The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-06-07 00:00:00

Gen. Ezra Brattle, Esq.
[No. 27.—Vol. LII.]
TUESDAY, JUNE 7, 1808.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
LUMINOUS VIEWS, OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AFFAIRS.
(CIRCULAR.) Washington, April 23d, 1808.
SIR—At the close of the last session of congress, I gave you a view of our situation, in the highest degree flattering to every American. It was strictly true; and if I am compelled now to change the aspect of affairs, I am bound in truth to attribute it to the progress of even which could neither be foreseen or prevented, to the influence of foreign governments, and not to the indifference of our own. When satisfied of this fact, you will naturally direct your indignation against the disturbers of our repose, and exert all your energies to support the cause of your country.
It has been the favorite object of the present administration and the unequivocal will of the people of the United States, to preserve a neutral character, and avoid participation in the present European war. Considerations not less wise than humane, have dictated this policy; considerations dear to every man who prefers tranquillity to confusion; prosperity to national ruin. In no instance have we departed from the most scrupulous impartiality towards all nations; and if we have been compelled at any time to adopt precautionary measures, they have been indispensably pacific, intended to prevent injuries provoked, often repeated and never redressed. It is to be regretted this deportment has not been reciprocated; but on the contrary, has excited feelings, inspired pretensions, and produced designs, hostile to the peace, if not the liberty of America. I however trust, we have still wisdom to perceive, and firmness to pursue, a course which will ultimately extricate us from the fate of those nations who have fallen victims to the seductive influence of foreign intrigues, or their own inordinate ambition.
The commerce of the United States has been occasionally harassed from 1793, by vexations and restrictions, inconvenient but not absolutely ruinous to it. Those restrictions have upon proper representations been abandoned; their recent renewal by the British and French governments to a ruinous extent, little short of actual war, and other aggressions equally insupportable, have reduced the United States to the alternative of sacrificing temporarily their external trade of engaging in hostilities for its protection.
The conduct of Great Britain has at all times furnished materials for complaint, since the peace of 1783; but particularly during the war which originated with the French revolution; the various orders of council, violating the law of nations; the practice of impressing American citizens on board British ships, and the insolent conduct of her naval officers in our harbors and near our coasts, have justly irritated the people of this country. On one occasion the peace of the two countries has been prolonged only by the moderation of our government.
It must still be fresh in your recollection what occurred in '94, how much the commerce of the United States suffered from British cruizers, and the treaty to which we submitted, conceding every thing on our part. This instrument, though faithfully executed by us, has not satisfied England; she has continued to indulge herself in new innovations upon our rights, to which she adheres with obstinacy. A re of the consequences which would result from those practices, the present administration endeavored to form a treaty, which would adjust the existing differences, and define the respective rights of the two nations. This effort conducted with zeal and ability by the American ministers at London, has failed.
The President on the 23d of March laid before congress the project of a treaty signed on the 31st of December, 1806, by the American ministers, was sent back with instructions, to renew the negotiation, and obtain the insertion of some provision against the impressment of American seamen, and the modification of certain articles relative to the East and West India, and colonial trade, and principles of blockade. I cannot pronounce with certainty upon the merits of the whole treaty, the documents are voluminous, and have not yet all been printed. There are however certain objections, which, if not utterly insurmountable, justify the refusal to ratify it, unless changed.
The first arises from a declaration of the British commissioner previous to signing the treaty; that the British government reserved to itself the right of countervailing the measures of France against neutral commerce; and requiring that the United States should resist the French decree of 1806. This was certainly inadmissible. The United States could never consent to a treaty by which they would absolutely be bound, and the other contracting party at liberty to violate it, whenever his convenience required—of which he reserved a power to be the exclusive judge.
The treaty contained no provision for American seamen. It is well known how long the English have claimed the right of taking their own seamen wherever found, and how unjustly under that pretext they have impressed citizens of the United States on board their ships of war, detaining them in rigorous confinement during the continuance of the war and compelled them to hazard their lives not in defence of their country,
but against those in amity with us. This practice has always formed a subject of serious complaint, and perhaps none has produced stronger feeling among the American people. The silence of the treaty, with regard to seamen, inasmuch as their protection and security formed the principal inducement and object of negotiation, rendered it highly unacceptable to the government.
It was attempted to supply the defect by an informal note, which pledged the British government to issue the most rigorous injunctions to the naval commanders to discriminate carefully, and in no instance molest citizens of the United States. Such an arrangement could only be considered an indication of the dispositions of the existing ministry, and not a compact by which the nation was bound; a security insufficient, because it was temporary and dependent on the continuance in office of men who felt friendly dispositions. This construction was evidently given it by the British cabinet, from Mr. Canning's answer to Mr. Monroe; when reminded by him of this stipulation in favor of seamen, he declared he could only look into the body of the treaty for its contents, and not to an incidental paper.
The other objections relate to the East and West India, and colonial trade. The first is placed upon a footing less favorable than in the treaty of 1794; the second left as at present; and the third less favorable than it is established by the British orders of council, and the decisions of their admiralty courts.
The subsequent conduct of Great Britain has lessened our regret very much for the failure of the negotiation, and diminished its importance; she has advanced principles against which the treaty in a much more perfect form would not prevent a barrier; and indeed seems to demonstrate the inefficacy of any treaty to secure our rights. On the 7th of January, 1807, only seven days after the treaty had been concluded, an order of council was issued, prohibiting Americans from trading between the different ports belonging to France and her allies, and compelling them to sell their cargoes at the first port they entered, whether in demand or not; plainly in violation of the 11th article, which expressly gives the right of "carrying freely to any port of Europe not blockaded," even colonial produce from the United States.
I shall not dwell upon the injury done to our commerce by this regulation; but mention it to show the little respect paid to the most solemn compacts by that government, when in conflict with her power or interests.
The orders of council of the 11th of November last, issued to countervail the French decree of 22d November, 1806, (extended in its construction to American vessels in August last) have given the finishing blow to the commerce of this country. They prohibit us from trading to any place but England and her dependencies, and impose a tax upon all articles shipped from thence elsewhere. The actual amount of the tax fixed by parliament is not yet known; but it is said to exceed one third of the value of some of our most important articles, in which are included cotton and tobacco. Upon the injustice of this order, it is impossible to comment in terms too harsh. It is a direct attack upon the sovereignty and independence of the United States, against which it was levelled; and is an odious attempt to tax them, WITHOUT THEIR OWN CONSENT: commercial ingenuity could not devise a more effectual plan to destroy our trade, and fetter the growth of our country.
One of two things inevitably results; the whole commerce of the United States is limited to Great Britain, or that part of it struggling to find markets elsewhere, is exposed to certain ruin from the depredation of British cruizers. If shipments are restricted to England in conformity to the orders of council, they can never reach the continent of Europe, but will be confined absolutely to that market, because importations into the continent of ports are rigorously interdicted through that channel, and because the duties imposed on exportations are so exorbitant as to check their consumption, if suffered to be imported.
It is needless to recapitulate the regulations enforced in the ports of France and her allies to prevent the entrance of produce which has touched at England; regulations too guarded to be evaded, and too penal to encounter.—From whence does England derive the right to forbid our trade except with herself? Can it be believed the people will submit to a demand which will virtually re-establish colonial dependence and burthen their produce with her system of taxation?
The object is evidently to tax this country to support the war in which she is engaged, and not to prevent the supply of her enemies; since permission to carry them American and foreign produce is granted, after a tax has been paid in England. The avowed motive is therefore a mere pretext, equally shallow and unjust; intended more to injure our commerce than to distress France.
I cannot for a moment believe the people of this country will surrender their independence and submit to the degradation of colonies, without a struggle. The immunities of colonies are not extended to us under the orders of council, whose prosperity is in some degree guaranteed by the implied interest of the parent country in their growth and importance. If to us that feeble tie is denied, we may expect the commercial restrictions of England will be dictated by jealousy, not affection, rivalry and not coincidence of interest. Our trade is placed upon a basis less favorable than previous to the revolution; besides the oppressive tax the English wish to levy, they prohibit the trade in articles they free, and close channels of commerce then open. Thus we find our commerce exposed to all the restrictions of actual colonies and the dangers of war, without a formal declaration of it.
To these injuries I must add another, tho' of a different character, not less offensive, and intolerable. The attack on the frigate Chesapeake in June last. It is needless to call your attention to the particulars of that transaction, they have not yet been forgotten, and are fresh in your memory. Reparation has not been made; on the contrary we have been considered the aggressors; and the mockery of making reparation to the honor and feelings of the American nation, has closed with a demand which a just government would never propose, and a free one will never condescend to grant.
The decrees of the French government have exposed the commerce of the U. States to the most unjustifiable seizures, contrary to the stipulations of the convention of 1800. The decree of the 22d November, 1806, and that issued at Milan 17th of December, 1807, subject to capture and condemnation all vessels bound to or returning from a British port, whatever may be the cargo.
It is impossible to conceive measures more hostile, more subversive of justice or good faith; but as there is no man who will justify, there can be no necessity to examine more minutely the avowal of a principle so inconsistent with the treaty, repugnant to the law of nations, and destructive to the interest of the United States. Independent of the solemn obligations imposed by treaty, to respect the commercial rights of this country, France ought to be more bound than any other nation, because she professes to contend against England for the establishment and support of the very principles she tramples under foot.
Though the terms of these decrees are general, it was believed the United States were excepted from the operation of the first, until a case occurred in August last, in
which it was enforced against an American vessel stranded on the coast of France, and afterwards declared by the French government to extend to all neutral vessels. It is proper to remark, that the American minister at Paris applied to the minister of marine, and was informed the treaty of 1800 would be the basis by which the courts of admiralty would be governed in their decisions upon our vessels. This explanation quieted the apprehensions, and the practice of the courts confirmed the confidence of our government in its correctness, until the case abovementioned occurred.
It remains with the French government to reconcile to the respect due to its own character, and the duty it owes to a neutral and friendly nation, the silence so long observed relative to the explanation of the minister of marine, and its subsequent disavowal.
It was upon the reception of this intelligence, and the well founded anticipation of the British orders of council of the 11th November, 1807, that the embargo was laid upon all American vessels and produce. By the joint operation of the decrees and orders of France and England, every American ship and cargo would be liable to capture and confiscation by the cruizers of one or the other vessels trading to England and her dependencies, by French ships of war and those bound to ports from which the British flag is excluded, by English ships of war. It would be scarcely possible to escape the vigilance of their cruizers, whose exertions would be stimulated by the hopes of plunder and the abundance of the spoil.
Notwithstanding the timely precaution of this measure by which so many of our vessels have been restrained from the ocean, the captures have been numerous, and the losses sustained by our merchants heavy. If our vessels had been permitted to sail without restraint, they would have been infinitely greater. The injuries received from these nations have furnished ample cause for war, to a people less devoted to peace; but it was hoped by waiting until amicable explanation would take place, that either one or both, from a sense of justice or interest, would change the system adopted towards us. With this view it seemed probable the people would soon be relieved from the present pressure. The latest accounts from Europe indicate a continuance of the hostile temper of France and England, and we now have no alternative left but to withdraw for the present from the ocean,—submit unconditionally to one of our oppressors—or make war, in vindication of our honor and national rights.
After so long enjoying an extensive and lucrative trade, without interruption, finding a ready market for all our produce, and full employment for all our funds, the suspension of external trade will produce the most serious effects upon all classes of people in the community, as well upon the farmers as those who have been engaged in commerce. The sacrifices made by the embargo are however more apparent than real; they are produced by the restrictions of France and England upon our trade by shutting up the markets suited to the productions of our country, and confining them to those in which the consumption is too limited.
Let it be supposed that the trade of America is regulated agreeably to British orders of council, and that all our articles of domestic and foreign growth pass through British ports, and are consequently confined to them for sale. The quantity would so far exceed the demand as to reduce their value to a price which would inevitably ruin the planter. The exports from the United States amounted during the last year to one hundred and eighty millions of dollars, of which thirty-one millions were sent to Great Britain and her dependencies. The remaining seventy-seven millions to other parts of the world, furnishing more ready sale and better prices.
This circumstance proves they were not wanted in England, and if sent there would only be purchased for sale elsewhere.
But to what place can they be shipped from England? To no part of the continent of Europe; from those countries they are excluded, if they have touched at Great Britain, by the French decrees.
Can it be doubted that a monopoly of all our trade by England, and the sale of five times as much produce as she wants and can consume, will prove absolutely ruinous to us?
Of the article tobacco, which constitutes our most valuable export, amounting to an average of seventy-five thousand hogsheads annually, only twelve thousand are consumed in England, the rest is used on the continent.
The British minister compels us to send all our cotton to England, and proposes to prohibit its re-exportation. There are sixty millions lbs. weight exported, of which thirty millions only are bought in England, the remaining half, worth seven millions of dollars, is sold in France and countries in alliance with her.
The reasons assigned for this most shameful restriction, and the object to be attained, are the destruction of the cotton manufactures in France, which have progressed so far as to give alarm to the English; and to avoid open and direct offence to the Americans, who would feel less irritated by the total suppression of the trade than its taxation. I have little doubt, the same spirit of conciliation will induce them to prohibit the re-exportation of all our produce.
I think you will clearly perceive that the British orders in council in fact constitute the embargo, and that the trade left open to us affords an insufficient market for the produce of our country.
I have spoken of the extent of our commerce under the orders, as if it would be safe; but the French privateers would injure it extremely, unless our merchant vessels were armed and convoyed; already they have taken 30 or 40. If our merchants were permitted to arm they would go to the continent, where the state of the markets would hold out strong inducements, and in resisting the British vessels, they would involve us at once in war with them. I do not suppose this state of things can or ought to continue beyond a certain period. But at present I think it better to bear the embargo than go to war.
It is not improbable that a general peace may take place in Europe during the present year; in which event we should escape war entirely; and much more probable that one or both of the belligerents will change their conduct towards us rather than lose a trade not less convenient to them than useful to ourselves. Is it not prudent to wait these events?
I have strong reasons to believe the embargo will produce serious effects on France and England; the commerce of France is carried on entirely by American vessels; the connection with her colonies kept up, and the colonies themselves fed from the U. States. I can perceive no ad-
vantage from the course she is pursuing towards our commerce, which will compensate for the loss of it to her people.
There is no country more interested in our commerce than England; we purchase twelve millions sterling of her manufactures annually, supply her West India colonies with all the necessaries of life, and her manufacturers with raw materials cheaper and in greater abundance than they can be obtained elsewhere.
At any time our market would be highly important to England; but in her present situation it is indispensable; her ships are excluded from the whole of Europe; and her productions proscribed wherever found. The interruption of our trade will force us to manufacture the articles we want, and while she loses forever the most profitable branch of export, we shall become really independent, and furnish within our own country every requisite for convenience and comfort. It will no longer be in the power of a foreign nation to disturb our prosperity.
If the sacrifices we have made to preserve peace, should fail to produce that effect, we shall feel more fully justified in resorting to stronger measures. To meet this crisis, appropriations have been made to fortify and defend our sea port towns; additional troops have been raised to protect the territories and frontiers, and 100,000 militia and 25,000 volunteers placed in requisition, to repel any attack against the U. States. The extent of the country, the choice an enemy will have in the place of landing, and the impolicy of embodying a large standing force equally efficient, have suggested the policy of relying on the militia for general defence in the commencement of war. In a war with England serious invasion cannot be expected, her enterprises will be naval, directed against our towns, for the defence of which a few troops will be necessary, because the militia are fitted neither by their discipline or habits to perform garrison duty. It would therefore be an useless expence to maintain a large force for the defence of the interior country. During the war in which France is engaged, the same policy is equally suited to the unsettled relations with that nation.
It is fortunate that the embarrassments of the people will not be increased by the imposition of heavy burdens, and taxes to supply the deficiency in the revenue, and meet the unavoidable expences of preparations for national defence.
By the prudent management of our money for the last seven years, there has been accumulated in the treasury, an excess of eight millions of dollars over the expenditures, and a diminution of the public debt to the amount of thirty-three millions of dollars has been effected during the same period. These two sums may be fairly considered as the comparative resources of the government, to sustain a war at the two periods; we may in fact be said to have amassed a sum of forty one millions of dollars applicable to public uses. This view of our finances, while it inspires confidence in the capacity of the nation to surmount its difficulties, furnishes the best commentary on the reduction of national expence during peace. It perceives the necessity of imposing heavy contributions when the people are least able to bear them. It affords the means of waging a defensive war, when the interruption of trade diminishes the revenue, the pressure of public engagements impairs public credit, and the scarcity of money enhances its value beyond the interest the nation can afford to pay.
I have endeavored to convey to you a correct idea of the perilous situation of our country, the injuries it has received from France and England, the destruction with which its commerce is threatened, and their attempts to reduce us to the humiliating condition of colonies. Instead of going immediately to war we have laid an embargo, and withdrawn from the ocean, in hopes they may be induced either by the pressure of that measure or a sense of interest, to re-establish intercourse upon terms safe and honorable to the United States.
It is impossible to foresee the result of this measure. The president is authorized during the recess of congress to suspend the embargo, if it can be done without endangering our ships and property; and congress will meet on the first Monday of November, to take that course the exigency may require. I deplore the folly which has impelled the British government into measures of hostility towards our country, and can only attribute it to that fatal infatuation which has led the nation by continued delusion to the threshold of destruction. I regret it on account of sufferings which will be unnecessarily inflicted on the two countries; both of which have the strongest motives to cultivate harmony and preserve commercial intercourse.
The people of the United States are, however, reduced to the dilemma of submitting to privations and be free, or yield to their wants and become tributaries. If they choose the last alternative, the national spirit is gone forever; it will be extinguished; they will indeed exhibit to the world the spectacle of a people free in their government, but enslaved by their wants.
I have confined my remarks principally to our situation with foreign nations. It is important that the people should understand the real cause of their sufferings; and I believe they will effectually support the government in its efforts to maintain their own rights—With such support, I still anticipate an honorable issue to our present difficulties, and an adjustment of differences with our enemies.
It is true the inconveniences from the suspension of trade and the pressure of pecuniary engagements will be great. But fortunately our country furnishes all the articles of necessity in abundance, which may easily be acquired by every man who has industry and prudence. I shall at all times feel pleasure in communicating information relative to subjects before congress whenever required. You may be assured I have done what appeared to me best calculated to preserve the peace of the country, and promote its permanent prosperity.
Accept my best wishes, W. A. BURWELL.
*The sum of thirty-three millions includes not only the principal of the funded debt reimbursed—but the Louisiana purchase of three and a half millions, the two millions under the British convention, the Maryland loan, and other floating debts.

Gen. Eaton's Speech,
On the Resolutions to amend the U. States Constitution, delivered in the House of Representatives of Massachusetts on the 1st of March, 1808.
Indisposition of health having confined me to quarters during the debates on this question, I have not profited of the light which wisdom may have thrown on the subject; what I have received of it has been reflected through the medium of accident. I am in favor of the resolutions. It has always been my opinion that there is danger in delegating supremacy to any branch of the general government; and recent events have confirmed me in the correctness of that opinion. That this measure is constitutional cannot be denied: the constitution itself expressly provides for it: and this provision bears evidence of the conviction on the minds of its framers that experience might render amendments necessary. Gentlemen in opposition, conscious of the right, fly to alarm and dress their fears in phantoms against the experiment. Look at the group of terrors.
"Approach not the constitution! It is the holy of holies! Hine procul, O profane! Enter not into the vale of this temple! The anointed high priests of the law are the ministers who alone should draw near it and deliver you the oracles. Come not near the mountain; for if you touch it, ye die. The people! the mob! ignorance and imbecility; the Jewish multitude; shall they attempt, through an indulgent avenue of the constitution, to enter the sacred hall of justice and bind imperial majesty to a responsibility to themselves? It is monstrous! We have no opinion of the people. They are capricious; they are impetuous—impatient of control—dangerous in influence and fatal in power. Bring the judiciary to their responsibility! Anarchy will overwhelm us, and chaos come again!"
Such of late has been the general clamor against all popular measures, and such is the tenor of the language of a certain class of American citizens in 1808—
Let us contrast this language with that of their fathers of 1776—
"All men are born free—The people have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves."
"All power is vested originally in the people, and being derived from them, the several magistrates and officers of government vested with authority, whether legislative, executive or judicial, are their substitutes and agents, and are at all times accountable to them."
Is not the contrast very striking? And has the lapse of thirty years produced in us so astonishing a depravity? Are their sons thus fallen from the dignified station which our fathers asserted? And has this retrogradation from sublimity to baseness happened within a succession of years when the world acknowledged we have been progressing in improvement?
Who are the people? What is this Hydra of frightful aspect? Why, Sir, it is ourselves! And in this mass are comprised the very gentlemen who affect so much alarm lest we should betray ourselves, and exhibit proof to the world that we are our own worst enemies! Dare we not, indeed, confide in ourselves? Or has fatal experience so soon taught us that we need irresponsible overseers? Not so soon. The sovereignty of this nation is still vested in the people . Any portion of it which we delegate is for purposes of general safety. Our laws are the guarantees of this safety: and he who interprets or administers these laws, whether as a judge or an executor, is as much our agent as the legislator who enacts them; and is intended by the constitution to be held equally responsible. This privilege, indeed, though a right of nature, is at present, peculiar to the people of the United States. It is our inheritance. It is guaranteed to us by the last will and testament of our fathers—and we will preserve it. But were this otherwise, and we, unfortunately, stood on a level with the common mass of the people of less happy countries: still should we find some general maxims tested by the experience of centuries—by the rise, progress, decline and dissolution of nations, kingdoms and empires, which would remove the reproach from the character of the people which sequestered individuals and privileged orders labor to fix upon them. Yes, Sir, the history of all ages, and of all stages of human society, prove to us that where the laws are simple, lenient and just, and fairly and equitably administered, the people are obedient, contented, loyal and happy!
Can the best read man in this house point to me an instance of a popular revolution which did not originate in abuse of power? No, Sir, corruption begins at court. Let rulers be just and there is no danger of sedition. It is oppression in monarchical governments and it is political fraud in republican, which brings down the torrent of popular resentment, on the invaders of their rights. When this torrent breaks loose it overwhelms, like a deluge, all before it: and in vain shall tyranny and duplicity call to the rocks and to the mountains to hide them from the dreadful avenger.
But from this range of general observation let us return to our own story and to our own experience.
If we have a national existence—if we have any thing of a national character—if we have national independence—and if we realize national happiness at this moment, it is because the people of this country have, had on all occasions, the stubborn honesty of supporting their rights and causing justice to be rendered to themselves. If, in short we are not at this moment, involved in the bloody horrors of civil war, we may, and justly, ascribe it to the intrinsic virtue of the people of a very remote section of our union.
Aaron Burr found no difficulty in drawing to his standard choice spirits —men weary of the dull pursuits of civil life—accomplished and ready to marshal his divisions, command his regiments, and lead his platoons to deeds of treasonable war. But his rank and file must be formed of the people . These equally despised the tinsel of his seducives, and the blackness of his heart: and hence his execrable project perished in embryo. We owe, therefore, the preservation of our union to the loyalty of the people of the west. The instant they were led to suspect, by an exposure, that his enterprise was dishonorable, they abandoned the man, and gave him up to the laws of his country. Such, I believe, Sir, you will find the integrity of the people throughout the United States—and are the people to be distrusted?
No, Sir; it is not among the laborious farmers—the industrious mechanics, nor the
enterprising merchantmen, that we are to look for plots and stratagems, treasons and state revolutions; it is from among choice spirits , and men weary of the dull pursuits of civil life.
But were sovereignty and safety less secure where they are, still should I be in favor of the amendment contemplated by these resolutions. The tenure by which the United States judges hold their offices, under the constitution, is dangerous; they are too far removed from responsibility. If you will vest a man with power, and shield him from responsibility; you create a tyrant, who, if he possesses not an uncommon share of virtue, will lash you into repentance for a misplaced confidence. Such has human nature always displayed itself when elevated above accountability.
It is argued that removal by impeachment for misdemeanor is a sufficient check on the bench.—What is misdemeanor? Who has ever seen it defined? Is there found in this indefinite provision of the constitution a remedy against the incapacities resulting from old age, infirmity, or the torpor of intellect? A battle lost by incapacity of the chief to direct it, is the same in effect to the country as if lost by cowardice.—Does the provision in the constitution secure us against error in judgment? No, Sir; whether the error arises from a misconception of the laws, or from a criminal bias, there exists no remedy against its effects in the supreme federal courts. But error may work as much injury as corruption. The man who is unjustly condemned finds no consolation in the apology that the judge is old; or imbecile; or, if corrupt, too good a manager to be convicted of a misdemeanor.
Who can read the tragicomedy in the trial of Fries, or the farce in the trial of Burr and Blannerhaet, and not yield an involuntary assent to the necessity of this amendment? Or shall we, through dread of change, persevere in wrong, and content ourselves in seeing judges, shielded by the breake-plate of irresponsibility, lounge leisurely on their bench, like a fultan or balbana on his throne, and put death into commission by a nod, or exculpate treason by a hiss!—Fries may have merited death by the laws—but this gave the judge no authority to deny him any of the rights of defence: nor can it justify him in the unblushing political partiality he suffered to influence his deemeanor towards the criminal.
Come with me to Richmond, Sir. Is there an honest man within these United States, possessed of common information and ordinary understanding, who has not for the last twelve months been pretty thoroughly convinced of the treasonable intentions of the ambitious Burr? Had any man better information on the subject than the Chief Justice of the United States? I am suspicious that no man better understood the subject. Yet have I seen this eminent magistrate, supreme in rank, and inferior in talents to none, presiding on a trial, the most important that ever interested his country, with composure on his brow, and acquiescence in his heart, waste day after day, until weeks, and indeed months, are consumed, in listening to a drunken, obscene, depraved lawyer, in bilinsgate abuse of the Executive of the U. S. when the only question before him was the guilt or innocence of an apostate indicted for treason!
Was Mr. Jefferson arraigned at the bar? No, Sir, he was not. Had he in any thing exceeded the duties of his high trust in his endeavors to suppress treason? His country will not accuse him thus. But had he been implicated with the traitor, what had the court to do even with recrimination? How much more degrading to invite irrelevant abuse!
I shall not comment on the legal opinions of the Chief Justice: I am incompetent to the task. However those opinions, given on the same points at different periods, may have seemed to clash, he always shuffed them together until he turned up lucus for them —But the bias of personal hatred (against the President) and the influence of a political party spirit, appeared so obviously throughout this long investigation, that concealment became impossible, even from the people! Inasmuch that I do not think it uncharitable to declare my belief that the countenance which the restless, unprincipled spirit of Burr did receive, where he ought to have met chastisement, will encourage him to persevere in his plans of wickedness. Indeed it would not surprise me to hear that he has revived the treason in the south-west with bolder features and more threatening aspect than it bore when first foiled. Most of his choice spirits are about him; and desperation must impel them to desperate deeds. From experience they have not much to apprehend from persecution; and this experience enables their leader, with some reason, to repeat the persuasive argument he at first used, that the project is supported by the last blood of America! I would not excite unreasonable alarms; these are natural conclusions from the present state of things. The boundless ambition, the invincible spirit, and the indefatigable perseverance of Burr, have long been known. These now combined with resentment, which is his predominant passion, will carry him to all lengths of extravagance. He considers the United States as his enemy; and though he makes them, he never forgives his enemies. The great and daring talents which are embarked with him are much of the same temper. Who can say that he will not find pecuniary supplies from abroad? And with these supplies it will be no difficult task to create a force of idle foreigners, vagrant Indians, fugitive slaves, and dissolute Americans, as desperate in fortune, and as hardy in enterprise as himself.
With such prospects before us, ought we to remain unmoved? It is time to be up and on the alert. The most we can do is to discountenance those who have given countenance to the traitor.—This is the least we ought to do. The resolutions embrace this object: and if I had no other reason, I should feel it a duty I owe my country to vote for them. Before I dismiss this disagreeable subject, I will correct an error that has been imposed on public credulity. That Burr's conspiracy was confined exclusively to that class of men denominated federalists. This is neither true nor just. If the veil of mystery and concealment should ever be drawn from this plot of disunion, it will betray the characters of some of the most professedly loyal and most dashing republicans of the day, who were originally in the plan, and who never abandoned it until the integrity of the people of the country which was to have been the theatre of its operation, rendered the prospect of its success absolutely forlorn.
The real American is uniformly such;
but Anglo feds, and Gallo demos, are always speculating on events.
One word to the general principle. Connecticut and Vermont elect their Judges annually. Massachusetts removes them on the ground assumed by these resolutions. Yet in these states, of steady habits, no inconvenience has resulted from this kind of judicial responsibility. We have the evidence of long experience, that justice will not be less justly administered from placing the federal judges under a similar responsibility. At least I am for making the experiment. If it prove detrimental, we will again amend.—I am not so terrified at a change as some gentlemen affect to be. This appeal to the apprehensions of the public is the resort of despair, when argument cannot be found to support a bad cause. I with men would be honest, and tell us fairly their real meaning when with affected concern for our welfare they seize so feelingly on our fears and paint us dangers in perspective.
Hitherto we have not realized the dire disasters which these political prophets have predicted as the effect of the change. Eight years ago, when the administration of the general government was about to pass from the late to the present men in the executive, spectres appeared in the north—the destruction of the nation was to happen in New-England!—Our meeting-houses were to be turned into billiard-rooms—our school-houses into cock-pits—our grave yards into bowling greens, and our training fields into race grounds. Our bibles and our palm books were to be burnt, and infidelity and licentiousness were to perfect religion and morality from the land. But the political change happened nevertheless. Have the prophesied disasters followed? No, Sir—in no one instance. We still worship God in our old way, according to the dictates of our own consciences; our school-houses are still the resort of our children for instruction—and we are in the possession and use still of all our ancient rights, habits and customs.
Similar alarms have very lately been excited within this State, when the government was about to change its executive—and similar has been the result. In both instances we feel little more than a change of men —while measures are pursued on a general principle, which preserves to us all our fundamental rights, and the enjoyment of our dearest privileges. I conclude, therefore, that there is more design than honesty in these alarms—and that there is, in truth, no danger to be apprehended in the country from the influence of popular government. I do not make my countrymen a compliment when I say, they lose by comparison with any other people on earth—there is no where such a populace. And it is doing us injustice to draw example from France, by which to calculate our own destiny. Frenchmen were strangers to liberty—Their pride, their honor, and even their rights were absorbed in the name of the Grand Monarque . When the name of liberty was transported to them from America, they seized it as they would any other novelty, and by a misuse of it, produced its annihilation. We, Sir, know well how to nurse and how to improve this blessing. It is familiar to us:—It is born with us. It nourishes our infancy—it strengthens our manhood—it supports our age—and we die with the bequest of it to our posterity. It is indeed inseparable from the existence of the people of this country, and he who apprehends danger from the exercise of it, must be physically timid or morally dishonest.—I hope, in the question before us, we shall use this right with an independence evincive of our entire confidence in ourselves, —THE PEOPLE.
From the Trenton True American.
TIMOTHY PICKERING.
On the 18th of February, 1806, the Senate of the United States unanimously adopted the following Resolution:—
"Resolved, That the capture and condemnation, under the orders of the British Government, and adjudications of their courts of admiralty of American vessels and their cargoes, on the pretext of their being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain prohibited in time of peace, is an unprompted aggression upon the property of the citizens of these United States, a VIOLATION OF THEIR NEUTRAL RIGHTS, and AN ENCROACHMENT UPON THEIR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE."
Timothy Pickering was present in his seat, and voted for this resolution; and, from that it must be inferred, approved of its language. And if the conduct of Britain at that time justified such strong and glowing language—what language could describe her conduct since—her numerous spurious blockades, and the stipulations of which they were made the pretexts—her proclamation to recall all her natural born subjects, though they might now be naturalized citizens of America—her instructions to her officers to impress from our merchant vessels all such persons as they might take or mistake or pretend to mistake for British—her orders of Council now legalized, cutting off all our trade with her enemies, (now nearly all the world), or laying a tax upon our produce equal to a prohibition, and requiring us to take out licenses from her to navigate the ocean with her outrages, insults and murders in our own waters and on our coasts, which, tho' disavowed, are unatoned for—her efforts to excite the savages to war against us—her intrigues with Miranda and Burr, &c. &c. What language, we ask, should we employ to express our sense of all these and similar proceedings against us?
Yet the same Timothy Pickering, who two years ago pronounced the conduct of the British Government, "an unprompted aggression upon the property of our citizens, a violation of our neutral rights, and an encroachment upon our national independence"—after two years of accumulating and aggravated "aggressions," "violations" & "encroachments," is willing to forget and forgive all—to take Britain to our bosom as our best friend—and to let loose all our commerce to gorge the voracious jaws of her countless ships of war and privateers, and replenish her coffers exhausted by wicked, unjust and unnecessary wars!
Fellow-Citizens! judge for yourselves from his own conduct, if this man can be an American in heart, or have any attachment to the rights, interests or honor of America!
By the last arrivals, which bring out European dates to the 19th April, we learn that great preparations were making for the invasion of Sweden. Our late accounts from the North assure us that the French and Danes have at length lettered their plans of operation in the north. About a seventh part of the Danish forces are to unite with the French in their operations against Sweden, and an equal number of Danish forces are to have a separate command on the island of Zealand. The French and Spanish troops are to be withdrawn from Holslein, and no troops are to be quartered in that country. The seamen which the French have obtained from Denmark were upon their way to Flushing, in the middle of April. The English had been able to begin their operations by sea, and had captured one of the Danish ships. These operations had more highly enraged the Danes, and had fixed their determination to give every aid to the Allies against England, in their naval enterprises. The Hanse Towns were giving up their seamen in the present state of Commerce for the same purpose. It still remains a question whether the French will attempt to pass into Sweden. Not that such an expedition will be new, but because the English vigilance is expected will be great in the Sound, and in the belt, so as to intercept the dangers of the enterprise. The activity of the Swedes on the coast is equal to that upon the sea. Troops were already assembled at Helsingburg, and along the shores to Malmö.
From France we learn that all the great plans of war upon the Globe have not interrupted the bold projects for the Literary greatness of the French nation. The University contemplated by Napoleon has received 400 thousand francs from a late decree, and it is to be supported by payments from all theological diplomas, and from all the academies of Law and Medicine as well as by contributions from all the licenced schools of the Kingdom. The appropriations are made with a generous bounty, and with a proper regard to those services and merits, which the patrons of the University may discover, and which their own discretion must distinguish as suitable objects for the public liberality. The French continue all their military arrangements as in time of actual war. The direct assurances they have given to Russia in regard to the trade of that country, and respecting the supplies they will receive, have been most favorably received in Russia. We have no late information respecting Persia and Turkey or any operations in Asia. In the Mediterranean no discoveries had been made at the last dates of the movements of the French fleet. —Orders had been given in France for abundant supplies to be sent for the fleet at Toulon, and the English had united several squadrons in the neighbourhood of Sicily, making it so said, 16 sail of the line, but they had not discovered any French fleet at sea. The English ships had been discovered from Trieste, and five ships of the line with frigates belonging to Russia were in that port. Every thing had been done to put the batteries in good order. The English had induced their Allies of Sicily to declare war against Russia.
A heavy gale of wind had been felt on the coast of England, on the 8th of April. Admiral Duckworth, who came to America in search of the French fleet from Rochfort, had returned without any discovery. The British have not scrupled to follow the example of the island of Guadalupe, in offering encouragement to all who should in neutral vessels sail without the usual papers required in lawful commerce, and as the United States are the only neutral power, this measure may be considered as operating to increase the discontent which are attempted among our citizens, and can leave no doubt of their just explanation.
By the last accounts Sir Sidney Smith was ordered into the Levant sea. Several squadrons had joined off Sicily, but the French it was expected would obtain that Island. In their operations they have the full concurrence of the Russians. The Russians have not confined their purposes to the invasion of Finland. Having possession of that country, they are making preparations to invade Sweden from that quarter. We have repeatedly noticed the many islands which lay upon the coast, and the passages over the ice which are made in winter. The Swedes speak of a threatened invasion from three quarters, and we find two separate commands in Zealand, and this in Finland may be considered as the third. The powers are sufficiently exasperated against the Swedes from the alliance of Sweden with England to engage in some bold enterprises. The last accounts from Spain represent that Kingdom as not convulsed by the late revolution, and the execution of the Prince of Peace is denied. It is said he is to be carried to France for a trial. The articles of accusation are not fully known. The accounts from Portugal are as uncertain as those from Spain. It is represented that Lisbon is much distressed, and that in consequence of their former alliance with Great Britain, some temporary relief had been asked from the blockading squadron. But nothing is explained on this head. In Holland the embargo had been taken off. In a country enriched by its commercial pursuits, and destitute of natural riches, its embarrassments must be great. The newly constituted authorities have assured this people that their wants are known, and the most effectual redress is contemplated. It has been often reported that Napoleon intended a visit to Spain. It was even said that he was in the country. That his purposes were not misunfounded appears from the last accounts. The Emperor left Paris early in April, and had reached Bourdeaux. The new King of Spain had advanced to the northern part of his Kingdom, it is said with design to meet him and to accompany him to Madrid and some alliances by marriage were expected as the result of this intended interview. In addition to the distressful news of the fire at Trinidad, we are informed of a destructive fire at Kingston, in St. Vincent, which is accompanied with some alarming reports of disturbances in the Island. We should be induced to doubt these last reports, as they are inconsistent with the character of these Colonies, many of whom were from Scotland, and many of firm and good habits. From Trinidad March 27.—Lumber is now 100 dollars per thousand, flour 50 per barrel, and other provisions in proportion."
BY THE MAILS.
Raleigh, (N. C.) March 3.
The Grand Jury of New-Hanover county, at the late court made the following presentment:
"Convinced as we the Jurors are, of the wisdom, patriotism, and integrity of the President, Vice-President, and Congress of the United States, and approving the measures which the present administration have pursued; we behold with regret, and present as a grievance, the conduct of certain persons who go to and fro in the country aforesaid, and are endeavoring to alienate the minds of the good citizens of this country from a confidence in the general government."
"At this awful crisis, when the deadly hatred of two rival nations has convulsed the whole civilized world, and when the vindictive enmity of those contending powers, has given a rude shock to the commercial interests of the United States. It becomes the duty of every good citizen to strengthen the arm of the constitutional authorities, in order that the rights of an unoffending neutral nation may not be trampled upon."
"Sincerely as we do sympathize with those of our fellow sufferers from the restrictions on trade, yet we are convinced that the Embargo was a measure dictated by wisdom, prudence and safety; and from the superior information of our delegates in Congress, we repose entire confidence, that they will not sacrifice our interests—And we confide, that the Embargo will be of no longer duration than comports with the dignity, honor, and solid interests of the United States."
New-Orleans, March 31.
Tuesday last, in the House of Representatives of this territory, Mr. Ker, from the committee appointed to prepare an Address to the President of the United States, made the following report which was agreed to without amendment:
To the President of the United States.
Sir,—At this eventful crisis, when you have manifested the intention of declining a re-election, the Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the Territory of Orleans, avail themselves of the last opportunity they can expect to enjoy, of addressing you in your official character as President of the United States—
However we may regret, in common with our fellow citizens of the United States, this determination to decline being a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, the motives which induce it afford another proof of your patriotism, and null command the admiration of your country.
On this occasion there is no doubt you were guided by a sacred veneration for the true principles of the constitution, as well as respect for the high example of the first President of the United States of glorious memory.
We have witnessed with infinite concern, that a dignified and impartial neutrality towards the belligerent nations of Europe, has not been sufficient to protect the United States against encroachments upon their rights, dignity and independence; and although we deprecate war, if there is no other alternative but disgraceful submission to unlawful, arbitrary and unjust pretensions, we assure you, Sir, in the name of our constituents, that whatever sacrifices and privations it may be necessary to make, they will cheerfully submit to them, in vindicating the rights of the American people, and the honor and independence of the government and the country.
Convinced as we are, that the government of the United States is too generous and impartial to avail itself of the peculiar situation of any of the belligerent nations in demanding any concessions incompatible with the just rights of those nations or which are founded on any other basis than those of justice and reciprocity, the good people of Louisiana will at all times be ready to co-operate with their fellow citizens of the United States, in the support of their rights and independence, against those who have the temerity or injustice to assail them.
We pray, Sir, that on your retiring from the high office which you have filled with so much credit to yourself, and interest to the country, you may long enjoy the esteem and gratitude of your fellow citizens, the highest reward which a virtuous magistrate can desire, and which is, we are confident, the only one you ever wished.
(Signed) TH: URQUHART,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
J. POYDRAS,
President of the Legislative Council.
New-Orleans, 29th March, 1808.
Washington, May 25.
We have received the proceedings of the Court Martial in the case of Capt. Charles Gordon. They conclude with the sentence that Capt. Gordon be privately reprimanded by the Secretary of the Navy.

New Hampshire Legislature
CONCORD, Wednesday the 1st June 1808. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 150 Members appeared, were qualified and took their seats...
The Convention proceeded to examine the returns for Governor, and it appeared that His Excellency JOHN LANGDON was re-elected by a large majority.
The Convention then proceeded to the choice of Secretary of State, and Philip Carrigain, Esq. was re-elected.
His Excellency then made the following ADDRESS to the Legislature: Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
You are convened to deliberate and decide on the important matters of State, at a most interesting moment of our public concerns.
The gloomy prospect of our national affairs, as they relate to foreign governments, must impress every serious and reflecting mind, and present to our view, as a nation, the displeasure of Divine Providence.
The pacific disposition constantly manifested by our General Government, and the wise, patriotic and faithful conduct of those who administer it, have hitherto, under Providence, preserved our country from the horrors and devastations of war.
It gives me pleasure to inform you that the detachment of the Militia called for by the President of the United States has been made and organized, and that the returns have been transmitted to the Secretary of War.
Every measure that we had a right to expect has been adopted by the General Government for the defence of our port and harbour. Particular attention has been paid by the Secretary of War, with whom I have had a constant correspondence.
The Hon. Legislature of Massachusetts have ceded to the United States land for a battery on their side of the river, for the better protection of the harbour.
I have taken every measure in my power to procure arms, but have not yet been able to accomplish it on any reasonable terms.
Agreeably to a resolution of the legislature at their last session, some Field Pieces have been purchased and
delivered to the different Artillery companies which were in want of them and had not been heretofore supplied.
That we might be in some preparation for any sudden attack that might take place, I directed the Adjutant General to procure some balls to be cast for the field artillery.
I would submit to the wisdom of the Legislature, whether it would not be expedient that every town in the state should as soon as may be, supply themselves with a small stock of ammunition, which might be furnished the militia at a moments warning.
It is important and necessary that the State Arsenal should be immediately provided with a larger stock of ammunition.
The law passed in June 1804, for the choice of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, was temporary.
The encouragement of Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce must at all times command the attention of every wise and prudent Government; but in our present situation, when our external Commerce has nearly ceased and we have great reason to fear that an appeal to arms may be soon made, it becomes the more important that we should take every measure in our power, to improve and increase our internal resources, which will strengthen our independence and give employment to such classes of our Citizens, as stand in the most need of it.
The state of the Treasury will be laid before you, by which you will see whether it will not be necessary in the present posture of our affairs to lay a State tax.
As there will be another meeting of the Legislature the present year, this session may be shortened, by taking up such business only as shall be absolutely necessary.
I shall with great pleasure concur with you in all such measures as may promote the public interest and the happiness of the citizens. JOHN LANGDON. Concord, June 2, 1808.
Messrs. R Evans, Thomas W. Thompson, and N. Upham were chosen a committee to draught an answer to His Excellency's speech. Massachusetts Legislature. TUESDAY, MAY 31. At 11 o'clock, the two Houses assembled in Convention when His Excellency JAMES SULLIVAN, and his Honor LEVI LINCOLN, preceded by the Sheriff of Suffolk, and attended by the Hon. Council, and Secretary of State, came in, and having signified their acceptance of the offices to which they had been declared elected, the Hon. Mr. Otis, President of the Senate, administered to them the oaths and declaration made necessary by the Constitution of this Commonwealth, and by a law of the United States to qualify them for exercising their respective offices.
The Republican List consisted of the Councillors of last year. At 5 o'clock, the House proceeded to the election of a National Senator, as Mr. Adams's term of service expires with the 3rd of March next.
THURSDAY, JUNE 2. At 4 o'clock the House proceeded to the election of Nine Councillors, vice the gentlemen chosen on Tuesday who declined serving.
The Republican List consisted of the Councillors of last year. At 5 o'clock, the House proceeded to the election of a National Senator, as Mr. Adams's term of service expires with the 3rd of March next.
FRIDAY, JUNE 3. The convention proceeded to the choice of a Treasurer, Secretary of the State, and Notaries Public of the several Counties: In the choice of Treasurer, the whole number of votes was 463—of which JOSIAH DWIGHT, Esq. of Northampton, had 264—and was elected.
In the choice of Secretary, the whole number of votes was 454—of which Hon. WILLIAM TUDOR had 257—and was elected. A manufacturer of Cotton Goods, at Baltimore, with the enthusiasm that a good cause inspires, says "We can supply England," and invites the manufacturers of that country not to lose the present opportunity.
Portsmouth, TUESDAY, JUNE 7, 1808.
NEW HAMPSHIRE is still favoured with a Republican Administration—His Excellency JOHN LANGDON had about four fifths of all the Votes for Governor. The Five Councillors are Republican. The Senate is composed of nine Republicans and three Federalists. The House of Representatives has a majority of Republicans, and the Secretary of State, the Treasurer, and Commissary General are all REPUBLICANS.
VALUABLE PRODUCTIONS. Having been both delighted and instructed with the masterly Address of the Hon. Mr. BROWN to his Constituents, we have exerted ourselves to present it this day to the Public entire—not doubting but it will doubly repay every person into whose hands the Gazette may fall, for the time they may spend in perusing and even re-perusing of it.
General Eaton's Speech, which is also published in the Gazette of this day, we would, with equal ardor, recommend to the attentive perusal of every Candid American.
CONGRESS—The representatives from the state of New York, to the next congress, will be twelve republicans and five federalists.
The New-Jersey Journal says "JAMES MADISON will receive the unanimous votes for President in this State, notwithstanding Mr. Sloan's opposition."
A few falls and questions for American citizens. The government of Great Britain wishes to humble the United States: who prevents it? Jefferson, Madison, and those who think and act as they do.
Will not the government of Great Britain therefore, use all its influence to hinder Madison from being elected president?
Ought not the American people, in that case, to support Madison on the same principle that they support the rights of their country, to wit: because a foreign power is anxious to destroy them?
The embargo is a measure that Great Britain must feel; but pride will not suffer her ministers to come to terms. Would they not therefore, very readily scatter a few thousand guineas among needy opposition orators in the United States, if by that means the embargo could be raised, rather than appeal to their orders of council?
And ought not the people of this country to support the embargo manfully, in preference to being the victims of foreign gold? I will thank any of the opposition writers for a commentary on these facts and queries. [Monitor.]
The spirit of 1774 and 1776, we trust, is not yet extinct. In those truly patriotic times, our citizens did not hesitate to sacrifice their luxuries and personal comforts on the altar of Liberty. Without a scruple, they voluntarily associated and agreed not to purchase any articles of British Manufacture, until the rights of America should be recognized and secured; they cheerfully subjected themselves, for the ultimate good of their country, to all the wants and privations attendant on a total suppression of foreign trade: their wives and daughters assumed the distaff, or plied the shuttle, and speedily clothed them with the work of their own hands: They nobly contended for their rights; yet, in order to obtain the quiet and unmolested enjoyment of them at a future day, submitted, without a murmur to the most severe revolutionary regulations.
And shall it be said, that our Countrymen, in 1808, when the Tyrant of Great Britain is endeavoring to destroy our independence, by subjecting American Commerce to British Laws and to British Taxation, will evince less fortitude and feldsman in preserving their glorious inheritance of Freedom, than their fathers displayed in acquiring it? Is it possible that they will "sell their birthrights" for a little mercantile profit? Surely not. Nothing can be wanting to make the people nearly unanimous in approving the present Embargo and zealous in enforcing the provisions to prevent its being evaded, but to satisfy them that the motives on which it was founded, were pure and honorable; that it was not the offspring of French influence, but of a sincere desire to protect the property of the very merchants who figure most in it, and to vindicate the rights of us all.
The great body of the people when they get their minds cleared from the mist of Federal delusion and generally understand the subject correctly, will, no doubt, applaud their faithful public servants who laid the Embargo, and cordially unite in the cause of their country. But it should be recollected that to render the Embargo effectual, it must be rigidly enforced, and inviolably observed. Without this, its evils will continue to exist and the benefits expected from it can never be realized. [Virginia Argus.]
EMBARGO ATTACKED! One Wheaton has introduced into the Legislature of this State, several resolutions, in strong terms disapproving of the Embargo. They are a true specimen of federalism or rather toryism. The next procedure of the junto we expect to hear is a motion to raise the Embargo! We are sorry we cannot gratify the public curiosity with them this week. [Massa. Regis.]
It is astonishing to what lengths the federal party will go in opposition to the government. In the House of Representatives of Massachusetts they have made choice, on their part, of James Lloyd, Jr. Esq. as a Senator in Congress, in opposition to the Hon. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. We blush for the honor of the Commonwealth. [Salem Reg.]
FROM SPAIN.
Arrived at Salem, on the 28th May, the Schooner Joanna, Capt. Hallam, 30 days from Bilbao. The Prince of Peace had not been beheaded, as has been reported. Every thing appeared to be quietly settling under the new King in Spain.
MILITARY.
On Tuesday afternoon the Portsmouth Sea Fencibles under the command of Capt. John Bowles, made their first public appearance, with side-arms, dressed in blue uniforms—marched from Jefferson-hall and proceeded through the principal streets and went through various military manoeuvres.
The body of Mr. Benjamin Swett, merchant of this town, who was drowned about three weeks since was taken up on the Sabbath morning last, and brought to this town in the afternoon and buried.
From a Boston paper, June 1.
Arrived the ship Bellisarius, Brown, from Canton, via Baltimore—July 11, 1807, on the coast of China was boarded by an officer from the English sloop of war Bellona, John Ballard, commander; who pressed five men all American born, but who unfortunately had no protection, viz Col. Smith, of Gilmanton, New Hampshire; Joseph Robbins of Mason, N. H.; Lemuel Dodge of Franklin, Connecticut; Mathew Stanley, of Tunbridge, Vermont; and Henry Stoddard, of Hamble, Vermont.
From the Portland Argus.
Messrs. Printers. I have noticed an attempt in the "Portland Gazette," to falsify the statement in one of your papers relating to the political ideas of WILLIAM GRAY.
MARRIED.—At Salisbury Daniel Webster, Esq. of this town, to Miss Grace Fletcher.
Drums and Fifes.
A LARGE assortment of DRUMS and FIFES.—Just received and for Sale by C. PIERCE, Portsmouth.
STRAY MARE.
TAKEN up in Kittery on Monday last, a blood forre MARE, about 15 hands high, trots all, and has a white spot on each side.
Sweet Margoram SEED.
A small quantity of Fresh sweet Margoram Seed, just received by the Gaien from London, and for sale at C. PIERCE'S Bookstore.
State of New Hampshire, Cheshire ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the town of STODDARD, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1807; that unless they previously pay the same, so much of their lands as will pay said taxes, with incidental expenses, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling-house of Gardner Towne, Esq. in Stoddard, on the first day of August next, at ten o'clock, A. M.
Table with 5 columns: Proprietors' Names, Lot, Acres, Dollars, Cents. Lists names like Heirs of Col. Stoddard, Mary Parker, Heirs of Joseph Blanchard, etc.
AUCTION.—Marshall's Sales.
ON THURSDAY next, 10 o'clock, Not Wednesday, as advertised in the Oracle. At No 7, Portsmouth Pier—a great variety of West-India & Grocery Goods;—the effects of a Bankrupt—among which, are 50 quintals Coo and Pollock FISH; also, 40 barrels Pickled HERRING; 300 lb excellent CHEESE; Rum; Molasses; Gin; Vinegar; Cyder; Segars; Caffia; Soap; Candles; TEAS; LOAF SUGAR; and a great variety of other Articles. June 7 S LARKIN. Aust.
Amoskeag Bridge.
THE Proprietors of Amoskeag Bridge, are hereby notified that their annual meeting will be held at the house of Jonathan Payson, Esq. in Portsmouth, on Tuesday the fifth day of July next, at ten o'clock, A. M.
By order of the Directors.
NATHL ADAMS, Proprietors Clerk. June 30, 1808.
To the honorable Justices of the Superior Court, held at Plymouth, within and for the County of Grafton, on the fourth Tuesday of May, A. D. 1808:—
HUMBLE Shews William Greenough, of Rumney, in said county, husbandman, that he hath been duly appointed guard an of Sarah Clark and Sena, daughters of the late Charles Clark, of said Rumney, deceased, who died seized of the following tracts of land, being and lying in said Rumney, and is bounded as follows, beginning at a stake and stones by the highway the north side of Baker's river, thence northerly one hundred and thirty rods to a stake and stones, thence westerly about sixty rods to a stake and stones, thence south thirty degrees west one hundred rods to the highway aforesaid, thence by said highway nine rods to the bounds first mentioned—Also another tract of land, the fourth side of the highway opposite a part of the aforesaid land bounded as follows: Beginning at a stake and stones near Edward Chapman's runs southeasterly twenty six rods to the river thence up the river fifty two rods to the south east corner of Mr. John Webber's land, then north thirty degrees east twenty four rods to the said highway, thence easterly by said highway to the last mentioned bounds, containing in both tracts sixty-two acres; which said tracts descended to the said Sarah and Sena as heirs, and the petitioner says that the sale of said land is necessary for the support and condorcive to the interest of his said wards—Wherefore your complainant prays for licence to sell the whole, or so much of said land as to pay the debts already accrued, and as in duty bound will ever pray. By his Attorney, P. WALKER.
Grafton, ss.
Superior Court, May term, 1808; ORDERED by the Court that the petitioner notify all persons concerned, to appear before the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature, to be held at Haverhill, within and for the county of Grafton, on the second Tuesday of October next, to show cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said petition should not be granted, by causing said petition and order of Court thereon, to be published three weeks successively in the New Hampshire Gazette, the last publication thereof to be six weeks before said term.
Attest, NATHL ADAMS, Clerk. Copy examined by NATHL ADAMS, Clerk.
To the Hon. Nathaniel Shannon, Esq. Clerk of the Proprietors of Moultonborough, in said County:—
WE the subscribers being owners of more than one sixteenth part of the common and undivided land in said Moultonborough, county and state aforesaid, hereby request you to call a meeting of said proprietors to be held at the house of George Foss, Esq. in said town, on Thursday the 30th day of June next, at one of the clock, P. M. for the following purposes, viz—
1st. To choose a moderator to govern said meeting. 2nd. To see what method the proprietors will take to settle with those persons, that have made pitches, and are to hold them agreeable to a vote at a former meeting; also to appoint a committee to value said pitch lands. 3rd. To see if the proprietors will allow Capt. Abner Penaman, or any other proprietor or proprietors, to make a pitch for his or their right, or any part of a right, to whom the same belongs, agreeable to a vote at a former meeting. 4th. To raise money to defray all expenses of said proprietors. 5th. All persons having demands against said proprietors; shall exhibit them at this meeting, for settlement. 6th. To choose assessors, collector, and treasurer. 7th. To see if the proprietors will sever and divide the whole of said common land, to those proprietors to whom the same was voted at their last meeting. 8th. To see if the proprietors will let out to the lowest bidder the laying out and planting of all the pitches that have been made, allowing the remainder of the common land. 9th. To confirm any toll or votes that have been passed, at any former meetings. 10th. That all those persons who have made pitches on said common land, shall bring forward their title, whether it be deed, bond or vote.
Also to act upon any other business said proprietors may think proper when met. JEREMIAH SHAW, GEORGE FREESE, ABNER PENAMAN, JONATHAN WIGGIN. Moultonborough, May 27th, 1808.
Straw.—Agreeable to the fore-
going request, I hereby notify and warn the proprietors of the common and undivided land in said town of Moultonborough, to meet at the time and place above mentioned, for the purpose of transacting said business. NATHL SHANNON, Proprietors Clerk. Moultonborough, May 27th, 1808.

Miscellaneous Repository. POLITICAL ACROSTIC.
THOUGH factions rage and viper tongues assail, How weak their malice, of what poor avail! On Truth's sure basis see the Patriot stand, Mid all the black clouds which hover o'er our land; As some tall cliff that rears its rugged form, Scorns the mad billows and defies the storm."
American Hemp.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle, Delaware; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. Carolina; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geor.; or New Orleans.
For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted.
Any person transmitting proposals for furnishing a supply of water rotted Hemp, will be pleased to state the price per ton, the place where, and the time, when it would be delivered. Navy Department, 3d May, 1808.
New Spring and Summer GOODS.
Just received and now opened at DRAPER'S CHEAP CASH STORE, a very extensive variety of the most Fashionable, Fancy, and Staple, PIECE GOODS, adapted to the present & approaching season.
AMONG WHICH ARE, LADIES elegant Mantles and 64 damask Shawls; blk. lace Nett, for shawls; black lace Veiling; elegant white lace Veiling; Spider- silk; fine leno and spider-silk Muf- lins; linen Cambricks; fancy Muf- lins; 44 and 64 cambrick ditto; 44 and 64 plain and figur'd book & jacquet ditto. Variety of fashionable Plaid Lutestrings; shaded tasset and gormtune broad Ribbons; Satin Gormtune and figured tasset do. do.; elegant patch Furnitures; low priced Copperplates. A great va- riety of Pink & dark plaid Ginghams; 78 and 44 London Chintzes, light colours with small figures; white thread and cotton Laces & Edgings; common and cambrick Dimities; blk. Laces. A great variety of
Parafols, with walking canes; Leghorn straw Flats; cane and wi- low ditto; chip Flats; straw Bon- nets and Hats; figur'd Sattins, suit- able for Bonnets; pink, buff, green, blue, and white Sarsnets; fine white linen and cotton Pocket Handker- chiefs; fancy silk Handks.; 64 twill'd cotton Shawls; 64 lace cam- brick and muslin Shawls; pink blue, buff, salmon, purple and slate Cam- bricks; 78, 44 and 64 black Cam- bricks, of a good quality; India blk. Lutestrings; Florence do.; 64 twill'd Cambrick; blk. Modes and Crapes; black and green pelong Sattins; Ita- lian Silks; Imperial straw Trimmings; gown Patterns; black and colour'd silk Velvets; black tabby do.; Ladies and gentlemen's silk and cotton Ho- siery; Gentlemen's fashionable Mar- seilles Quiltings; Ladies lace and pic- nic Gloves and Mitts; English and French silk Gloves, all colours; silk and kid habit Gloves; men's beaver do.; silk chambray Mufins; black silk Florentine, very nice. Variety of Coquelico; dark, blue, and other fashionable Calicoes; trunk low priced Calicoes; English Diapers; diaper table Cloths; Irish Linens; British Shirting Cottons. An assortment of Fans from 3 cents, to 1,75; Tor- toiseshell and common hair Combs; plain blk. Lutestring Ribbons, a scarce article; Gold ear Hoops; gown Trimmings; silk Cords; Ladies kid Shoes, cheap; Grandurills; English yellow Nankins; Nankinees; Italian black and colored sewing Silks; silk Umbrellas; cotton ditto; 44, 54 and 64 Oil Cloths; Bandanna and Madras Handks.; superfine Broad Cloths and Calfimeres. Variety of
Kidderminster Carpetings, of the newest patterns; Gentlemen's super Hats; low priced do. from 1 to 4 dollars; Velvets and Velveteens; silvered Cords; gentlemen's Leghorn and Willow Hats; Snspenders; blue and yellow Nankins, superior quality; Madras Stripes; Cushtahs; blue In- dia Cottons; cotton Checks; fine Shirting, and low priced India Cot- tons, &c. &c. &c. May 17, 1808.
NEW GOODS, Suitable for Spring & Summer. Samuel Goddard,
Has just commenced opening, an extensive assortment of Fancy and Staple Piece Goods. received per the latest arrivals—including LADIES extra long black and white silk Gloves; ditto short ditto; elegant wrought thick, and Tiffany mount Fans; 44 and 1 1/2 yard, blk Crapes; black and white plain Lutestring Ribbons; black, brown, plum and plaid Florence Lutestrings; India Sarsnets, suit- able for gowns; black India Panjee, for gen- tlemen's coats; 1 cafe superfine and common Calicoes; Sarsnets of every colour; black Modes and Sattins; cap Patterns and habit Shirts; rich, buff and wood coloured Furni- tures in fets.
Parafols of different sizes with deep netting Fringes; large supply of India Cottons; cotton Cambricks and cam- brick Dimities; 44 and 64 figured and plain silk Shawls; cotton Calfimeres; Gran- durills and Jeans; Marseilles quiltings; great variety of ladies and gentlemen's silk and cotton Hosiery; silk and cotton Chambrays; high and low priced linen Cambricks; Ban- dannas; 34 78 and 44 Linens; Thread and cotton laces; scarlet and buff Calfi- meres and Broad Cloths; white and co- loured Threads; hat Cales; cotton and leather Suspenders; 44 and 64 cotton and linen Diapers; plain India Mufins, &c. &c.
The above, with his former stock, he offers at a small advance, for cash. May 31.
HOES, SCYTHES, &c.
Thomas W. Penhallow
Market-Street, Has for Sale, HOES and Scythes, of the most approved stamps, together with a very extensive variety of Cutlery, Ironmongery and Hardware Goods. N. B. Any Gentlemen, building, can be furnished with materials in the Hardware line, on pleasing terms, by applying as above. May 31.
FOR SALE—CHEAP! AND ON LIBERAL TERMS, A LARGE two story Dwelling- HOUSE, seven rooms on a floor and eight chambers, situated in Mason- street, next to Col. Gains' dwelling in Congress-street—it being very con- venient & central—is now, and formerly was improved as a Tavern & Boarding House; it has a good cellar, and the Aqueduct in the kitchen, also, a stable and other out houses—For terms, ap- ply to JOSEPH DOE, jr. of Newmar- ket, or to NATH'L BROWN, Esq. inn-keeper near the premises. An un- disputable title will be given to the pur- chaser. Portsmouth, May 31.
NOTICE. ALL persons indebted to the late firm of LADD and SMITH, are called upon to make immediate payment to the subscriber.—Every demand not paid by the first of July next, will be left with an Attorney for collection. HENRY LADD, No. 14 Merchants Row. May 31.
NOTICE. WHEREAS there was a letter put into Saco Post-Office, a- bout the last of August, 1807—by James Snow of Scarborough, district of Maine, di- rected to John Green, of Hampton, N. H.; and in said letter was inclosed two Notes of one hundred dollars each, one of which was signed by Samuel Collier, of Biddeford, now living at Marblehead, and dated about the 15th July, 1807—payable to Jeremiah Mur- ry, and backed by said Murry to James Snow, and by said Snow to John Green, of Hampton, N. H.;—the other note bearing nearly the same date, was signed by James Snow, of Scarborough, Maine, witnessed by Jesse Lumbars, and payable to Billy Dodge, of Hampton, N. H.; and whereas said letter and notes have never been heard from since they were put into Saco Post Office; there- fore we the undersigned forbid the payment of said notes to any person, excepting to Billy Dodge, of Hampton, N. H. or James Snow of Scarborough, Maine. JAMES SNOW, JOHN GREEN. May, 1808.
NOTICE. Rockingham ss. ALL persons are hereby cau- tioned against troubling or trading with ISAAC HUNKINGS of Pop- lin, in said county, yeoman,—he being un- der Guardians, legally appointed. ABEL BROWN, Guardians of the MOSES KIMBALL, said Hunkings. Poplin, May 24th, 1808.
TAKE NOTICE. State of New Hampshire—Rockingham ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-re- sident proprietor and owner of land in the town of STRATHAM, who has not paid his tax for the year 1807; unless he pays the same to me, at my dwelling house in Stratham, on or before the 26th day of July next, so much of his land as will pay said tax together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at 1 o'clock, P. M. at the house of Maj. Dudley L. Chase, inn-holder in said Stratham.
Owner's Name. Terms. County. Book. Folio. Joseph Adams, Boston, farm adjoining Win- } 150 14 50 75 acut road. LEVI CLARK, Collector. Stratham, May 28th, 1808.
Cash and the highest price given for LAMB SKINS, by E. KELLY,—bottom of Daniel-street. Portsmouth, N. H. May 31. [3 mo.]
The person who took from the N. H. Gazette Office the volume of Ga- zettes for 1795, is requested to return the same immediately to said office. May 17.
NEW GOODS. Oliver Briard
Has just received a great variety of Spring and Summer GOODS, COMPRISING almost every ar- ticle usually enumerated in the most lengthy Piece Goods advertise- ment, which are offered for sale at a small advance for cash, or approved credit, at Store No 2, Market street, near the Parade.
N. B. All persons to whom he is indebted are requested to render their demands for settlement; and all those who are indebted to him, whose term of credit has expired, are request- ed to make payment.
Portsmouth, May 17, 1808. [9 mo.] State of New-Hampshire, Rockingham ss. To the honorable Justices of the Court of Common Pleas, beging (and bolden at Exeter within and for the county of Rocking- ham aforesaid, on the second Tuesday of August, in the year of our Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and seven:—
THE petition of the subscribers humbly shews—That a Road, or public High- way, was by your honors on the first Tues- day of January, A. D. 1803, laid out in said town of Pembroke, beginning at Buck-street bridge in Pembroke aforesaid, thence run- ning north seventy degrees west, forty-five rods, across Buck-street to Joseph Jennens' land, thence north seventy degrees west, sixty rods, thence north sixty two and a half degrees west, fifty six rods, thence north fi- fty-seven and a quarter degrees west, seventy five rods, thence north fifty-nine degrees west, one hundred and seventeen rods thence north sixty degrees and a quarter west, six hundred and fifty-four rods, thence north fifty-four degrees and a half west, sixty rods, thence north sixty-two degrees and a quar- ter west, two hundred and sixty-four rods to the highway leading from Pembroke to Concord on the top of low-cook hill, thence on said way north thirty degrees west, eigh- teen rods, thence north seventy-one and a half degrees west, partly upon Eliot's land, fifty-two rods to a stake spotted on four sides standing on the easterly bank of low-cook river, which road remains impassable; that it is laid out over such hilly, unsuitable, and bad ground, that the expense of building said road will be to the said town of Pem- broke very great; that another road on the easterly part of said Pembroke is laid out, which will shorten the distance from low- cook river to Allenstown, and over ground much better for making road; It is believed that the public will be better accommodat- ed in travelling the latter road than the former, and the expense to the town of Pembroke trifling, compared with that of the other; that Turnpike Roads lately built have rendered a multiplication of pri- vate roads wholly unnecessary. Your petitioners therefore pray, that your honors would order a discontinueance of said road leading from Buck-street bridge to said spot- ted stake on the easterly bank of low-cook river aforesaid. And as in duty bound will ever pray.
J. EVANS, and 83 others. Rockingham, ss. Court of Common Pleas, January term, 1808. UPON hearing and considering said petition, the court order that the petitioners notify all persons concerned, to appear be- fore the Justices of the next court of Com- mon Pleas, to be holden at Exeter, within and for the county of Rockingham, on the second Tuesday of August next, to show cause, if any they have, why the prayer there- of should not be granted, by causing the substance of said petition and order of court thereon, to be published three weeks success- ively, in the New Hampshire and Concord Gazettes, the last publication whereof to be six weeks before said term.
Attest, N. EMERY, Clerk. Copy examined by N. EMERY, Clerk. To the honorable the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature, now holden at Portsmouth, in and for the county of Rocking- ham on the first Tuesday of February, Anno Domini 1808—
HUMBLY shews Joseph Frost of New- Castle, in said county, guardian unto Miriam Simpson Frost, a minor; Henry Beck, of Portsmouth, guardian unto Joseph Simpson, a minor; and Barrett Potter, guardian unto George Chase, Portland, a minor;—That said minors are heirs to the estate of John Simp- son, late of New-Castle, aforesaid, deceased, which estate consists of a Dwelling House, out houses, and land adjoining the same, be- ing about one quarter of an acre, more or less; also, a piece of land containing about three acres, and bounded northerly on land of George Frost, Esquire, easterly on the river Piscataqua, southerly on land called the parsonage, and westerly on land belong- ing unto George Frost; all situate in New- Castle aforesaid—that to the said Miriam Simpson Frost, belongs one undivided eighth part; to the said Joseph Simpson one un- divided sixteenth part, and to the said George Chase, one undivided fourth part thereof,— that it will conduce to the interest of their said respective wards, to sell their shares in said estate sold, as the law in such cases provides.
Wherefore the said guardians pray your honors to grant them licence to sell the same accordingly—and as in duty bound will ever pray. GEORGE W. PRESCOTT, Attorney to said Guardians. Rockingham ss.— Superior Court, February term, 1808;— ORDERED by the Court that the peti- tioners notify all persons concerned, to ap- pear before the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature, to be holden at Exeter, within and for the county of Rockingham, on the third Tuesday of September next, to show cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said petition should not be granted, by causing said petition and order of Court thereon, to be published three weeks success- ively, in the New Hampshire Gazette, the last publication whereof to be six weeks be- fore said term.
Attest, NATH'L ADAMS, Clerk. Copy examined by NATH'L ADAMS, Clerk. TO LET. AND entered on immediately, the one half of a convenient HOUSE, being in a central and pleasant part of the town; with part of a good Garden, and a privilege in a stable, wood house, well, &c.—Enquire of the Printers. May 17.
NEW GOODS. TIMOTHY UPHAM,
Has just received in addition to his former stock, a very large supply of Spring & Summer Goods, which he offers as usual,—CHEAP. BUFF, yellow, slate, purple, white, sky and dark blue Sattins for Bonnets; Sarsnets of various colors; black Modes; very fine soft black Sattins for Gowns; English, India, Florence, French and Italian Lutestrings; silk Shawls from 7/6 to 36/; turban Handkerchiefs; Parasols; silk and cotton Umbrellas; printed Cambricks, Calicoes & figured Ging- hams of the most fashionable patterns; Grecian Robes.
Straw, chip, willow & Chineil HATS and BONNETS; Leghorn Flats; Linens and linen Cambricks; linen & cotton Cambrick pocket Hand- kerchiefs; furniture, cambrick & com- mon Dimities; furniture Fringe; Cord & Tassels; silk Cord, do Tassels; Ladies & Gentlemen's white, slate and black cotton Hose; large English silk Gloves for 6/ a pair; a complete assort- ment of kid and beaver habit Gloves.
Real superfine London Calfi- meres, fashionable colors; superfine and common Broad-Cloths, with a great variety of other GOODS, which being usually kept on hand are not enumerated—ALSO,
MILITARY GOODS, Epaulettes from 9/ to 48/ each, gold and silver Lace; gold and silver Cord, Tassels & Hat Bands; Plumes of various colors and prices from 3/9 to 18/; Swords and Hangers; real Deer skin and common buff Gloves; silver Eagles; sword Hooks; Cock- ades; scarlet and white Broad Cloth and Calfimere, &c. &c. &c.
He will also receive in the course of a few days a supply of Fashionable FRENCH GOODS from New-York, which will be sold at very small advance. May 24, 1808.
Spring and Summer GOQDS.
James Rundlet INFORMS his customers and the publick that he has just received a fresh supply of GOODS;
which added to his stock on hand make a very general assortment of English, French & India GOODS, which will be sold at a small advance by Wholesale or Retail. May 24.
FOR SALE, A few boxes white and brown Havana SUGARS, on a credit of 60 or 90 days, apply to WILLIAM PEARSE. May 24, 1808.
Manufactured HAIR. JOHN REDING, has for sale at his house in Deer-street, near the Distillery, Curled Hair, suitable for Ma- trasses, easy Chairs and Chair bottoms, Cushions & Chairs—manufactured in the best manner—also Cash given for Horse Main and Tail Hair, and Cattle's Tail Hair. Portsmouth, May 24, 1808.
TAKE NOTICE. THE copartnership of Far- rar & Weeks by mutual con- sent is dissolved. JONATHAN FARRAR, ELISHA WEEKS. Gilmanston, May 7th, 1808
TO Let a convenient dwelling HOUSE, with a Shop in front, on Congress street,—Enquire of GEORGE GAINS. May 24, 1808.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, County of Grafton. THE proprietors of the town of Haver- hill, in said county, are hereby notified that a tax of three dollars and forty-five cents on each of the seventy acre lots, so called, has been assessed agreeably to a vote passed at a proprietors meeting of said Haver- hill holden at the house of Col. Simon Troutle by adjournment, on the 8th day of April 1808, and committed to me to collect; and that unless the same tax shall be paid to me at my dwelling house in said Ha- verhill, on or before the twentieth day of June next, the lands will be advertised for sale, for the payment of said tax, together with reasonable incidental charges, agreea- bly to law. JAMES WOODWARD, Collector. Haverhill, May 7, 1808.
State of New Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of Lands in THORNTON and what has been called Blanchard's Gore; that by virtue of an act of the Legislature, passed June 16th, 1807, the jurisdiction of the town of Thornton was extended over said Gore; and that the Selectmen of said Thornton, assess a tax of two cents on each acre of land (public rights excepted) both in the town of Thor- nton and said Gore, to the sole use of making and repairing roads and bridges within the said town of Thornton and the said Gore; We, the Selectmen of Thornton have assess- ed the lands accordingly, and by said act the owners are allowed to work out their taxes any time betwixt the first day of June, and first day of October next, at the following rate (viz) able bodied men finding their own tools and diet, eight cents per hour,— six cents per hour for a yoke of oxen, said work to be laid out under the direction of the said Selectmen.
CALIB CHASE, Selectmen of WM. THORNTON, jr. Thornton. Thornton, April 30th, 1808.
Cheap & Good Fashionable GOODS,
Suitable for the approaching Season, which are of- fered for Sale for Cash, and Cash only, at the Store No. 10, Market street, by
Edw'd Parry,
Among which are to be found, 2000 yards of Superfine black, blue, mixt, brown, corbeau and other fashionable colour'd Broad Cloths and Calfimeres; 1560 yards Flannels and Baizes of all colours; 850 yards of best black, olive, and other fashionable colour'd Velvets, Corderoys & Thick- sets; 1000 yards twill'd Nankeenes and cotton Calfimeres; 750 yards Jean and Marseilles waistcoating of the newest fashion; 5000 yards fashiona- ble Chintzes; 1700 yds. plum, slate and other fashionable colour'd Cam- bricks for gowns, etc.; 500 yards copperplate Furnitures; 750 yards pink, plaid and dark Ginghams; 500 yards plain, changeable, plaid cotton Chambray; 380 yards elegant silk Chambray; 500 yards common and best cambrick Dimities; 350 yards tambor sprig'd Mufins; 400 yards lace cambrick Mufins; 250 yds plain white cambrick Mufins; 100 yards leno Mufins; 200 yards sprig'd and dotted book Mufins; 170 yards plain book Mufins; 250 patent sprig'd mufin Caps; 300 patent sprig'd mufin Shirtees and Hkfs.; 250 yds. lace mufin Trimmings; 2000 pieces In- dia yellow Nankins; 4000 yards India Cottons; 2000 yards India cotton Checks; 800 yards English cotton & linen check and striped Cottons; 1000 yards black, purple, blue, pink and slate colour'd Durants and Tammys; 800 yards Russells and Callimanees; 700 yards Shalloons of all colours; 1000 yards Irish Linens; 500 yards British cotton Shirtings; 200 yards Diapers and table Linen; 500 yards brown Linens; 250 elegant mufin and cambrick Shawls; 300 black, white & colour'd camels hair Shawls; 250 chintz and chambray cotton Shawls; 150 damask and fancy silk Shawls and Handks.; 650 yards blk. and colour'd Lutestrings and Sattins; 1200 yards broad and narrow black, silk Laces and Edgings; 1000 yards best French and English white silk La- ces and Edgings; 600 yards white thread and cotton gown Trimmings.
Large assortment of Artificial Wreaths & Flowers; 150 yards best colour'd Crapes; 1000 yards assorted fashionable Ribbons; 100 pair ladies white, black, slate and rose colour'd silk Hose; 200 pair la- dies white, nankin and slate colour'd cotton Hose; 150 pair gentlemen's white and colour'd cotton Hose, 100 pair worsted ditto; 250 pair black, white and colour'd silk Gloves and Mitts; 200 pair long and short wo- men's kid Gloves; 150 pair men's beaver, thread and cotton Gloves; 200 sets of Knives and Forks; 8000 dozen Coat and Vest Buttons, new fashion; 250 Men's assorted Beaver Hats; 150 Youth's and Men's Hats, with many other articles—all of which will be sold Cheap,—and great Bargains will be allowed to those who will make large purchases.
Edward Parry, requests all those who are indebted to him either by note or account, to make immediate pay- ment, particularly those that have been more than three months standing, and those that have an account against him, are requested to call and receive their pay, at his Store, No. 10, Market street. Portsmouth, May 3, 1808.
Letter and Writing Papers, At C. PEIRCE's Bookstore. LETTER PAPERS 25 cts. 31 cts. 37 cts. 42 cts. 50 cts. and 62 cts per quire, or at a reduced price per ream. WRITING PAPERS 20 cts. 25; 34; 50; 75 per quire; by the ream at a lower rate.
To Let—A Dwelling-House which may be taken possession of immedi- ately, with a large Garden—situate below the fourth School-house—For terms, apply to May 10. THOMAS MANNING.
TO LET. HALF of a convenient two story HOUSE in Washington-street; also, an apart- ment in Congress-street, suitable for a writ- ing-office, or mechanic. Inquire of G. J. OSBORNE, Washington-street.
Garden Seeds.
A general assortment of GARDEN SEEDS, kept constantly for sale at C. PEIRCE's Book-store, Daniel-street, Portsmouth.
REAL SHAKER Garden Seeds
Warranted of the last year's growth, and best quality—just received, and for sale at THOMAS & TAPPAN's. Bookstore. Portsmouth, April 26.
Gentlemen's Silk HATS.
MARY BRYANT, HAS a neat assortment of Silk HATS, purchasers are requested to call and look at them.