The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1809-02-07 00:00:00

NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE
[NO. 10, VOL. LIV.]
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1809.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
NOTICE.
THE Copartnership hitherto subsisting between the Subscribers, under the firm of JOHN H. GODDARD & Co. is by mutual consent this day dissolved; all persons having demands against said firm, are requested to present them for settlement; and those indebted to make payment without delay to JOHN GODDARD.
JOHN GODDARD.
Portsmouth, January 30, 1809.
Shop and Parlour STOVES. H. & B. Penhallow,
Has just received, and has now on hand for sale, at their Shop, No. 3, Market Street, a large assortment of Gilt Frame Pillar LOOKING-GLASSES, some of which are very elegant, and of the newest patterns; Mahogany frame Looking-Glasses various sizes; Holland Scates; Sley Bells; Window-GLASS; English Hoop L. Blister STEEL; German Mill-Saws; patent SHOT—a complete assortment of Iron Hollow WARE, Pewter, BRASS-KETTLES, &c. &c.
They have also for sale, a large and extensive assortment of Hard-Ware GOODS, consisting of almost every article usually imported in the Hard-Ware line.
Portsmouth, Nov'r 22d, 1808.
New Hampshire Turnpike Road.
THE Proprietors of the New-Hampshire Turnpike Road, are hereby notified that their annual meeting will be held in the east chamber of the State house, in this town, on Tuesday the 14th day of February next, at 3 o'clock, P. M. for the purpose of choosing seven Directors, a Treasurer and Clerk—and acting on such other business as may come before them.
JOSEPH AKERMAN, Jr. Prop'r's Clerk.
Portsmouth, Jan. 31, 1809.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber administration to the estate of JOHN ROBERTSON, late resident of Portsmouth, mariner, deceased, will exhibit his administration account for settlement, to the Judge of Probate for the county of Rockingham, at the Probate Court to be held at Portsmouth, on the third Tuesday of February next; all concerned are requested to take notice.
SAMUEL PEARSE.
Portsmouth, 31st Jan 1809.
State of New Hampshire.
PURSUANT to an application in writing made to me the subscriber by the proprietors of more than one sixteenth part of the township of PIERMONT in said State, the proprietors of the common and undivided lands in said township are hereby notified and warned to meet at the dwelling house of David Carr, innholder in said Piermont, on Monday the twenty seventh day of February next, at three o'clock in the afternoon, to act on the following articles, viz.—
1. To choose a moderator to govern said meeting.
2. To choose a clerk pro tempore.
3. To assign to any original right or share which has not had its equal proportion in the divisions heretofore made in said township to such of the common land as to supply such deficiency.
Dated the 16th day of February, A. D. 1809. NATHEL A. HAVEN, Proprietors Clerk.
State of New Hampshire.
THIS is to notify the proprietors of the common and undivided land in the town of Moultonborough, that their meeting lands adjourned from the first Tuesday of January last, to the third Tuesday of March next at ten of the clock in the forenoon, at the house of George Freese, Esq. innholder in said town—of which all persons concerned are desired to take notice and govern themselves accordingly.
NATHL SHANNON, Prop'r's Clerk. Moultonborough, Jan'y 4, 1809.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber, Administrator of the estate of HENRY T. AMAZEEN, late of New-Castle, mariner, deceased, will exhibit his administration account to the Judge of Probate for this county, at the court of probate to be held at Portsmouth on the third Wednesday of February next; whereof all concerned are requested to take notice.
SAM'L HUTCHINGS, Adm'r. Portsmouth, January 24th, 1809.
The subscriber has taken a work shop over the store No. 8, Parry's buildings, where he intends carrying on the TAYLORING BUSINESS, as usual, in all its various branches,—such gentlemen as may feel themselves inclined to partake of the newest fashions, either in Military or habit dresses, are requested to call on him, they may rest assured of being highly pleased with good workmanship and liberal charges;—Ladies' Habit Dresses neatly cut and made up at the shortest notice.—He solicits that portion which his exertions merit. Jan. 24, 1809. J. BENNETT.
One Dollar Reward.
LOST the 22d inst. near the fourth part of the town, a small black BITCH (short hair)—go particular mark—her diminutive size is the only thing remarkable. Whoever will give information of the same and leave word with the Printers, shall receive the above reward and the thanks of January 23d, 1808. J. H. L.
Law of the State of New Hampshire.
In the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
An act to authorize William Webster, Noah Robinson, and Abraham Burnham, Esqrs. to establish the jurisdictional lines between the towns of Sandwich, Tamworth, Eaton and Burton.
BE it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court convened, that the said William Webster, Noah Robinson and Abraham Burnham, Esqrs. be and hereby are authorized and empowered as a Committee to run and establish by just course and careful admeasurement the jurisdictional lines between the towns of Sandwich, Tamworth, Eaton and Burton, or as many of them as may find necessary to be established, and to determine the jurisdictional lines in such a manner, as justice, the convenience and welfare of said towns may require.
And be it further enacted, That the said Committee shall agree on the time when they will attend to said survey, and give thirty days notice thereof to the Selectmen of the aforesaid towns, and also cause the same to be published in the New Hampshire Gazette three weeks successively, the last publication to be six weeks before the time of taking said survey.
And be it further enacted, That if it shall appear to said Committee that the towns of Sandwich and Tamworth have more than their just measure, by careful admeasurement, then the Selectmen of the said Sandwich and Tamworth shall pay the expenses of the survey, and costs of sitting, the accounts to be adjusted by said Committee and recovered by the Selectmen of Eaton and Burton; but if the aforesaid Committee should see no cause of alteration in the lines of those towns then the Selectmen of Eaton and Burton shall pay the expenses of the survey and costs of sitting, the accounts to be adjusted as before and recovered by the Selectmen of Sandwich and Tamworth.
And be it further enacted, That the said Committee shall make a report of their proceedings, with the courses and distances of all the lines by them run, to the Legislature of this State, and if accepted by said Legislature, shall be binding and conclusive on said towns respectively.
Approved, Dec. 23d, 1808. JOHN LANGDON, Governor.
State of New Hampshire—Strafford Co.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of MILTON, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their land as will pay said taxes together with incidental charges will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Joseph Plumer's innholder in Milton, on Monday the 31 day of April next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: Original proprietors Names, No. of Lots, No. of Acres, Amount of Tax. Lists tax details for various proprietors in Milton.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton Co.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of LYMAN, in the county aforesaid, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their lands in said Lyman affixed to the names of the original proprietors hereafter mentioned, as will pay said taxes together with incidental charges, will be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, on the first Monday of April next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, at the dwelling-house of Lockhart Wright, inn-holder in said Lyman, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: Names of the original proprietors, No. of Lots, No. of Acres, Amount of Tax. Lists tax details for various proprietors in Lyman.
A Letter to a Friend,
ON the character of GOD and CHRIST, for sale at D. P. DROWN'S, Back-street,—Price 10 cents. January 17.
Legislature of Massachusetts.
REPRESENTATIVES CHAMBER.
BOSTON, Thursday, January 26. The Senators and Representatives being convened in the Representatives Hall, at 12 o'clock His Honor the Lieutenant Governor (accompanied by the Hon. Council, the Secretary of State, and Mr. Bell, as Sheriff of Suffolk) entered, and delivered the following
SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, THE peculiar circumstances, under which we have assembled, call for a serious direction of our thoughts to that being, in whose hands are the destinies of men and nations. The aspect of our public affairs imposes on all the duty of patience and accumulation, in their investigation and their actions. Our best exertions, for the general welfare, are now necessary. The known patriotism of the people of Massachusetts is a pledge for the display of these virtues, in every public emergency. How far calamity, or threatened evils may be provided against, or endangered rights be secured, by any agency constitutionally confided to their State Legislature, are at the present moment, considerations of the most interesting nature.
That affliction Providence, which has deprived you and your fellow-citizens of the assistance and experience of him who was selected, by their suffrages, to discharge the important duties of Chief Magistrate, can be felt and lamented by none more sincerely than by myself. This event having constitutionally devolved on me these duties; as a substitution to his talents and his experience, you may rest assured, for the residue of the year, of my solicitude, assiduity and best endeavors to promote what, from my own convictions, shall appear most conducive to the good of the whole. On this occasion, to repeat the prescribed oaths, which I have already taken, would be but avowals of my political sentiments. The National and the State constitution contain them. The fair and obvious construction of these instruments, in the sense in which I shall be convinced they were intended to be understood, will furnish my rule of action, wherever they can apply. The outlines of our respective relations and duties are there to be found. My inexperience in legislative business, will, I fear, be thought too often to call for your indulgence and candour. If instructed by the Constitution and Law, and sincerely aiming to adhere to their provisions, and to advance the general interest and harmony among the citizens, there should unhappily be a difference of opinion between the different departments of Government, as to means or their application, it can be no just cause of uneasiness or distrust among us.
The New England States have been represented, to their injury and to the injury of the United States, as distracted with divisions, prepared for opposition to the authority of the law, and ripening for a secession from the Union.—Anxieties at suggestions or apprehensions of this kind have been expressed on the floor of Congress. Such suggestions we trust are unfounded. Our enemies alone could have made them. It is to be lamented that any colour has ever been furnished for such alarms. It cannot be concealed that in this State, existing difficulties and the apparent indications of greater ones have produced instances of excitement, violence and indifference, which form serious claims on our attention. Could Legislators be agreed, all would be tranquillized from without. Would not such an achievement be worthy an united effort, and reward the labors of a whole session? The times call for union, confidence, and mutual forbearance and accommodation. Will not a recollection of some more prominent principles and facts in our history, with a legislative example, have this tendency, among our citizens. May we not avail ourselves of this opportunity to review, in a summary manner, the situation in which we are placed, and the dangers to which we are exposed.
If ever a forgetfulness of past dissensions and joint efforts for the common interest, were necessary, they are to be found in the present moment. Will not each citizen determine for himself, that no personal gratification shall stand in the way of any arrangement, which will concentrate the general will, and direct its strength for our country's safety. For one I am prepared for this measure of accord and devotion to the exigency of the crisis, or my heart deceives me. Union is every thing; it is our strength, our numbers, our resources. If we must have conflicts, let them be with foreign enemies. If war, let it be by the whole people, as one man in defence of their violated rights. Let not a particle of our means be wasted in party or individual contentions. It cannot be necessary, nor would it be beneficial to review in detail the continued aggravated injuries and insults, which have been heaped upon us by the warping powers of Europe. The aggregate of our wrongs have been great indeed. The counteracting measures of our National Government, produced by these aggressions are generally known. The recent communication of public documents, and the able and repeated discussions on these topics, as published to the world, explain principles and facts beyond the utility of further elucidation. Although our commercial intercourse with national defence is, from necessity and the soundest policy, confined to the United States, yet it is not unbecoming any member of the Union, to add its concurrent energies to national measures, or with fairness and moderation, to question their justness, or policy, while they are pending and ripening for adoption. But with governments as with individuals, there are stages when questions can no longer be usefully open to controversy and opposition. Stages when an end must be put to debate and a decision thence resulting be respected by its prompt and faithful execution, or Government lose its existence and the people are ruined. Are we not in this stage of the great questions of foreign aggression, Embargo, non-intercourse, national defence and other means of safety deemed necessary, by those entrusted with the final disposal of these objects? A balanced Government and its authorities, capable only of executing the deliberate volitions of a real majority of the citizens, constituted and directed by known and fixed principles, established by and proceeding from themselves, is to safe, so reasonable, and so beyond every thing else, essential to their own liberty and happiness, that its hazard or interruption cannot be contemplated but with distress. To such a Government foreign nations, with the unprincipled and desperate, may be hostile, but our virtuous citizens, sensible of its blessings, will yield to any sacrifice for its support. At no time has its Administration, however wise and happy, been satisfactory to all our citizens. This was not to be expected. Its impartiality, justice, forbearance and pacific policy have been no security against violence, injustice and depredation on our rights of person, property and sovereignty by the belligerents. Acts of insult, rapine and plunder, have been multiplied upon us and pressed us to the very wall. Does further retreat and much further forbearance consist with the spirit and genius of Americans? Yet we trust the continuance of peace, with its inestimable blessings, is not altogether hopeless. The aggressive nations may yet be made to listen to the dictates of their own interest and spare us the dreaded calamities of war. If not there is a point in national sensibility, as in the feelings of man, where patience and submission end. Beyond this is degradation, destruction and death. This point is, when suffering forbearance involves a surrender of honor, property and the power of self government. How near we have approached to this period, or how fast we are approximating, is not for us to determine. Such considerations ought with conscience, as they may with safety, remain where the constitution has placed them. Congress with an united people may still avert the threatened evil. Pacific wisdom may yet be better than weapons of war. And should it become necessary to cast the die, we may be assured our Representatives, participating in all the trials, birthrights and sufferings imposed on others, will not incautiously precipitate the throw. Whence then the cause of jealousy, distrust, altercation and bitter aspersion of some of our citizens? Whence then the ever to be regretted indications, suddenness and individual rashness that have denounced our national government and wounded our own? Under a general pressure, however necessary, excitements are easily produced. The effects of national measures have fallen and will fall more severely on some descriptions of citizens and portions of the community than others. This is unavoidable. Ship owners and the New England States may have been the greatest sufferers. But a necessary inequality, in the effect of measures, furnishes no objection to their justice or their policy. If agree something was necessary to be done. Had other measures been adopted, they would but have produced another description of evils, not have diminished the aggregate. It was not to have been expected that the United States could be exempted from disorders, when causes were in operation, which have involved half the world in the greatest. We in some measure know the effects of past arrangements, but can never know what would have been the results of different ones. If our privations have preserved a portion of our property, our peace
and the opportunity of yet selecting between alliances, peace and war, are certain the price has been too great? It has been the unenviable and arduous task of our rulers to collect the diversified sentiments of their constituents, on facts, and to assimilate and concentrate them, as far as possible, to an according system, predicated on the prevailing opinion. By what other principle; by what better rule can society act? If the degree, the kind and the time for action must wait for unanimity, our rights would never be defended, and our country would be ruined. By the voice of the majority alone can society exist for a moment. To oppose it, is to oppose a vital movement of the body politic. To triumph over it, is to conquer ourselves and render us a prey to any and every invader. A government of the minority is a government of anarchy and confusion, a dissolution of all principle and of all authority. Who can contemplate such a state of things but with horror?—Who can lend it even his silent countenance? Are not liberty, safety and property, our dearest rights and dearest enjoyments, the creatures of law upheld by its power and rendered sacred by its energies? If government languishes and fails, will not these blessings languish and perish also? Who does not know, in the range of excited passions, broken loots from legal restraints, property is often lost to its owner, due to its possessor, and family blessings an invitation to the hand of the destroyer? When beholding in the mirror of past times and distant ages the black and frightful atrocities of furious and ungoverned men, amidst the wrecks of civil establishments, will not thoughtfulness, in the language of our departed patriot, "frown indignantly upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate one portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together its various parts"? Frown upon every suggestion of a non execution of the law, resistance, or abandonment of the union! Such suggestions are not less a libel upon the morals and understanding of the great body of the New England people than on their patriotism. Their character is not marked with propensities to outrage, disorder and blood. Such a reproach must be repelled. Our citizens may differ on the necessity and wisdom of existing or projected measures; but for support of their government, their rights and their independence, the majority is immense. Will not the advocates for town meetings, the authors of resolutions, be induced calmly to weigh the spirit and principles of their opposition, and to reflect further on the tendency of their measures? Are they prepared to pull down the splendid edifice erected by the wisdom and valor of their fathers, and to bury themselves under the ruins of Liberty? Are not all their privations and sufferings, notorious to their rulers and from necessity yielded to, with parental sympathy and painful sensibility? While a large majority of the people of the Union, of their national representatives, of the State Legislatures, of their towns and counties seriously believe that the existing measures are essential to our safety and the best for the whole, can their opponents with them to be abandoned and a surrender of the government into their hands? And will they yield it, in turn, to other towns and sections of the country, that may make a similar claim? Would they with in these perilous times to see our peace, liberty and social blessings at the feet of a party? Would they wish to break those ties which unite all to the common centre, a deposit for the public opinion, public confidence and the public power?—Such a secession from the salutary conceptions of our constitutions and the fundamental principles of our government, would be more to be deprecated, and outweigh in mischief the most exaggerated evils of the embargo.
The cultivated reports that the Administration and the southern people are hostile to commerce and unfriendly to the Eastern States, are calculated to produce uneasiness, jealousies and dissensions. The evidence of such facts, I have never seen. My convictions, under some advantages for observation, have been otherwise. I question not the sincerity of the opinions of others. The principles and the public conduct of our rulers are the fair objects of a manly and public spirited scrutiny, for the purposes of merited censure or approbation, their continuance or removal from office in the prescribed forms. The proofs of their talents, zeal and labors to render their country great and happy, are before the public. Their discussion with truth and fairness, would be salutary and agreeable to the genius and spirit of our government. But misrepresentations, groundless suspicions, violent and indiscriminate abuse, unless checked, must end in opposition to the law, a contempt for its authority, and distracted breaches of the public peace.
Legal animadversions on incendiary and libelous publications would be thought by some, dangerous to the liberty of speech and the press a strong public opinion favorable to government, would be equally efficacious to its authority and to discountenance its opposers. Shall such aid be withheld? Or must false views, misstatements and groundless alarms, indicative of extreme distrust and danger from the Representatives of our own election, the Government of our own choice, hurry virtuous and well meaning men, into acts pregnant with awful consequences? It is said measures are unnecessary, unconstitutional, oppressive and tyrannical. It is certain this is correct? Are citizens in the streets, in town meetings, in multitudinous assemblies, citizens pressed with deep personal interests and excited from erroneous conceptions, capable of deciding on great, complicated constitutional questions? Hence our peril. Hence distraction and confusion in society. Hence encouragement to the enemy. Are such citizens more worthy of confidence than their rulers? Are they better instructed or do they possess higher means of information? Are our rulers blinded by their interests or impassioned by their sufferings? They decide against their interests, and their sufferings are in common with their constituents. Are they actuated by prejudice or stimulated by resentment? They have nothing personal. Their insults and injuries have been the insults and injuries of their country. What then is to be done? States, towns and individuals have their favorite projects. The Union has theirs. Thus jarring, are we, with augmented resentments, to rush together into ruinous collisions? Are we with mutual hatred to rend asunder the bands which have United us? To throw from our vitals the shield which protects them?
A good government is Heaven's richest gift. Past events will shew the worth of ours. Calamities formed and introduced our federal Constitution. Its adoption, the desired and long suspended hope of our citizens, was hailed and truly hailed as the salvation of our country. Experience has exalted its value, and disclosed more and more, its practical excellencies. It is worthy the wisdom and labours of its authors, and merits every sacrifice for its preservation. Our history which preceded its adoption furnishes examples, which are fraught with admonitions. Our Government was humble and inefficient. Our Union a thread. Our commerce unregulated and unprotected. Our revenue nothing. Our faith perfidy. Our credit bankruptcy, and our privations the want of every thing. Individuals were embarrassed; grievances complained of—our rulers censured, town and county resolutions published, combinations formed, a non-compliance with the law announced—Government opposed, property sold, for one third its value, tender laws made, the insolvent imprisoned, and our courts of justice stopped. But Government must then be supported and its laws be respected. Troops were detached, armed men patrolled our streets, and we saw them with a joy inspired by the idea of protection and security, from the execution of the law and the energies of its officers. Is the preventative against all these and worse calamities now to be abandoned, and these and worse ones to be invoked to assist us?
Should the northern, the middle or the southern States, should Virginia, or could Massachusetts, any of her towns or citizens, dictate measures to congress, and by opposition or a convulsed state of things force their adoption—then indeed, would one State have obtained a disastrous triumph over the United States. Then we should have conquered the Union—then should we have prostrated its Government, and have trampled under our feet the last refuge of national power. Could the opposition prevail, a part coerce the whole, our rights and our strength would be scattered to the winds. As a nation we should perish, as free men be lost. Our palladium, our ark, our national bulwarks would be shattered and broken to atoms. Then might their fragments float by the licenses of our enemies. Then might we single handed, meet the crisis—and buffering the destruction threatened from the deep, conflict with the clouds above, which, in angry collision, are ready to break on our heads. But this can never be. Society is yet strong. Americans, virtuous and enlightened Americans, steady and determined, will continue their confidence in their efforts. They will rally around the national Constitution, cling to their government, and should it be driven to the edge of a precipice, keep their hold in the extremity of its exit, and sink with it into the awful abyss.
The importance, and the interesting and perilous nature of the crisis, has compelled me, thus long to dwell upon it, and to hope from the wisdom of our Legislature, some reconciling expedient, to quiet the agitated minds of our citizens.

Is it the idea that there are no dangers; that it can be said, thus far shall the incitement come, and no farther—and here shall its effects be stayed? Let us not be deceived. This is the prerogative of God alone. Are we ripe, are we prepared to proclaim to a suffering and an enslaved world, that unhappy man has made his last dispiriting effort for the support of a free government; that the most promising experiment has so soon failed?—that liberty, the legitimate offspring of law, the favorite child of government, has been expelled its hoped-for resting-place, driven from its last retreat, and banished the world? Can we not wait with magnanimous patience, and endure privations a few months longer, and give to government one fair, unimpeded experiment of their measures on foreign nations? Will not the evils and the objections from existing measures lie as strong against non intercourse, war or any other arrangement for national defence? Are we ready to surrender all, to export our government with our produce, and to import foreign despotism with foreign goods? The farmer's merchandise and his ships are in the country. Mine are there, and I should rather sink them than government should be sunk. Without government they are not mine; nor family nor personal protection, nor the opportunity of future acquisitions, or future happiness. At all times it is pleasing to contemplate the patriotism, order and discipline of our militia, to which the constitution looks with confidence for the defence of our country. The last autumnal reviews have been spoken of with pride by gentlemen of military skill. An establishment so safe, so economical, so preferable to a standing army, in time of peace, can never want the patronage of a provident legislature. So long as this system shall be deemed susceptible of improvement, it will be the favourite object for the labours of the representatives of a free people. I am not sufficiently conversant with the principles or details of military arrangements to decide on their defects or to point out their remedies. To legislators of military science and experience this subject peculiarly addresses itself. They will know whether there is the greatest aptitude and efficiency in all its parts, and whether it is capable of moving and being moved, in harmony, without mortifying delays or dangerous collisions.
An evil of magnitude is spreading its calamitous effects over every portion of our Commonwealth. The accumulation of depreciated and counterfeit bank bills, with all their fraudulent and demoralizing action on society and the habits of individuals, are not, perhaps, less to be deprecated than a temporary suspension of a foreign market, for the produce of our farms. The impositions practised, the inability to lose what had been honestly taken, the temptation to pass, with the frequency of doing it, and the impunity with which it may be done, are fast breaking down the moral sense and eradicating from the minds of citizens, that sublime reverence for justice, those lively repulsive principles to fraud, which are the ends, the fruits and perfection of moral cultivation. The spurious and the genuine are indiscriminately passed, under the false apology that they were honestly received and that the bad are not certainly known to be such. Indeed, a knowledge of the characteristics of the various bills, of all the banks in this and the neighbouring States, circulating among us, is a science too nice, extensive and complicated for the great body of our citizens to learn. Will it not be an object worthy the attention of the Legislature, to protect their constituents against so serious a depredation on their property and morals. Would not the confining banks to a compliance with the express or implied principles of their respective institutions and obliging them all to issue bills of the same figure and device, with the exclusion from circulation of all foreign bills, which should not be issued in conformity to such system, cure very many of the evils? To the experience and providence of the Legislature our citizens look for a remedy.
No crisis should arrest the progress of the Arts and Sciences or stay the following hand of improvement. Our most considerable societies, for these purposes, were to the honour of their founders and our country, established during our struggles for national existence. Are not the meritorious examples of encouragement given to manufactures, in the other States, worthy the imitation of this, especially of an adjoining one, which, under the liberal auspices of a publick spirited citizen, is becoming famous for the manufacturing of woolen cloth, from a superior and an improved breed of imported sheep. Would it not be useful to countenance mechanical improvements and fabrications, by exemptions from taxes and by extending the principles of our laws, respecting the overflowing of lands by grit and saw mills, to cotton factories and other labour saving machines depending on water courses for their movements? Would not the proceeds of the sale of a few Eastern townships, vested in a society, as a perpetual fund, for the promotion of manufactures, charged with the appropriation of its interest, in premiums and other encouragement to ingenious manufacturers, be seed sown in good ground, which would produce, to the present and succeeding generations, an harvest of an hundred fold?
Facilities to husbandry, commerce and manufactures are good roads. Most of our great ones are now in such convenient and unalterable directions, as will probably command an increasing travel for centuries yet to come. Would not a law protecting and encouraging to individuals, to border them with trees, give ornament to the country, comfort and refreshment to the traveller, fuel to the planters and gratification to all? To cherish the interest of literature, the sciences and their seminaries especially the University at Cambridge, publick schools, private societies and publick institutions, rewards and immunities for the promotion of agriculture, arts, sciences and manufactures, cannot be less a compliance with the inclinations of a Legislature of Massachusetts, than with that duty which is, at all periods, made binding on it by the constitution under which it acts.
The particular state of our militia, ordnance, military stores and supplies will appear from the detailed report and returns of the Adjutant and Quarter Master General, which shall be communicated by special message to soon as they shall be prepared.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. For your patience and indulgence accept of my sincere acknowledgements, and may that wisdom which is from above, which is profitable to direct, gentle and easy to be entreated, lead in our councils and govern our conduct through the session.
LEVI LINCOLN.
AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW ENGLAND. BY ALGERNON SIDNEY. [CONTINUED]
Recur to the period between peace and the present government. Did not the commercial states, enrich themselves at the expence of the agricultural? Did not Maryland affect the vital resources of Virginia? Did not New-York and Massachusetts lay North Carolina, Jersey, Connecticut and Vermont under contribution? Did the farmer thrive, or was his village marked with the smile of content?
If our commerce be annihilated, will not the period of agricultural discontent and despondency return? If it be transferred to a foreign power, will not that power in imitation of the commercial states, enrich herself at this nation's expence?
The national benefits of our manufactures are apparent; and political considerations should induce us to foster them. They depend for their success, not less on commerce, than on agriculture. Commerce supplies the manufacturer with capital, with raw materials; vends his wares and manufactures in different countries, and in different parts of the same country; and returns to the artist his profit and reward.
That such is the opinion of the Manufacturer is evident from his establishing himself, almost universally, within the reach of navigation; and in the commercial parts of the country, in or near towns.
The correctness of his opinion is proved by these facts. In 1806, notwithstanding the infancy of our manufactures, our merchants vended in foreign countries two millions seven hundred and seven thousand dollars worth of American manufactures, to produce which, eight hundred and eighteen thousand dollars worth of foreign materials were used.
No man of reflection will deny the wisdom of progressively aiding our manufactures, by laws prohibiting the introduction of such articles as our citizens can supply at a reasonable price, or imposing such duties as will give them a decided advantage. Nor will this operate materially to the injury of the merchant—when it takes from him an article of import, it furnishes an article of export to a foreign country, or to a distant part of his own; and the change will be gradual and almost imperceptible. The merchant may turn his capital to a different commercial channel.
But great and sudden changes are dangerous to all governments; and the remark applies with additional force to a republic.
Nothing is more difficult than to force the people of a profession or a section, to abandon a favorite pursuit, and to
assume one which they detest, and in which they are not skilled. It may be possible for a tyrant to effect it by scourging his nation with a rod of iron. This weapon does not belong to a free government.
I come now to speak of that interest, in which the greatest portion of your prosperity is at stake.—I mean commerce. In its most extensive sense, it includes the internal traffick, which is carried on between citizens of the same state or nation, or different states, by purchase or exchange; as well as that intercourse which is carried on between different nations and countries by navigation. The former is usually called internal trade, the latter foreign commerce.
The former is calculated by economists, to be from five to twelve times as extensive as the latter; varying its proportion according to the extent of foreign enterprise. This internal trade is assisted by its freedom from taxation, by the activity of foreign commerce, and by occasional bounties granted by states for the culture of particular articles. It ought to be stimulated by public, improved roads, canals, and bridges, and by every thing which facilitates internal intercourse between the sea-board and the country, and different parts of the interior.
Nothing is more certain, than that as you increase the safety of internal transportation, and lessen its expences, you increase the value of each man's farm—open an additional country to market, extend the amount of your products for foreign commerce, and enlarge the means of acquiring the comforts and elegancies of life.—Nor is it less clear that by internal improvements, the national domain might be increased in value, a sum equal to the necessary expenditure; so that by a judicious and liberal plan, the facilities of intercourse might be furnished to the interior, even without the inconvenience of a temporary advance. When to these considerations is added one of higher importance—the amalgamation of local interests and feelings which these improvements would produce, without injuring the rights of state sovereignties, it is not matter of deep regret, that notwithstanding the repeated attempts of the President to induce an attention to this subject, no one step should have been taken? What is easier than by a rule which shall do equal justice to each state, to effect these necessary and all important improvements?
And is it not worthy of serious reflection, that while more than twenty eight millions of dollars, have been advanced to aid foreign commerce, in which five-sixths of the nation have only an indirect and partial benefit, not one cent has been advanced to aid the farming interest directly, although it would indirectly give an equal aid to commerce.
Few men entertain a higher opinion than I do of the value of foreign commerce: it produced before the revolution a great portion of the capital that enabled us to carry through the struggle. It generated that spirit of hardy enterprise, which aided by our nautical skill, severely annoyed the trade of the enemy; and supplied this nation with many articles of the first necessity. It encouraged that love of liberty, and independence of thought and action, which eminently contributed to our becoming a nation.
It has since given life and spirit to agriculture, raised the value of our lands, and furnished an extensive American capital, equal, and indeed superior, to the demands of our whole commerce. A capital which may constitute a fund for the support of the nation in the day of necessity.
Nothing is more ungrounded than the suggestion that American commerce is indebted to Europe; the reverse is the fact, to the amount of many millions. England's pretended balance embraces all the insolvencies and bankruptcies of sixty years; and British merchants have more of American capital than sufficient to pay British demands.
It has furnished funds for the most of our banks, insurances, turnpikes, bridges, and canals. To this it has been principally owing that New England has arrived to her present state of improvement and wealth. In New England it is coeval with her existence. The revolution and constitution both found you highly commercial; in that character you became parties to both compacts of civil governments, and your right to a reasonable support in your favorite pursuit, is as clearly and fully guaranteed, as is to any other class in society, its pursuits and interests.
In further considering the rights of this commerce to the countenance and protection of government, its division into two classes will lead to a more perfect knowledge and more correct decision.
First. The carrying trade. It is that commerce, where the merchant sends his vessel with a cargo of our products or commercial capital to any foreign port, and brings in return the merchandise of that port, destined for foreign consumption, or in such quantities as exceed the demands of our market; and after it has been incorporated with the body of our merchandise, it is sent to another foreign port for sale. Often it is extended still further—after leaving our ports, it disposes of its cargo at the port of its first destination; procures another, sells it at a third, and so on; till finally it returns home enriched with the commerce of many countries. It always exists in a limited extent; but its profits are principally derived from a state of warfare among the great nations of Europe.
From this nation derives the following benefits.
 1st. An annual increase of wealth drawn in time of war from foreign countries, equal to from ten to twenty millions of dollars.  2d. A more perfect knowledge of the commerce of the world, from which our merchants are enabled to make more correct calculations in favor of our necessary foreign commerce.  3d. The increase of our navigation; our seamen and their skill.  4th. A reduction of price, effected by the surplus quantities on hand, of from twenty to forty per cent, on many of the articles for home consumption.  5th. An income to the public coffers, exclusive of the expenditure it occasions, equal in time of war between foreign nations, to about one-twelfth of our revenue.—This is a tax actually defrayed by other countries, and is the only revenue that is not eventually paid by the people of this nation. 
This trade merits the attention of government, and its services by the appointment of necessary agents, by negotiations, and by an enforcement of the law of nations as far as practicable; but as the vital interests of no class of citizens, and consequently of no section, are involved in it, its maintenance is not to be expected at the expence of war.
Secondly. Necessary foreign commerce. This embraces the export of our products, and the importation of such articles of foreign growth and manufacture as contribute to our necessities, comfort and happiness. This commerce can never be surrendered for any considerable time under any possible circumstances.—It is essential to our prosperity and happiness, and even to our independence. It is fairly guaranteed to the commercial interest, and its annihilation might produce consequences the most disastrous.
To resign this commerce in the present state of the world, would make us vassals to England; this nation excepted, there is not one that can assume the character of neutral. Every man contemplates a speedy return to the accustomed relations in life, at least so far as to enable our farmers to vend their
surplus products. If we surrender our right to transport them, who can come here to purchase? England only! In this state of things she would monopolize our products, reduce their amount, and lessen their price.—She would naturally acquire that influence on our politics which could not be controuled, and we should become a second Portugal.
I have heard of a real or imaginary system of China, of a civilized nation supposed to inhibit foreign commerce, and of the recommendation of that system, though not by government, to this nation.—On this subject I have enquired, and the result has been, that no such system exists.—That nation studiously avoids foreign treaties, yet for a century and an half she has encouraged foreign commerce; and her own citizens in their own ships actually carry on considerable foreign commerce with Japan, Batavia, and other ports of the East Indies. But what of China, admitting she limits the commerce of her subjects to her own provinces? Her empire contains a third or a fourth of the whole human race; a greater number of people than Europe and America combined, and near three fourths of the population of Asia. Her various provinces produce almost every thing in the known world.—Her numbers naturally furnish every order and every occupation in life, and her internal trade must exceed the whole commerce of Europe. Is this nation set before us as an example? Shall a nation whose surplus produce is immense, be assimilated to an overgrown nation whose population on rafts and shallops nearly equals ours, and who scarcely know how to find subsistence? Shall the fancied system of an absolute chief be preferred to the laws of a country preserving the rights and giving scope to the energies of every class in society? Shall that nautical people whose canals whiten every sea, who lead the old world to new sources of commerce, force the sealy tribe to give subsistence to distant nations and countries, and levy tribute on the monsters of the deep, be compared to a people ignorant of astronomy, geometry, and navigation; whose tears force them to keep near light of land, and whose superstition leads them to offer incense in times of difficulty in lieu of those exertions on which human safety depends? Instead of freedom, shall we substitute slavery? Instead of knowledge, shall we prepare the way for ignorance? Bold and intrepid navigators! Your country acknowledges your services, she admires the warmth and tenderness of your friendships, the extent of your liberality, the tear of your sensibility, and your firmness and patience in times of suffering.—She will never desert your interests. But when the day is overcast, when the tempest lowers, and the lightnings play, she pauses to decide on the course of the voyage.
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
National Legislature. TENTH CONGRESS—SECOND SESSION. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JAN. 23. NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
Mr Macon from the committee appointed by this House to confer with a committee of the Senate, on the subject of the amendments to the bill for employing seamen &c. reported that the conferees had not been able to agree upon any thing; and consequently that he had no proposition to report from that committee.
Mr Holmes reported a bill for the relief of Isaac Briggs.
Mr Fick reported a bill for altering the times and places for holding the circuit court of the U S for the district of Vermont.
Mr Morrow reported a bill concerning claims to lands in the Mississippi territory granted by the British government of West Florida.
These bills were severally twice read and committed.
Messrs Varnum and Seaver presented petitions from sundry inhabitants of six towns in Massachusetts, complaining of the mode in which the late elections of electors was made.
VOLUNTEER TROOPS.
On motion of Mr Nelson, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole. Mr Basset in the chair, on the bill for raising an additional military force—(the 5000 volunteer bill)
The blanks having been filled up without opposition, the committee rose and reported the bill.
After a few observations against the bill from Mr Milnor, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, by yeas and nays. 72 to 45—majority 27.
On the question on what day it should be read a third time. Mr Nelson moved tomorrow. Mr Detha; Thursday, Mr Tallmadge, Monday next, and Mr Gardiner the 22d of February.
A debate arose on this subject, which was protracted till dark, when Mr Gardiner's motion was negatived, by Yeas and Nays, 65 to 16.
Mr Tallmadge's motion was also negatived; and Thursday agreed on as the day on which the bill should be read a third time.
TUESDAY, JAN. 24. FORTIFICATIONS.
After the transaction of some minor business—
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for appropriating further sums for fortifications, &c.
Mr Blount moved to fill the blank with 450,000 dollars, and read the following
State of the sum necessary for completing the fortifications in each state for the ensuing year.    For the several works at ? and near New Orleans, $ 36,000   Do. in the State of Georgia, 60,000   South Carolina, 30,000   North Carolina, 16,000   Virginia, 28,000   Maryland, 15,000   Delaware, 18,000   Pennsylvania, 5,000   New Jersey, 14,000   New York, 165,900   Connecticut, 24,000   Rhode Island, 8,000   Massachusetts, including Maine, 25,000   New Hampshire, 4,000 
Dolls. 448,000
The motion was agreed to without a division.
Mr Van Dyke moved to insert at the end of the section which provides for completing the works already commenced, the words "and for erecting such other fortifications, as may be deemed necessary."—Agreed to without a division.
Mr Goldsborough moved to strike out of the bill the words "exclusive of the contemplated line of blocks and chains across the harbor of New York," and insert a provision that no part of the money appropriated by this bill should be employed in that mode of defence, and that the materials provided for it should be sold, and the proceeds of the sale be appropriated to other fortifications. This motion was opposed by Messrs Burwell and Blount, and afterwards withdrawn.
A motion was made by Mr D R Williams to strike out the 2d section of the bill (respecting the canal of Carondelet) This motion was superceded by a motion of Mr Dana, for the committee to rise in order to recommit the bill; on which motion a debate took place of two or three hours in length, turning principally on the question of the propriety of that mode of defending New Orleans. Motion to rise lost, 47 to 40—Motion to strike out the second section lost—55 to 40.
The blank in the second section was filled with 25,000 dollars.
Mr Newton moved a new section to authorize the President of the United States to cause a survey of the land lying between the eastern branch of Elizabeth and Lynnhaven rivers, to ascertain the practicability of cutting a canal across.—Negatived, Ayes 10.
The committee rose and reported the bill as amended, which was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
PREPARATION FOR WAR.
Mr Nicholas said that there never was a period in any country which more required the union and exertion of all its citizens to extricate it from its difficulties, than the situation of this country required at the present time. The two most powerful nations of the world (said he) are in a state of war against this country. Their aggressions against us have been continued for twelve months; whilst we have used every honorable means in our power to avoid war. I have repeatedly declared my determination never to submit to the wrongs received; that when the embargo failed we must resort to the valor and patriotism of our citizens. Sir we have too much reason to believe that the moment is at hand when nothing else can extricate us from our difficulties. My attention has been particularly called to the necessity of a measure of the sort I am about to propose from the opposition made to preparation for war by gentlemen who rely wholly upon the embargo as a coercive measure, and declare that as long as it continues, no preparation should be made with a view to a date of war. If the country remains in a situation unprepared to meet war until the period when every man would be satisfied that the embargo ought to be raised, we shall be compelled to continue it six, eight, or ten months longer till we can prepare for actual war. But in our preparations, more defence should not be the sole object. We are the injured party in the contest. This state of things imposes upon us the necessity of being prepared to prosecute the war; because if we seek redress for injury, the mere defence of the country will not answer the purpose—and therefore there is the greater necessity for extensive preparation. After these observations, Mr N. offered the following resolution, which he moved to refer to a committee of the whole.
Resolved, As the opinion of this house that the United States ought not to delay beyond the day of repealing the embargo laws, and to resume, maintain and defend the navigation of the high seas against any nation or nations having in force edicts, orders or decrees, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States.
After a few observations from Mr Dana, expressive of a wish to see a whole system, and the object of the preparation for war precisely defined, expressing at the same time a desire to give the subject an early consideration, the resolution was made the order of the day for Monday next in preference to to-day, 53 to 45.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 25.—Mr Quincy moved resolutions contemplating an enquiry into the circumstances connected with certain offers of Benjamin Lincoln, late collector of Boston and Charlestown, to resign that office in 1806 and 1807, and those which prevented the acceptance of the offered resignation. The House agreed to consider the resolutions, 93 to 94; and after debating upon them till a late hour, they were rejected, the mover only, voting for their adoption.
THURSDAY, JAN. 26. NAVY BILL.
This bill was taken up in committee of the whole.
Mr Basset in the Chair. Several amendments were adopted, modifying the bill agreeably to the propositions made by the conferees on the part of the Senate, which were rejected by those on the part of the house. The first amendment provides for fitting out the four following frigates, United States, Essex, John Adams, and President; and authorizes the President to fit out such other frigates and gun boats as he may think proper.—The second substitutes 300 midshipmen for 350, and the third provides for employing 3600 seamen instead of 4447.
The house concurred in all the amendments by a very large majority.
The bill was ordered for a third reading to-morrow.

FLAX-SEED.
given for Flax-Seed at No 15 Morehouse Row, by Abel & R. Harris.
Copartnership Dissolved.
THE Copartnership of NORRIS and SAWYER, was dissolved by mutual agreement on the 6th inst. All persons having demands against the said firm, are requested to present them for settlement...
C. NORRIS respectfully informs his friends and the public that he continues to carry on the PRINTING, Bookbinding & Bookselling business, on the most reasonable terms...
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
PUBLIC Notice is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in STRATFORD, in said county, who have not paid their town, school-house, highway, school, and county taxes for the year 1808...
Table with columns: Original proprietors Names, Disposition, No. of Acres, Town tax, School tax, Highway tax, County tax. Lists various names like Capt. Moses Averill, Perry Averill, George Boyd, etc.
Table with columns: Names of Grantees, No. of Acres, Town tax, School tax, Highway tax, County tax. Lists names like George Lewis, Stephen Sherman, William Thompson, etc.
EPHRAIM H. MAHURIN, Collector. Stratford, November 19th, 1808
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of CONCORD, in said county, who have not paid their school, highway and county taxes, for the year 1808...
OWNERS UNKNOWN.
Table with columns: No. of Acres, Range, No. of Acres, Range. Lists ranges like 100 4 2 30 46 6, 140 5 3 42 65 8.
GORES.
Table with columns: No. of Acres, Range, No. of Acres, Range. Lists ranges like 100 8 1 2 74 114 15.
THEODORE GOULD, Collector for Concord. Concord, January 23, 1809.
BOOKS going cheap!
PEIRCE respectfully informs his friends that he is endeavoring to bring his Bookselling business to a close, as he expects in a few weeks to sell out all his stock...
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of COVENTRY, in said county, who have not paid their highway, town, school and county taxes for the year A. D. 1808...
FOR SALE.
A VALUABLE and pleasantly situated Lot of LAND in Greenland, near the Meeting House, on the road leading to Boston containing about 10 acres.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of GRAFTON, and county of Grafton, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808...
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
Table with columns: No. of Acres, Range, No. of Acres, Range. Lists ranges like 11 10 50 20 40 10, 12 19 4 2 3 4 1.
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in NORTHUMBERLAND, in said county, who have not paid their school, highway, road and town taxes for the year 1808...
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in PIERCY, in said county, who have not paid their school, highway, county and town taxes for the year 1808...
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in PIERCY, in said county, who have not paid their school, highway, county and town taxes for the year 1808...
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
Table with columns: Proprietors Names, No. of Acres, Range, No. of Acres, Range. Lists names like Mark Rogers, Joshua Crockett, Nathaniel Treadwell, etc.