would rescue and protect it from premeditated plunder—British honour? What would secure our citizens from captivity—British humanity?
Fellow-Citizens! have our ancestors fought and bled in vain? Has the just spirit of resistance to repel the accumulated wrongs offered to our injured country, and is the love of liberty and independence, and all that is dear to man, been entombed with their bodies? Are we such obsequious slaves to grant all they ask? Soon will they claim the right to tax our property, and demand our persons to enforce her tyranny.
The surrender of the colonial trade demanded of us by Great Britain, does not affect the immediate interest, in so essential a degree, of the southern, but effectually destroys the commerce of the middle and northern states. Sooner ought we to perish, and be blotted out from the records of the world, as a nation, than surrender our dearest rights. It is the life-blood and sinews of our greatness—the support of our strength—the increase of our wealth, and the vital principle of all our resources.
The hitherto boasted honour of Britain, and her fidelity and good faith scrupulously to fulfil her engagements is now lost. Her base conduct at Copenhagen rendered it suspicious, and her treachery and deception towards America has confirmed it. Her Envoy, Mr. Erskine, adjusted the difficulties that existed between the two nations, but Canning, his Majesty's Secretary of State, in England, refused a ratification of this solemn contract, and even rejected to explain the motives that led him not to sanction it. Canning was the private Secretary of the late William Pitt—Pitt was a true disciple of Lord Bute, and adopted his notions of government. Bute's administration nearly ruined the British nation, and Canning's will complete it. Nearly the whole world is now leagued in a war against Great Britain, and can Great Britain do better without all the world, than all the world can better do without her? Great Britain must be honest, and must do us justice, or her ruin is inevitable—On her own wisdom is suspended the alternative of peace or war; and her political influence and consequence depends upon her decision.
The present insult offered to our government by her Minister, Mr. Jackson, is an insult offered to the whole American nation. The people compose this nation, and the people are bound to resent the outrage, as resentment in this case becomes a duty, and who will pause or delay when duty commands?
The present Documents will serve for future generations, to see the imperious demands of a haughty nation, and will record the firm resistance of a virtu-
ous, free, and independent people—that no threats can intimidate—no force can subdue—and no treachery can enthrall.
Every family should possess these Documents—the father should instruct his children to detest the policy that led to their existence. The statesman, and the politician should have them, and teach, by their hypocrisy, what reliance can be placed upon the plighted faith of tyrants. No one should be without them—for all can receive instruction from these pages of Jesuitical cunning, and political fraud, urged by a thousand views and false arguments to enslave and chain men, that were born free and determined to remain so—to rob them of their dearest and unalienable privileges. It will teach them to rise, and break the necks of those that would yoke ours.
IF ever there was a nation attempted to be stripped of her dearest rights, by the subtle devices and insidious stratagems of a foreign court, that nation is America.
It is in vain we attempt to seek a parallel in the pages of history to countenance Great Britain as a precedent in her late demands upon the American government. It is impossible she could have a right notion of our love of liberty, and our determination to support and maintain, at all hazards, our independence and our usurped rights. Calculating upon our former forbearance, she presumes we are a tame, pusillanimous people, and would readily yield to her all she should ask; or how could she have the matchless affrontery to insist upon our immediate surrender of our commerce to her enemies' colonies; and that Congress should, by a legislative act, authorize her navy to enforce that law, by capturing all our vessels that should be found trading to these interdicted colonies?
The audacity of such a demand admits of no adequate expressions to describe the insult offered to our beloved country. Were we a nation of obsequious slaves, her arrogance could not demand more, nor her pride expect a greater sacrifice.
The Publick Documents laid before Congress, at the present session, containing the correspondence of Mr. Smith with Mr. Erskine, and between Mr. Smith and Mr. Jackson, exhibits such a daring demand of Great Britain, never before officially avowed, as staggers credulity itself, and awakens the whole American nation to a just sense of their impending danger.
Every individual of the community ought to be in possession of them; for they effect the dearest interests of his country, which, if surrendered, will be fatal to our commerce—our dignity and our independence. The impression that a perusal of these documents will produce, will not pass away with the affairs of the day. No! They will be as lasting as virtue shall be respected, and usurpation be detested. They will excite in the mind of the reader a love of liberty that shall cheer and animate his soul; which will urge him to risk every thing to preserve his immunities unrestricted, and his rights unviolated.
It is not our present intention to exhibit the wretched consequences that would inevitably occur, if that which is now demanded by Great Britain should be granted; because we most seriously wish every individual of the community, without exception, may possess a copy; and by perusing them, he will form such an opinion of their merits as the case may require; which opinion we are confident will be on the side of our government. We are fully persuaded he will be richly repaid for his attention in a careful perusal of them, which will expose such a demand of the surrender of our rights as will astonish him; and although astonished at the barefaced affrontery of Great Britain, will, nevertheless, be pleased with the firmness, delicacy, and honour of our government, in repelling so injudicious, insidious, and fatal demands. These documents claim the attention of every American citizen: they are inestimable, and will convey to him a due sense of the wrongs our country have received from foreign powers, and their intention to reduce us once more to Chains and Slavery.
FROM THE BOSTON PALLADIUM—OF YESTERDAY.
LATEST FOREIGN NEWS.
Capt. Bowditch, of the ship Eliza, yesterday afternoon politely favoured us with London papers of October 24 and 25, and a Liverpool paper of Oct. 26; which he had procured from the brig America, Capt. Salmon, spoken on the 21st of November, in lat. 43, long. 16, 23 days from Liverpool for Marblehead.
Paris dates are to the 16th Oct. Amsterdam to the 19th.
It appears that the late account of the signing of a treaty of peace between France and Austria, on the 3d of Oct. was untrue. But it is now asserted to have actually taken place at some subsequent date. Many distinguished French officers had returned from Germany, and Napoleon was daily expected at Fontainbleau. On the French coast, opposite England, grand salutes were fired on the 21st, 22d and 23d October. On the last day, the houses at Dover, Eng. were shaken by the concussion of the air. There were also illuminations on the night of the 21st.—These salutes were probably for the conclusion of peace, and for the return of BUONAPARTE to his capital.
There is nothing official as to the terms of peace.
A new draft has been made in France of 30,000 conscripts, a part are taken from the list of 1810. It is probable they are to be employed in Spain, were Marshal SOULT has been appointed Major-General, LABORDE is appointed to the 4th corps, lately commanded by SOULT.
There are reports of the marching of French troops towards Spain; and 120 horses, and several carriages of the French Em-
peror's establishments, had reached Bayonne.
His Majesty had also given leave to all Russian Prisoners, on parole, to return home. The Duke of Portland was dangerously ill.
Mr. Jackson of Virginia, brother-in-law of the President, has been wounded, (supposed mortally) in a duel with Mr. Pearson, of North Carolina; both Members of Congress. Mr. Smith of Virginia, son of the Member of Congress that name has been killed in a duel with a Mr. Holmes.
Orders have been received at Charleston for immediately enlisting one hundred seamen, supposed to be for the purpose of manning the gunboats.
The late election for Governor in Tennessee, shows the rapid increase of population in that State. The whole number of votes given was 22,114, of which 11,734 were in West and 10,380 in East Tennessee. Nine years ago the whole number of votes did not amount to 3,000.
WILMINGTON, (DEL.) NOV. 29.
Here we go again!—The Non-Inter-course Law all a cheat!
Well may the French, the Russians, all the continental powers of Europe complain of our partiality and abominable fraud. Our "money changers" and lawyers are fixing the destinies of the people of the United States. At the rate we are now driving we shall inevitably be involved in the bloody contests of Europe. Out of hundreds that escape, we have to record one detection. On Saturday evening last, one of the revenue barges of the District of Delaware, fell in with the ship Union of Philadelphia, 397 tons burthen beating through the bight of New Castle, laden with 870 hds. flax-seed, 53 tierces and 13 half tierces rice, 24 hds. tobacco, 100 bbls. tar, 67 bales cotton, sea-stores, and provisions sufficient for a voyage to Europe, with a coasting permit for New York! On examination, the register and clearance was found wanting, and informal. The Master, whose name was mentioned in the papers, not on board. One George Cummings, said to be a party concerned in this honourable, and patriotic and lawful traffick, had command of the ship. He called himself George Duncan, (probably a relation of the English Admiral of that name). The officer of the barge secured the ship at New Castle, and reported the facts to the Collector. Cummings, alias Duncan, was advised to pay his respects to our District Attorney! He did so: and the next morning took his passage in one of the New Castle packets, leaving the ship and cargo in charge of the pilot. Will his Lawyer contend for damages against the revenue officers for detention? Or will he recommend him to a coat of tar and feathers? Is there any thing "rotten" in the state of Columbia?
[Am. Watchman.]
It was an opinion deliberately advanced by the venerable Gen. STARK, on a late occasion that, there is a dangerous British party in this country, lurking in their hiding places, more dangerous than all our foreign enemies. Every day's observation affords new evidence of the truth of this opinion. The men who at this difficult and dangerous crisis vilify and calumniate the government of their own country, and applaud and encourage the aggressions and insults of the British government, must of right be considered of "the British party." Indeed it is but a short time since one of the Members of the British House of Commons avowed in his place the existence of "a British party in America;" and it is undoubtedly a confidence in the loyalty and in the strength of this party that has led the British government to the great length it has gone in plundering our commerce, imprisoning our seamen, murdering our citizens, and insulting us on every occasion.—Let the "British party" be well watched.
[Trenton American.]
A CROWN LOST.
It appears by the late accounts from Europe, that Napoleon preserves his iron crown, and how many others we know not; but that, to the no small grief of his friend John Bull, he has lost his crown of ice.—Boston Patriot.
Remarkable Ox. —We have had an account sent us by Mr. Joseph Case, of Flemington, of an ox raised by him, and which died lately very suddenly, which is not a little curious. He was four years and eight months old when he died, and had never eaten a quart of any sort of grain; yet his weight was as follows:—carcass, 1,140, tallow, 170, hide, 150; total, 1400.—His height was 16 and a half hands—but his docility was more singular than his size. He would at bidding kneel, lie down, feign himself dead, &c. He would descend any stairs or steps sufficiently strong to bear him. Of these feats we have been eye witnesses. He was probably one of the most extraordinary of the horned species.
[True American.]
A Fat Jury. —At a Court held in Sampson County, North-Carolina, on the 25th ult the weight of the twelve Jury-men amounted to 2,760 lbs. Two of them weighed 600, three 700, one 390, and the remaining six 1,180. As those gentlemen have long been residents in the county, we may form some idea of the healthiness of it, particularly as they were not selected on account of their size, which is thought moderate in that place.—Fayetteville Intp.
MARRIED. In this town, on Sunday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. Eddy, Mr. Simeon Brown, of North-Kings-town, to Miss MARTHA GANDON, daughter of the late Mr. Stephen Congdon, of this town. At Jonestown, THOMAS CARR, Esq. to Miss ABIGAIL HULL, daughter of the late Tidman Hull, Esq. At Bristol, THOMAS PECKHAM, Jun. Esq. of Providence, to Miss SALLY WARDWELL, daughter of Col. Samuel Wardwell.—Mr. ALLEN SMITH, of Dighton, to Miss LYDIA WARDWELL, daughter of Col. Samuel Wardwell. At Warwick, Dr. STEPHEN HARRIS, to Miss ELIZABETH GREENE, daughter of Capt. James Greene, of the former place.
DIED, At Providence, Miss ELIZABETH ABORN, daughter of Capt. Samuel Aborn, aged 14 years.
MARINE LIST.
PORT OF NEWPORT. Entered—Brig Brandy-Wine, Davis, Havana. Cleared—Ship Hudson, Spirit, Cape de Verde; do. Hamden, Helme, New-York; Brig John Adam, Shaw, St. Jago de Cuba; Schooner Maria, Terry, Edenton; Sloop Fame, Hathaway, Norfolk.
NEWPORT BANK.
NOTICE is hereby given, that on MONDAY, the first day of January next, the half-yearly dividend will be declared, and paid to such persons as the Books of the Bank will show to be Stockholders, on the 23d instant.
NOTICE Is likewise given, that on WEDNESDAY, the 31 day of said January, a general Meeting of the Stockholders will take place at the STATE-HOUSE in Newport, at half past 2 o'clock, P. M. for the election of Directors, and transaction of the necessary business of said Bank. By Order of the President and Directors, JOHN R. SHERMAN, Cash r . Newport, Dec. 13.
Rhode-Island Insurance Company.
THE Stockholders of the Rhode-Island Insurance Company, are hereby notified, that a general Meeting will be held at the STATE-HOUSE in Newport, on WEDNESDAY, the 31 day of January next, at half past 2 o'clock, P. M. for the election of Directors, and transaction of such other business as may be thought necessary. Newport, Dec. 13.
To be Sold at PUBLICK AUCTION, ON the 26th of DECEMBER, 1809.—At 11 o'clock, A. M. (if fair weather, if not, the first fair Day) on the Premises, in virtue of a Decree of the Supreme Judicial Court of the State of Rhode Island, &c.
ALL the right, title and interest of EDWARD STANHOPE, deceased, (including the Widow's right of dower) in and unto one certain Lot of LAND, situated in Newport, on Easton's Point, so called, being the 7th lot of the first division of an allotment of said Point, with the Dwelling-House &c. thereon standing. Conditions made known at the time of Sale. MARY STANHOPE, Adm ne . THOMAS D. STALL, vend r . Newport, Dec. 13.
GLOVE-MAKING BUSINESS.
WANTED Immediately, two or three smart Girls to work at the Glove-Making Business. Enquire at the Office of the R. I. Republican. December 13.
WATCH-KEY FOUND.
FOUND , on Friday or Saturday last, a Gold-Watch-Key. The owner may have it again by proving property, and paying for this Advertisement. Enquire at the Office of the Rhode-Island Republican. December 13.
FOR SALE, An elegant Mahogany BILLIARD TABLE, almost new, with all its appurtenances. Enquire at this Office. Newport, Nov.
FARM.
FOR SALE an excellent FARM, containing about 100 acres of good Land, situated on Jonestown, about 3 miles north of the Ferry, with 2 convenient Dwelling Houses and other necessary Out-Buildings, thereon standing. There is an excellent Spring of Water near the House, and the Land is well watered. Said Farm contains a good Orchard, and well Fenced. Possession given previous to the 25th of March next. For further information apply to ELISHA TEW, Jonestown Dec. 7. on the Premises.
FOR SALE, THE House and Lot at the North part of Easton's point, lately occupied by the Rev. Mr. Bradley. Also—The Masts, Spars, Sails, Rigging, Stores, &c. suitable for a single decked Brig, of 110 or 115 tons, or a high or double decked Brig, of 120 or 130 tons.—Apply to CONSTANT TABER. Newport, September 13, 1809.
FOR SALE, THAT pleasant situation South of the Brick-Market, about 60 feet on Thomas-street, extends about 400 feet west, with a small Wharf. There are two large and very commodious Dwelling Houses, one fronting on Thomas-street, No. 177 and 179, with two convenient Shops in front; the other stands west, very well calculated for two families. JOSEPH ALLEN. Newport, September 13, 1809.
FARM.
FOR SALE , by the subscriber, a valuable Farm, situated in the town of Portsmouth, adjoining that of Samuel Ely, Esq. about 5 miles from Newport.—Said Farm contains about 70 acres of excellent Land; a Dwelling-House, Barn, and other suitable out-Houses. For terms and particulars, apply to HENRY TEW, on the premises. Newport, Aug. 23, 1809.

Poetry.
FROM THE FREEMAN'S JOURNAL.
MY YOUTH.
ADIEU, dear hours of infant joy, When life indeed could please: Each trifle, then, could charm the boy, And mirth could ev'ry hour employ, No cares obtruding to annoy, My heartfelt ease!
Of then, to pass a floating hour, I've loiter'd in the glade, Or enter'd the sequester'd bower, To pluck from thence a fragrant flower, Or seek a refuge from the shower, Within the shade!
But, like a shower, those days have fled, Not to return again; Ah! thro' what woes I've since been led; How oft for them a tear I've shed, And wish'd me number'd with the dead: But wish'd in vain!
On many a silent eve, alone, Unconscious have I stray'd: Till the young night to noon had grown, The moon in peerless splendour shone, And o'er the heav'ns was lustre thrown, In stars array'd!
Of as I stray'd the glen along, With melancholy mien, I've heard, the hollow rocks among, The croakings of the owl's tongue, And listen'd to the doleful song That gloom'd the scene!
But now these young delights are o'er, Nor ever can be mine; My fate 'twere impious to deplore, Ah! let me then repine no more, Hope future blessings, and adore The hand divine!
Yes, there's a coming hour, when I Shall spread a fluttering wing; And to the narrow mansion cry, As to the world of light I fly, "O! grave where is thy victory? "O! death, thy sting!"
AMUSING MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ANTHOLOGY.
Original Letters, from an American Traveller in Europe, to his friends in this country.
LETTER TWENTY-THIRD.
[Concluded.]
Although I feel an ardent desire to arrive at the description of this most magnificent capital, as much distinguished by its present splendour as by its ancient greatness, this city, destined, I fully believe, from climate or some other unknown cause to be the nurse of genius and the patroness of the fine arts, yet I think it proper to detail my tour through Italy, because, although you may find this country better described by many writers, yet my self-love flatters me with the belief that you have never before been so interested in descriptions of this sort. There is something in the recital of those whom we know intimately, that seems to bring objects nearer to us, and to make us in some degree spectators of the scene.
Parma, for many years the inheritance alone of the royal family of Spain, who exercised sovereignty under the title of Duke of Parma, is placed in that most beautiful of all plains, Lombardy, watered by the finest rivers in the world, intersected with canals which carry refreshment to every portion of this thirsty soil. It is not to be wondered at, then, that Parma should produce the finest cattle, and most delicious cheese, famed in every portion of the world. It is a fact which may be relied upon, though contrary to received opinion, that, as no country is richer, so none is better cultivated than this part of Italy. Because the Campania of Rome, and those parts of Italy most observed are now neglected and barren, unobserving or hasty travellers have represented Italy as being generally ill-cultivated, and the people as idle. But I can positively state, from my own observation, that Lombardy, the largest portion of Italy, is the best cultivated of any part of Europe, not excepting Great Britain, and that no people on the globe are more industrious! Why then are they not rich? The answer must be sought, and will be found, in political causes. Fourteen millions paid to France, an expensive government at home, numerous and most extravagant ecclesiastical establishments: these are the causes. To which we may add, that the lands are owned by lords, or by religious houses, the rents spent in supporting persons in celibacy and idleness, or in useless decorations of churches, and the poor labourer receiving but the remnant after all these drains. These are the natural and obvious causes of the poverty of the inhabitants, notwithstanding the fertility of the soil and their extreme industry. It is generally supposed, that Buonaparte will establish in Italy the two brothers, whom he has not provided for in the Senatus Consultum; that he will make Jerome, Duke of Parma; and Lucien king of Lombardy. Time will shew.
Parma is a beautiful, and has been a magnificent city. Its theatre was the largest and noblest in Europe: its remains which you now see, excite astonishment. It is three hundred feet long and proportionably wide. They were enabled to give naval combat on the stage with tolerable dignity. Its academy of sculpture and painting are still respectable, and its library is extensive and rare. A number of fresco paintings of the great Correggio adorn this city. I cannot give you a better idea of the merit of one than by saying, that, having painted for his relation a picture of the Virgin, it became so celebrated among the Catholicks, that the presents made to the picture soon enabled them to buy the house in which it was placed, and to convert it into a church, where we had the pleasure to visit this celebrated piece. If it had not acquired this reputation, I should not have thought it superior to several which I have seen.
From Parma you pass to Modena, through the plain to Lombardy, with the Appenine mountains on your right, in full view. Modena is also the capital of another little state of Italy, now amalgamated into the Italian Republic, one of the creatures of the late revolution. It has nothing at present worthy of notice. Soon after quitting Modena, you reach Bologna, once a part of the papal territory, but which this same revolution has wrested from the Pope, for the benefit eventually of Buonaparte's brother.
Bologna, next to Rome and Florence, is one of the most splendid cities of Italy, more especially in relation to the fine arts. But as I deferred my visit to these objects till my return from Rome, when from Rome, when I shall be obliged again to pass through this city, I shall only notice the celebrated fountain by John de Bologna, one of the few celebrated sculptors of the later age. Let me here remark, that, whether from the heat of the climate or from some other cause, all the talians are more attentive to the supply of their
cities with water, than any other people in the world. As early as the time of the Romans, they were so much distinguished by those, as by their valour or success. The Appian, Titan, Agrippian aqueducts have been for ages the wonder of the world. Whenever they extended their arms, you find traces of their magnificence in this respect. It is, to be sure, an inconceivable luxury in a hot climate, to have baths, fountains, lakes, jets d'eau of the purest water, murmuring, and in some instances, rushing through the streets. These fountains are generally introduced in every publick square, have been ornamented and beautified at an incredible expense. The first artists have been employed in seconding the beauties of nature, shall I not say in rivalling them, by the wonders of art.
The fountain at Bologna, which one may gaze at for hours with delight, and which has delighted and ravished connoisseurs for ages, is a Neptune, in bronze, of dimensions larger than human, of a countenance and mein worthy of the ancient idea of a Sea Divinity, with one hand grasping the trident, the other outstretched, commanding the sea nymphs, tritons, and other monsters of the vasty deep to pour forth their treasures, which they submissively obey. It is a noble exhibition of human talents.
Not being permitted to pass by the way of Florence, on account, as I now suppose, of the passage of the Pope, who has gone to crown his Most Christian Majesty, the Emperor of the French, we took the course of the Adriatick, and passed by Ancona. The first object worthy of our notice at this route was the celebrated river Rubicon, from which, and from the anecdote connected with it, has grown up an adage, he has passed the Rubicon. This very little river, now called the Pisatello, was the ancient boundary between Italy and Cisalpine Gaul, and the senate passed a decree "that any General, or armed man who should pass this river in arms, should be deemed an enemy to the Republick, and (what they considered the highest punishment) that his household goods should be removed." Cæsar, when he resolved to crush Pompey and the senatorial party, marched from Gaul, where he had been waging a glorious war, and when he arrived on the banks of the river, he is related by some historians to have stopped and hesitated, whether awed by the imperious prohibition of the senate or restrained by a sense of the horrors of civil war, is uncertain. He however resolved—he passed the Rubicon—and Rome lost her liberties. Connected as it is with the history of the greatest nation the world has known, it is very interesting. Authors dispute about the position of this river, but as they all concur within a few miles, and as we passed both of the two rivers between, which the contest lies, I am easy and do not meddle with the dispute.
Rimini is an ancient city, celebrated in the time of the Romans. It has a beautiful bridge erected by Augustus, forty years before our christian era, which is still in perfect order, and a triumphal arch erected to the same Emperor, which serves as a gate to the town. I beg you will not get tired of Roman antiquities, for I shall give you a volume of them, of which what you have yet had is not even a prototype. Yours, &c.
TAKE NOTICE.
WILLIAM PEARCE,
Respectfully informs his friends, and the publick in general,
THAT he continues keeping a TAV-ERN at his house in the village of Wickford, town of North-Kingstown, next door to PHILIP TIL-LINGHAET, Esq. where the greatest attention will be paid to those who may please to favour him with their company, and may depend on having the smallest favour gratefully acknowledged.
The house may be well known by its end fronting the street, and the sign of a Bunch of Grapes. Wickford, (R. I.) Oct. 25, 1809.
TO LET,
For the term of five years, or a shorter term. A FARM in South-Kingstown, in that part called Boston-Neck, formerly owned by JOHN JENKINS, of Providence, deceased, and now owned by the Subscriber, consisting of about 350 acres. The natural fertility and advantages of Sea Manure, belonging to said Farm, are too well known to require description. The Tenant will be allowed to make payment of the greater part of the rent in improvements or repairs, such as making wall, cutting and clearing the land of bushes, &c. &c. The Tenant to give good security for the performance of the conditions in the lease, on his part. For further particulars and terms, enquire of the Subscriber in Bristol. Application to be made before the 25th of December next.
JAMES D'WOLF.
Bristol, Oct. 30.
FINAL NOTICE.
THAT six months longer is allowed, from the 1st day of November, for all persons who have any claims against the Estate of WILLIAM R. THURSTON, late of Newport, Mariner, must be rendered in, properly attested, otherwise they will be debarred.
DANIEL VAUGHN, Administrator.
Newport, Nov. 29, 1809.
FARM—FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber will sell his Farm, in Middletown, on the most liberal terms—such as cannot fail giving satisfaction to any one who may be inclined to purchase. For further particulars, apply to the Subscriber, on the premises.
CARDER HAZARD.
Middletown, Nov. 28, 1809.
NOTICE.
THE publick are hereby informed, that on the first of December, a SCHOOL will be opened in the CHURCH SCHOOL-HOUSE. For terms apply to JOHN RODMAN, No. 63, Spring-Street. Newport, Nov. 29, 1809.
FOR SALE,
TWO Lots of Land, pleasantly situated at the head of Broad-street, adjoining each other, containing 230 feet front, and 70 feet rear, with a large two-story new building thereon fronting the head of Broad-street. The building has been occupied as a Coach-maker's shop, and is well calculated for a Dwelling-House, and with a small expense may be made a beautiful situation. On one of the Lots is a good well of water. Also for Sale, Three good Chaises, with round and square tops, and one Gig, all with plated harnesses. Also, Two excellent Chaise Horses. The above may be bought very cheap. For terms apply to.
ISAAC STALL.
Newport, Oct. 25, 1809.
LOPEZ & DEXTER,
OFFER FOR SALE,
36 Punchcons St. Croix RUM; 11 Pipes 4th Proof Spanish BRANDY; 15 do. 1st do. Country GIN; 40 do. Madeira WINE; 24 Quarter Casks Lisbon do.; 75 Casks Souchong TEA; 8 do. Hyson Skin do.; 26,000 lbs. West-India COFFEE; 15 Bags PIMENTO; 74 Bales Upland COTTON; 100 Boxes Muscatel RAISINS; 55 Barrels N. Y. inspected Prime PORK; 60 Tons assorted Sweden's IRON; 700 Quintals CODFISH; 15 Boxes Window GLASS; 150 Reams Wrapping PAPER; 100 do. Writing do.; 3 Hogsheads LOAF SUGAR.
The following Fresh Imported DRY GOODS:—
5 Cases India Silks; 680 Pieces Blue Nankien; 200 do. Yellow ditto; 250 do. White ditto; 3 Bales Superfine Broadcloths; Cases Cotton Sewings; do. Fancy Prints; 1 do. English Sewing Silks; 1 do. Men's and Women's Gloves; 2 do. Cotton Shirting; 1 do. Fancy Muslins; 1 do. Marseilles Vesting; 1 do. Cambric Muslins; 1 do. Bombazetts; 1 Bale Cassimeres; 1 Case Velvets; 100 Pieces Russia Diaper; 30 do. Red, Yellow and Brown Bandanoes.
William and Henry Moore,
AT THEIR STORE, No. 5, MARKET-SQUARE, For Cash, Country Produce, or approved Credit, at as low prices as can be purchased at any store in Newport—
30 boxes excellent brown SUGARS; 5 do. do. white do.; 20 bbls. do. do. do.; 2000 wt. excellent COFFEE; 10 chests Souchong TEAS; 5 do. Hyson Skin do.; 5 do. Hyson do.; 10 casks GINGER; Bags of PEPPER; do. PIMENTO; 5 pipes Country GIN, of a superior quality; 5 hds. 3d proof W. I. RUM; 15 do. N. E. do.;
IRONMONGERY, CUTLERY, and HARD WARE: NAILS of all kinds; ANCHORS, of every size; Sundry articles in the Dry Goods Line; 4 bales COTTON. Also, at their Store,
No. 100, TILAMES-STREET, A general and extensive assortment DRY GOODS, as cheap as can be found. All the above articles will be sold at wholesale or retail.
N. B. All those persons who have long standing accounts, are desired to call and settle the same by cash or note.
CASH,
And the highest price given for good clean Flax-Seed, Tow-Cloth or Feathers. Wanted, 2000 bushels good clean Barley. Apply at No. 5, MARKET-SQUARE. Nov. 8.
REMOVAL.
THE Subscribers have removed their Auction and Commission Store to that very eligible stand 94, Thames-Street, directly opposite Messrs. WAXTON & RATHBONE'S Book-Store, a part of which was lately occupied by PAUL M. MUMFORD, Esq. as an Office, where they continue to transact Auction and Commission business. Those who may please to employ them may depend on a faithful and prompt attendance being given to their interest. FOR SALE—on terms unusually good.
20 Casks Campoy Tea, 10 Pipes Country Gin, 20 Bags Coffee, 10 bbls. Pimento.
The above Goods, being separate consignments, will be sold at prices greatly reduced, in order to close the Sales.
N. B. Those indebted to the Subscribers, are requested to settle immediately.—All orders from distant customers will be duly attended to.
HENRY Y. CRANSTON, & CO. Newport, Nov. 1, 1809.
The Progressive Company,
AT THEIR GRAINERY AND GROCERY STORE, No. 11, LONG-WHARF, Have for Sale, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest current prices,
A Constant supply of Rye and Indian Corn; do. do. Rye and Indian Meal; Flour, of the most approved brands. An extensive assortment of GROCERIES and LI-QUORS—among which are—
10 hds. 3d proof St. Croix and Antigua Rum; 20 pipes 4th proof Spanish Brandy; 20 quarter casks Sherry Wine; 20 boxes Raisins; 20 do. Chocolate; Hyson, Souchong, and Bohea Teas, by the chest or lesser quantity, &c. &c.
1600 bushels Exuma Salt, of a superior quality; 1500 do. Liverpool do. 500 do. Turks-Island do. 300 do. Bonavista do.
Also—a quantity of well seasoned mer. Boards; Likewise.....Just received,
5 pipes Gin; 5 hds. old Jamaica Spirits; 26 chests Campoy Tea, of an excellent flavour; 1000 wt. Cheese; 200 Meal Bags; 8 crates and 2 hds. Crockery Ware, &c. &c.
** Cash given for CORN and RYE. N. B. Those persons who have in their possession Meal Bags belonging to the Company, will have the goodness to return them.
WILLIAM COGGESHALL, jun. Agent. Newport, Oct. 18.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice, to the Baking business. A smart active Lad about 12 or 13 years of age, who can produce good recommendation, may hear of a situation by applying at the office of the Rhode-Island Republican.
N. B. One from the country would be preferred. May 10.
FOR SALE,
THE Ship EAGLE, burthen 203 Tons, two decks, as she has just returned from sea, and is now lying at Gyles's Wharf—For further particulars and terms, apply to CHARLES GYLES. Newport, December 6.
DANIEL SHELDON, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends, that he has on hand—A quantity of excellent cedar Clapboards, cedar Shingles, pine Shingles, Boards, Plank, Joist, &c. &c. Which he will sell cheap, at his stand on SHER-BURNE'S Wharf. Nov. 15.
WILLIAM ENGS & SON,
No. 170, Thames-Street.
HAVE just received their Fall supply of HARD-WARE GOODS, which, together with their former stock, makes their Assortment unusually extensive, comprising all the articles generally found in a Hardware Store. They have for sale as usual, a large Assortment of Nails, best English, German and American Steel, sheet Lead, sheet Iron, Brass Kettles, &c. &c. Newport, December 6, 1809.
FANCY GOODS.
WILLIAM S. NICHOLS has just received in addition, to his former stock, a variety of the most fashionable FANCY GOODS, which from price and quality cannot fail to suit purchasers. Newport, Nov. 22, 1809.
GODFREY WENWOOD,
HAS FOR SALE, On the most reasonable Terms, A QUANTITY of Ship and Cabin Bread; Alexandria and New-York Flour of the first quality; Molasses by the gallon; coarse and blown Salt by the bushel; Ginger and Pearl-Ask by retail. Also, Mystick Tyle by the dozen, and Philadelphia Bricks by the hundred; Hops by the pound; Malt by the bushel or smaller quantity; Wheat Bran by the bushel; Coal by the bushel. Also, A quantity of Bricks and Tile, made of Pipe Clay, suitable for Ovens. Newport, Aug. 30, 1809.
JOSEPH BRIGGS,
No. 63, Thames-street.
HAS for sale—100 bbls. Prime Pork, warranted; Gin, per pipe. Also—An assortment of GROCERIES. N. B. He transacts Commission Business. Those who are disposed to favour him in this line, may depend on his exertions in their behalf. STORAGE for goods may be had by applying as above. July 26.
Elegant China, Glass-Ware, &c. &c.
JUST RECEIVED,—And for Sale by GEORGE W. MARTIN, No. 2, CHURCH-STREET, 30 Casks, containing Dining-sets, 21 Boxes do. Tea-sets, 10 Tierces do. Glass-ware, } Of the newest fashions. } A L S O, 2000 Bushels Liverpool SALT, 200 Small Kegs Good BUTTER, 100 doz. London PORTER. Nov. 22.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
HAVING formed a connexion in trade, under the Firm of HOWLAND & EDDY, OFFER FOR SALE, ON REASONABLE TERMS, At their store, No. 72 & 73, THAMES-STREET, A general assortment of GROCERIES, consisting of Rum, Brandy, Gin, Coffee, Sugars of various kinds, Hyson Skin, Souchong, and Bohea Teas, a few boxes Bordeaux Cordials, &c. &c. Also—600 wt. Cheese, of a superior quality, suitable for family use; a few Kegs Negro-head Tobacco. Likewise, fresh Flour, by the barrel. They transact COMMISSION BUSINESS. Those who are pleased to favour them in this way, may depend on the utmost exertions in their behalf. BENJAMIN B. HOWLAND. JOSEPH W. EDDY. Newport, Nov. 22, 1809.
Feather Beds and Feathers.
FOR SALE—Three new FEATHER BEDS, and a quantity of FEATHERS. Apply to ABRAHAM BARKER, Nov. 22. No. 1, Charles-Street.
STOVE PIPES,
OF TIN, or sheet IRON, of any length or size, made by the Subscriber, at his Shop one door west of Messrs. J. MUNROE & Co's. Grocery Store. Also, Tin Ware for sale as cheap as can be purchased in this state. The smalles favour gratefully acknowledged. N. B. Cash given for old Pewter and Lead. NATHANIEL NASON. Newport, Nov. 1, 1809.
S. STACKHOUSE'S
(NEW INVENTED) PATENT CHURN.
THIS Churn will work much easier than the common one; besides, it has the advantage of collecting the butter in rolls; it may also be made to any size, so as to churn any quantity the possessor may wish; and it may be fixed in such a manner as to work either by hand, water, wind, or any other power. Good Cream has often been churned into the best Butter, by this excellent and simple machine, in eight or ten minutes, and deposited in neat rolls, producing an eighth of the whole more butter than in the common way.
The above Churn may be had of BATEN & MONROE, in Portsmouth, or ROBERT & NICHOLAS LAWTON, No. 61 Spring-Street, Newport. August 2.