The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1799-02-27 00:00:00

THE New Hampshire Gazette.
MY COUNTRY'S GOOD SHALL BE MY CONSTANT AIM
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE)—PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING BY JOHN MELCHER, PRINTER TO THE STATE, AT HIS OFFICE CORNER OF MARKET STREET, WHERE SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THIS PAPER, ADVERTISEMENTS, AND ARTICLES OF INTELLIGENCE ARE THANKFULLY RECEIVED.
Vol. XLIII.—Numb. 2204.]
WEDNESDAY, February 27, 1799.
[One Dollar & half pr. Annum.]
Secretary Pickering's REPORT,
On the Transactions relating to the United States and France, since the last communications to Congress on that subject. (Continued from our last and concluded.)
BUT to return to the Decree of the Executive Directory of the 31st of July last.
I have already shown that the mass of depredations on the commerce of the United States, under the French flag, of which we so justly complain, are not those committed, as the Directory in their preamble intimates, by "foreigners and pirates" but by French armed vessels commissioned by the government or its agents; or whether commissioned or not, whose acts in capturing American vessels receive the sanction of French consuls, of French Tribunals, and of the Special Agents of the Directory. I have shown that the laws of France and the Directory Decrees, are themselves the sources of those violations of treaties and the law of nations, which have caused such immense losses to the citizens of the United States. And to the proofs already offered, that the information of such aggressions and abuses, particularly in the West-Indies, and on the coast of America, was not, as the preamble suggests, but "recently received," I may add, that their "special agents" authorized those depredations and violations of the law of nations, by decrees assuming the laws of the Republic, or the acts of the Executive Directory for their basis—by decrees printed and published, and undoubtedly from time to time reported by those agents to the Directory itself. Further, these outrages on the American commerce have for years past been the theme of every tongue, and filled columns in our newspapers; those newspapers which Barlow says, "the office of Foreign Affairs (at Paris) regularly receives." I will conclude this point with the testimony of Mr. Letombe, late Consul General of the French Republic, and still residing in Philadelphia. He has long since, and repeatedly assured me, that he collected all those accounts of depredations and outrages committed by French privateers, and transmitted them to his government at Paris.
In relation to the depredations and outrages committed by the French on the commerce of the United States, I have said that as great, if not as numerous abuses were practised by the French in Europe, and even in France itself, as in her remote possessions: and that this fact was but too well known to our citizens, who had felt severely their effects. Among these we have seen the case of the ship Hare, Capt. Hayley; but never in all its disgusting features. With this I will close my observations on the preamble of the Directory decree of the 31st July.
Extract of a letter from Rufus King, Esq. Minister of the United States in London, dated September 3, 1798, to the Secretary of State of the United States.
"The pretence of this arrest [the Decree of the Directory of July 31st] is of a piece with the vindication of Talleyrand respecting X. Y. and Z. and the justice and sincerity of the Directory should be ascertained, not by their word, but by the following cotemporaneous fact."
"Hayley, an American citizen, master of the American ship Hare, lying in the port of London, laden with a rich cargo, the property of Americans, and bound to New-York, went with my passport from London to Paris, where in a personal interview, not with the agents of the Minister of Marine, but with the Minister himself, he disclosed his plan of bringing the ship Hare and her cargo into France; and to enable him to receive the profits of the fraud, without risking the punishment of piracy, he demanded and received from the Minister of Marine, a commission, naming him the commander of a Privateer that did not exist; with which in his pocket, he returned to London; and soon after carried the ship Hare, and her cargo as a prize into France."
"The ship and cargo were both claimed by the American owners; and upon the unveiling of this infamous proceeding before the lower Tribunals, the judges hesitated; and finally refused to sanction so unheard of a fraud; though instead of restoring the property to its lawful owners, they on some frivolous pretence adjudged both ship and cargo to be good prize to the nation—Lately the Tribunal in the last resort, upon the appeal of Hayley, has reversed the judgment of the lower Court, and "decreed the ship and cargo to be condemned as good prize to this Renegado."
"If a transaction more grossly corrupt, and infamous has occurred in the West-Indies—I have not heard of it; and yet with this case of unequalled infamy and corruption before them, sanctioned by the highest Tribunals of the nation, the Directory expect to amuse us with a disavowal of the conduct of a few subaltern agents, in a remote part of their dominions! Besides the communications from Mr. Gerry, I have received from Fulwar Skipwith, Esq. Consul General of the United States at Paris, three letters dated the 4th, 8th and 22d of August, copies of which and of the papers therein referred to, are herewith presented, excepting the decree of July 31st, which appears among the communications from Mr. Gerry. Mr. Skipwith's letter of August 22d with its inclosures, was delivered to me by Doctor Logan; I had previously received the original, which had been brought over by Mr. Woodward of Boston."
Doctor Logan having been the bearer of the last mentioned communications from the French government, and his Embassy having not only engaged the attention of the public, but been made the subject of debate in Congress, I trust it will not be deemed improper to introduce into this report some circumstances respecting it.
On the 13th of November the Doctor came to me at Trenton—he advanced with eagerness, and handed me the packet from Mr. Skipwith. On examining its contents, I told the Doctor that I already possessed the same papers. I made some remarks on the decree of the Directory of the 31st of July, to show that it was only ostensible and illusory; and that it would not give any relief to the commerce of the United States. The doctor, not contesting my arguments or opinion, said that more was intended to be done, but that the Directory could not accomplish it of themselves; seeing it depended on the laws which the Legislative Councils alone could change. I answered, that this was easy to be done—that as the Directory, on the 18th Fructidor (Sept. 4, 1797) had garbled the two councils; and banished some and dismissed others of the best members—all who were firmly opposed to their views, and as on the new elections to supply the vacancies and the new third of the councils, the Directory sent home every new member who was not agreeable to them—every body must see that the Directory had but to declare its will and it would be obeyed. The doctor said, that the Directory was very well disposed towards the United States, and desired a reconciliation; that they would promote a revision of the laws in regard to privateering, so as to put the rights of neutral nations on a just footing: but that it would take some time to bring this about, "the people concerned in privateering having gained a very great influence in the two councils!" It is necessary to inquire how this "very great influence" has been obtained! Are the leading members owners of privateers? Or do they receive their shares of prize-money from those who are? Do the legislative councils really act independently of the Directory? Or does the same "influence" actuate both?—The printed dispatches of our Envoys, under the date of Oct. 29, 1797, state, on the information of Mr. Talleyrand's private agent X. that Merlin, one of the members, and now or late President of the Directory, was to receive no part of the douceur demanded of the envoys, because he was paid by the owners of privateers, and in respect to the loan then demanded, on which subject it was suggested that one of the Envoys should go to America to consult the government, the Envoys "asked Mr. X. if in the meantime the Directory would order the American property not yet passed into the hands of the privateersmen, to be restored? He said explicitly that they would not. The envoys asked him whether they would suspend further depredations on our commerce? He said they would not—but Mr. Talleyrand observed that on this subject we could not sustain much additional injury, because the winter season was approaching when few additional captures could be made." Here we see our Envoys inquiring—not whether the two councils would suspend those depredations—but whether the Directory would do it; and Mr. Talleyrand's agent X., without intimating that the Directory wanted power, or that they could only "endeavor to provoke in the legislature, a revision of their maritime laws"—answered peremptorily, that the Directory would not suspend the depredations—The truth is, that it was an act of the Directory alone (their decree of the 2d of March 1797) which authorised and produced more extensive depredations on the commerce of the United States than any other decree or law of the French Republic. To effect a repeal of that decree, no application to the legislative councils could be necessary. They could also have repealed another of their own decrees, that of the 2d July 1796, which subjected neutral property, and particularly that of American citizens, to the discretion of their consuls and cruisers in the European seas, as well as of their privateers and agents in the West-Indies, and on which those agents have founded other numerous decrees, which have occasioned those shocking depredations and abuses there and on the coast of the United States, which the Directory by their decree of the 31st of July last affected to restrain.
When the French Directory wished to enlarge the field of depredations on neutral commerce, and on the 4th Jan. 1798, proposed to the two councils, the subject of the iniquitous law "to declare to be good prize every vessel and her cargo to whomsoever belonging, if any part of the cargo came from England or her possessions"—there was a ready obedience. "The directory think it urgent and necessary to pass the law." The plan of a decree is reported to the Council of Five Hundred on the 11th; and "urgency" being declared, is immediately and unanimously adopted. It goes to the Council of Ancients—that Council approves the act of "urgency"; and on the 18th of Jan. the project of the Directory becomes a law.
This law was necessary for the French government: so many American vessels had been entrapped by the Directory's decree of March 2d, 1797, requiring the role d'équipage , that the residue were now generally provided with that paper. Some new pretext was therefore requisite for "seizing" the people of the United States of their property; and an ordinance of one of the kings of France, made near a century past,
having declared lawful prize, the vessels and their cargoes, in which were found English merchandise "belonging to enemies,"—the Directory decree that the provisions of this ordinance ought to be extended , to comprehend the vessels and cargoes of friends; that is, of allied and neutral nations. The Directory knew that the United States, whose inhabitants were chiefly cultivators, required a greater supply of English manufactures than any other neutral country of equal population; and those manufactures too, were, from the course of American commerce, combined with almost all our mercantile operations, and pervaded entirely our great coasting trade. Hence it is evident that this law was chiefly aimed at them.
It will be remembered also, that this law was passed while our three Envoys were at Paris, where they had passed three months unheeded by the French government, except by its indignities—and when they had in vain solicited to be heard on the just claims of our citizens, plundered and ruined under the former decrees of the republic. This time was preferred, in order to add insult to injury. The Envoys had firmly resisted their demands of loans and douciers; and when speaking of their country, dared to intimate that it was independent; it was therefore requisite, on the French system, to "chastise," as well as to "fleece" it. In closing this subject, it will be proper to notice an assertion of Mr. Talleyrand in a conversation with the Envoys on the 2d March, 1798, in reply to some observations of his respecting the proofs of friendship required by France, from the United States, Gen. Pinckney observed, that the Envoys being in France was a proof of the friendly disposition of our government; and that while they were there, the French government had passed a decree for seizing neutral vessels having on board any article coming from England; which in its operation would subject to capture all our property on the ocean. Mr. Talleyrand replied, that this was not particular to us, but was common to all neutral powers." This assertion of Mr. Talleyrand is not true. Although the decree in its terms is general, and applicable to all the neutral powers, yet in its operations, it was not designed to be, and has not been so applied—it has not touched a vessel of Prussia. The motives to this exemption are obvious: France wished not by irritating Prussia to add to a powerful a nation, and one so near at hand, to the number of her enemies, while her peace with Austria remained precarious. But this exemption of Prussian vessels from the operation of a general law, merits particular notice. It demonstrates that there exists in the French Republic a dispensing power —a power above the laws—a power which can prevent their execution: and it is also demonstrable that this sovereign controlling power can exist, and in fact does exist, in the Executive Directory. It might then, if the Directory desired it, be exercised in the exemption of American as well as Prussian vessels: but the Directory do not desire it; we have not yet been sufficiently "fleeced" and "chastised."
Mr. Skipwith's letter of the 4th of August included in the decree of the Executive Directory already noticed, passed the 31st of July, respecting French depredations in the West-Indies and on the coast of the United States. His letter of the 8th of August enclosed Mr. Talleyrand's letter to him of the 6th, respecting that decree in which it is plain that the Minister supposed the world, and particularly the United States, will be amused by that illusory device, and imagine that it was intended to stop abuses; and give security to neutral commerce.
Mr. Skipwith's letter of the 22d August covers another letter from Mr. Talleyrand dated the 20th of August, in which he encloses copies of two letters from the minister of Marine respecting American seamen who had been imprisoned. When in July last an embargo was laid on the American merchant vessels in the ports of France, the agents of the Marine took out their crews and threw them into prison; thus hazarding the loss of the vessels, and injuring the men by confinement and the bad provisions of their jails. These seamen were ordered to be released. The other letter from the Minister of Marine required that no injury should be done to the safety and liberty of the officers and crews of American vessels found to be in order, nor to passengers and other citizens of the United States having passports and protections.
The same letter from Mr. Skipwith included the copy of a Decree of the Directory passed the 16th of August, for taking off the Embargo, laid a month before on American vessels.
The Decree itself occupies but two lines: but its preamble is extended for the purpose of insinuating the Government of the United States, when an act of common justice was done to some of their citizens; by insinuating that the government was "abandoned to the possessions of the British Cabinet." This, however, is but the repetition of a calumny familiar in French diplomacy, respecting other nations as well as our own. Barras, President of the Directory, in his valedictory address to Mr. Monroe, declared that "France would not abuse herself by calculating the consequences of the condescension of the American government, to the suggestions of her former tyrants"; professing at the same time great "esteem for the American people." Mr. Adet had before charged the American government, with a "perfidious condescension to the English"; and after making his last communications
to the government, he by their immediate publication under his orders, appealed from the Government to the people of the United States. Yet Mr. Talleyrand says, that the French Government has indeed complained of the American Government, but to the Government itself, meaning to have it understood, though carefully avoiding the expression, that it had complained to the Government alone. With the like sophistry he attempts to evade our well founded allegations, that the French Government has made reproachful and injudicious distinctions between the Government and People of the United States, endeavouring to separate the latter from the former. He says "it is unpolitic, notwithstanding the public and private informations which have been made in private writings and in solemn acts, that the French government has ever sought to detach the people of the United States from the Constitution they have given themselves." Such a charge against the French government has not, that I know, ever been made by the American government; but we have accused them, and truly, with endeavours to detach the People of the United States from the Government chosen by themselves to administer that Constitution: and this the minister does not attempt to deny. The Directory would perhaps be contented that the People should retain the forms of the Constitution they have given themselves, and to which they are attached, provided they would elect to administer it, men devoted to France and ready to obey the intimations of her will. And because the People have not been thus obsequious, but have dared to make a different Election, the French Government has expressed its "terrible" resentment. Mr. Barlow has assured us, in the passage already cited from his letter, that for this single act of the People of the United States in exercising freely their right of election the Directory passed a decree "which was meant to be little short of a declaration of war;" by which it "was determined to fleece the people of their property;" certainly in expectation that by touching their feelings in that "nerve," they would be induced, in order to save their property, to submit implicitly to the government of France. Failing in this attempt the French government made another, in the decree of the 18th of January, 1798, which, though general in terms, I have shown to have been levelled directly and chiefly at the commerce of the United States. And this, at the time, (as I have before remarked) when three envoys extraordinary were waiting month after month; and most respectfully soliciting to be heard, and to enter on the discussion of all the subjects of difference between the two countries; and among these, on the French depredations on our commerce. Yet Mr. Talleyrand has the confidence to assert, and to Mr. Gerry too, one of those envoys, that the French government "never refused and never will refuse to enter into discussion upon every proper subject of discussion. Does the minister mean that those depredations are not a proper subject of discussion?" Yes, with respect to a vast proportion of them. Mr. Y. his private agent, explicitly told our Envoys, that the condemnations of vessels for want of the role d'équipage were not to be questioned: "that being a point on which Merlin, while Minister of Justice had written a Treatise, and on which the Directory were decided."
It is fit here to recollect another and a peremptory refusal of the French government. "To enter into a discussion" upon the subject of difference between France and the United States.
General Pinckney, appointed a minister Plenipotentiary of the U. States to the French Republic, went to Paris in the autumn of 1796. There was at first (as in the case of the Envoys Extraordinary in 1797) a shew of receiving him; but soon the scene was changed; and he was not only refused a hearing, and after bearing a thousand indignities, ordered to leave France; but the predecessor of Mr. Talleyrand, Charles De La Croix, in a letter to Mr. Monroe, intended to be communicated to Gen. Pinckney, declared, (being specially charged to do so by the Directory, and Mr. De La Croix repeated the declaration to Gen. Pinckney's Secretary.) "That it will not acknowledge nor receive another Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, until after the redress of the grievances demanded of the American government, and which the French Republic has a right to expect from it." To this resolution we have seen, the Directory adhere; and we have also seen, in the demands it made to our Envoys Extraordinary, as the indispensable preliminaries to any negotiation, what it meant by a "redress of grievances," prior to the reception of a Minister from America: it consisted in a dower for the pocket of the Directors and Ministers, in the purchase at par of thirty-two millions of Dutch Securities, then worth but half that sum; and in Loans as immense and indefinite as their depredations on our commerce.
The same letter from the French minister De La Croix to Mr. Monroe, affords another proof of the aim and endeavours of the French Government to separate the people from the Government of the United States. In the sentence next following the above quoted passage, Mr. De La Croix says, "I pray you to be persuaded, citizen Minister, that this determination having become necessary, allows to subsist between the French Republic and the American People the affection founded upon former benefits and reciprocal interests."
If I were to allow myself to make any further reflections on the conduct of France
towards the United States it would be to illustrate the truth of Mr. Barlow's assertion, That the French Government determined to fleece us. If the French Government listened (as Mr. Talleyrand has it does) to nothing but justice, and really desired a reconciliation, it would have proposed to us some measure of satisfaction, for the injuries it laid it had received. Or if too proud to propose to us, at least it would have preferred to itself, some limit to reprisals or at any rate, it would not have turned us from its presence, when we respectfully preferred ourselves, sought a reconciliation, and offered to make a just satisfaction for every injury we had committed. And if (as Mr. Talleyrand asserts, the French government has not ceased to offer the exact justice it demands,) it also would have permitted us to state our claim. But it would have been so easy to ascertain all the damages we had done; and their amount would have been so small; even if we agreed to pay for all English, Spanish and Dutch vessels brought by French cruisers, into our ports, while all those nations were at war with France—a few of which the justice of the Federal Courts, in vindication of the Sovereignty of the U. States, rescued from the hands of the French Consuls, Agents and Privateersmen; and if to that amount we also added ten times the value of the miserable corvette Le Camus, a vessel which had been unlawfully fitted out for war in the United States, but which has been the burden of every note from Adet's in 1795, to De la Croix's and Talleyrand's in 1796 and 1798; the amount of the whole, it was known, would be so small; the French government did not choose to have it ascertained: for then the injuries done by the French to the commerce of the United States must also have been examined and adjusted: and when adjusted, payment must have been made or stipulated: but in this, the French government, doubtless thought "it would find only a real disadvantage" the amount of its own demands deducted from those of America, would hardly seem to have diminished the latter.
Such a mutual adjustment would also have been accompanied with a settlement of all questions and disputes about the construction of treaties, and all other subjects of difference: But in this also the French government, upon its own system, "would have found a real disadvantage." For it would have really reduced the field for privateering in the European seas; and in the West-Indies it would have been nearly annihilated; for there, for every vessel taken from the enemies of France, her cruisers have probably captured twenty belonging to the United States. But the French government by always abstaining from making specific demands of damages—by refusing to receive our ministers—by at length proposing to negotiate in a mode which it knew to be impracticable,—and with the person who had no powers, and who therefore constantly refused to negotiate—and thus wholly avoiding a negotiation—it has kept open the field for complaints of wrongs and injuries, in order, by leaving them undefined to furnish pretences for unlimited depredations. In this way "it determined to fleece us;" In this way "it gratified its avarice and revenge." And it hoped also to foster its ambition. After a long series of inults unresented, and a patient endurance of injuries aggravated in their nature and unexampled in their extent, that the government expected our final submission to its will. Our resistance has excited its surprise; and as certainly increased its resentment. With some soothing expressions is heard the voice of wounded pride—Warmly professing its desire of reconciliation, it gives no evidence of its sincerity; but proofs in abundance demonstrate that it is not sincere. From flanding erect, and in that commanding attitude requiring implicit obedience,—cowering, it renounces some of its unfounded demands. But I hope we shall remember, "that the Tyger crouches before he leaps upon his prey."
TIMOTHY PICKERING. Department of State, Jan. 18. 1799.
New Set of Dispatches.
[Brought by Mr. Gerry, relating the affairs of France, after the departure of his colleagues.] [continued from our last.]
[No. 17.]
Paris, 22d June, 1798.
I RECEIVED, Citizen Minister, on the evening of the 20th instant, your letter of the 30th Prairial, (18th of June) in answer to mine of the 13th. You say you have not made themistake respecting your letter of the 28th Ventose. I am not disposed to impute to you a mistake, if you have not made it; although I think that your letter will warrant the construction I gave it; be that as it may, justice requires that the President of the U. States should be free from the imputation of having concealed official communications when he had published all, which it was possible for him to have received.
You should have presumed, as you state, that after having received and transmitted to Philadelphia, your note of the 18th Ventose (the 18th of

March) I would wait at Paris for instructions, and further powers, if necessary. But I had a right to expect, from what had passed between us before the arrival of the brigantine Sophia, and indeed after it, that I should have received, for the consideration of the government of the United States, propositions on the part of this government, for reconciling the differences and restoring friendship between the two republics; that I should ere this, have been on my passage to the United States; and that a French minister would have been sent to Philadelphia to complete the negotiation.
I accordingly informed you, before the arrival of the brigantine, that I should embark for America in June; and after her arrival, that I should take my passage in her, as soon as she could be fitted for the sea.
You have stated, and developed three points, on which you conceive the negotiation between France and the United States ought essentially to rest. Your letter on this subject I will carefully communicate to my government: And if after the voluminous official discussions, on the part of each of the republics, of the subject in dispute between them, you conceive that a reconciliation will be best promoted by this mode only, I sincerely wish it succeeds.
You say that France, in her treaty with the United States has stipulated few advantages, which in no wise injure them, and the legality of which cannot be contested by any foreign nation. You then add, that the French government will never renounce them.
The government of the United States never desired of France the renunciation of any right, to which she is entitled by their existing treaties; in construing some parts of these, the two governments have different opinions; but this is not unusual between nations; and when they are amicably disposed, and governed by the principles, you have justly laid down, that neither party has the right of exclusive interpretation, they are generally successful, if direct measures fail, in adjusting their disputes by arbitration: This mode has been successfully adopted by the United States with other nations.
My connections in France, Citizen Minister, have neither prevented me from, or subjected me to prejudices. I am governed by my own principles; those you may be assured will always prompt me, in the discharge of my duty, to present to my government exact documents and statements of facts.
It is impossible for me to apply to the government, for the necessary instruments to conduct the negotiation. On the other hand, should such a proposition be made to me, I should certainly, under existing circumstances, decline it. Nevertheless, I again assure you that it will give me the greatest pleasure, if by any other means, I can contribute to a just and honorable accommodation of the differences between the two Republics.
My return to the United States, which is indispensable, as I conceive, cannot, be attended with the effect you mention; more especially as the connection between the two countries will be still kept up by their respective consuls.
Accept, Citizen Minister, the assurances of my perfect respect.
(Signed) E. GERRY. To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic.
[No. 18.] Mr. Gerry, to the Minister of Foreign Relations of the French Republic. Paris, June 25th, 1798.
Citizen Minister. I am again under the necessity of applying for necessary documents to enable me to return to the United States: and as you cannot be sensible of the manifest disadvantages on my part resulting from the delay of them, I presume that they are in readiness.
Accept, my assurances of esteem and respect.
(Signed) E. GERRY.
[No. 19.] (TRANSLATION.) Exterior Relations, Paris, 9th Messidor, 6th year. (27th June, 1798.) The Minister of Exterior Relations to Mr. Gerry, Envoy of the United States.
In answering, Sir, your letter of the 4th of this month, (22d June 1798) I regret that I am obliged to recur to the first paragraph. I complained that the publication made at Philadelphia on the 19th Germinal (8th of April 1798) did not contain all that your government then knew. You supposed that I alluded to my note of the 25th Ventose (18th March) which could not however have reached the President. I begged you not to attribute that mistake to me. You appear to adhere to your interpretation, from respect to your sincerity, of which I cannot doubt. I will surmount my reluctance to minute discussions, and will point out to you
that one of the concealments which is the most striking.
I have been furnished from the United States with the proofs, supported even by articles extracted from the American papers, of the knowledge which subsisted there before Germinal (before the 21st of March) of the objection of the Executive Directory to any negotiation with two of the Envoys, and of its express desire of treating with you. In effect I early testified to you these dispositions; and the declaration on this subject inserted in my note of the 28th Ventose (18th of March) was only the official expression of a thing already comprehended as well at Philadelphia as at Paris.
For the rest, Sir, let us hereafter pass over these unuseful episodes, and let not our communications further bear the tint of recriminations. Those who are truly impartial will, perhaps discover a degree of generosity in this proposition coming from my side.
Let us seriously resume our explanations. It is for facts to prove the reality of the intention professed on both sides. My last letter attested to you very forcibly those of the Executive Directory. You do not allow those of the President of the United States to be doubted. How then happens it, that after having received propositions, wherein every thing is combined for a frank and prompt conciliation, you in some sort shut the door against all future advance?
You seem to insinuate, that these propositions have long been delayed. They could not have been made until after the departure of your colleagues; the first open negotiations upon the differences which subsist between the two countries take their date only since that recent period, nothing was entered upon as long as the three Envoys were present, one alone manifested a temper of reconciliation. Afterwards, some time was necessary to unite the views you suggest with the determination the Executive Directory has made, to place the respective interests in front. I did not, above all partake in your opinion concerning the utility of your carrying the overtures of the French government personally to Philadelphia, and I never thought it advantageous to send thither a Minister plenipotentiary from the Republic, before the happy issue of the negotiations commenced. I was nevertheless, about to transmit the result of my reflections in the beginning of Prairial [between the 20th and the last of May] when the incident happened, which for a moment suspended the principal object. I do not see what delay I could have prevented. I am mortified that circumstances have not rendered our progress more rapid and it is in order to accelerate it, as well as obviate every new casualty, that I pressed you in my last letter to remain at Paris.
Did you not come here, Sir, to establish friendship between the two Republics, and determined to spare nothing to attain this end, as desirable to the United States as to France? Do not the full powers given to the Envoys authorize them to negotiate separately? Is it after what has passed at Philadelphia that you can withdraw yourself? Ought you to do so when the French government, superior to all resentments, and never listening to any thing but Justice, manifests itself anxious to conclude a solid and mutually satisfactory agreement? I have invited you to request promptly new powers, if you thought you stood in need of them, and they were not on their passage. You answer that this step is for you impossible, and that you would, besides under existing circumstances decline taking upon yourself the conducting of the negotiation, if it was confided to you. I cannot reconcile this language with your attachment to your country, with the assurances you do not cease to give of the sincerity of your government.
I recommend these observations to you, Sir, reflect on the possible consequences of your departure, and judge for yourself, whether he who truly wishes for peace ought to consent to it.
Let us continue more and more to advance the work we have entered upon. I may almost venture to say that it is your duty. The propositions which I have made to you embrace three points.
The first will take but little time and may be postponed.
The third will doubtless experience no difficulty on either side, after the second shall be amicably settled.
It is to the second, therefore, that we should first attend; and it is to much the more important, as it embraces the source of all our differences. A calm and candid discussion will successively clear up every article of them. I do not see that the voluminous discussions which have been entered into at Philadelphia have shed any light upon it. They have rather contributed to set up passions in the seat of reason. Ours shall always be followed by a conclusion either in the
cessation or admission of the right claimed. It is necessary, in order to effect the act declaratory of the meaning of our treaties. As to the eventual arbitrament of a third power, I do not know whether the United States have had recourse to it. The French Republic has never experienced the want of it; and I am persuaded, that on this particular occasion, it will readily come to an understanding with the U. States, if they are determined to be just towards it, as it desires to be towards them.
Let us begin with the ninth article of the Consular Convention of the 14th Nov. 1788. I annex a note upon the difficulties its execution meets with in the ports of the United States. It shall be followed by similar notes, upon each of which we will endeavour to come to an agreement.
Accept, Sir, the assurances of my perfect consideration.
(Signed) CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND.
(TRANSLATION.) Note upon the 9th article of the Convention between France and the United States, of the 14th Nov. 1788.
The beginning of this article declares, "that the Consuls and Vice Consuls may cause to be arrested the captains, officers, mariners, sailors, and all other persons, being part of the crews of the vessels of their respective nations, who shall have deserted from the said vessels, in order to send them back and transport them out of the country. For which purpose the said Consuls and Vice Consuls shall address themselves to the courts, judges, and officers competent. Before 1792, it frequently happened that the judges acting under the authority of the individual states have pretended that they were incompetent. On the 14th April 1792, an act of Congress declared that the district judges, acting under the authority of the United States, should be competent. All the judges of the individual States have since thought themselves justified in declining to render their aid; but as there are many more ports in the United States than district judges, and as they do not even always reside at a port, the French Consuls and Vice Consuls have often been unable to hinder desertion, to the great detriment of the vessels of their nation. The Consuls of the United States do not experience those difficulties in the ports of the republic. Reciprocity, as well as the meaning of the article, require that it should be declared, "that all the officers of justice having power to order the arrest of mariners, shall be considered competent, and as such bound to comply with the request of the Consuls, in the manner and in the cases stipulated.
The article proceeds, "and shall demand the said deserters in writing, proving by an exhibition of the registers of the vessels or ship's roll, that those men were part of the said crews.
The mariners have often waited till the departure of their vessels to desert, and have afterwards not only braved the authority of the Consul, but served to debauch other crews. It has often been sufficient for them to go from one port to the nearest neighbouring port, to be secure from all pursuit. The Consul being no longer able to produce the roll with ease, or not having it in his power to detach it from the vessel, where it should remain, is no longer admitted to make a claim. He in vain produces a copy of the roll made in Chancery, and duly authenticated—no faith is ascribed to it, notwithstanding the tenor of the first paragraph of the 5th article of the convention; it is maintained that the original roll is necessary; and thus the spirit of an important stipulation is destroyed, by the ambiguity attributed to the latter. It would be requisite to declare, "that by register or ship's roll, not only the original is understood, but every authentic copy or extract, certified to be conformable to the original, by a judge of the country, before the departure of the vessel, and that this extract or copy shall have, in all the ports of the respective powers, the same force with the original, for three months."
Paris, 9th Messidor, 6th year. The Minister of Exterior Relations. (Signed) CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND.
[No. 20.] Mr. Gerry, to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic. Paris, 1st July, 1798.
I have received, Citizen Minister, on the 11th, your letter of the 9th Messidor (27th of June): but without an answer to mine of the 15th of June, or the documents therein demanded for my voyage to America. You say, "they have furnished you from the United States with the most clear proofs, supported even by articles extracted from the American papers, of the knowledge which they had there before Germinal (20th of March) of the objections of the Executive Di-
rectory to any negotiation with two of the Envoys, and of its formal desires to treat with me." Admitting this, it does not prove to my mind, that the President of the United States had received official communications and concealed them; but it is a convincing proof, that the information of these facts must have been sent from hence to the United States, when secrecy respecting them, imposed on me previously to their communication, was strenuously insisted on.
You have made what you consider a generous proposition, that our communications should not be tinged with any more recriminations: is the subsequent part of your letter altogether free from them? My silence on the abuse offered to the Government of the United States, its Envoys in general, and myself in particular, in an anonymous, but apparently official publication of the 7th of June, must afford you unequivocal evidence that I had already adopted the measure you have proposed.
It is inconceivable to me, that being without powers to negotiate, my return to the United States, after such long notice, can be supposed in any degree to close the door to subsequent steps for a reconciliation. The door has always been, and still is open, on the part of the Government of the U. States. It is impossible for any government to exceed it, in the moderation and justice of its measures towards France, or in its perseverance and patience to execute them; but it having failed in two attempts, will not France make one effort to obtain a reconciliation between the two republics? Consider the disagreeable predicament in which the government of the United States has been involuntarily placed, and it is conceived you cannot fail to see the propriety and policy of this measure.
I have, in my last letter, stated to you truly what I conceived was well understood between us, respecting my return to the United States with the overtures of France, and her sending a minister there to complete the negotiation. How we could misunderstand each other on these points is to me incomprehensible. Be this as it may, it is not very material who is to be the bearer of the propositions, if they are such as can be accepted by the United States.
You inquire, whether I am not come to establish friendship between the two republics, and determined to spare no pains to obtain this desirable object? Judge, yourself, citizen Minister, whether I have not faithfully discharged my duty in this respect.
You ask, whether I am not authorised to treat separately? Had my colleagues relinquished their office, or been recalled, or by physical means been disqualified to act, my powers would have been adequate to a separate negotiation, and I would have entered on it without delay. As matters are circumstanced I have no such powers. You differ from me in opinion on this subject, but I must abide by my own judgment.
You declare, that France, superior to all resentment, and only listening to justice, manifests a zeal to conclude a treaty solid and mutually satisfactory. Be assured, citizen minister, that the United States will with ardor meet such a disposition on the part of France; and that it cannot fail of success if accompanied with a suspension of the long and ruinous depredations on our commerce, and with proper arrangements for negotiation.
In my last letter you will perceive, that having particularly referred to the mode adopted by the U. States with other nations, I could only allude to that of deciding, by commissioners, disputes which could not be adjusted by direct means. You have misconceived my intention, if you supposed it extended to the eventual arbitration of a third power.
My frequent applications for a passport, letter of safe conduct for the vessel, and her exemption from the embargo at Havre, have been altogether unnoticed. I hope you will only by the continuance of this unusual mode of conduct, render an explanation of it immediately necessary.
Accept, Citizen Minister, the assurances of my perfect respect. (Signed) E. GERRY. To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic.
(To be continued.)
BOSTON, Feb. 20.
ALIEN ENORMITIES.
FROM PHILAD. Feb. 11.
"Yesterday, being Sunday a daring riot took place at the Roman Catholic Chapel, in this city, immediately after divine service, in which the principals were Dr. Reynolds, a brother-in-law of the late Wolfe Tone, and the leader of the United Irishmen; Duane another outlawed Irishman, and Editor of the AURORA, and two men named Moore and Cummins. These fellows had prepared a memorial to Congress, for the purpose of obtaining the signatures of
the Irishmen in this city, praying for a repeal of the Alien Act, and had pasted up copies of it in divers parts of the church, together with a notification for the Irish laity to meet at the Grave Yard, after divine service, and sign it, on the tomb-stone of one James Burns. Against this measure the Clergyman and principal members of the church remonstrated, as foreign to the object of their meeting, and as improper in itself; and a great majority of the society, which is very respectable and attached to the Government, soon discovered a determination to prevent this patriotic proceeding. When Reynolds produced his paper, pen and ink, some members of the Congregation advised him, in the most gentle terms to desist, and to leave the ground, which was their property. Upon his refusing with great insolence, and a shew of resistance by him and his coadjutors an Irish Gentleman, long since settled in this city, attempted to take away the paper, and was assisted by a young lad about fifteen years old, who tore down one of the advertisements. Reynolds instantly pulled from his pocket a loaded pistol, and cocked and presented it to the breast of the boy: Another by-stander seized the pistol and wrenched it from his hand. The whole society with one accord then seized upon Reynolds, and his gang, & dragged them forcibly to the Mayor's office; by whom, after an examination, they were ordered to find bail to stand trial, in the sum of two thousand dollars each which was procured by all but Cummins, who I understand is committed. But the conduct of the Chief Justice of this State was still more extraordinary, and I think more exceptional than that of Reynolds. This Judge returned in the afternoon with Reynolds (who went out in the custody of the officers to procure bail) to the Mayor's office; and immediately began to reprobate the conduct of the Mayor, to insist upon the illegality of his proceedings; pronouncing judgment that it was a trifling assault, and abandoning himself to paroxysms of convulsive passion. Upon being reminded by a respectable by-stander, that he was not in the seat of judgment, but was there as a private citizen, he abused him with ill language, and ordered the officers to take him into custody, which was done on the spot. This conduct produced a spontaneous expression of resentment and censure from the spectators; upon which he suddenly withdrew in a delirium of rage.
"Now what will your Boston Folks think of these symptoms of patriotism? Is there a government on earth, except our own, in which a set of vagrant scoundrels, escaped from the halter in their own country, would dare after a few years residence to offer such open insult to the civil laws, and religious institutions? Is not this conduct a better argument in favor of the Alien Bill than a thousand pamphlets and speeches? What State in the Union except Virginia would permit a Chief Justice thus to interfere and prejudice a cause, that will hereafter come before him for adjudication? Yet this Reynolds is an intimate companion of several members of Congress, and this Chief Justice is a Candidate for the office of Governor of Pennsylvania, which however he is not likely to obtain."
The Retaliation, Lt. Bainbridge, has arrived at Philadelphia from Guadalupe, with above 80 American seamen. An agent from Desfournier, charged with settling an exchange of prisoners, came passenger in the Retaliation.
Lt. Bainbridge, informs, that when he left Guadalupe, (Jan. 18) the frigate United States, 44 guns, Com. Barry, and Constellation, 36 guns, Capt. Truxton, with the Montezuma, Capt. Murray; Norfolk, Capt. Williams; and Richmond, Capt. Barron; were cruising to windward of Guadalupe.
The French frigate Insurgent 44 guns, was out from Guadalupe, on a cruise, and had sent in a New-Bedford vessel for condemnation. The Volunteer frigate, of 40 guns, was preparing to sail on a cruise. It is highly probable the American Squadron, will fall in with these ships.
Lt. Bainbridge confirms the account of condemnation of American vessels since Desfournier's Crocodilean Manifesto.
FROM THE WEST-INDIES.
We are informed by a gentleman from Cape Francois that in consequence of the spirited measures of the United States, in arming their vessels against the French privateers, and stopping all commercial intercourse with the French territories, the utmost distress prevails in the islands; that at the Cape business was wholly at a stand; the stores were closed, and produce of every kind plenty and cheap. Coffee was 14 cents per lb.

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEB. 11.
The President informed the House, he had signed the Act for suspending commercial intercourse with France.
The Army organization Bill came down from the Senate, for concurrence.
The Naval augmentation Bill passed, to be enacted. YEAS 54. NAYS 42.
The Dock Establishment, and Naval Timber Bills passed to be enacted.
TUESDAY, FEB. 12.
Mr. Josiah Parker, from the navy Committee, reported the pay of Captains and Commanders of ships and vessels of the U. S. which was committed.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill respecting balances due from individual States to the United States, was taken up and concurred in. They went to give the right of jurisdiction to the U. States of all places whereon fortifications should be built; but reserved to the States the right of soil and the right of serving criminal and civil process therein.
A bill was received from the Senate, vesting the power of the retaliation, in certain cases, in the President of the U. States.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 13.
Several petitions about the Alien and Sedition Laws, were read, and consigned to Committees.
Additional Revenue.
A motion of Mr. J. Williams to an inquiry what additional duty ought to be laid upon drawbacks, &c. was laid upon the table.
Retaliation Bill.
A Bill came from the Hon. Senate, vesting the power of retaliation in certain cases in the President of the U. S. Made the order for to-morrow.
[This bill contemplates retaliation for any enormities which the French may commit on American seamen, found on board British, Russian, Portuguese, Turkish, or Neapolitan vessels of war, in consequence of a late sanguinary decree of the demaniac Directory of France. Mr. Nicholas suggested, that The President had received information from Mr. King, that the Directory had repealed the bloody decree; and Mr. Livingston laid a motion on the table, calling for information on the subject, from the President.]
THURSDAY FEB. 14.
Several bills passed various readings; one for fixing the pay of Captains and Commanders of the navy. [By this bill Captains commanding ships of 32 guns and upwards, have 100 dollars per month, and 3 rations per day; Captains of ships of 20, and under 32 guns, 75 dollars per month, and 6 rations; a Master Commandant 60 dollars per month, and 5 rations per day; and Lieutenants commanding smaller vessels 50 dollars per month, and 4 rations per day.]
Mr. Livingston's Resolution, Was called up. Mr. Harper said he had made inquiry at the Secretary of State's office, and found some information had been received on the subject of the suspension of the arrest alluded to, which had been extracted from the Redacteur . The question on the resolution passed— YEAS 52. Nays 38; and Messrs. Livingston and Harper were appointed to wait on the President with the request for the information.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 16.
Yesterday arrived the brig Nancy. She sailed from St. Thomas's under convoy of the Ganges, sloop of war, Capt. Tingey, with several others bound to the continent.
During her cruise the Ganges fell in with the Surprise, British frigate, of 36 guns, Capt. Phillips who sent a boat with an officer on board to demand of Capt. Tingey, whether he had any British subjects on board the Ganges, and if so, that they might be delivered up, and whether his men were supplied with protections. The officer also demanded a light of Capt. Tingey's commission.
Capt. Tingey answered, that he knew his men only as Americans, that the American Flag and his Commission were sufficient protections for any person on board his ship, and that if the commander of the frigate wished to see his commission, he would show it, provided he would first show his own.
The British officer then returned to his ship. Capt. Tingey, after having ordered his men to their quarters, communicated to them his determination, which was received with three cheers. A boat shortly after returned from the frigate, with a polite message from Capt. Phillips, by his surgeon, apologizing for the misunderstanding which had taken place, and requesting a supply of medicine, which was complied with, and the business ended.
BOSTON, February 25.
WASHINGTON'S NATAL DAY.
On Friday last the anniversary Birth Day of our revered WASHINGTON, was noticed in this town with gratitude and joy. Capt. Wild's and Gardner's companies of artillery, welcomed the day with repeated federal salutes, as did the Castle, and federal citizens of Liberty Square.
The newly appointed officers dined together at the Ark Tavern in State Street, and with cheerful hilarity, celebrated the natal day of their beloved Commander.
Numerous circles of citizens met in various parts of the town, and while contemplating the virtues of their deliverer, with cheerful gratitude offered up their prayers for the health, prosperity and continuance of that man, whom, "if we take for all in all, we ne'er shall look upon his like again."
THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, Is famous for its federal sentiments, and ardent attachment to those great and good characters who have marched foremost in the cause of our country; and they have testified it by celebrating the birth-day of WASHINGTON, in a manner that does honor to the taste and spirit of the Students. In the day time flags were displayed on the buildings, and the colleges were beautifully illuminated in the evening, accompanied with devices expressive of their veneration for Adams and Washington. The illumination commenced at 7 o'clock, and by a quarter past 9, there was not a light to be seen in any of the colleges. Every thing was conducted with an order and tranquility highly honorable to all the young gentlemen.
Extract of a letter from an American Captain at Gibraltar, Nov. 27.
"I told you before I failed, that this would be a voyage of risque, and so it has proved thus far. On entering the Straights, we were under the necessity of beating off three privateers, who came from the Spanish shore, doubtless with the intention of carrying us into Algeziras. We fired about 25 shot at them before they veered off. On passing Cabrerier Point, the Spanish fort fired four 36 pounders which passed between our masts, without doing us any injury. Another privateer came out from under the Point, and was nearly on board of us; but four well directed discharges of round and grape made them scramble off. These privateers have from 50 to 60 men, and some of them carry a 24 pounder in their bows."
"The day after we arrived, we witnessed the greatest distress at this place:—A most tremendous gale came on, and during the night blew with a violence scarcely remembered here. I witnessed from our decks ships driving foul of each other, some dashing against the rocks, and others foundering at anchor. The Medusa 50 gun ship drove on shore and is lost. A beautiful English ship anchored a little after us parted her cables, went on the rocks just to the leeward of us, and in five minutes I saw her dash to pieces; the crew fortunately saved their lives by ropes thrown from the tops of the rocks by the sentinels; a brig run foul of a large ship and instantly sunk; several large transports went on shore. Capt. Wilder, in the ship Polly of Boston, drove on shore, fortunately in such a manner that he has since got her off; but is still uncertain if he is fit to carry to sea. A Cape-Ann fisher Capt. Hutchens, went on shore at the same time, and is entirely lost. The gale came on about 10 o'clock at night, we were fearful of it, and got our top gallant top masts and yards on deck, which enabled us to ride it out; but the light of the destruction, the inevitable fate that awaited us, and the horrible appearance of the rocks ready to receive us had we parted with our cables, was truly distressing; towards morning the gale abated; but still it looked wild; at day light a large boat came off, and I made out to get on shore, and procure another cable, the sea and wind were still so terrible that I was obliged to give an extraordinary price for a boat to carry it on board the ship; the bottom is so rocky, and so many anchors laying about I found our cables were chafing; we now moored our ship ashore, and heaving in the cable we had rode the greatest strain by, I found it chafed, and the anchor hooked into an immense chain one of the moorings of the Spanish ships which were sunk here at the siege."
"I have had half an hours conversation with Lord St. Vincent. He informed me he had read the newspapers which I sent him on my arrival with great satisfaction. He spoke handsomely of the spirit of our countrymen, in defending their property. Some of our men had been pressed who had no protections. I represented to his Lordship the great expense of our arming, that I hoped he would not take the means of defence out of our hands by depriving us of our seamen; he replied, that we were all fighting the common cause of Christendom, and shedding our blood in defence of humanity, and that notwithstanding he was in great want of men, I should have all mine back. Forfeitures included, and immediately gave an order for their release."
"The Mediterranean is still crowded with French privateers, who lay secreted under the land; many of them mount from 12 to 14 18 pounders; and from late accounts, it is said an order has come from the Directory, that none should be fitted out under that force—they are desperate fellows, but I hope we have spirit enough to meet them."
OF EVENTS ABROAD
We have few documents on which we can build any permanent facts. The last accounts from the Capital of the Turkish Empire (which ought to be a source of early and correct intelligence) are to Nov. 5th.—They inform, that at the last dates from Egypt, Buonaparte was at Cairo; that a Turkish force was assembling in Syria to aid the Egyptian Beys in opposing him; that a squadron of Turkish and Russian ships had joined the British in the blockade of Alexandria; and that every measure would be taken to reconquer the country from the Gallic invaders. These are facts which may be relied on.
The capture of the island of Minorca, by the British (all of which, except the citadel, has capitulated) is an important acquisition, as it will enable them to keep full command of the Mediterranean; and thereby cut off all
communication between Buonaparte and France. The island of Malta will also afford another resting place to the invincible squadrons of the English. At the last dates, the French garrison at Valette, if not prisoners, were reduced to the greatest extremities.
The Constellation, Capt. Truxton, has chased into St. Bartholomews, a French letter of marque ship of 20 guns, from Bourdeaux. She was proceeding from St. Bartholomews for Guadalupe.—The American naval force is busily employed in convoying vessels.
STAMP ACT. The rate of Stamps, the last 6 months, in 1798, amounted to 93,611 dollars, 82 cents.
The corporation of Philadelphia are taking extensive measures for furnishing that city with water. A million of bricks, and 100,000 feet of bored logs, are advertised for.
MARINE INTELLIGENCE.
Capt. Carr and Martin, of Boston arrived at St. Helena, from Calcutta, have been sent, by order of the Governor there, to England, on suspicion of having been concerned in a contraband trade, as they were bound to Copenhagen. They failed with the convoy for England, Dec. 13th.
Capt. Backman, in the Swedish brig Aurora, for Boston, was at St. Bartholomews, Jan. 22. The Industry, Rice, of Boston; Amelia, Hale, of N. Haven; Dolly, Belfelew, of Charleston; Cornelia, Thorp, of Newfield, have been condemned, Black and fluke at Guadalupe. The masters have been robbed, and the crews imprisoned. The Restoration is the only vessel that has not been condemned since Desfournex's proclamation. Two hundred and sixty Americans were let out of prison, at Guadalupe, Jan. 1st, to be exchanged.
PORTSMOUTH, February 27.
Lt. Gen. Washington's BIRTH-DAY
Was celebrated in this town on Friday last, the morning was ushered in by a discharge from Capt. Chadwick's Artillery, and a joyful peal from the Bells. At 12, a second peal was rung: and from 2 to 3. Capt. Whidden's Assembly-Room was filling with a most respectable company of Gentlemen, among whom the honorable, the Judges of the Superior Court, the Clergy, and various public officers held distinguished seats. A very excellent entertainment was provided by the gentlemen Managers of the social feast; Many excellent Toasts drank, accompanied by echoing cannon; and the felicities of the occasion greatly augmented, by an incomparable Song, (which follows) the handy work of that celebrated genius J. M. SEWALL, Esq. who amid the avocations of the bar and a press of clients, devoted a few pleasing moments to celebrate the praises of a Washington.
TOASTS.
 1. The day we celebrate—illustrious in the Calendar of Time, by giving birth to that unrivalled Patriot, Lt. General GEORGE, WASHINGTON.—[6 guns from Capt. Chadwick's artillery & 3 cheers.]  2. The President of the United States—may he long preside over United America; and enjoy the Patriot's highest reward, the gratitude and confidence of a free and enlightened Nation. [6 guns and 3 cheers.]  3. Our National Legislature—may the wisdom of their measures be proved by their salutary effects, and an increasing majority silence the partisans of foreign intrigue.  4. Timothy Pickering the firm honest statesman, superior to the faults of domestic calumny, and foreign intrigue.  5. The Secretary of War.  6. The Army of the United States—when called to defend their country from foreign invasion, or to crush domestic faction, may they prove themselves worthy to be commanded by a WASHINGTON.  7. The Secretary of the Navy.  8. The growing Navy of the United States—may it rapidly progress—be the protector of our commerce, and the riches of our commerce make our Navy strong.  9. The Secretary of the Treasury.  10. May we cheerfully submit to temporary burdens, while appropriated to the defence of our national independence.  11. Our late Envoys to the French republic, though unsuccessful in their mission, may we rightly appreciate their dignified conduct, independent spirit, and incorruptible integrity.  12. The Governor and State of New-Hampshire.  13. May we remember, that to oppose the measures of our government, is to co-operate with its enemies.  14. Prosperity to Agriculture, Manufactures, Trade and the Fisheries.  15. Continuance of Liberty and good government—may we never stand in need of foreign support, but justly appreciate our internal means of Defence.  16. The fair Daughters of America—May their smiles reward such only, as by their virtues and Patriotism deserve them. 
[6 guns & three cheers.]
THE FOLLOWING IS THE EXCELLENT SONG, Which was Composed for, and Sung, at the Celebration of Lieut. Gen. WASHINGTON'S, Birth-Day, in this town, on Friday last Feb. 22, 1799.
FROM Helicon's embowering shades, Descend each muse, on rapture's wings; Apollo, join the inspiring maids, And sweep the loud-reounding strings! While answering echoes hail the morn That Thou, Great WASHINGTON! was born!
Thy martial deeds, all tongues employ, From Georgia, to Hantonia's bounds, And shouts of universal joy Th' extended Continent resounds! "This day (re-echoing skies return) Illustrious WASHINGTON, was born!
He leaves the sweet abodes of peace, And mounts BELLONA's iron car, Ensur'd, by destiny, success, He rules the thundering tide of war! 'Till vanquish'd Vets'ans curse the morn Victorious WASHINGTON was born. His country freed, he sheathes the sword, Untrammell'd by ambition's fires, And joy'd to see her rights restor'd, In licent majesty retires. His brows, eternal wreaths adorn! This day, Great WASHINGTON was born.
OUR GLORIOUS CONSTITUTION owes To HIM its beauty, strength and grace, Who with com-patriot peers arose, And FREEDOM built on LAW's firm base.
Then hail the Patriot, by whose aid, The glorious corner-stone was laid! The Fabric built his Country claim'd Her Great Defender for its head, He took the helm, with zeal inflam'd While all the Statesman thone display'd: Columbia's traitors curse the morn, Their great Antagonist was born. To ADAMS then he gave the helm, Well skill'd the glorious bark to guide, Rocks, shelves & storms he makes her stem, And proudly brave th' opposing tide. His brows with laurels then entwime, And bled great WASHINGTON! with thine.
But hark! his Country calls! again Behold the godlike Chief advance, He grasps the sword! resumes the plain! To curb the arrogance of France. Applauding millions hail the morn Their Bulwark of defence was born! While the warm blood bedews our veins, This annual tribute we will pay, And plagues, famine, consume our plains To France, and pestilence a prey, If e'er our Sons forget the morn When thou, Great WASHINGTON was't born.
Extract of a letter to a gentleman in Connecticut, dated Feb. 5, 1799.
"Last evening I received from the Post-Office a large double letter, with the Philadelphia office mark.—On opening it I found it contained Baché's Aurora, that detestable vehicle of the poison of Jacobins, and nothing more except the superscription. This is the way they have taken to spread those papers, which, I have no doubt, are paid for by the French Directory. I consider it as a vile imposition—a wickedness that ought to be punished by the Judges. How it came to be sent to me, unless the imposition was designed, I cannot conceive; for I have a perfect abhorrence of French principles both in politics and religion, and feel a just resentment for the injuries they have offered our country. I have since heard that several others have been imposed on in the same way. Can no satisfaction be obtained for such odious treatment, and such insults in future be punished?"
We understand that William Blount is appointed President of the Senate of Kentucky! Who will now wonder at the Kentucky Resolutions ?
The Hon. Simon Frye, Esq. is appointed Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, for the county of York, vice Hon. Mr. Chadbourn, resigned.
Last year's EXPORTS from the United States amounted to upwards of sixty-one millions of dollars.
An act declaratory of the consent of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to the erection of Maine into a separate State, has been referred to the next General Court.
A letter from the U. S. Consul at Gibraltar, dated Nov. 19, says, that four French privateers have been lately captured by the Algerines. Algeriers being a tributary to the Grand Seigneur, has been directed to act in conformity to the warlike declaration of the Sublime Porte.
MINT OF THE U. STATES.
The Director of the Mint of the United States, has stated that were coined therein in 1798, 7,974 Eagles, 24,867 Half Eagles, and 514 Quarter Eagles of Gold—327,536 Dollars, 27,550 Dimes, in Silver, and 979,700 Cents, in copper.—Equal in the whole to 545,698 Dollars. Nearly double to any preceding year.
The subscriptions to the new Loan, we understand, are calculated to exceed Fifteen Millions of dollars!
In Boston the subscriptions were above Fifteen hundred thousand dols. The Bank of Pennsylvania we learn, has been authorised to subscribe 500,000 dols.
The British government required a
new Loan of 18 millions; and 80 millions have been subscribed.
There was an embargo at the Havanna on the 5th Jan. at which time there were 100 sail of American vessels in the port.
The amount of Receipts into the Treasury of the United States, for one year, ending 30th Sept. 1798, for "Duties on Merchandise and Tonnage," is 7,405,420 dollars and 86 cents.
The whole amount of Revenue, including a balance in the Treasury the 1st Oct. 1797, ten millions one hundred and sixty-one thousand and ninety-seven dollars, 46 cents. Upwards of five million dollars, of the last year's appropriations, are unexpended.
One Lieutenant Colonel, two Majors, ten Captains, ten Lieutenants, and ten Ensigns, have recently been appointed by the President of the United States from the State of Connecticut.
APPOINTMENTS—By Authority.
Rufus King, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary for the special purpose of negotiating a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, with the Emperor of all the Russias.
William Smith, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the Sublime Ottoman Porte.
Gen. Pinckney, in whose praise panegyric is lost, has thus described the councils and people of the nation he has so long resided amongst:—"They are," says he, "a people artful and insidious in policy; bold and powerful in arms; but having endeavored to study their character with attention, I am convinced their intrigues are more to be dreaded than their for Guard against their arts, my fellow citizens, and do not permit them to sow division and discord among you. Suffer no requisite to support and effectuate the measures planned by the guardians of our country, to frustrate the insidious machinations and daring ambition of a government, which meditates our oppression, together with that of all other nations.—Be united and firm, be active in preparing for war, and we shall not only be exempted from tribute, but obtain such a peace as freemen need not blush to accept."
ENTRY AT THE CUSTOM HOUSE.
Feb. 21, brig Centaur, Cuts, Demarara.
On Wednesday last departed this life Mrs. REBECCA COUES, aged 36, the amiable consort of Capt. Peter Coues; a bereaved husband, a widowed mother, an affectionate sister, an afflicted brother, and a weeping family of young children, will long lament the irreparable loss, of a tender wife, a dutiful daughter, a fond sister and the best of mothers. The last respects of mourning relatives, sympathizing friends and feeling acquaintance was paid to her mortal remains, on Saturday last.
Soft as the gentlest breath of vernal day Calm as the rising summer: O! how she, Sweetly she pass'd along life's desert way, And strew'd the path with virtue's loveliest flowers.
DIED —At the Cape of Good Hope, the English Admiral Crispian . At Philad. Mrs. Rabal Æt. 98.—Defendants 99.
At Durham, [C.] Mr. B. Johnson, Æt. 98—within three years, he has frequently walked a mile to meeting.
Mr. Joseph Stacey, of Kittery, on his homeward passage from the West-Indies, ten days after the vessel failed.
ROCKINGHAM, ff.
TO BE SOLD
At Public Vendue,
By virtue of an order from the Hon. Sam'l Tenney, Esq. Judge of Probate, of Wills, &c. for the county of Rockingham aforesaid, at the house of Mr. James Peasey, innholder in Newington, on Thursday the 14th of March next, at 10 o'clock, A. M.
THAT valuable tract of corn land, now in good order to produce a crop in said Newington, called Downing's plain, said to be 100 acres, be the same more or less, to be sold whole or in quarter lots, as will best suit the purchasers. Nine months credit to be given with good security for a part of the money. Further conditions to be made known at the time and place above mentioned.
BARTHOLOMEW DOWNING. RICHARD D. HART. Newington, Feb. 25, 1799.
JUST RECEIVED,
AND TO BE SOLD—By
Joseph Bais,
At his Shop in Broad-street, Portsmouth,
EARLY and late Pease and Beans, with a fine assortment of English and American NEW GARDEN SEEDS, &c. &c. &c.
ALL persons who have demands against the estate of Alexander Blair, late of Londonderry, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same for settlement, and those indebted to make immediate payment to JAMES M'GREGOR, Administrator. Londonderry, Feb. 20, 1799.

NEW GOODS. Peter Coffin, Has just received, an assortment of Staple & Fancy Goods, Among which are the following: BEST SUPERFINE French black and blue Cloths of a superior quality; Fashionable brown and mix'd Cloths; Plain, printed and mix'd Cassimeres; Coatings; Duffles; Forest Cloths; Devonshire Kerseys; Baizes; Flannels.
Swansdown, Cassimere, Quiltings, Molekin and Silk Waist-Coating; Velvets; Thicksets; silk Florentine; silk Cape-Velvet.
Fashionable plad Chintzes and Calicoes; Ginghams; chintz & copper-plate Furniture; fine linen Handkerchiefs; black and color'd silk Shawls; long and square Camel's hair Shawls.
Book, jaconet, strip'd, check'd, tambor'd, japan, and fine black Mullins; fine India plain and corded ditto; Muslin Handkerchiefs; Lawn Handkerchiefs and Aprons; Lawns; Cambricks; fine Dimities; Cravats, and square Handkerchiefs.
Lutestrings; black and color'd Satins for Cloaks and Bonnets; black Modes; Sarfnets; Tiffanies; crape, plain and nett Gauzes; black and white Italian Crape; black Lace Veiling, and nett Veils.
A great variety of fine thread Laces and Edgings; black silk Lace and Edgings; gold and silver Fringes; Silver Laces; China; fancy gown trimmings; Elastic Girdles; Ribbons.
Fashionable Satin Beavers; a few fancy Hats and Bonnets with bands; Dunstable straw Hats; Morocco and Kid Slippers; Elastic Slips; lasting, satin and florentine Shoes and Slippers; Children's Morocco Shoes; French white and grey Kid Gloves; Silk Gloves and Mitts.
Necklaces and Eardrops; Spangles; gold and silver Epaulets; gold and silver Cord; silk Stay Laces; cotton and silk Elastic Slings; silk Stock Stiffeners; a variety of fancy Feathers; Shoe Ties.
White angola, mock sable and ting'd Canary Fur Trimmings; real sable ditto.
Worsted, cotton and silk Hosiery; Mens' worsted, beaver and Woodstock Gloves; Mens' fashionable Hats; mock-velvet and worsted Caps.
Diaper Table Cloths; Green table Coverings; Brown Holland; check Linens; India Cottons; Crapes; Gamblets; Shalooms; Durants; Tamies; plain and ribb'd Calamancoes; Russels; Lastings; Satinets; Florentines.
Steel, pearl, plated, gilt, paper, Italian and Princes Buttons; steel Knee Buckles; high polish'd steel Scissors; shirt Buttons; tooth Brushes; Morocco Pocket Books, and thread Cases.
Embroidering and common Sewing Silks; Twist; white and color'd Threads; Ferrers; Gallooms; Tapes; Pins, &c. &c. &c. Portsmouth, Feb. 2, 1799.
TO BE LET, THE House which Daniel Humphreys, Esq. now lives in, to be entered the 13th day of March next.—Likewise the House near Mr. Peter Coffin's South-end of the town.—Inquire of JONATHAN WARNER. Portsmouth, Feb. 25.
TO BE SOLD BY Samuel Hill, A few whole and half Chests BOHEA TEA, (They being a consignment will be sold very low.) Received by the last vessel from London, A full assortment of FISHING GOODS, viz. Lines of different sizes; Salmon and Herring Net Twine; Herring Nets best sizes; Hooks of all kinds—By the bale or less. Portsmouth, Feb. 1, 1799.
FOR SALE, A small Farm, Pleasantly situated in the town of Lee near the Meeting-House. CONTAINS about 34 acres, is good pasture, arable and tillage land, with an orchard of about 3 acres, well watered, has a good two story House, a Barn of 30 by 90 feet, a blacksmith's Shop, a cyder House and Mill on the farm, all in good repair. The farm is well known by being called part of the Hill farm, and will be sold very reasonably—For further particulars apply to PAUL WIGGINS, living on the farm. Jan. 30.
FRESH GOODS, Just received Winter and other Goods,—among which are a beautiful variety of PLAIN, colour'd and Sprig'd MUSLINS, of a superior quality, very cheap.—Also India Cottons, and Paper Hangings, &c. &c. By Wm. Stanwood, jr. Market-Street, next door to the Printing-Office. N. B. He wants a large quantity of TOW-CLOTH. Portsmouth, Jan. 29, 1799.
J. FROST RESPECTFULLY informs the public that he shall sell the Goods that he has on hand, on the most reasonable terms for cash. Said Frost will go on to the Western Territory, as soon as his business will admit of it; and does respectfully call on those that have accounts open with him to settle, and those that are indebted by note of hand, to call at his store and pay the same. Durham, Feb. 19.
NOTICE. ALL persons having demands on the Selectmen, or Overseers of the Poor for the town of Portsmouth, are hereby desired to present their accounts to the different departments for settlement, on or before the first day of March next ensuing. Portsmouth, Feb. 12, 1799.
ALL persons having demands on the estate of Daniel Rindge, late of Portsmouth, Esquire, deceased, are desired to exhibit them to the subscriber for settlement—and all those who are indebted to said estate are requested to make the most speedy payment unto JOSEPH PEIRCE, Executor. In the absence of said Joseph Peirce from Portsmouth, persons having business with him as Executor, are notified to apply to John Peirce, Esq. Portsmouth, Feb. 11, 1799. The several printers in this State are requested to insert this advertisement in their respective papers, and forward a bill for payment.
FURS. CASH and a good price given for all kind of FURS, by Henry Bais, & Co. at the south end of Boston. Boston, Jan. 19, 1799.
AN Act limiting the time within which claims against the United States, for credits on the books of the Treasury may be presented for allowance. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives, of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all Credits on the books of the Treasury of the United States, for transactions during the late war, which according to the course of the Treasury, have hitherto been discharged by issuing certificates of Registered debt, shall be forever barred, and precluded from settlement or allowance, unless claimed by the proper creditors, or their legal Representatives, on or before the first day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine. And the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby required to cause this act to be published, in one or more of the public papers of each State. JONATHAN DAYTON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. THEODORE SEDGWICK, President of the Senate Pro Tempore. JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States. Approved, July 9, 1798.
State of New-Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors and owners of land in New-London, who have not paid their County and Highway taxes for the year 1798, that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Capt. John Woodman, in said town, on the 29th day of April next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
   No. Ac. Div. High-way tax cents. cents.     Wm. Tolford, 75 ac's 20 1 2 25   John Wentworth, 39 2 3 38   Joshua Tolford, 11 6 3 38   Th's Wallingford, Esq. 90 6 4 6   Col. J. Bagley, 75 ac's 131 8 2 19   57 3 4 30   Lots of land taken off Kearfarge Gore, and annex'd to New-London, the proprietors to us unknown, 19 3 0 38   20 3 0 38   21 3 0 38   22 3 0 38   25 3 0 38   LEVI EVERETT, Collector. New-London, Feb. 20, 1799.  
WHEREAS, By an Act of Congress passed on the sixteenth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, the President of the United States is authorised to borrow on behalf of the United States from the Bank of the United States, or from any other body or bodies politic or corporate, or from any person or persons, and upon such terms and conditions as he shall judge most advantageous for the United States, a sum not exceeding five millions of dollars, to however, that no contract or engagement be made which shall preclude the United States from reimbursing any sum or sums borrowed at any time after the expiration of fifteen years from the date of such loan. And whereas, it is declared by the said Act, that so much as may be necessary of the surplus of the duties on Imports and Tonnage beyond the permanent appropriations heretofore charged upon them by law, shall be pledged and appropriated for paying the interest, and also for paying and discharging the principal sum or sums of all the monies which may be borrowed, according to the term or terms which may be fixed, pursuant to the authority aforesaid—And whereas by the said Act, the faith of the United States is pledged to establish sufficient permanent Revenues for making up any deficiency that may hereafter appear in the provisions before mentioned for paying the interest and principal sums, or either of them, of any monies which may be borrowed pursuant to the said Act. And whereas the President of the United States did by an Act or Commission under his hand dated the ninth day of January in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine, authorise and empower, the Secretary of the Treasury, to borrow on behalf of the United States, any sum not exceeding in the whole, five millions of dollars and to make such contract or contracts as should be necessary, and for the interest of the United States, in pursuance of the Act of Congress above recited. Now therefore, the undersigned, Secretary of the Treasury, in pursuance of the Act of Congress, and the authority from the President of the United States, above mentioned, doth hereby on behalf of the United States of America, contract and engage in manner following, to wit.
1st. A book for receiving subscriptions to a Loan of five millions of dollars for the use of the United States shall be opened in the city of Philadelphia, at the Bank of the United States on Thursday the twenty eight day of February ensuing, which book shall continue open for the purpose of receiving subscriptions, until the whole of the said five millions of dollars shall be subscribed. If more than five millions of dollars shall be subscribed on the first day of opening the said loan, the surplus shall be deducted in proportion to the sums subscribed by individuals, exceeding four thousand dollars.
2d. For every hundred dollars which may be subscribed there shall be forthwith deposited and paid the sum of twelve dollars and fifty cents, and like payments of twelve dollars and fifty cents, shall be made within the first ten days of the months of April, May, June, July, August, September and October ensuing. The Secretary of the Treasury however reserves the right of reducing the number of installments by special agreement, with the individuals who may become subscribers.
3d. On the failure of payment of any installment of the sums subscribed according to the tenor of the second article, the next preceding installment of twelve dollars and fifty cents, which shall have been paid, for every hundred dollars subscribed shall be forfeited to the United States.
4th. The sums subscribed shall and may be paid to the credit of the United States, at the Bank of the United States, or at the offices of discount and deposit of the said Bank at Boston, New-York, Baltimore, or Charleston, or at either of the Banks of Salem, in Massachusetts, Newport and Providence in Rhode-Island, Hartford in Connecticut, Albany in New-York, or Alexandria in Virginia, for which payments, the receipts of the Cashiers of the Offices of Discount and Deposit and of the Banks aforesaid shall be received at the Bank of the United States as equivalent to money; but no payment of a subsequent installment shall be received at any other place than that where the first installment was paid, except at the Bank of the United States; in case any deposits shall be made at the offices of Discount or Deposit, or at either of the Banks aforesaid, which shall not be applied to the payment of the first installment of subscriptions to the Loan aforesaid, the said deposits shall be forthwith refunded by directions from the Treasury.
5th. For the sums or number of shares of one hundred dollars, which may be subscribed, certificates shall be given by the Cashier of the Bank of the United States, which shall be assignable by indorsement, and delivery of the parties in whose favor the said certificates may be issued, until the completion of the payments required by the tenor of the second article preceding.
6th. The sums subscribed and paid in pursuance of the tenor of the second article preceding, shall after the said payments have been completed, constitute a funded capital stock divisible into shares of one hundred dollars each, which capital stock shall bear interest at the rate of eight per centum per annum from the times fixed for the payment of the respective installments payable quarterly at the Treasury of the United States, or at the Loan Offices where the same may stand credited, until the last day of December, in the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.
7th. After the last day of December in the said year one thousand eight hundred and eight, and after reasonable notice to the creditors, which shall be given by an advertisement in some public newspaper, printed at the seat of the government of the United States, the said capital stock shall be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States by the reimbursement of the whole sum or sums borrowed, and which may constitute the said capital stock either at the treasury of the United States or at the loan offices where the same may stand credited.
8th. The credits for the said capital stock shall and may be separately certified in sums either for one hundred, four hundred, one thousand, four thousand or ten thousand dollars, and the credits so certified shall be transferable by the creditors, or their attorneys, at the Treasury and Loan
Offices respectively, in pursuance of the rules which have been, or which may be established relative to the transfer of the funded stock of the United States. 9th. A sufficient sum of the surplus of the duties on Imports and Tonnage beyond the permanent appropriations heretofore charged upon them by law, together with the faith of the United States are hereby pledged for the fulfillment of this contract, in pursuance of, and according to the terms and conditions of the act of Congress herein before recited. Given under my hand and the seal of the Treasury of the United States at (L.S.) Philadelphia, this twelfth day of January one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury. Jan. 12.
State of New-Hampshire. Rockingham, ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the town of Raymond, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1798, that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Mr. Thomas Bean, in said Raymond, on the ninth day of April next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Non-Resident last owners known. No. lots Acres. High-way tax Cents. cts. cts. Dcts.     Dr. Amos Gale, Kingston, 0 4 1 0 25   Jona. & Peter Eastman, do. 23 12 3 25   James Walford, Chester, 25 17 4 38   Jonathan Berry, do. 7 2 41   Stephen Lufkin, do. 14 10 2 31   Isaac Lane, do. 48 32 12 83   Peter Hill, do. 48 24 6 46   Benjamin Currier, do. 48 35 8 1 5   John Norton, do. 46 18 4 55   Esther, Mary & Sarah French, do. 10 2 61   Reuben Hall, do. 28 15 4 30   James Dunlap, do. 17 13 3 39   Moses Hall, do. 23 12 3 25   Stephen Sleeper, Poplin, 3 1 17   Ezekiel Robinson, do. 2 1 12   Stephen Colby, do. 8 5 2 13   John Clifford, Candia, 13 7 2 14   David Clifford, Brentwood, 8 2 50   Josiah Hook, do. 3 1 20   John Shaw, do. 90 57 14 1 40   James Robinson, do. 17 13 3 43   John Smith, do. 33 18 4 37   Samuel Shaw, do. 62 47 11 1 41   Thomas Arnold, Salisbury, 27 15 4 4 30   Betsy Fowler, Sandown, 29 16 td 4 32   DAVID PAGE, Collector. Raymond, Jan. 12, 1799.  
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in Canaan, who have not paid their State and highway taxes for the year 1798, that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the house of William Parkhurst, innholder in said Canaan, on the 25th day of April next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
   No. lots Acres. High-way tax Cents. cts. cts. Dcts.     Thomas Gustin, 0 100 0 5 0 0   Joseph Babcock, 100 0 8 0 156 0   Ebenezer Eames, 100 0 50 8 156 0   Eph. Wells, jr., 100 0 100 8 156 0   Jed'h Lathrop, 20 0 2 0 0 0   Clement Daniels, 0 25 0 1 0 0   Dav. Chamberlin, 0 50 0 3 0 0   George Harns, 0 50 0 3 0 0   William Joffe, jr., 0 67 0 0 3 0   Stephen Kellogg, 0 20 0 1 0 0   Israel Kellogg, 54 100 5 0 5 0   Nathaniel Cady, 0 100 0 6 0 0   Samuel Meacham, 0 100 0 6 0 0   Isaiah Rathbun, 0 50 0 3 0 0   Wm Chamberlin, 0 100 0 5 0 0   Ephraim Wells, 0 50 0 2 0 0   Josiah Gates, 0 40 0 2 0 0   Luis Louveridge, 100 0 100 8 156 0   Rufus Randel, 80 0 6 0 0 132 0   Jabez Jones, 0 30 0 2 0 0   Thomas Gustin, 100 0 8 0 156 0   J. Nevins, Esq., 95 100 9 5 0 11 9   Capt. Wm. Wentworth, 100 0 8 0 156 0   Thos Packer, 100 0 100 8 156 0   J. Newmarke, Esq., 28 30 1 4 0 3 2   Daniel Fowler, 0 50 0 3 0 0   RICHARD CLARKE, 3d. Collector. Canaan, Jan. 23, 1799.  
TO be sold at public vendue, to the highest bidder, so much of the lots of land belonging to non-resident owners of land in Sutton, for their Highway tax laid, on their land for the year 1798, as will pay said taxes with incidental charges unless prevented by previous payment, on Monday the 8th day of April next, at the house of David Eaton in Sutton, at 10 o'clock A. M. The owners of the lots of land are as follows, together with the No. and division, and No. of acres, with the valuation and tax.
   valuation. tax Div. No. Ac's. D. Cts. Cts.     Benjamin Ayens, 3 53 15 0 40 20   David Marsh, 2 60 160 1 50 78   John Ayers, 3 57 21 0 30 15   Edmund Page, 1 37 100 1 0 51   Nath'l Knight, 3 63 33 0 33 17   Caleb Noyes, 1 23 100 1 0 51   Trusel Land, 1 53 50 0 70 36   John Perry, 3 53 45 0 59 25   Edward Eastman, 1 39 15 0 50 25   John Tittle, 1 63 70 1 25 64   Lord proprietors 1 31 50 1 50 76   John Wentworth, 16 130 1 56 77   Ephraim Morrill, 9 90 1 10 56   Joseph Crofts, 16 140 1 0 51   DAVID EATON, Collector. Sutton, February 2, 1799.  
BOOKS, BLANKS and STATIONERY for sale at J. Melcher's Printing-Office and Book-Store, corner of Market-Street, Portsmouth.
NOTICE is hereby given that at a legal meeting of the proprietors of Brittonwoods, in the county of Strafford, held at the dwelling house of Mr. John Greenleaf in Portsmouth, on the 4th day of February, 1799, a tax of four dollars was voted to be assessed on each original right, or share of land in said Brittonwoods, and the same is assessed and committed to me to collect, unless the same is paid to me at my dwelling