The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1809-01-24 00:00:00

Non Sira Bartlett, Esq.
NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE
[No. 8.—Vol. LIV.]
TUESDAY, JANUARY 24, 1809.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Grand Lodge.
THE Officers and members of the Grand Lodge of the State of New Hampshire, the District Deputy Grand Masters and the Masters and Wardens of subordinate Lodges, are informed that the general assembly of the Grand Lodge of the State of New Hampshire will be held at the Lodge room in Portsmouth, on Wednesday the 25th day of January, A. L. 5809, at 2 o'clock P. M. In Order , L. SPALDING, C. Secretar. Portsmouth, Dec. 27, 1808.
Masonic Notice.
THE Companions of Trinity Chapter will keep the Feast of Adar , at Hopkinton, on Thursday the second day of February next. The public exercises will begin at 11 o'clock, A. M. JOSHUA DARLING, Sec'y. Hopkinton, Dec. 26, 1808.
Complete Justice.
THE Complete Justice of the Peace, containing extracts from Burn's Justice, and various other judicatory productions, the whole altered and made conformable to the laws and manners of administering Justice, particularly in New-Hampshire; comprising the practice, authority and duty of Justices of the Peace, with forms and precedents relating thereto, by a gentleman experienced in the profession and practice of the Law. The above Volume ought to be in the hands of every Justice of the Peace in New-Hampshire; they may now be had at C. PIERCE'S Bookstore, in Daniel-street, Portsmouth, for only 15/ each, but may rise as soon as the Embargo is off. Jan. 3.
More New Goods,
Just Received at
DRAPER'S
CHEAP CASH STORE. A variety of seasonable GOODS; among which are REAL Superfine black and blue Broad-Cloths. Black, blue and drab double mill'd Cambrics. Dark green, black and brown ditto, suitable for Ladies Coats. Black Bombarets; Tabby Velvets. Black Lustrings, Satins and Crapes. Coloured and black Florence Lustrings. Long and short, white and coloured Kid Gloves; Spider nett. A variety of Patch Furnitures. A great variety of handsome Calicoes. Dimities and low priced Calicoes. Canton Crapes; Ladies white Lace Caps. Rich White Satin and double Sarsnetts. Fine and common Linen Cambricks. Straw Bonnets; Bandannos and Madras Handkerchiefs. Providence Bed Tick, and cotton Yarn. 500 pieces Ribbons, remarkable cheap. Platillas; very fine India Cottons. A large supply of low priced ditto &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. December 27.
Barrett & Shattuck,
No. 51, Hanover-street, Boston
CONTINUE to dye & finish of Warrented Colours. Broad-Cloth, Cambric, Satin, Lustrings, Crape, Shag, Plush, silk & cotton Velvets, Worsted Cords, Camel's hair Shawls—Also, Ladies Satin, Lustrings, Cambric, Calico & Mullin Gowns, Hosiery & Gloves, Lace Veils, Gentlemen's Coats, Pantaloon and Vests, cleaned and dyed at short notice and small expense.—Goods received at the store of NATHAN B. FOLSOM, Portsmouth, forwarded and returned to the same place without additional expense.
N.B. Persons sending Cloths or Garments of any kind are desired to have them accompanied with a pattern of the colour they wish them made, (as in many colours there are a variety of shades) also to enclose them in paper describing on the outside the contents, colour to be made, and owner's name. Portsmouth, August 1, 1808. (bm.)
LIST OF LETTERS
In the Post Office at Exeter, January 2, 1809. JOHN FOLSOM; Secretary of Washington Lodge; Nathaniel Stone; Rhoda Sinkler; George Long Jr.; Josiah Coffin Smith; James Smith; Daniel Thurston; Samuel Adams; Nathaniel Boardman; Mercy Beckwith; I. Cutts; William Durant; Robert Kimball; Thomas Kimball; Sally York; Joseph Osborn; R. E. Orne, 3 Anna Woodman; John R. Maddison; Dolly Jones; Benajah Hanson, 2; Exeter. Phinehas Merrill; Abraham Thompson; Lemuel Johnson; Sally Chase; Abraham Stockbridge; Joshua Lane; Josiah Lane; Andrew Wiggins; Stratham. Thomas S. Ranney; Richard Sleeper Jr.; Samuel Shaw; John Ellsworth; Richard York; Jonathan Veasey; John Dudley; Brentwood. J. W. GILMAN, P. M.
Ten Thousand Dollars,
THESE HARD TIMES
WILL be given for only five Dollars, paid in advance, to the purchaser of the number that will draw the highest prize in the Dixieville Road Lottery, which will commence drawing next week, by application to the Bookstore of C. PIERCE, Portsmouth, where Tickets and Quarters are for sale.
ALSO, The 2th vol. of East, and 5th vol. of Espi...
Reports, just received as above.
Copartnership Dissolved.
THE Copartnership of NORRIS and SAWYER, was dissolved by mutual agreement on the 6th inst.—All persons having demands against the said firm, are requested to present them for settlement,—and all indebted, to make immediate payment to Charles Norris. Exeter, Jan'y 3, 1809. CHARLES NORRIS, JOHN SAWYER.
C. NORRIS respectfully informs his friends and the public that he continues to carry on the PRINTING, Binding & Bookselling business, in the most reasonable terms at the building lately occupied by Norris & Sawyer, where he continues a continuance of favours.
A Letter to a Friend,
ON the character of GOD and CHRIST, for sale at D. P. DROWN'S, Buck-street,—Price 10 cents. January 17.
BOOKS going cheap!
C. PIERCE respectfully informs his friends that he is endeavoring to bring his Bookselling business to a close, as he expects in a few weeks to sell out all his stock which will remain on hand, to a firm in Boston, therefore invites all who wish to purchase bargains, to call at his store No. 5, Daniel-street, Portsmouth, where he trusts they will not be disappointed. Purchasers of Circulating, Public and Private Libraries will be generously dealt by. January, 1809.
Valuable Real Estate.
FOR sale at Public Auction, on the 15th of March next, if not previously disposed of at private sale, a part of that valuable estate known by the name of BOYD'S FARM, within one mile of the State House, containing about 150 acres of excellent Land, under good cultivation; upon which there is Wood sufficient for two families, and a variety of fruit Trees, together with a large two story House, a very large Barn, and some Stock.
The purchase of this Estate, must be a desirable object to the Farmer or to the Gentleman who wishes to retire to a healthy situation, it has many beautiful building lots with a view of the sea and harbour, near which an elegant house has been lately erected by SAMUEL HAM, Esq.—for terms, which will be liberal, apply to JOHN HILL. Jan. 17.
TAKEN from a Sleigh belonging to the Livery Stable, last Saturday evening, a white lace work bag, lined partly with pink, containing a linen cambric pocket handkerchief marked Eliza Hall; a red morocco purse with nine dollars, and a ticket in the Dixieville Road Lottery, No. 10437; a red morocco pocket memorandum; pair of scissors with a silver sheath, initials E. H.; silver knife and fork, with pearl handles; a gold tooth pick with silver case; a silver pencil case;—whoever will return it or give information of the same to ELIJAH HALL, in Daniel street, at this Office, shall be handsomely rewarded. January 17.
NOTICE.
The subscriber Executor of the Will of Samuel Langton, late of Portsmouth, mariner deceased, will exhibit her administration account to the Judge of Probate for this county, at the Court of Probate to be held at Portsmouth on the third Tuesday of February, whereof all concerned are requested to take notice. OLIVE LANGTON, Ex'x. Portsmouth, Jan'y 16, 1809.
State of New-Hampshire—Coos county. A. L. persons interested take notice, that Samuel Harkins, late of Colebrook, State and county aforesaid, had a school tax legally assessed on him for the year 1807, in the sum of nineteen dollars, seventy three cents; also, a school tax legally assessed for 1808, in the sum of twenty three dollars and seventy seven cents, making the sum of forty three dollars and fifty cents. That the goods and chattels of the said Samuel Harkins are concealed, and his body cannot be taken; and whereas the law in such case makes provision that the real estate of the delinquent may be sold for the payment of taxes. This is therefore to notify the said Samuel Harkins that unless the said sum of forty three dollars and fifty cents, with the cost of advertising and other incidental charges, be paid to me the subscriber at my dwelling house in said Colebrook, on or before the fourteenth day of March next, so many of the following lots or parcels of land, being given into the list in said town of Colebrook, by the said Samuel Harkins, will be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, on the fourteenth day of March next, between ten o'clock in the forenoon and five in the afternoon, on said day, to wit: Range 1, Lots 6, 9, 15, each 100 acres. Range 2, Lots 6, 8, 9, 12, Ditto. Range 3, Lot 11, Ditto. Range 4, Lot 5, Ditto. Range 5, Lots 5, 8, 12, Ditto. Range 6, Lots 8, 10, 12, Ditto. Range 7, Lots 5, 6, 11, 14, Ditto. Range 8, Lots 6, 8, Ditto. Range 9, Lots 2, 4, 10, 12, Ditto. Range 10, Lots 10, 12, 15, Ditto. Range 11, Lots 1, 2, 14, Ditto. Range 12, Lot 6, Ditto. DANIEL HARVEY, Collector. Colebrook, Nov. 12, 1808. (Gow.)
NEW-HAMPSHIRE LAWS
DOWN to June session, 1808, including said June session, for sale at C. PIERCE's bookstore.
Speech of Mr. Eppes,
IN CONGRESS of U. S. Dec. 30, on the following Resolutions reported by the committee, to whom was referred the Resolution for placing the Country in a more complete state of Defence. Resolved, That it is expedient immediately to raise, arm, and equip, FIFTY THOUSAND VOLUNTEERS, to serve for the term of two years.
MR. EPPES said there was no man who regretted more than himself that at a period when the safety, honor, and independence of the country were assailed by external danger; when, under the pressure of a measure resorted to under circumstances of the most urgent necessity, the citizens of this country had manifested a feeling calculated to excite sensations here and elsewhere—that such a period should be seized by gentlemen, not to exert their talents, in steering the national bark through the billows by which it was surrounded, but in endeavoring to thwart every measure proposed.
The gentleman from New-York (said Mr. E.) has told us that he will sound the tocsin of alarm to the people. And what is the project of the gentleman himself? Why, he has told you on a former day, openly, honestly, and fairly, that he is for a war with France; he is willing to pocket all the injuries which we have received from Great Britain, and to go to war with France. In vain would the gentleman sound the tocsin of alarm, if this is his project. The people of the United States would not go with him. It is not the sentiment of any portion of our citizens, except of the old Tories of our revolution. He would not be followed by the American people in taking to his bosom a nation which had pillaged your commerce. I cannot reconcile the project with my ideas of moral principle. He would not be followed by the federalists—I cannot believe that those who walked in procession after the body of the murdered Pierce, could stamp upon themselves the character of base hypocrisy, by taking to their bosom the nation which committed the outrage, while the blood of Pierce, and a host of other injuries more degrading remain yet unatoned for. All our injuries remain unredressed; not the smallest apology has been made, but the feelings of the country not only disregarded, but insulted by new acts of violence and injustice. The gentleman's project to save the honor of the nation, is submission to England, and war with France. I pronounce with confidence it is not the sentiment of the American people; the gentleman from N. York has on a former occasion to introduce the name of Washington. The sentiments which that gentleman has expressed, were never those of Washington. He never would have been willing to put chains on his countrymen, to consent to a shackled commerce—to allow foreign nations to say to his country, thus far you shall go and no farther. This is not the spirit of Washington. It is not the spirit which produced our revolution—opposition to tyrants and a manly assertion of our rights at every hazard, gave us our rank as an independent nation. The same spirit still pervades our country, and I trust will ever remain. It never, however, has been the policy of this government to rush rashly into war. The history of our country under former administrations demonstrates this fact—and under the administration of Washington, as well as under every other, we have borne with patience degrading insult and injury. As to the great regard of former administrations for the personal rights of the citizen, on which the gentleman has dwelt, I shall not go into that part of the subject. In laying an embargo even in the time of Washington, a short resolution was passed in which the power was vested, and the execution left to the Executive. This was thought at that time very constitutional and proper, no doubt by the federalists. We, however, can frame no constitutional law on this subject, although they could very constitutionally adopt the old maxim, so I will it, and enforce their system. While, however, I am not disposed to excite unpleasant sensations by bringing into view acts of former administrations, I believe that a statement of the course pursued under Gen. Washington and Mr. Adams, as to foreign nations, will show that it has never been our policy to plunge rashly into war. I beg leave to read on this subject an extract from a speech delivered in 1803.
"Our differences with Great Britain were coeval with the treaty of peace. The detention of the western posts was a direct violation of that treaty—it diverted a considerable portion of the fur trade from the United States, and disabled us from bridling the hostile Indians, which was a source of immense injury. This evil continued for twelve years, under every circumstance of aggravation and insult.—British soldiers issued from those forts into parts of our territory, where we exercised jurisdiction, and seized the persons of defectors without the aid or sanction of the authorities of the country, and these possessions served as asylums for the savages who were in hostile array against us—and as store houses and magazines to supply them with arms, ammunition, and provisions. The Government of Upper Canada was also held for a time at Niagara, in the State of New York, an indignity of the most marked character—many thousands of negroes were also carried off in violation of the treaty, and a very serious injury was thereby inflicted on the agricultural pursuits of our southern citizens."
"It is well known that we were engaged in a bloody and expensive war with several of the Indian tribes—that two of our armies had been defeated by them, and that we were finally compelled to make great efforts to turn the tide of victory. These Indians were encouraged and aided by Great Britain—British subjects were seen disguised fighting in their ranks, and British agents were known to furnish them with provisions and the implements of war. The governor general of Canada, a highly confidential and distinguished officer, delivered a speech to the seven nations of Lower Canada, exciting them to enmity against this country; but in order to furnish the savages at war with sufficient aid, a detachment of British troops penetrated into our territory and erected a fort on the Miami River. Here the Indians, dispersed and defeated by Wayne, took refuge, and were protected under the muzzle of British cannon. A violation of territory is one of the most flagrant injuries which can be offered to a nation; and would in most cases, justify an immediate resort to arms, because in most cases essential to self-defence. Not content with exciting the savages of America against us, G. Britain extended her hostility to the eastern hemisphere, and let loose the barbarians of Africa upon us. A war existed at that time between Portugal and Algiers. The former blocked up the mouth of the Streights, by her superior naval force and prevented the pirates from a communication with the Atlantic.—Portugal has been for a long time subservient to the views of Great Britain. A peace was effected through the mediation of the latter. Our unprotected merchants were then exposed, without defence, to the piracies of Algiers. Thus in three quarters of the globe we at one time felt the effects of British enmity. In the mean time our commerce in every sea was exposed to her rapacity. All France was declared in a state of siege, and the conveyance of provisions expressly interdicted to neutrals. Paper blockades were substituted for actual ones, and the staple commodities of our country lay perishing in our store houses, or were captured on the ocean, and diverted from the lawful proprietors. Our seamen were pressed wherever found. Our protections were a subject of derision, and opposition to the imperious mandates of their haughty tyrants, was punished by famine or by stripes—by imprisonment or by the gibet. To complete the full measure of our wrongs, the November orders of 1793 were issued; our ships were swept from the ocean as if by the operation of enchantment—hundreds of them were captured—almost all our merchants were greatly injured, and many of them reduced to extreme poverty. These proceedings, without even a pretext, without the form of justice, without the semblance of equity, were calculated to inflame every American feeling, and to nerve every American arm. Negotiation was however pursued, an envoy extraordinary, in every sense of the word, was sent to demand redress, and a treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, was formed and ratified. These events took place under the administration of Washington. The Spanish treaty, concluded on the 27th October, 1795, stipulated for a settlement of boundaries, and all adjustment of spoliations on commerce, and contained a declaration of the free navigation of the Mississippi, and a grant of the privilege of deposit at New Orleans. This treaty for more than two years afterwards, was not executed on the part of Spain. In January, 1798, a report was made to Mr. Adams, by Mr. Secretary Pickering, and submitted to Congress, which charged Spain with retaining her troops and garrisons within the United States; with evading to run the boundary line; with stopping, controlling, and regulating the passage of our citizens on the Mississippi, and with sending emigrants among the Indians residing within our territories, in violation of the treaty and the relations of amity. Here then, a treaty securing the important benefit of a deposit, was in a state of inexecuton for a long period. Our citizens were also interrupted in the free navigation of the Mississippi, and other aggressions, affecting our territorial rights, and our internal peace, were superadded."
"An amicable explanation was had with Spain, and our wrongs were satisfactorily redressed. This took place in the administration of Mr. Adams, and when most of the honorable gentlemen who support this war resolution, except such as were dangling in the courts of Europe, held prominent stations in the councils of their country."
"Our differences with France were of a more serious nature, and of a longer duration. They commenced in the administration of Mr. Washington, and were adjusted in that of his successor. Great and enormous depredations were committed upon our commerce by France, and our merchants were fraudulently robbed of compensation for provisions supplied her in the hour of distress. The treaty and consular convention were violated. The right of embassy, a sacred right, respected even by the fiercest savages, was wantonly trampled upon; and the representative of our national sovereignty was refused a reception, and ignominiously ordered out of France. A fresh attempt at negotiation was made—three ministers were sent, armed with all the powers and clothed with all the honors of diplomacy. They were also refused a hearing and were forced to leave the country without experiencing the forms of common civility. The treaty was then annulled, and reprisals directed; and when the honorable gentlemen and their friends then in power, had worked up the passions of the nation to the highest pitch of exasperation—when war, bloody war, was expected from all quarters—when the war worn soldiers of the revolution were girding on their swords and preparing to stand between their country and the danger that menaced her, the scene suddenly changed; the black cloud passed away; and we again belied three ministers at Paris, extending the olive branch, burying all animosities, and returning with a treaty of "firm, inviolable and universal peace, and true and sincere friendship."
"I have read this statement, Sir, (said Mr. Eppes) because it is the deliberate and grave
statement of a man arrived at that period of life when he is not so much under the influence of passion. It is a statement of facts, which if made by myself, might be attributed to party feeling. It proves that it never has been the policy of this nation lightly to embark in war. And however the gentleman from New-York and myself may differ in other respects, we unite in this: that no evil is so great as war except a surrender of our independence; nothing short of an attack on which should induce any nation to resort to this alternative, injurious to every nation, but particularly so to ours.
So far then as we have progressed in our present situation, so far as the course pursued was calculated to preserve peace, it was a course which justice and humanity dictated, and which has been approved by the nation. But is there never to be an end to the sufferance of the nation? Is there no time when we shall act? The idea of a permanent embargo—and when on this part of the subject, I shall perhaps be told as another gentleman was yesterday, that my observations resemble more the clang of an house, than the debate of a deliberate body,—this idea, I observe, is to be found only in the speeches of those who oppose the measure. Such an idea cannot be inferred from the conduct of members of this house, or from any thing else which has occurred. It proceeds only from men who from the first moment the measure was laid on your table, endeavored to place it in the most odious colors. Immediately after the measure was adopted last winter, what takes place, Sir? A man distinguished by the favor of the people; a man advanced in years, the very man who in '98, kept back the dispatches from Mr. Adams, and had almost plunged us into a war with France by this act—What does he do? In 1808, he displays the same spirit of hostility to France, which he manifested in '98; writes a letter in which he attributes the embargo to French influence, to the mandates of Bonaparte. [Mr. Gardner requested the gentleman from Virginia to name him.] Mr. Eppes, "General" Pickering [It appeared to be doubted whether Mr. Eppes was in order. Mr. Smith said that if the gentleman from New York was permitted to criminate his own government, a reply ought certainly to be allowed.] Mr. Eppes continued. I wish it to be understood by the Speaker and the House, that I hold myself responsible to any man who is injured by my observations. No circumstance shall deter me from expressing the truth in relation to our affairs. It is time that the nation should see the strange union of sentiment between the gentlemen in opposition, and that government which has injured us most. I am responsible for any assertions; I have a right to discharge my duty in that way which I please, and in that way I will. I then say this letter proceeded from the man who in 1798 was willing, was anxious to involve the United States in a war with France. There was a party in this country in favor of it; and if correctly informed, the man who wrote this famous letter is the head of that very party; a party connected and known under the name of the Essex Junto. This was the first broke at the embargo; and what took place afterwards? I regret that a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) is not in his place, whose speech, as delivered to his constituents, was sent here some weeks before our last adjournment, said to have been delivered to the inhabitants of his district, in which he declared that southern members of influence in the republican party here, had openly declared to him that hostility to commerce! The gentleman has had the candor to declare that he did not make to his constituents such a statement; but, Sir, it was circulated as his speech, immediately previous to the election, and although the gentleman never made such a speech, many people in Massachusetts believed that he had not only made the speech, but that it was a deliberate expression of his sentiments. These things justify the statement of the gentleman from Massachusetts. (Mr. Story) that misrepresentations have been spread amongst the people. The federalist printers have united in giving currency to these misrepresentations. They have even made speeches for members of Congress; they have made them accuse the majority of Congress of being under French influence. A sentiment of this sort has been given in a speech of a gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gardner) though it is denied.
[Mr. Gardner said he never had expressed such an opinion; the speech which he had seen printed had not conveyed that idea. He never intended to express such an idea; for however he differed in opinion with gentlemen, he never had the slightest suspicion that gentlemen were governed by dishonest motives. He should hold up their course as pernicious to the nation, and never would cease to do so, thus performing a constitutional right, and a duty from which he would never shrink.]
It never has been my habit (continued Mr. Eppes) to attribute to gentlemen improper motives; I never have done so; but the course which has been pursued will give weight to the opinion already entertained in G. Britain, that we are a divided people.—That we are divided in opinion on what the gentleman from New York himself has called a self evident proposition—that the belligerent decrees cannot be submitted to without a surrender of our rights, independence and honor. Are we to be surprised that the people of Massachusetts or of any other part of the United States are agitated, when they find men so enlightened as their representatives in Congress, telling them that this is to be a permanent system? Do gentlemen really believe that it is our intention to abide by the embargo until our injuries are redressed, be that soon or late? Do they believe that the embargo is all that is to be opposed to insult, injury and blows? Do they believe that we are destitute of

sense? I for one unequivocally deny that I ever had such an idea, or any person with whom I ever conversed on the subject, except the gentlemen who opposed it, to whom it was convenient to represent it as a permanent measure. And whatever gentlemen may say on other subjects, they will do me the justice to say that at the last session I told them my opinion that the period would arrive when the embargo would be removed; and that when it was, there was no other course than war, open and direct, or submission. I defy gentlemen, any where to find the embargo considered as a permanent measure, but in their own speeches and the prints of their party.
The circumstances which produced the embargo are well known; but the misfortune is that gentlemen will not state the question fairly, but cover it under a heap of lumber, calculated to conceal from the people the real question—Let the question be fairly put, and there is not a man in America (always excepting old Tories) who would not say that they will resist. What is the real state of our affairs—and I will not stop here to discuss who began first. If we mean to assert and maintain our rights, it is totally immaterial to us who commenced, though on this subject I might refer gentlemen to the letter of Mr. Hammond in 1793, in which he takes the ground now maintained, and asserts the right of G. Britain to blockade the whole of France. The statement of our situation is simply this—G. Britain says if you go to France or her dependencies without a licence from her, your property shall be liable to seizure and condemnation. France says if you have visited Britain or been visited by a British vessel, you shall be liable to seizure and confiscation. Now take the dependencies and allies of France and England, and what remains? Your commerce is as completely blockaded by these decrees as the port of Boston was in the revolutionary war—and when gentlemen come forward and tell you that your ships are rotting in your ports, and the country suffering, and attribute this to the embargo, is it fair? Is it manly? Is it not an assertion materially variant from our present situation? I call upon any man, federalist, quid, or of what denomination he may be, to answer whether these decrees have not destroyed our commerce; and yet the destruction is imputed to the embargo.
At the time the embargo was laid, our exports amounted to one hundred and eight millions annually. Taking all the countries with whom we could trade, throwing Great Britain out of the question, with whom I contend that no man can be willing to trade under existing circumstances, and our whole commerce does not amount to seven millions and a half—a commerce not equal to one half of the exports from Massachusetts alone—and give Massachusetts her relative share of one fifth of this seven millions of commerce, and this is all she can have to support her seamen, to enrich her merchants whom the embargo is said to have destroyed. This is the real situation of the country. Do the people of the eastern portion of it know it? No, sir, it is kept from them; they cannot find it in the speeches of their representatives. No, sir; there it is all embargo, the favorite hobby horse of federalism.
Having thus attempted to show that it was not my intention when the embargo was laid to consider it as a permanent measure, I will proceed to state some circumstances which have rendered this measure less operative than it would otherwise have been. The embargo had two objects, to gather in our capital, and to withhold supplies from our enemies. The first object has been completely answered, and there is not a period at which it would be more necessary to adhere to it than at the present moment. To withhold supplies from our enemies is now more important than ever. The nation must be put in a state to meet war.
It is in vain for gentlemen to attempt to delude the people. The decrees of England and France must be withdrawn, or we must fight; it cannot be avoided. We have declared we will not submit, and there is no species of effectual resistance but war.
We have a right to carry our produce to every place on the globe whose municipal regulations do not forbid it. France has a right to interdict our trade with herself, but none to interdict it with her enemy. G. Britain has a right to exclude us from her ports, but none to compel us to go there. What other course I ask can the U S take but war, or submission to these decrees? Let gentlemen examine the various proposals brought forward. It is immaterial whether we pass a law that we will reduce our trade to the places left by the decrees, or suffer it to be reduced by the decrees themselves. In either case we submit—we allow foreign nations to fix the amount of our commerce—to destroy the fruits of our industry and legislate for us.
Now, sir, I do not believe that there is a native American in any part of the U. S. who is disposed to submit; and I rejoice that in this House there is no division of sentiment. Gentlemen have publicly declared that they will not submit. In what form then will they resist? We have tried paper long enough. It is time either to exert the energies of the nation, or give up our rights and again become the colonies of Great Britain. I am not for that; I have no other interest than that in land, by the produce of which I live. I would sooner let it go in the general wreck of my country, than surrender those rights which are so important to the nation, and which our fathers purchased with their best blood. I am not for disgracing our ancestors who fled from oppression abroad; I am not for proving ourselves a base, degenerate offspring. We possess a country of 2,000 miles extent, a population of six millions of souls, six hundred thousand men fit to bear arms. If with this we cannot preserve our independence, we deserve to be kicked out of the territory neck and heels by those powers whom we have suffered to trample on our maritime rights.
In the course of my remarks, I have noticed the strange union of sentiment between gentlemen in the opposition and the British ministry, on the subject of the embargo.
On this subject I will read an extract of a ministerial pamphlet:
"Providence has ordained, that nations as well as individuals, should in a certain degree be dependent on each other; and the inhabitants of no country can be debarked from their accustomed commercial communications, without being deprived of many advantages and enjoyments. Society being thus constituted, the government that
attacks the comfort and happiness of the people, by prohibiting this intercourse, alienates the affections, and consequently holds its authority by a very precarious tenure. When the late emperor Paul entered into the confederacy against Great Britain, his subjects were at once reduced to severe and general distress. Their hemp, their flax, their tow, their ashes, their iron, their timber, all their great staple commodities, for the sale of which they depended on British purchasers, were left a dead weight upon their hands. If the produce of the land becomes of no value, the landlord may apply to his tenant for rent in vain. If the vassal can procure no employment, he can pay nothing to his lord. Thus the nobles, whose revenue is derived from the rent of their estates, and the labor of their vassals, found themselves involved in the calamity of their inferiors, and were led by common interest, to attempt that revolution which cost the emperor his crown and his life."
"If any further elucidation of the principle to which this event is ascribed were wanting, it promises to be found in the United States of America, where the cultivators of the soil are deprived of the fruits of their labors, and the merchants, of their commercial gains, by the present embargo. This forced state of things cannot be of long continuance. Already have the Vermonters set the constituted authorities at defiance, and persist in carrying on their trade with the Canadians across lake Champlain, while the northern states manifest strong symptoms of discontent."
Perhaps I ought to apologize to the representatives from the state of Vermont, for reading a clause speaking particularly of that state, but I assure the gentlemen that it is not my wish to bring the attention of the house to circumstances which have passed there. I view them with deep regret with which I shall ever view a similar state of things in any portion of the country. I regret that any portion of the people of this country, however they may feel, should not manifest their feeling in that form prescribed by the constitution and the laws. We are told by this pamphlet of true British origin that the United States cannot stand this measure; and what are we told on this floor? "You cannot stand it, you are committing suicide on yourselves." All this goes to Great Britain; what I say never will reach it. All there seen of it will be a garbled statement in a federal paper, which I could cover with my thumb, and that will be sent to Great Britain. Through this corrupted source their information is derived and they know nothing of the real situation of American feeling, or of the American character. And is the government to blame when I declare to God that I have seen speeches attributed to me which I have never made—the most shameful misrepresentation made by men brought here not for the purpose of reporting our proceedings to the nation but for supporting party purposes. Gentlemen tell us we cannot stand a permanent embargo. We never intended it. Gentlemen well know that the rights of the nation cannot be abandoned without a struggle. The only question is when to commence it. Our resources will soon be at our command. Means of resistance are provided, and the period must soon arrive when nothing will be wanting but spirit on the part of the representatives to use them. The people are with you—you have their support. Nothing can forfeit it but abandoning their rights. If by war only they can be maintained, the people will meet it with firmness, I never had any other feeling, but that these decrees must be withdrawn, or we must resort to war. I said so last year; I told it openly. My sentiments are known to the people I represent. They unite in that sentiment. It is the undivided sentiment of the state in which I live.
It has been said that the southern people will destroy commerce. I will ask gentlemen what but our commerce has produced our present difficulties? If I had consulted my interest only, of what importance to me was the carrying trade? None; but it was, it ever will be of infinite importance to me to support the principles of our constitution. What are these principles? Equal and exact justice to every class of our citizens. United for common protection and for the general safety, the rights of no one class can be abandoned. The merchant has as good a right to protection in the use of his ship as the farmer in the use of his plough. I said so in 1805, and I say so still. Our situation however, is now changed; it is no longer a commercial question; the late decrees and orders made a direct attack on the sovereignty of the nation; it is no longer a question whether we will trade, but whether we will maintain or surrender our independence. The embargo at the time it was adopted, was believed, the best measure which could have been resorted to. Its operation was defeated partly by the misrepresentations of which I have spoken. While on this subject I will ask attention to another point, which I had nearly omitted. I have said something about tories . I with it to be understood that I mean no gentleman in this house. I mean to state that the tory principle had manifested itself in a portion of the country, and that it was that principle, in union with the agents and acts of the British government, which produced the evasions of our law. Your towns swarm with these British agents who fend to their friends what is essential to their prosperity in violation of your laws. Nay, sir, toryism, in this country, has in one case assumed a sort of official form. I refer to the proceedings of the Essex Junto. I hold them in my hand, and I will read a resolution from them.
These patriots say— "As to the orders of council. It will be recollected that these orders bearing date 11th Nov. 1807, were occasioned by the decree of the French Emperor, dated Nov. 1806, declaring all the British dominions in a state of blockade. Great Britain may think these orders completely justified by the Lex Talionis (law of retaliation.) There is no reason to consider them as originating from a disposition hostile to this country, and they ought not to be so considered: It is notorious that she could, according to known law and usage, plead the actual blockade, by her navy, of all the principal ports under the power of France."
Now, sir, this I say is a rank tory principle, and it is immaterial what may be the professions of men. The man who can say in the present situation of our country, that the conduct of Great Britain towards us is justified by the Lex Talionis , or by any other law, is a tory. It is in vain for people in any portion of the union to make professions of patriotism, when they come forward
and by a public act say that we have no cause of complaint against Great Britain. I with gentlemen correctly to understand me. If the British nation would come forward and make reparation for the insults offered in our ports and waters, she will stand with me on equal ground with France. But when I recollected that instead of tendering reparation for the most humiliating insults and injuries, she sent her a legalized spy to insult us with insolent demands, I cannot consider in point of injury done to this country, these two foreign nations as equal in the honorable career of injustice and violence towards us. Let Great Britain redress these injuries, and I would as soon tender the hand of reconciliation to her as to France.
I believe the principles of both are infamous. That in a contest for the empire of the world they regard only their own aggrandizement. It is the duty of the United States to take a manly and manly attitude, and oppose both; to maintain the independence of the nation and spurn a foreign yoke. You must assert your rights; they cannot be maintained without men. The independence of our country is an object before which all differences as to the internal administration of our affairs should sink. This is a period when all honest men have a common interest. It is a period when all party feelings should be sacrificed at the shrine of our country's good. It is a period when federalists ought to forget that they have lost the helm of state, when the old Tories, dispersed through our country, should forget that we have acquired our independence, and when all honest men should unite to maintain those rights, which are the birth right of an American.
National Legislature.
TENTH CONGRESS—SECOND SESSION.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JAN. 9—
The following resolution was offered by Mr. Dana, and ordered to lie on the table.
Resolved, That for the benefit of seamen of the United States, it is proper to make provision, that registered ships or vessels, after a time to be limited by law, shall not continue to enjoy the benefits and privileges appertaining to ships or vessels of the U. States, unless some of the mariners on board shall be citizens of the United States.
Mr. Nelson reported several amendments to the bill for the relief of the infirm, disabled and supernumerary officers and soldiers of the late and of the present army of the United States. Read and ordered to lie on the table.
The House agreed to the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill respecting revenue bonds, and to the amendment to the bill for the relief to Augustine Serry. The Clerk was ordered to acquaint the Senate therewith.
Mr. Jackson reported as duly enrolled, the bill respecting the Mediterranean fund, and the bill providing more effectually for enforcing the embargo.
The House proceeded to consider the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill, entitled, "An act authorizing the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines."
[These amendments provide for the employment of the frigates &c. embracing the provisions contained in the bill relative to the same subject which originated in the Senate.]
Mr. G. W. Campbell moved to disagree to the first amendment—which compelled the President to employ the frigates, &c.
Mr. Dana moved to commit the bill and amendments to a committee of the whole House. This was negatived—Yeas 55—Nays 58.
Mr. Dawson moved that they lie on the table till to-morrow, to give time for printing certain documents from the Senate relative thereto. This was also negatived. Ayes 40 Nays 76.
Considerable discussion was excited, in the course of which, the subject of naval establishments was pretty copiously animadverted upon. Some gentlemen (among whom was Mr. Williams of S Carolina) were opposed to a naval establishment altogether, principally on account of the enormous sums of money required to support it, and of the inefficiency of any number of vessels of war, which it was possible for us to keep at sea to coerce Great Britain. On the other hand, it was contended that a small number of ships of war—at any rate those we already possess, and which are lying unemployed, would be extremely serviceable. Col. Troup, in particular, spoke very energetically and appropriately to the question.
Several other gentlemen spoke in succession to Col. Troup, but the House adjourned without taking the question.
NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
TUESDAY, JAN. 10.—The house were engaged the whole of this day, after disposing of business of minor importance in discussing the amendments of the Senate to the bill authorizing the President of the U. States to employ additional numbers of seamen and marines.
The question on the first amendment, which requires the President to man, equip and fit out ALL THE ARMED VESSELS of the U. States, was taken about 3 o'clock, and CARRIED—Yeas and Nays as follow,—YEAS 64. NAYS 59—
The house then proceeded to the consideration of the other amendment for adding to the numbers of officers and privates; but adjourned at five o'clock without taking any other question.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 11. Mr. Smilie reported a bill, fixing the next meeting of Congress on the fourth Monday in May next. Made the order of the day for Monday next.
NAVY BILL.—More long debates upon the amendments from the Senate, Mr. D. R. Williams moved a recommittal, which was negatived only by a majority of one—59 to 58.
THURSDAY, JAN. 12.
Naval Establishment. The House resumed the consideration of the unfinished business of yesterday, after considerable debate,
Mr. J. Montgomery moved a reference of the bill to a committee of the whole, stating his object to be to give a discretionary power to the executive instead of a peremptory power to be out and employ the naval force as it now stood. At half past 4, the motion to commit the bill was carried 69 to 53—majority 16.
OHIO FEDERALISM!!!
From the National Intelligencer, Samuel Huntington, the new governor of the state of Ohio, has opened the legislature with a speech replete with patriotic sentiments. Our readers may recollect that on announcing the election of Mr. Huntington, we described him as a firm republican. Notwithstanding this fact, the federal prints pronounced him a federalist, and there is scarcely a paper of this description that has not cubbed him with the honorable distinction. So much for the regard of these vehicles for truth, for which they have at no antecedent period exhibited so many instances of a profligate contempt. Now for the speech of the governor. We regret our inability to insert it entire, as it is not only distinguished by the correctness and elevation of its sentiments, but likewise by the chastity and elegance of its language. The following extract will, however, at once vindicate the character of the governor from federal eulogium, and evince the genuine patriotism which animates the people of Ohio.
"In congratulating you gentlemen, upon the general prosperity of our country, it would have afforded me additional pleasure, had I been able to assure you, that all apprehensions of being forced into hostilities, by the injustice of foreign nations, were at an end, or that the salutary measures adopted by the general government to avoid the calamities of war, were no longer necessary. But it does not appear, that any material change has lately taken place in the conduct of the two rival belligerents of Europe, towards this country; and while this is the case, we ought not to calculate upon the suspension or abandonment of those precautionary measures to which our government has been obliged to resort: such a calculation would imply a distrust of the wisdom, firmness and consistency of the general government, at a time when it eminently claims all our confidence and support."
"It cannot be denied, that the privations and embarrassments arising out of the present state of our foreign relations, so sensibly felt by the people of the Atlantic states, are in a degree experienced by a respectable portion of our own citizens. From the manner in which our own citizens are principally affected, it is in the power of congress to afford them relief without yielding any thing to the arrogant pretensions of foreign nations; and there is no reason to believe they will not manifest the same readiness to extend all reasonable relief to our citizens, which they have always done to promote the interest of the state. However this may be, we have the pleasing assurance that every description of our fellow citizens will cheerfully submit to their present privations, so long as it shall be necessary, or meet a more momentous crisis with fortitude."
"If the general government wanted an apology for the line of conduct it has pursued in relation to Great Britain and France, it would be found in the anticipation of the inevitable consequences of a different course."
"The American flag had been outrageously insulted, and our citizens slaughtered: our vessels on every sea were seized, their cargoes plundered or confiscated, and their crews impressed into foreign service, under the orders and decrees of those governments, issued at a time when all the relations of peace and amity, between us and them were in force, and in violation of every rule of justice, and of the law of nations; and to heap the measure of injustice, at the very time our government was negotiating for the friendly redress of our wrongs, an enormous tribute was imposed on us by one of those nations, as the price of permission to prosecute a fair and legitimate traffic with other countries."
His Excellency, Gov. CABELL, of Virginia, has issued General Orders, in conformity to the late requisition of the President of the United States, for organizing the militia quota of that state. The number required is 10,198. The orders, after detailing the arrangements necessary for bringing the quota, in a state of preparation into the field, conclude as follows:—
"The love of peace characterizes the American people and the American government. We have wished to be spectators only of the conflicts which agitate and desolate the world; and if the observance of the most impartial neutrality, and the most scrupulous regard to the rights of others, could ensure to us a continuance of the blessings of peace, we should never know the evils of war. But from every quarter we have experienced exactions and restrictions, injustice and aggression. Even our independence is assailed by a blow aimed at some of its essential rights. Our remonstrances and our just demands for reparation have been answered by continued & aggravated injury. We have exhausted all the stores of negotiation, and now we are warned to prepare for war. Now, therefore is the time to manifest the love of country by rallying round her standard, and pressing forward in her service. The governor confidently relies on the patriotism of his fellow-citizens in general, and on the active and zealous co-operation of the officers of every grade, in giving to the requisition of the President, the most prompt, and effectual execution. He confidently hopes that the whole quota of Virginia will be composed of volunteers, ardent in their country's cause, and engaged for the longest period authorized by law; and that adding discipline to their valor, they will present a band formidable indeed to the enemies of their country."
WM. H. CABELL.
Attest, Samuel Coleman, D. A. G.
Inhabitants of New-England!
Beware of Domestic Incendiaries!
Enemies to your Lives, Liberty and Property! The Fomenters of Internal Discord, Division, and Civil War!!!
"A country possessed of Freedom, has always two sorts of enemies to fear: foreign foes who attack its existence from without, and internal miscreants who betray its liberties within."
Citizen of the World.
The politician who wrote this sentence, little expected that there ever would be a country in a situation so peculiarly unfortunate, as to present to the world a COMBINATION of "internal miscreants" & "foreign foes," for the ignominious purpose of "betraying its liberties." Yet, such is the present situation of the U. States.—France and England having abundantly proved themselves the foes of this country, they are assisted in their attempts to enslave it, by those internal miscreants, the TORIES ! They, instead of uniting to defend this country from its foreign enemies, are exerting all their powers to assist them in their destructive projects. For this purpose, they are now striving to accomplish A SEPARATION OF THE STATES, intending to reign the Northern Division to England, and the Southern to France. These men had rather hold commissions as Governors of Colonies under King George and Bonaparte, than to remain in the present minority. Their motto is— Rule we will :—and if we cannot rule in the U. States while it is an Independent Power, we will endeavor to betray it to Foreign Tyrants, and rule under them. We will not submit to this system of equal rights. We will never suffer the "vile rabblement" to come "between the wind and our Nobility!"
AMERICANS! Are you ready for a Division? Are you tired of Independence? Is the name of American Liberty become hateful to you? Will you support the Government in its assertion of your rights, or, at the instigation of Britain, rise in arms, risk your lives and property, and involve your country in all the horrors of anarchy and Civil War? !—Will you suffer these "infernal miscreants," in conjunction with your "foreign foes," to "betray your liberties?" If so, then raise your voices, and rend the welkin with exclamations for a Separation!
[Boston Chronicle.]
Look to it—Britain is drawing a cord around the neck of America.
The New-York Aurora, publishes a letter, addressed from an officer of high rank in the British army to one of his Majesty's ministers, recommending in the highest terms the utility and necessity of possessing itself of New-Orleans, as a key to Ohio and our Western world, forming a chain of trade and influence—uniting Canada in the north, Ohio in the west, and New-Orleans in the south, with fleets along our sea-board, to keep our growth in check.—Should she succeed the result (strangle our infant Hercules, especially if her friends divide and convulse us within. In all her professions bordering on us, she is making the most unusual and extravagant preparations for attack: her innumerable flat-bottomed boats are not designed for the bold shores of the West-Indies. No part of the world merits so much of her attention as America, since Europe and India appear to be withdrawing from her embraces—fatigued with her golden favors, and her interference in their councils, they turn from her with disgust—her intrigues have depopulated half Europe, and her monopolies starved half India—the portion of her curses left for us depends on our union or disunion, our bravery or our cowardice—Her friends and her manufacturers of town meeting resolves pretend to be surprised, that we should be raising armies in time of profound peace. We understand them well. Nothing can so effectually serve our enemy as discouraging our recruiting service, and supplying them over the lakes with provisions. It is time for decisive measures.
PATRIOTISM.
We scarcely open a paper, received by mail, that does not record the patriotism of some company or other, in volunteering themselves for the service of their country. Too much notice cannot be taken, too much praise cannot be bestowed on those young men of our country, who, in this alarming crisis of our public affairs, feel it their duty to rally round the standard of their government. It is to be hoped, that the military of New-England, will not permit their Southern brethren to outdo them in this respect.
[Detector.]
SEVENTY-FOUR THOUSAND men have already offered their services to Government. Pennsylvania, alone, it is said has offered 17,000, and we know that if called upon 40,000 more in that State are ready to start at two day's notice, in support of a government of their choice, against foreign or domestic enemies.
Active measures have been taken by his excellency Gov. Scott, of Kentucky, for organizing the quota of 100,000 minute men which that state is to furnish.

Portsmouth,
TUESDAY, JANUARY 24, 1809.
We congratulate the nation on the passage of the bill more effectually to enforce the embargo. It has passed the Senate by a majority of 20 to 7; and the House of Representatives by a majority of 71 to 32.
No sooner was the bill published than the horns of the East attacked it with all their fury. Language, the most opprobrious, imputations the most scandalous, and falsehoods the most infamous, were levelled against the best and greatest men in the nation.
It goes to the House, and there it instantly excites a storm. Time is demanded, implored. It is given—Several days elapse before the discussion is entered into, altho' the infamous violations of the embargo, and the voice of an indignant people call for immediate measures.
Let the nation hail this as the first great step actually taken this session, to bring our enemies to a sense of justice or to punish them for its violation.
Independence or Tribute. The American Eagle is roused from her native rock. Resistance to the tyrants of Europe is the watch-word from Maine to our southern boundaries.
French Piracy!—The brig Jane, Brown, of and for New York, from Wilmington, N. C. was brought too on the evening after he left port (9th ult.) by a French armed ship, from Guadalupe, and robbed of her cargo, viz. 144 tiers of rice, 135 bbls. flour, 12 hds and 4 kegs tobacco, 3 bbl. peas and several thousand staves.
The ship Bonetta, Endicot, and the brig Mary and Allen, King, both belonging to Salem, and both of which failed by permission for Martinique, have been taken on their homeward passage, by the English, carried into Antigua, and their cargoes condemned.
Favorable statements continue to be made. The cotton in Philadelphia is calculated at 15 millions of pounds.
A plan has been offered of a Woollen and Stocking Weaving Factory, near Pittsfield. (Mass.) 17,500 dollars are proposed for the first stock, to be at work in July 1809.
From the Columbian Detector. Causes of war with Great Britain.
She has quartered upon us spies, Tories and traitors, in time of peace. She has impressed six thousand free born citizens of these States, while employed in our innocent commerce, and now holds from three to four thousand of these unhappy victims fighting her battles against their native land.
She has, in addition to innumerable other wrongs, crowned all, by prohibiting us the entire use of the European seas, except under tribute of more than one half the value of all our cargoes, which indignity submitted to, finishes our national character in the eyes of the world, and reduces us below colonial submission, and even to a state of vassalage.
A Question answered by a Question.
The faction asks, what we want of troops and armaments? We answer by asking, What Great Britain wants of armed Indians on our frontiers, fifty ships of war, and treble her usual land forces at Halifax, when Spain is friendly to her, and France at a distance of 3000 miles?
THE MISTAKE; OR, AGREEABLE SURPRISE.
A number of Republicans having been informed that American Liberty was dead, & was to be interred with great solemnity in this town, went to attend the ceremony with heavy hearts!
French Piracy!—The brig Jane, Brown, of and for New York, from Wilmington, N. C. was brought too on the evening after he left port (9th ult.) by a French armed ship, from Guadalupe, and robbed of her cargo, viz. 144 tiers of rice, 135 bbls. flour, 12 hds and 4 kegs tobacco, 3 bbl. peas and several thousand staves.
Give the devil his due.—The New-York Commercial Advertiser says—Some days since we published the rumor of the American brig Jane being robbed by a French armed ship—which was copied from a Charleston paper.
Mr. Will the supercargo of the Jane, is also one of the owners, and the captain of the ship alluded to, another. As soon as the reported Frenchman arrives from Hayti, we shall unravel the mystery, and exhibit to the world what kind of stuff some high flying federalist patriotism is made of—let them beware, they are already MARKED!!!
Embargo Distress.—Wealth—suffering for power, place and pension. The Clergy—for established authority, large settlements, rich tithes and poor curates.
DIED.—At his seat in Gilmanston, on the 14th inst. General JOSEPH BADGER—Counsellor for the county of Strafford.
Law of the State of New Hampshire.
In the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
An act to authorise William Webster, Noah Robinson, and Abraham Burnham, Esqrs. to establish the jurisdictional lines between the towns of Sandwich, Tamworth, Eaton and Burton.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court convened, that the said William Webster, Noah Robinson and Abraham Burnham, Esqrs. be and hereby are authorised and empowered as a Committee to run and establish by just course and careful admeasurement the jurisdictional lines between the towns of Sandwich, Tamworth, Eaton and Burton.
And be it further enacted, That the said Committee shall agree on the time when they will attend to said survey, and give thirty days notice thereof to the Selectmen of the aforesaid towns, and also cause the same to be published in the New Hampshire Gazette three weeks successively, the last publication to be six weeks before the time of taking said survey.
And be it further enacted, That if it shall appear to said Committee that the towns of Sandwich and Tamworth have more than their just measure, by careful admeasurement, then the Selectmen of the said Sandwich and Tamworth shall pay the expenses of the survey, and costs of listing, the accounts to be adjusted by said Committee and recovered by the Selectmen of Eaton and Burton.
And be it further enacted, That the said Committee shall make a report of their proceedings, with the courses and distances of all the lines by them run, to the Legislature of this State, and if accepted by said Legislature, shall be binding and conclusive on said towns respectively.
Approved, Dec. 23d, 1808. JOHN LANGDON, Governor.
State of New Hampshire.
PURSUANT to an application in writing made to me the subscriber by the proprietors of more than one sixteenth part of the township of PIERMONT in said State, the proprietors of the common and undivided lands in said township are hereby notified and warned to meet the dwelling-house of David Carr, innholder in said Piermont, on Monday the twenty-seventh day of February next, at three o'clock in the afternoon, to act on the following articles, viz.
1. To choose a moderator to govern said meeting. 2. To choose a clerk pro tempore. 3. To assign to any original right or share which has not had its equal proportion in the divisions heretofore made in said township so much of the common land as to supply such deficiency.
Dated the 16th day of January, A. D. 1809. NATH'L A. HAVEN, Proprietors Clerk.
To the Proprietors of the Hampton Causeway Turnpike Corporation.
GREETING—YOU are hereby notified to meet at the house of Ebenezer Lawrence, Esq. in Hampton on Wednesday the first day of February next, at two of the clock in the afternoon, for the following purposes—
1st. To choose a clerk, and other necessary officers. 2d. To adopt a method of calling future meetings and to transact any other business that may be thought proper at said meeting.
Given under our hands at Hampton, this seventeenth day of January, Anno Domini 1809. BENJAMIN SHAW, EDMUND TOPPAN.
State of New Hampshire.
THIS is to notify the proprietors of the common and undivided land in the town of Moultonborough, that their meeting stands adjourned from the first Tuesday of January inst. to the third Tuesday of March next at ten of the clock in the forenoon, at the house of George Freese, Esq. innholder in said town—of which all persons concerned are desired to take notice and govern themselves accordingly.
NATH'L SHANNON, Prop's Clerk. Moultonborough, Jan'y 4, 1809.
Hen, Beck,
Informes the Public that he has for sale at his shop a few doors West of the Bell-tavern, Congress Street—
FANCY gift Chairs of the newest fashion; straight and swivel back Bamboo Chairs; Fan back ditto; Settees; Arm Chairs; Kitchen ditto—For Cash or approved Notes. Also one elegant Mahogany case night clock—on which a handsome discount will be made.
N. B. A few bottles of Copal Varnish of the best quality, for sale as above. Portsmouth Dec. 20.
ALMANACS for 1809,
For sale at C. PIRCE's, Bookstore, Daniel-street. Portsmouth, October 7, 1808.
FOR SALE,
A VALUABLE and pleasantly situated Lot of LAND in Greenland, near the Meeting House, on the road leading to Boston containing about 10 acres.
Nearly opposite, 100 feet of Land with a one story dwelling House on the same—likewise 2 acres of good Peat Ground, lying in the neighbourhood, and a pair of Hay Scales on the Parade—For further particulars apply to JOHN MEADER. Greenland Jan. 23.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of GRAFTON, and county of Grafton, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public auction at the house of Capt. John Kimball innholder in said Grafton, on the last Saturday of March next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 10 columns: Town tax, School tax, Highway tax, County tax, No. Acres, Lot, Rate, District. It lists tax details for various lots in Grafton.
State of New Hampshire, Coos ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in NORTHUMBERLAND, in said county, who have not paid their county, school, road and town taxes for the year 1808, that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at my dwelling house in said Northumberland, on the twenty-ninth day of March next at 10 o'clock A. M. unless prevented by previous payment to me the subscriber.
N. B. The delinquents are as follows, with the several taxes annexed.
Table with 10 columns: Original Grantee Name, Number of Lots, No. Acres, Town tax, School tax, Highway tax, County tax, Road tax, District, Remarks. It lists tax details for various lots in Northumberland.
This Day,
January 24th, at 10 o'clock, No. 2 Merchants' Row, next door to Mr. John Haven's Store,
ALL the Household Furni-
ture of the late MARY ELIZABETH SYMMES, deceased, consisting of—Feather Beds; Mahogany Bureaus; Looking Glasses; Mahogany Dining and Pembroke Tables; ditto Stands; ditto Chairs; chamber Chairs; elegant coffee and tea Urns; a variety of elegant China, Crocker and Glass Ware; one excellent eight day Clock; a variety of valuable Books—and many other articles—also a great variety of Kitchen Furniture. S. LARKIN, Auctioneer.
TOMORROW, at 11 o'clock,
(if fair weather, if not first fair day) On board the Sch'r Packet at Ayers's wharf, 1800 bushels coarse Liverpool SALT—in lots to suit purchasers—also, 90 bags fine blown SALT. Jan'y 24th. S. LARKIN, Auctioneer.
FLAX-SEED.
Cash given for Flax Seed at No 15 Merchants Row, by Abel & R. Harris.
For Sale or to be Let,
A large two story HOUSE at the South part of this town, in Gates Street.—For Terms—Apply to Charles B. Grace, at his shop near Liberty-bridge.
The last Chance!
The 2d class of Dixville Road Lottery, positively commences drawing this afternoon; Tickets & Quarters for sale at C. PIRCE's Bookstore, by whom prizes held by him, will be paid on demand, agreeably to the scheme.
A quantity of French Books and Grammars for sale cheap, as also a great variety of other Books and Stationary. Portsmouth, January 24.
ITCH OINTMENT,
A Medicine which will certainly cure the Itch, without having in it any thing either dangerous or disagreeable—One box cures a person, and there need be no waiting after the use of it, as the skin is generally left clean and smooth—For sale at the Bookstore of CHARLES TAPPAN.
Also, for sale as above, A few Tickets and Quarters in Dixville Road Lottery, which commences drawing in Boston this day—highest prize 10,000 dollars in cash, and no deduction. 24th January, 1809.
P. S.—BOOKS in every branch of literature, sold as low as at any store in town.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber, Administrator of the estate of HENRY T. AMAZEN, late of New-Castle, mariner, deceased, will exhibit his administration account to the Judge of Probate for this county, at the court of probate to be held at Portsmouth on the third Wednesday of February next; whereat all concerned are requested to take notice. SAM'L HUTCHINGS, Adm'r. Portsmouth, January 24th, 1809.
The subscriber has taken a work shop over the store No 8, Party's buildings, where he intends carrying on the TAYLORING BUSINESS, as usual, in all its various branches,—such gentlemen as may feel themselves inclined to partake of the NEWEST FASHIONS, either in Military or habit dreis, are requested to call on him, they may rest assured of being highly pleased with good workmanship and liberal charges;—Ladies' Habit Dresses neatly cut and made up at the shortest notice—He solicits that portion which his exertions merit. J. BENNETT. Portsmouth, Jan. 24, 1809.
One Cent Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber on the 9th inst. an apprentice BOY by the name of JAMES MCKINNON, sixteen years of age, about 4 feet 7 inches high, dark hair, light complexion and blue eyes; had on when he went away bottle green trowsers, gray waistcoat, olive-coloured short jacket, and brown great coat.—This is to caution all persons against harboring or trusting him on my account, as I am determined not to pay any debt of his contracting,—whoever will return said runaway shall receive the above reward and no charges paid. ROBERT SMITH. Portsmouth, January 24, 1808.
List of LETTERS remaining in the Post-Office Portsmouth, N. H. Jan'y 14, 1809.
A. Ebenezer Adams; B. Richard K. Burnham; Catherine Boyd; Thomas Burnham; James Brown; C. Enoch Carter; John Crosby; George Cutts; John Curtis; Thomas D. Cutts; John Carroll; Darius Chichester; Joseph Chase; Joshua Curtis; Elias C. Colman, Newington; D. Daniel Dearborn; William Drake; F. Richard Flood; Jonathan Foster; Ezra Kieel Folsom; G. Henry Gilles; William Gray; Olive Gerish; Asa Grosvenor; Sally Gooden; Nehemiah Green; Peter Goff; H. Joseph Howland, Jr.; James Hiuda; Joseph Hutchings; Nabby Hollis; I. & J. Rinald Jenkins, Kittery; Lydia Jones; Henry Johnson; Levi Johnston; Richard Jones; K. Moody Kent; L. Thomas H. Lewis; Richard Lee; Daniel Loud; Thomas Lang; N. Thomas Nesbitt; Samuel Nettling; John Nelson, Jr. Henry W. Noble; Eliza H. Nutter; P. John Palmer; Charles Putnam; Prince Patterson; Thaddeus Perkins; R. George Rogers; Daniel Rand, Rye; John Rye; Joseph Richardson; Mary Roberts; Zebulon Robinson; S. Joseph Sanderson; John Staple; Benjamin Smith; Alice Spink; W. John Windfor; Josiah Webster; Theodore Walls; N. B. Those Names with no town annexed are for Portsmouth. M. SIMES, P. M.
One Dollar Reward.
LOST the 22d inst. near the south part of the town, a small black BITCH, (short hair)—no particular mark—her diminutive size is the only thing remarkable. Whoever will give information of the same and leave word with the Printers, shall receive the above reward and the thanks of January 23d, 1808. J. H. L.

HEARTWELL,
Has for sale at No. 3, Congress-Street, A few lbs. Nutmegs & Cloves
Notice by Selectmen.
WHEREAS complaints have been made to the Selectmen, of sundry persons riding on the side walks lately made for the convenience and safety of foot passengers in this town, whereby the limbs and even lives of the citizens are manifestly endangered...
By order of the Selectmen.
WALTER AKERMAN, Chairman.
Portsmouth Jan 10th. 1809
Goose Quills!!!
WANTED, 10,000 this country QUILLS, for which cash will be paid, at the Bookstore of
CHARLES TAPPAN.
State of New Hampshire, Rockingham ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of NOTTINGHAM, county and state aforesaid, who have not paid their county, school, town, and highway taxes for the year 1808...
JOHN DAVIS, one of the Collectors for the town of Nottingham.
Nottingham, Dec. 16, 1808.
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in STEWARTSTOWN, in said county, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the house of Maj. Jeremiah Eames, in said Stewartstown, on Monday the 13th day of March next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
The taxes are as follows. (VIZ.) Highway tax twenty eight cents. School tax nineteen cents. School-house tax nine cents. Town tax four cents eight mills. County tax five cents, on the hundred Acres.
SIR GEORGE COLEBROOK'S Claim.
Table with 4 columns: No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for various lots in Stewartstown.
ELISHA DYER, Collector.
Stewartstown, Nov. 19th, 1808.
State of New Hampshire, Rockingham ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the town of DEERFIELD, in said county, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that unless they previously pay the same, so much of their respective lands as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling-house of Lieut. Jonathan Stevens, in said Deerfield, on Thursday the 9th day of March next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
Table with 4 columns: Names, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for various lots in Deerfield.
THEOPHILUS STEVENS, Collector.
Deerfield, January 5, 1809.
THE members of the Eastern District N. H. Medical Society are hereby reminded that their meeting will be held at the house of Mr. John Davenport in Portsmouth, the first day of February, ensuing, at ten of the clock A. M.
JOSHUA BRACKETT, Notary.
STEWARTSTOWN.
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the resident and non-residents owners of land in STEWARTSTOWN, who have not paid their tax of two cents granted by the Legislature, at their session in June 1806, for the purpose of making a road and building a bridge in said town; that so much of their lands as will pay said tax with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the house of Maj. Jeremiah Eames, in said Stewartstown, on Monday the 13th day of March next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
N. B. The tax is Two Dollars on 100 acres.
JONAS MINOT'S Claim.
Table with 4 columns: No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for various lots in Jonas Minot's Claim.
The following lots drawn to John M. Tillotson.
Table with 4 columns: No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for John M. Tillotson's lots.
The following lots drawn to Nathan Whiting.
Table with 4 columns: No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for Nathan Whiting's lots.
Settler's Lots.
Table with 4 columns: No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for Settler's Lots.
Pond lot so called.
Table with 4 columns: No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for the pond lot.
Stewartstown, November 19th, 1808.
JEREMIAH EAMES, ELISHA DYER, DAVID LOCKE, Committee.
LANDAFF.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in LANDAFF, in the county and State aforesaid, who have not paid their highway, school, town, county and school-house taxes for the year 1808; that unless they pay the said taxes to me the subscriber, on or before the second Wednesday in March next, so much of their lands as will pay the said taxes together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at the dwelling-house of Nathaniel Rix, inn-holder in said Landaff, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: Non-residents Names, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for non-residents in Landaff.
FIRST DIVISION.
Table with 4 columns: TAXES, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for the first division of Landaff.
SECOND DIVISION.
Table with 4 columns: TAXES, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for the second division of Landaff.
THIRD DIVISION.
Table with 4 columns: TAXES, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for the third division of Landaff.
Landaff, Dec. 19th, 1808.
JONATHAN NOYES, Collector.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of COVENTRY, in said county, who have not paid their highway, town, school and county taxes for the year A. D. 1808; that so much of each delinquents land will be sold at Public Vendue, at the dwelling-house of Mr. Daniel Davis, inn-holder in said Coventry, on Wednesday the 29th day of March next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon; as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: Names of Grantees, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for various lots in Coventry.
WILLIAM COOLIDGE, Collector.
Coventry, Dec. 24, 1808.
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in PIERCY, in said county, who have not paid their school, highway, county and town taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at my dwelling-house in said Piercy, on the twenty-third day of March next, at ten o'clock, A. M. unless prevented by previous payment to me the subscriber.
N. B. The delinquents are as follows with the several taxes annexed.
Table with 4 columns: Proprietors Names, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for various lots in Piercy.
JOHN WAID, Collector.
Piercy, November 8, 1808.
NOTICE.
THE proprietors of the Fourth Turnpike Road in New Hampshire are hereby notified, that their annual meeting will be held at the dwelling-house of Daniel Noyes, Esq. inn-holder in Springfield, on the first Tuesday of February next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of choosing all necessary Officers of the corporation, and transacting any other business which may then be deemed expedient.
By order of the Directors.
ISAIAH POTTER, Prop's Clerk.
Lebanon, Dec. 22, 1808.
State of New Hampshire—Coos ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of land in the town of COCKBURN, who have not paid their school, highway, town and county taxes for the year 1808—that unless said taxes are paid to me the subscriber on or before the 20th day of March next, so much of their lands as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at my dwelling-house in Cockburn, at 10 o'clock, A. M. on said day.
N. B. The following lots are of one hundred acres each, and are taxed by No. and Range, 18 cents for highway, 14 cents for school tax, 7 cents 5 mills for town, 4 cents 5 mills for county tax, on each Lot.
Drawn to Nathaniel Peabody.
Table with 4 columns: Lot, Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for lots drawn to Nathaniel Peabody.
Drawn to Samuel Sherburne.
Table with 4 columns: Lot, Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for lots drawn to Samuel Sherburne.
Drawn to Aaron Forbes, 12 I
Undivided land, 800 acres taxed 144 cents for highway tax, and 112 cents for school tax, and 60 cents for town tax, and 36 cents county tax; Larned's farm, Settler's lot No. 5 and part of No. 6, 110 acres taxed 120 cents for highway, and 94 cents school tax, and 50 cents town tax, and 30 cents county tax; Brown (arm so called) containing 244 acres, taxed 110 cents for highway, and 85 cents for school tax, 45 cents town tax, and 27 cents county tax.
Part of Cockburn formerly Wales' Location.
Table with 4 columns: Original Proprietors NAMES, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for original proprietors in Cockburn.
CHARLES THOMSON, Collector.
Cockburn, Nov. 18th, 1808.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of DANBURY, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808—that so much of such delinquent owners land will be sold at public vendue, as will pay the said taxes with incidental charges, at the dwelling house of the subscriber in said Danbury, on the last Monday of April next, at ten of the clock, A. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for various lots in Danbury.
JOHN TOIFORD, Collector.
Danbury, October 18th, 1808.
State of New Hampshire, Strafford ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of TAMWORTH, who have not paid their road, town & school, county, and schoolhouse taxes for the year 1808; that unless they pay said taxes to me the subscriber on or before the 21st day of March, 1809, so much of their land as will pay the same together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of the subscriber in said town, at ten of the clock, A. M. on said day.
Table with 4 columns: Proprietors Names, No., Range, Acres, Tax. Lists tax details for various lots in Tamworth.
SIMON GILMAN, Collector.
Tamworth, January 4th, 1809.