The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-06-21 00:00:00

THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
No. 14.
NEWPORT, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 21, 1809.
Vol. 1.
NEWPORT, R. I.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED ON WEDNESDAYS, BY WILLIAM SIMONS, No. 15, MILL-STREET.
TERMS.
The paper is printed once a week, at 2 dollars a year, one half in advance.
Advertisements conspicuously inserted, at the rate of 1 dollar and 50 cents a square, for three weeks—smaller one in the same proportion.
Printing, in all its variety, executed with accuracy and despatch. Orders respectfully solicited.
J. & D. WHITE,
ARTIFICIAL FLOWER MAKERS,
No. 213, Thames-Street, Newport,
BEG leave to inform the Ladies and publick in general, that they intend to open their collection on the 20th instant, consisting of Artificial Flowers, set in Pots, resembling nature; adapted as Ornaments for Parlours, Drawing-Rooms, Chambers, &c.—Also, an assortment of Fancy Flowers for Ladies' Bonnets, &c. &c.—to which they solicit the favour of every indulgent call.—Flowers made to pattern or order, on the shortest notice, and at reasonable prices.
Pleasing Amusement for Young Ladies.
Ladies taught the whole art of Flower Making, Drawing and Painting, as above, and every attention paid the pupils, by Mr. and Mrs. WHITE. An apartment is purposely fitted for their accommodation.—The Ladies will be divided into three classes, viz.—the first class (hour) from 9 o'clock in the morning until 12; second class, from 1 o'clock until 4 in the afternoon; third class, from 4 till 7 o'clock; and each class to consist of Four Ladies only.
Terms—each person.—For each different Flower, when perfect, 75 cents; twelve different Flowers, $8; Drawing and Painting, 2s. 6d. each lesson, or, 3 lessons, $1.
Ladies can be taught separate, or both blended together. All materials in the Flower making, whilst teaching, free of expense, and Ladies, at the expiration of their engagement, will have the privilege of receiving the last Flower of each sort they might have made, so as to form a Handsome Cabinet, which in itself will be equal in value to the whole expense of learning.
N. B. It is requested those Ladies that are desirous of being taught in the above, to give in their names as early as possible, naming the class they wish.—The School will commence on Thursday, the 22nd instant.
June 10.
JAMES MUMFORD,
Sign of the Bee Hive, No. 88, Thames-Street,
HAS just opened a variety of GOODS—among which are—lace and dotted Muslins; Leno do.; white and coloured Cambricks; a complete assortment of corded and plaid Ginghams of the newest fashion; Gentleman's superfine Vest Patterns; Washington Stripes; Cotton Cassimeres; Cambric Dimities; Calicoes, newest prints; best 9-8 London Prints; Silk Chambrays; variety of cotton Handkerchiefs; ladies' and gentlemen's silk and cotton Hose; black Bombazetts; black Crape; silk Gloves; silk Shawls; cotton do.; silk and cotton Suspender; Durants, Calimancoes, Russels, Rattinet—and a great variety of other Goods, too numerous to mention in an advertisement.
May 3.
[3m.]
New Store.
MARTIN FEARING and RICHARD FAIRMAN, having formed a connexion in the Fancy Dry Goods business, under the Firm of
FEARING & FAIRMAN,
Have taken the Store No. 134, Thames-street, formerly occupied by Messrs. Gardner & Dean, where they offer for Sale, a general and well-chosen Assortment of India, English and French GOODS, on the most reasonable terms.
Newport, June 7, 1809.
Spring and Summer Goods.
NATHANIEL SWEET & CO. having recently returned from Boston with an assortment of elegant and seasonable Goods, flatter themselves, that with these, together with their former assortment, they cannot fail to please those who may do them the favour to call at No. 109, Thames-street.
N. B. Their goods being purchased on liberal terms, will be sold as low as at any store in Newport. May 24.
FOR SALE,
THE beautiful and pleasant FARM, improved by the Subscriber, in Middletown—Also, a House, Garden and Water Lot, situated in Water-street, Bristol; lately improved by Dr. Chillingworth Foster.—For terms, apply to
CARDER HAZARD,
Middletown. June 6th, 1809.
Miscellany.
MR. ADAMS
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
MR. HAMILTON, in his famous pamphlet, page 23, says, "the conduct pursued bore sufficient marks of courage and elevation to raise the national character to an exalted height throughout Europe."
"Much it is to be deplored, that we should have been precipitated from this proud eminence, without necessity, without temptation."
It is the habitual practice of our parties, to affirm or deny, as they find it to their purpose, the honour or the disgrace that is produced in Europe by our measures. But neither party know any thing about the matter. The truth is, that our affairs are much less spoken or thought of in Europe, than we imagine. In all parts of Europe, but especially in France and England, they are constantly misrepresented and misunderstood.—Most of all in England. I will venture to say, that Mr. Hamilton wrote entirely at random, and without a glimmering of genuine information, when he mentioned both the exaltation and precipitation of our national character. To appeal to the courtiers or cabinet, or to the diplomatic corps in Europe, would be idle; because none of them will ever read Hamilton's pamphlet or these papers. But I would not hesitate to submit the whole subject to any of them. I shall take another course. Chief Justice Ellsworth is no more. I can no longer appeal to him. If I could, I would say no more, than the truth, but it would be more than I shall now say; and I aver that his representation to me was the direct reverse of Hamilton's dogmatical assertions. Governor Davie still lives, and to him I appeal with confidence. He declared to me, that to judge of the conduct of the American government, both in their naval and other preparations for war, and in their political and diplomatic negotiations upon that occasion, a man must go to Europe, where it was considered as the greatest demonstration of genius, firmness and wisdom. If I represent the Governor's expressions in stronger terms than those he used, I request him to correct them.
In England, I know the Anti-Jacobin Journal abused us, and so did M'Donald, Cobbett, Smith, and every Briton in Europe and America, who wished us at war with France, and in alliance with England. But even in England all the sober part of the nation applauded us, and that to such a degree, that it soon became the popular cry, "We must imitate the United States of America, change our ministers, and make peace." Accordingly they did soon change their ministers and make peace at Amiens.
Mr. Liston, whose character I respect, had run through a long course of diplomatick experience in various courts and countries in Europe, from a secretary of legation and charge des affaires, to the grade of minister plenipotentiary, and thence to that of ambassador at Constantinople, was probably a better judge than Mr. Hamilton, who had no experience at all in any diplomatick station, and who, I dare to say, had read very little on the subject of diplomatick functions, and still less of the history of embassies or of the printed despatches of ambassadors. Mr. Liston, if any body, knew what would procure honour to a nation or government, and what disgrace: what would raise the dignity, or what depress it: what was triumph, and what humiliation.
Now I affirm, that the first time Mr. Liston saw me after he had been informed of the communications of the French Directory, through Talleyrand, Mr. Pichon and Mr. Murray, he said to me these words—"To what humiliations will not these Frenchmen stoop, to appease you? I am very sorry for it: I own, I did hope they would have gone to war with you." I smiled, but made no answer. I wanted no proof of the sincerity of this declaration. I doubted not the sincerity of his wish, more than I did that of Mr. Canning and his associates in the Anti-Jacobin, who, upon receiving the news of Mr. Murray's nomination, proclaimed that jacobinism was triumphant and carrying all before it in America. They could not, or would not, distinguish between jacobinism and neutrality. Every thing with them was jacobinism, except a war with France and an alliance with Great Britain. They all panted for a war between the United States and France as sincerely, though not so ardently, as ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
There were not wanting insinuations and instigations to me, to confer with Mr. Liston on the subject of an alliance with Great Britain. And Mr. L. himself repeatedly suggested to me, in very modest and delicate terms, however, his readiness to enter into any explanations on that head. I always waved it with as easy a politeness as I could. But my system was determined, and had been so for more than twenty years, that is to enter into no alliance with any power in Europe. In case of war with England, I would not enter into any alliance with France. In case of war with France, I would not form any alliance with England. We want no alliance; we are equal to all our own necessary wars.
"Non tali auxilio nec defensoribus istis, tempus eget." We might aid and be aided by a power at war with our enemy, and might concert operations from time to time; but I
would take no engagement that should tie up our hands from making peace whenever we pleased. Had the war with France continued, I might have been drawn by the force of publick opinion, or the influence of the legislature, into an alliance with England; but it would have been against my own judgement and inclination.
Let me conclude the letter with an anecdote. Dr. Franklin told me, that before his return to America from England, in 1775, he was in company, I believe at Lord Spencer's, with a number of English noblemen, when the conversation turned upon fables, those of Esop, La Fontaine, Gay, Moore, &c. &c. Some one of the company observed that he thought the subject was exhausted. He did not believe that any man could now find an animal, beast, bird, or fish, that he could work into a new fable with any success; and the whole company appeared to applaud the idea, except Franklin, who was silent. The gentleman insisted on his opinion. He said, with submission to their lordships, he believed the subject was inexhaustible, and that many new and instructive fables might be made out of such materials. Can you think of one at present? If your lordship will furnish me a pen, ink and paper, I believe I can furnish your lordship with one in a few minutes. The paper was brought, and he sat down and wrote:—
Once upon a time, an eagle scaling round a farmer's barn, and espying a hare, darted down upon him like a sun beam, seized him in his claws, and re-mounted with him in the air. He soon found that he had a creature of more courage and strength than a hare, for which, notwithstanding the keenness of his eye-sight, he had mistaken a cat. The snarling and scrabbling of the prey was very inconvenient, and what was worse, she had disengaged herself from his talons, grasped his body with her four limbs, so as to stop his breath, and seized fast hold of his throat with her teeth. Pray, said the eagle, let go your hold and I will release you. Very fine, said the cat, I have no fancy to fall from this height and be crushed to death. You have taken me up, and you shall stoop and let me down. The eagle thought it necessary to stoop accordingly. The moral was so applicable to England and America, that the fable was allowed to be original and highly applauded.
Let HAMILTON say what he will, the French Directory found it convenient to stoop and set us down on our honest ground of neutrality and impartiality, as the English eagle did formerly, and now does a second time.
JOHN ADAMS.
Quincy, May 1809.
To the Printers of the Boston Patriot.
SIRS,
ANOTHER of my crimes, according to my great accuser, page 28, was nominating Mr. Murray, without previous consultation with any of my ministers. To this charge I shall say but little at present.
In England the first magistrate is responsible for nothing; his ministers for every thing: Here according to the practice, if not the constitution, the ministers are responsible for nothing; the president for every thing. He is made to answer, before the people, not only for every thing done by his ministers, but even for all the acts of the Legislature: Witness the Alien and Sedition Laws. In all great and essential measures, he is bound by his honour and his conscience, by his oath to the constitution, as well as his responsibility to the publick opinion of the nation, to act his own mature and unbaised judgment, tho' unfortunately it may be in direct contradiction to the advice of all his ministers. This was my situation in more than one instance. It had been so in the nomination of Mr. Gerry; it was afterwards so in the pardon of Fries. Two measures that I recollect with infinite satisfaction, and which will console me in my last hour.
In the case now in question I perfectly knew the sentiments of all my ministers. I knew every argument they could alledge, and moreover, I knew the secret motives that governed them, better than they did themselves. I knew them then, and I know them now: Believe it or disbelieve it who will, at the present time: hereafter the world will be convinced of it.
I knew that if I called the Heads of Departments together, and asked their advice, three of them would very laconically protest against the measure. The other two would be loath to dissent from their brethren, and would more modestly and mildly concur with them. The consequence would be, that the whole would be instantaneously communicated to A, B, C, D, E, F, &c. in the Senate, and to G, H, I, &c. in the House of Representatives; the publick and the presses would have it at once, and a clamour raised and a prejudice propagated against the measure, that would probably excite the Senate to put their negative on the whole plan. If I had called the Heads of Departments together, and asked their advice, I knew from past experience, that their answers would have been flat negatives. If I had asked their reasons, they would be such arguments as Hamilton has recorded, for he, it seems, was their recording secretary. 1. The etiquette which required, according to them, that France should send a minister to us. 2. That a negotiation with France would give offence to Great Britain and to Russia, and probably in-
volve us in war with these powers. I had twenty times answered these arguments, by saying that there was no such etiquette. It was true that in antient and more barbarous times, when nations had been inflamed by long wars, and the people wrought up to a degree of fury, on both sides, so as to excite apprehensions that ambassadors would be insulted or massacred by the populace, or even imprisoned as in Turkey, sovereigns had insisted that ambassadors should be exchanged and that one should be held as a hostage for the other. It had even been insisted that a French ambassador should embark at Calais, at the same hour that an English ambassador embarked at Dover. But these times were passed. Nations sent ambassadors now as they pleased. Franklin and his associates had been sent to France; Mr. Jay had been sent to Spain; I had been sent to Holland; Mr. Izard had been commissioned to Tuscany; Mr. W. Lee, to Vienna and Berlin, without any stipulation for sending ministers in return. We had a minister in London three years without any minister from England in return. We have had a minister at Berlin, without any from Prussia.
As to the offence that would be taken by Great Britain, I asked, shall we propose any thing to France, or agree to any thing inconsistent with our treaties and pledged faith with England? Certainly not. What right has England, then, to be offended? Have we not as clear a right to make peace as she has? We are at war with France, at least in part. If Britain should make peace with France, what right have we to complain, provided she stipulates nothing inconsistent with her treaty with us?
As to Russia, what has she to do with us, or we with her? I had confidence enough in the assurances given, firmly to believe that our envoys would be received and respected. Candidates enough were ready to run the risque, and Hamilton himself would have been very proud to have been one of them, if he had not been Commander in Chief of the Army.
I will acknowledge that when the terror of the power and anger of Great Britain have been held up to me, in a manner that appears, to me, to be base and servile, I sometimes was provoked to say, that in a just cause, when the essential character and interests of the United States should be wronged by Great Britain, I shall hold her power in total contempt. It may be said, for it has been said, that this was imprudent, and that I was fretted. Let it be said by whom it will, I now repeat the same sentiment, after the coolest reflection of ten years.
On the other hand, by making the nomination on my own authority, I believed that the heads of departments would have some discretion, and although I knew that the British faction would excite a clamour, and that some of the Senators, Representatives, and heads of departments would make no exertions to discountenance it, if they did not secretly or openly encourage it: yet I was so perfectly convinced of the national sense, and that the Senate felt it so strongly, that they would not dare to negative it, even if the majority had disliked it, which I very well knew they did not. I thought a clamour after the fact, would be much less dangerous than a clamour before it. And so it proved in experience. A clamour there was, as I always knew there would be, and Alexander Hamilton had a principal hand in exciting it.
It is well known that there are continued interviews between the members of the Senate and the members of the House, and the heads of departments. Eternal solicitations for nominations to office, are made in this manner. There is not an executive measure, that the members of Congress are not almost constantly employed in pumping from the heads of departments. There is not a legislative measure that the heads of departments do not intermeddle in. It really deserves consideration whether it would not be better that heads of departments should be members of the legislature. There they would be confronted in all things. Now all is secrecy and darkness. Washington, I know, was nearly as much vexed and tortured by these things, as I was, and resigned his office to get rid of them. And so would I have done, with great joy, if I could have been sure of a successor whose sentiments were as conformable to mine, as he new mine were to his.
JOHN ADAMS.
Quincy, May 17, 1809.
THE PROSPECT BEFORE US.
We hear much of the union of the honest men of all parties under the present administration. It is believed we shall in some degree realize the desirable event. This certainly depends upon the federalists. The republicans have nothing to do but to remain steadfast in that direct and open support of those great first principles of national duty and national honour, which has distinguished them as the friends of government, of law, of order, and of their country, not merely by professions, but by their deeds, through the second struggle for American independence. Their candour may induce them to meet their political antagonists on points of conciliation; but in justice to themselves, they will support the principles they have advocated and must remain on the ground where they now stand.
The well meaning American federalists will quit the banners of their late leaders, and join

the republican standard. Such auxiliaries should be received in the spirit of conciliation and treated with respect. It is the British-federalists—those leaders who have sought for honour in their country's disgrace—those leaders whose patriotism has urged the surrender of our country's rights—those leaders whose wisdom arraigned and condemned every measure of the late administration, and whose modesty now claims the merit of the beneficial effects resulting from those very measures which were most censured—It is those "leading men of the federal party," who have excited the alarm and the indignation of their country's friends, while they elated the hopes and gave countenance to the unjust and disgraceful pretensions of its enemies. It is those we repeat, who must, and who will be watched with the never sleeping vigilance of the friends of our republic. [Bos. Pat.]
From the Aurora of the 10th of June.
WHO'S THE FOOL NOW?
The obnoxious British orders of council are indeed recalled—abrogated—( Punica fides ) defunct.
The halcyon days arrived with Mr. Oakely, and to the astonishment of all who are disposed to look forward, this golden age lasted for exactly thirty-nine days, eleven hours, besides some fractions of minutes and seconds!
But after this astonishing reign of tranquillity, when every free neutral nation was permitted to go, (for the aforesaid thirty nine days, &c.)—yea, to pass upon the ocean unmolested—when the golden age was, as it were by a miracle, literally and morally realized—and therein realizing all the dreams of the tenth Congress and verifying all the profound conceptions of that amazing statesman politician, and natural philosopher, John Randolph, esq. as really as the philosopher's universal nostrum—lo! behold there is a new set of orders in council—and a new batch of blockades by proclamation!
THE TENTH OF JUNE.
It seems there are to be rejoicings, and dinners, and drinkings, and toastings, this day in various parts of the United States, and the professed object of these rejoicings is "the renewal of a friendly intercourse with Great Britain."
It is rather inauspicious to this proposed rejoicing that the Pacific should have arrived so apropos —and brought such untoward tidings! Tidings which go to demonstrate only how much we have been plundered and insulted, how easy we can overlook the wrongs we have suffered, and lay up a large store of credulity, upon which we are not long suffered to repose, before our pacific dozings are disturbed, and we are half awakened to our folly by the shouts of laughter and contempt which the plunderers and the depredators make at their carousals; we rise, rub our eyes, and they follow up the measure of decision with another drop of delusion, and we again recite upon the pillow, to be awakened by blows upon our posteriors.
We refer our readers to the essay of the sensible and upright writer of the article under the signature of Mexxon , in this day's Aurora , which has been in our hands several days, for an exposition of the false policy pursued towards a nation which has injured, and will, whenever it suits her convenience or her cunning always injure us. Her inveteracy against us, we venture to predict, will be more insidious than ever it has been, from the very consciousness that we possess, in the Chinese policy, full and competent means, whenever the nation chooses to adopt them, to bring her to the verge of ruin, and to the necessity of abandoning her insolence.
It would be a matter of fair rejoicing indeed, were the policy of the British government towards the United States sincerely liberal and just; it would be a matter of joy if our pacific character insured to us the good will, or even the honest conduct, of a nation which is so largely dependent on us for her wealth and the means even of her existence. But how are we treated even now.
Our infant manufactures are destroyed by her incendiaries.
Our markets are glutted with articles to be sold under first cost, the object of which is to undermine and destroy the growing means of our national industry.
Our ships in remote seas are captured. Proclamations of her colonial government hold forth encouragement for the importation of our productions into their colonies, in British ships only, while our Congress is trifling away its time in hearing the vapid declamations, and nothings about the baby-like projects of a silly and irritable imagination.
The exploded notions of political economy of the last century are given as argument on the floor of Congress, in opposition to the policy of domestic industry, which the discoveries of the latter age, in labour-saving machinery and chemistry, have disarrayed of all those horrors which 60 years ago rendered the system of manufacture a system of destruction; but which at this day, and in this country, would be more solid security for our peace and independence than navies or armies, or even orators;—here there is too much idleness and its concomitant vices growing up in every town and village where domestic manufactures instead of destroying life, would save it; instead of generating disease would avert it; and the ignorance which too generally prevails through so many parts of our country, would by the union of schools with manufacturing institutions, redeem ignorance as well as laziness; and repay society with useful members, where now there are nuisances; and diffuse knowledge where now there is the shocking neglect of the legislature of the union and the states, there are
neither schools nor bounties to encourage them; and ignorance is growing so fast upon us, that from his cause alone ruin may be apprehended.
What cause is there for rejoicing on this 10th of June?
Is it to be forgotten that a negotiation for an adjustment of differences had been proposed—have we not negotiated over and over with Great Britain.
The negotiation now, as in 1794, on our part, will be to obtain redress for wrongs; restitution for plunder.
What restitution did we obtain in 1794? In lieu of redress, we obtained an establishment of injustice by treaty. And are we to expect better now?
We cannot conceive the cause—indeed it is disgusting to reflect upon the facts—in contrast:
ON THE SIDE OF THE BRITISH.
A vast variety of articles which go into commerce, cannot be carried in an American ship into a British port; others are wholly prohibited; others the duties are so excessive as to amount to a prohibition; American ships are subjected to enormous port and custom house duties equally excessive, and a tax upon all who take them.
ON THE SIDE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Our exports pay no duty, we lay no tax upon our trade, nor make foreign nations pay more than the market price; the foreigner and the citizen can go into our market and purchase and export the commodities of the country at the same prices; no foreign article is prohibited in our ports; nor has our congress condescended even to protect its own country, genius and industry, by a protecting duty equal to the exigency; our ships are not permitted to carry on commerce with British colonies—while their ships, are permitted to enter our ports.
In 1793 we were robbed and plundered—and we got in return a treaty which shackled our commerce and convulsed the nation.
In 1803 our waters were invaded—our flag insulted—our sovereignty contemned—our citizens murdered—and to finish the climax of insolence, one of the persons taken by violence from on board our national ship of war, hanged under a false name—and what have we got in return—an apology! And now on this very fine tenth day of June (for the weather has been as cloudy and dismal during the whole spring, as if Heaven itself were offended with our fatuity!) It is said some fifty or an hundred persons, in different houses and places are about to celebrate this—APOLOGY! If our ships now at sea escape the besom of destruction, it will be indeed surprising to us; for the new orders of the British council appear to us only as a new signal for naval plunder.
Is this a subject of rejoicing or mourning? We shall know more in six months? Was a nation ever so scurvily tricked?
Was the legislature or the people of any nation that has hitherto existed, treated with such infamous levity?
We forced from our embargo, by a Picking hanick !
We were forced into a conditional non intercourse, by way of an excuse for being hanick struck .
And we are tricked —literally as a black legs would trick a greenhorn out of our non intercourse—by a sort of an apology !
Robbery, impressment, laws of nations, murder, outrage, national sovereignty, are all abandoned—for an apology !
From the New-York Aurora.
A CANDID APPEAL.
I have always entertained the opinion that the American people were virtuous. That without distinction the great body of both republicans and federalists were honest in their political views. That whenever we take a wrong direction, it proceeds more from want of correct information than design; and although we are liable to be deceived and to adopt an improper measure from erroneous impressions, that measure will again be abandoned as soon as we are convinced it was founded in error.
People in general have no particular interest of their own in the measures of the government, except as participating in the common prosperity of all: but experience teaches us that the case is entirely different with many of the individual members of the community. That some men have always been found, whose faculties and acquirements enable them to prove an ornament to society, who, instead of exerting their talents in a manner that might do honour to their country and themselves, are uniformly actuated by the sordid and selfish views of avarice and ambition.
This should teach us an important lesson: that although it may be proper and becoming to pay a due respect to the superior judgment and experience of men of years and great intelligence, yet when we consider the strong influence of selfish passions, and the predominant principle of vanity, always eager for distinction and admiration, we should see the necessity of closely scrutinizing the views and objects of those who take a lead in and give a tone to measures.
If you discover such men giving countenance to the falsehoods and misrepresentations of mere party tools and drudges in the constant and practical employment of slander and scurrility, we may with propriety conclude that they are actuated from other motives than those of patriotism or virtue; or that they must have adopted the unjustifiable principle, that the means however wrong they may be, are justified by the end in view.
Considering that the administration of the general government has been grossly misre-
presented and traduced for the last two years, and that its wise and prudent measures have been the means, under divine providence, of saving the union from the greatest perils and difficulties we have ever experienced since the era of our revolution. I propose to shew to the satisfaction of an honest publick, in a candid and dispassionate review of its proceedings, that our government has been most unjustly and cruelly attacked and censured—that its views and objects have been mistated and totally discoloured—and that the loud and continued clamours that have been raised against the line of policy it has pursued, are wanton and without foundation.
A fair and impartial hearing is requested, and candid discussion invited. Let the voice of clamour and the language of billingsgate give place to that of reason. And when it shall be made to appear from the situation of the belligerent powers of Europe, unprecedented in modern annals, and intercourse with them, that thier novel doctrines and lawless aggressions, aimed a most fatal blow at the vitals of our prosperity; and that this blow has been parried by the firm and able stand taken by our government—that for the preservation of peace as well as our national rights and honour our administration did not hesitate amidst the convulsions of the times, freely to put at stake its very political existence, it may reasonably be expected that a virtuous people will freely do them justice by their cordial approbation of the measures they have pursued.
CANDOUR.
"UNION OF HONEST MEN." Our federal leaders, finding their cup of defamation drained to its dregs—finding their blunted arrows fall harmless at the feet of the assailed—are attempting, by a hypocrisy as inconsistent as it is foolish, to form a party under the endearing appellation of "Union of honest Men." Mr. Madison has already become, at the expense of his worthy competitor in patriotism, an honest man . Yes, Madison, the enemy of commerce, the devoted tool of France, who declared that Napoleon wanted money and must have it , who had pledged himself to pursue the wicked system of Mr. Jefferson—the projector of the embargo—the disorganizing jacobin of '96 and '98—has been converted, as it were by magic, into a good federalist, and is to unite that party with a few of the least strenuous of his former friends in an "union of honest men!"—The absurdity of this allegation is exceeded only by its impudence. Honest men , at least those honest men who have not been deluded by knavery, ever have been united in Mr. Madison; and honest men will be united, so long as he continues that friend to his country which his services ever since the revolution demonstrate him to be.
The motives for this fancied union are manifestly dishonest —are base as federalism itself. They think, by ascribing the whole credit of the late happy change of affairs to what Mr. Madison has done since his accession to the Presidency, to tarnish the well earned fame of his predecessor, to the measures of whose administration the sum total of the credit is due. They suppose their unqualified praise of Madison will produce a corresponding antipathy in some of the republicans to his measures, and thereby introduce division and discontent, a favorite object for their acquirement. They vainly suppose by their flattery to make of Mr. Madison what he never was, an unprincipled time server and trimmer, one who can adapt himself to all minds—can serve as well a foreign as his native country. In all these things, their labours will be in vain and their strength spent for nought: they can turn for no length of time the channel of publick approbation from its proper course. —Jefferson will be applauded—Madison will be applauded—federal jargonism, though she may ascribe to herself the merit of that adjustment against the attainment of which, and the honour of our country, she has been incessantly fighting, will descend to the veil of oblivion; or if remembered, will only be thought of to be despised. Neither will their maxim, "Divide and conquer," serve more than a momentary purpose; honest men will no longer be gulled by their attempts to introduce jealousy and distrust into the republican ranks. And if they can wheedle Mr. Madison into the degraded appellation of federalism , we will give them credit for exchanging the antipodes —for converting good into evil. (N. H. Patriot.)
The federalists view in Mr. Jefferson the political giant who had overthrown their party, broken it into insignificant fragments, and rendered it ridiculous and contemptible.
If Jefferson was right, they were wrong: If he was a good man, they were foolish. How desirable a thing, therefore, must it be with the federalists, to establish their assertion that the late President was an unworthy governor, for in that alone can they find any justification for their former measures. This with them is one motive, one object: Another, not less strangely conceived, than pertinaciously adhered to, is to destroy the confidence between the old and genuine republicans, and the present executive. Hence you find continual applause bestowed upon Mr. Madison in the columns of the federal gazettes, for a fancied departure from the political ideas of his predecessor. In these eulogies there is a want of sincerity which manifests in the authors a pretty cunning, the offspring of meanness and intrigue. The federalists, as a party, have no confidence in the ruling chief magistrate. I view all their professions of respect and fidelity to his administration as despicable and hollow-hearted hypocrisy. The opposition are as perfidious as they are fawning; and the moment when loudest in their praises of a rival statesman, when their tongues riot in the very wantonness of flattery, he would become the victim of treachery as unrelenting as it is dishonourable. [Wash. Monitor.]
THE WOLF AND THE SHEEP.
A FABLE.
A wolf that had long prowled through the woods, and oft visited the plains, committing such depredations on the sheep, as obliged the farmers to keep them alone penned in their fold—finding himself, from the farmer's caution, almost famished, resolved (if possible) to change his mode of life, and live by industry instead of theft.
Necessity prompted him to the change, for alas! he could find nothing to steal!
He directed one of his cubs to supplicate the farmer's forgiveness, who sneakingly
crawled from his covey and presented himself at the farmer's door, to whom, with humility, he confessed that the old wolf had committed many depredations, for all which he assured him he was very sorry, and promised, that should the farmer forget the past—that he would change his nature, and cease to molest his sheep in future: that they might freely pass from field to field, and graze in perfect safety; if the farmer would only permit him to visit his farm and pick up such articles as the farmer could spare, without injury or inconvenience.—The sheep, who were listening heard the proposals of the cub wolf, and were all delighted, they skipped and bounded with joy at the prospect of being once more permitted to range at large without fear of murder or molestation, and they urged the farmer to accept the proposal of Mr. Wolf.
But the farmer, who well knew Mr. Wolf, thus replied to the young cub: "I receive with pleasure your acknowledgments of the wrongs you have committed, and your engagement that for the future you will not molest the sheep, no matter where they graze—and on that consideration I will permit you to visit, the farm yard, and take any thing which is not the property of my sheep. But, one condition is yet to be performed—you must find and give security to my satisfaction, for the faithful keeping of your engagement."
The wolf promised all that was asked; the farmer was not willing to trust his bare word, and required security; but the sheep, eager to get abroad, set up such a baa-ing—baa! baa!—baa!—baa! that the counsels of the farmer went for naught, the sheep scampered into the field, and *****
Here the fable, like the story of the fiddle, Breaks off in the middle.
We shall recover it as soon as the history of the tenth congress is published, and give it to our readers entire. [Aurora.]
NEW YORK ERECT.
In N. York the honest men of all parties united in executing this fresh attack of G. Britain upon the neutral rights of mankind; and which bears with such peculiar force of fraud, villainy and injustice upon the United States. Among other instances, we are told from the best authority, that Mr. RUFUS KING declared unequivocally, that he would not rejoice with the citizens of New-York on Saturday—and that sooner than illuminate his windows he would submit to have them broken. [Albany Register.]
When Mr. Adams, the late President (unwilling to rush into a war with France, which the Federal party at that time so ardently wished) sent a mission to France, the Picking party charged him with prejudices in favour of the French—with want of patriotism—with stupidity. His late letters, however, rescue him from those charges, and will also convince any candid man that there is a formidable British party in this country, who cloak their hostility to our free government under the name of FEDERALISM. These letters ought to be read by every friend to his country. It is not a little remarkable, that although "ADAMS AND LIBERTY" was for a long time the favorite topic of federalists, yet not a single editor has now the magnanimity to publish those letters.— ibid .
Political Miscellany.
For the REPUBLICAN.
[The following communication was written previously to the receipt of the new British orders in council. The laudable object of the writer is to exhibit the dignified attitude and efficient measures of the past administration. What will be the result of the late British orders, we are unable to determine—but we have already had too many examples of British perfidy, to place much dependence on their good faith.—EDITOR.]
"Give honour unto whom honour is due."
IT is now pretended by the opposition, that the British government, in their late overtures made to this country, have, but more clearly, manifested the same friendly disposition towards us, which they have ever manifested. They say, therefore, that it is our government that has yielded to the British government, by accepting of those overtures which we once rejected, and not (as is the truth) the British government which has yielded to ours, by offering to us the same terms which were, on the 23d of September last, rejected by her. A stranger in our country would, no doubt, be much surprised to see our own citizens endeavouring to humble their own government, and pleading the cause of a foreign government; and he would be equally at a loss to discover the motives for such conduct. It would therefore be necessary to tell him, that these men, who compose about one tenth of the community, wish to convince the other nine tenths that the administration would not have accepted of these terms, had they not plead so warmly the cause of G. Britain, and opposed so inveterately every measure of their government.—But although he might not be at any loss, after this explanation, for the motives of such conduct, his surprise, methinks, so far from being lessened, would much increase.
I propose to show, not by assertions, but by proofs, that the British government has returned to a sense of justice, and now manifests a disposition correspondent with the one which the last administration ever manifested: to restore the former friendly relations,

which have been, so unfortunately for both countries, interrupted. I undertake this, not for the sake of triumphing over G. Britain, but because it has become necessary, on account of the unwarrantable misrepresentations of the opposition, to show to the people the dignified attitude of their own government; which must be so gratifying to the just and honest pride of every unadulterated American. To do this, a retrospect will be necessary, from whence we shall be able to discover the dispositions of both governments towards each other. I shall begin as far back as the year 1806, in the close of which, that treaty was signed which Mr. Jefferson has been so much abused for refusing to ratify; with how much reason and candour we shall soon see.
The instructions of our government to Mr. Monroe, at first our sole minister, and afterwards in conjunction with Mr. Pinckney, have been published, together with the correspondence which passed upon the subject of this treaty, between the British commissioners and our own. From these we learn, that our ministers were instructed to form no treaty which did not contain an article that would secure our seamen from impressment. The treaty signed by our ministers contained no such article or provision: it therefore was not made in pursuance of their instructions. But, moreover, we learn, that our ministers at the time of signing this treaty, notified the British commissioners of the nature of their instructions, told them they had exceeded their powers, and that their government could not be considered as in any measure pledged to confirm their acts. One reason why such a provision with respect to impressment was considered as indispensable by the President, was, no doubt, that a resolution had passed the Senate to that effect, for which Mr. Pickering himself voted. The President, therefore, was not bound even to submit the treaty to the Senate, as it was not made in pursuance of the instructions given, which were so specific; but there was another great objection. After this treaty was thus signed, a note was affixed to it by the British commissioners, Holland and Auckland, the purport of which was:—that if France should carry her Berlin decree into execution against us, and we should not take (in the judgment of his Majesty) necessary measures to resist it, his Majesty would not consider himself as prevented by the treaty, from taking such retaliatory measures as he should deem proper. This was, in effect, binding us and leaving them at liberty. This note was thus affixed without the consent or approbation of our ministers; and such a treaty, coming in such a questionable shape, the President did not hesitate to send back, as in fact it could not be considered as any treaty at all. The President has been much censured by the opposition, for sending these propositions back; and, it has been said, had this treaty (as it is charitably called) been ratified by us, we should have had no differences with G. Britain. How false this assertion is will fully appear from the following undeniable fact. This treaty was signed in England on the 31st of December, 1806, and, on the 7th of January, 1807, but seven days afterwards, before the treaty could have got half way to this country, a British order in council was issued, professing to be a retaliation upon the French Berlin decree; which order in council prohibited us from going from port to port, not only of France, but also of all countries belonging to enemies of G. Britain. This was not only a direct violation of the treaty which they had signed, but even contrary to the note which was unauthorisedly affixed to it; for, by this note, G. Britain claimed the right of issuing such orders only in case France should endeavour to execute her decree against us, and we should submit to it; and it cannot be pretended, that seven days could have produced such a state of things as is here contemplated; and which, according to their own admission, could only have justified them in issuing such an order. Here we see the disposition of the British government, which could not have been effected by any knowledge of the disposition of ours. We also see what a dilemma we should have been in, had our President and Senate ratified this treaty with its accompanying note; inasmuch as we should have precluded and estopped ourselves from remonstrating against this order, upon the strong ground of principle ; and also against the orders of 11th November following; which, Mr. Canning says, are "an extension in operation but not in principle " of the order of the 7th January. Thus far our government appears upright and honourable. But, as a further evidence of the disposition and candour of the British government, when this treaty was returned to our ministers, with the President's objections; together with instructions to them to endeavour to adjust the unsettled points, it seems a change had taken place in the British ministry, and the said Mr. Canning was now Secretary of State; the British ministry therefore rejected the treaty in toto , and refused even to make it the basis of any further negotiations, or in fact to negotiate at all. But in order to fix the odium of having altogether rejected the treaty, upon our government, and to do away the objection that our ministers had exceeded their instructions, which was known to the British commissioners, Mr. Canning, notwithstanding he had before him the declarations of our ministers upon this subject, and their express stipulations when they signed the treaty, that their government should not be considered as in any measure compromised by it; notwithstanding all this, Mr. Canning had the impudence to tell our ministers, that whether they had exceeded their instructions or not, was a question solely between them and their own government; a fact, of which the British government could
take no cognizance, and therefore could not be taken into consideration by his majesty as furnishing a reason to our government for refusing to ratify the treaty. Such a mixture of sophistry and false insinuation can only be accounted for by the fact, that there had been (a change of ministry) a change unfavourable to this country, and that they seized the slightest pretext to destroy altogether a treaty which was made by a former ministry, and which they, when in the opposition, had censured as being too favourable to this country. From such a ministry, therefore, the Chesapeake attack, and the Orders in council of the 11th November were to have been expected.
(To be continued.)
NEWPORT:
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 21, 1809.
VINCENNES, MAY 13.
All Prospect of an Indian War at an End.
It has been stated, upon the authority of governor Harrison, that there exists not the smallest probability of hostilities with any of the neighbouring tribes.
The body of Indians, collected by the Prophet, have dispersed, and some of his confidential followers are now with the Governor. We understand that they very strenuously deny the existence of any intention, on their part, to attack our settlements; and that their dispersion was attended with some indications of terror and apprehension.
Whether this was occasioned by the military arrangements that were here made, or by the fear of starvation, from the prohibition, that was issued by the governor, to the traders, against supplying them with corn and ammunition, until their designs should be less equivocal, we know not.
FROM WASHINGTON, MAY 15. IMPORTANT BILL.
The following Bill was submitted to the Senate of the U. S. on the 29th ult. by Mr. GILES.
A BILL.
To amend and continue in force the act, entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes."
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States and the several acts supplementary thereto, and the act to enforce and make more effectual, an act entitled, an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the U. States; and also the thirteenth, fifteenth sections of the act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and for other purposes, be, and the same are hereby repealed. Provided however, That all penalties and forfeitures, which have been incurred on account of any infraction of any of the said acts or sections, shall be recovered, and distributed in like manner as if the said acts and sections had continued in full force and virtue.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes, as is not repealed by this act, shall continue in force until the end of the next session of Congress: Provided, That nothing therein contained shall be construed to prohibit any trade or commercial intercourse which has been or may be permitted in conformity with the provisions of the eleventh section of the said act.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of this act, no ship or vessel shall be permitted to depart for any foreign port or place with which commercial intercourse has not been or may not be permitted by virtue of the last mentioned act: And no ship or vessel, bound to foreign port or place with which commercial intercourse has been or may be permitted by virtue of the said act, shall be allowed to depart, unless the owners, consignee or factor of such ship or vessel shall, with the master have given bond with one or more sureties to the United States, in a sum double the value of the vessel and cargo, that the vessel shall not proceed to any port or place with which commercial intercourse is not permitted by virtue of the said act, nor be directly or indirectly engaged, during the voyage, in any trade with such port or place, nor shall put any article on board of any other vessel destined for such port or place: And if any ship or vessel shall, contrary to the provisions of this section, proceed to any such prohibited port or place, or be directly or indirectly engaged in any trade with such port or place, or shall depart from any port of the U. S. without clearance or having given bond in the manner above mentioned; such ship or vessel, together with her cargo, shall be wholly forfeited, and the owner or owners, agent, freighter or factors, master or commander of such ship or vessel shall, moreover, severally forfeit and pay a sum equal to the value of the ship or vessel and of the cargo put on board the same. Provided always, That the provisions of the eleventh section of the last mentioned act, shall extend to the prohibitions imposed by this section; which prohibition shall cease to operate in the manner and under the limitations prescribed by the eleventh section aforesaid, in relation to any nation with which commercial intercourse may hereafter be permitted in conformity with the provisions of the eleventh section aforesaid.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures arising under, or incurred by virtue of this act, shall be recovered and distributed, and may be remitted or mitigated in the manner prescribed by the act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies and for other purposes.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That all the vessels which may have arrived at any port or place within the United States, from Great Britain, her colonies or dependencies, since the twentieth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and nine, or which may arrive before the tenth of June next, shall be exempted from all the forfeitures and penalties incurred in consequence of any violation of any of the provisions of the said act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies.
LONDON, APRIL 25.
A private letter from Holland, communicates some very interesting particulars respecting the detection of treachery, on the part of some officers in the Austrian service. They state that a general officer of artillery
entrusted with the care of an extensive magazine, established near the frontiers of Bavaria, having corrupted several of the officers under his command, had formed a plan of delivering up that valuable depot, in which stores of all kinds were collected, to the enemy. A letter, fortunately intercepted, led to the discovery of the plot, and the traitor and his accomplices were secured and thrown into prison.
The following is a copy of an official despatch from Estremadura, dated the 31st ult.— "The duke of Albuquerque has succeeded in forming a junction with a part of Urbina's army. The latter is charged to guard the positions in the rear of the bridge of Arzebispo and Cardeal. Cuesta has twice offered battle to gen. Victor, but he has not accepted these offers, waiting, as we suspect, for the arrival of reinforcements. The French penetrated to within four league of Badajoz, whence they have been repulsed by the Spaniards, with the assistance of Albuquerque. The result of the action was the capture of a general, and more than 200 men, who have been conducted to Seville, and the slaughter of about 700. It is certain that a decisive engagement was to take place on the 30th, the French being placed between three armies, and in a situation where they can receive no reinforcements, in consequence of Urbina's guarding the bridges above mentioned with 12,000 men. Cuesta has from 8 to 9000 cavalry in fine order: the French have 6000, but so lean and starved, that they are not equal to 1000 effectives. The French force, in all, consists of 25,000 men, the Spanish of 52,000.
A few days ago upwards of 400 armed Prussians suddenly entered the kingdom of Westphalia, and seized the money belonging to the crown. They did not commit the least violation of private property. After remaining forty-eight hours they retired, having previously circulated a variety of inflammatory proclamations, inciting the inhabitants to rise and shake off the yoke of France. This event, which is probably nothing more than the result of great misery acting upon men of military habits, has been taken up very seriously by king Jerome. He has sent a courier to Koningsberg, with orders to his minister to demand an explanation; and, if sufficient satisfaction be not made for the outrage, it shall be considered as a declaration of war.
AARON BURR, AND MIRRANDA.
The Spanish junta ambassador at London, (Apadoca) having made representations to the British minister for foreign affairs, that several persons were in London, who had in hand an enterprise against the Spanish colonies in South America, Miranda and Burr were particularly named; the former however contrived to obtain a passage in a vessel bound for St. Christopher's, for which place it is said he departed; Aaron Burr was also summoned to appear, did not make his escape, but presented himself according to the summons; and was notified that he must depart from England; he disclaimed all connection or participation with any design against the Spanish colonies, and claimed as a British subject, under magna charta , to remain unmolested in the country, to which he owed and avowed allegiance!
Upon its being urged that he was an American citizen, and that he had held a station there, which put his character of an American beyond question; he disclaimed the character of an American citizen, and asserted that he was entitled to protection by his birth under the British government, long before the independence of America; and that although the British government might connive at it, he maintained, that the principles of British law and policy never admitted of expatriation; and could not refuse to recognize the right of any subject born within the realm or its colonies.
He was nevertheless advised that he must depart the realm.
He thereupon signified that it was out of his power, that he was destitute of the funds requisite to defray the expenses of his removal, or to discharge the obligations which he had already incurred.
Whether the funds are advanced or not, we have not learnt—but he was accompanied to one of the ports on the North Sea, and shipped for the continent.
We heard several weeks ago that he had taken his passage for the Island of St. Christopher's and was destined for Trinidad.
There were some others of the choice spirits taken in company with A. Burr, and accompanied him on his trip across the North Sea. Unhappy outcasts, whom no country owns, alike disclaimed, and disclaimed by all; from whose acts, the want of honorable motives, withdraws not alone indulgence, but excites horror: and whose misfortunes forbid all sympathy, not even that of compassion or humiliating pity! [ Aurora. ]
The Senate of the United States had passed a bill extending the benefit of drawback to all merchandise transported by land from Newport to Boston, or from Boston to Newport.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We acknowledge with pleasure the receipt of the 3d number of "Political Reflections," by "A Freeman." It was received too late for insertion this week—but it shall have a place in our next.
"Albert," is received, and shall fill the poet's corner of our next paper.
MARRIED.
At Georgetown, (S. C.) Mr. RICHARD WATERMAN, of Providence, to Miss MARY C. THURSTON, of the former place.
DIED.
At Providence, Del. EDWARD THURBER, B. 74. At Germantown, (Penn.) Rev. WM. GRATT, B. 82.
MARINE LIST.
PORT OF NEWPORT.
Entered—brig Pegasus, Rathbone, Havana; sloop Sally, Read, Philadelphia; do. Betsey, Child, Richmond; do. Huntress, Earl, New-York; do. Fame, Walden, do.
Cleared—ship Nancy, Coggeshall, Tommington; do. Columbia, Winslow, Norfolk; brig Neptune, Tisdale, St. Bartholomew; sch. Barbara, Marshall, Bermuda; do. Rhoda, Eldred, Machias; sloop Fanny, Jordan, do.; do. Sally, Spencer, Richmond; do. Halcyon, Walden, New-York.
Clap & Nichols,
TAILORS,
No. 67, CORNHILL, BOSTON,
HAVE just received an assortment of the best Superfine CLOTHS AND CASSIMERES, consisting of
  7 pieces dark Navy blue,  Best Superfine English, French and Dutch BROADCLOTHS.    5 do. black,    5 do. bottle green,    3 do. olive,    2 do. London smock,    2 do. drabs,  Superfine Milled and Single CASSIMERES.    1 do. dark mixed,    Neo, Coatings and Devonshire Kerseys;    Black, Blue, Scarlet, White, Fawn and Drab,  
Nankeens, Nankeens cotton Cassimeres; Jeans, white and coloured, for summer Pantaloons;
Black silk Florentines;
Plain and silk Velvets;
White and figured Marseilles and Nelson's Cord, for vestings;
Webb's silk cotton and morocco gilt Suspender;
Gilt, plated and steel large and small fashionable coat Buttons;
Artillery, Engineers, and Navy coat and vest Buttons, by the gross or dozen, warranted not to tarnish.
The above articles are as good as can be found in Boston Market, and will be sold at a fair price.
N. B. Officers in the Army or Navy, can be furnished with Uniform of any description, of the latest modern style, and of the best materials.
Gentlemen of Newport who are in the habit of procuring their Cloths in Boston, are requested to call on CLAP & NICHOLS, were they will find cloths and fashions to suit their fancy. Boston, June 21, 1809.
FOR SALE.
THE Cargo of sch. NEPTUNE, consisting of 2500 bushels Turks-Island Salt, by wholesale or retail; and a few boxes white Sugar. For terms apply to ROBERT ELDRED, or JOSEPH GOOLD, in Wickford. June 21.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, in August last, an indented Apprentice to the Baking business, named JOHN FINK, a native of Hesse, in Germany; about 20 years of age; speaks broken English; full faced, and a little pock-broken; dark hair; stout built; and about five feet seven inches high. Any person who will apprehend the said Runaway, and deliver him to the Subscriber, shall have the above reward, and all necessary charges paid.
GODFRY WENWOOD.
Newport, June 21, 1809.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscriber is appointed Executrix to the last Will and Testament of JOHN PITMAN, of Newport, Housewright, deceased, all persons who have demands against the Estate, are requested to present them for adjustment; and those indebted are required to make payment to
NANCY PITMAN, Executrix.
Newport, 21st June, 1809.
NOTICE.
WE the Subscribers, being by the Court of Probate of the town of Jamestown, appointed Commissioners to receive, examine and adjust the claims of the creditors against the estate of HENRY FOWLER, jun. late of Jamestown, deceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice, that six months from the 5th inst. are allowed to the creditors of the said estate to bring in and prove their respective claims; and that we will attend at our respective dwellings for that purpose.
JOHN ELDRED, THOMAS CARR, Commissioners
All persons having any of the effects of said deceased, are required to leave them at the house of THOMAS R. CORNELL, Jamestown, or with the administrator.
HENRY FOWLER.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice to the Flower-making, Drawing, and Ornamental Painting Business. Apply at 293, Thames-street. June 21, 1809.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice to the Cabinet-making business. A smart active lad, about 14 or 15 years of age, who can produce good recommendation, may hear of a situation by applying at the office of the Rhode-Island Republican.
N. B. One from the country would be preferred. April 3.

Poetry.
THE DIAL.
By Montgomery.
THIS shadow on the dial's face, That steals from day to day, With slow, unceasing pace, Moments and months, and years away; This shadow, which, in every clime, Since light and motion first began, Hath held its course sublime, What is it?—Mortal man! It is the scythe of Time.
A shadow only to the eye, Yet, in its calm career, It levels all beneath the sky; And still, through each succeeding year, Right onward, with resistless power, Its stroke shall darken every hour, Till Nature's race begun, And its last motion shall eclipse the sun.
Nor only o'er the dial's face, The silent shade, from day to day, With slow, unceasing pace, Steals moments, months, and years away; From hoary rock, and aged tree, From proud Palmyra's mouldering walls, From Teneriffe, towering o'er the sea, From every blade of glass that falls.
For, O! wherever a shadow sweeps, The scythe of Time destroys; And man at every footstep weeps O'er evanescent joys; Life's flowrets glittering with the dews of morn, Fair for a moment, then forever shorn:— Ah! soon beneath the inevitable blow, T too shall lie in dust, and darkness low.
Then Time, the Conqueror, will suspend His scythe, a trophy, o'er my tomb, Whose moving shadow shall portend Each frail beholder's doom.— O'er the wide earth's illumined space, Through Time's triumphant flight be shown, The truest index on its face Points from the church-yard stone.
AMUSING MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ANTHOLOGY.
Original Letters, from an American Traveller in Europe, to his friends in this country.
LETTER NINGTH.
Naples, Jan. 16th, 1805.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
SINCE I last wrote you I have made a second visit to Pompeia, in consequence of the discovery of a new room, in which as usual a great variety of articles in use among the Romans was found. As the very unfortunate death of the Custos Musei has hitherto prevented, and will probably continue to prevent my seeing the collection at Portici, this discovery is very opportune to me, and for the same reason the description may be interesting to you. Indeed it forms a very tolerable indemnity for the loss of my visit to Portici; for as a large proportion of the curiosities in the palace at that place consisted of pictures cut out of the walls, those found in the new rooms, just opened, are some compensation for the loss, and indeed enable us to form a perfect idea of the whole: and the utensils discovered in the late excavations give us a very good idea of those before found, to which we can add the satisfaction of knowing their authenticity and antiquity, by "surprising them (If I may use a law phrase) in the fact."
There is one large picture in the house lately excavated, which gives a very excellent example of the degree of perfection to which the ancients had attained in this divine art. It has been observed, by better judges than I am, that the designs of these pictures are in general inimitable, and that the ablest modern artists could not change a single fold in the draperies to advantage; but the execution and finishing are generally bad. This, however, is by no means extraordinary, as they were the common finishings of their rooms, and stood in the place of our paper hangings.
None but emperors could afford to employ the best artists in the decoration of their rooms. The subject of the piece which I saw in this newly excavated house, was the story of Actæon; and the moment which the painter had chosen for his pencil, was when the dogs of Diana had just fastened upon the unhappy youth, and when the new-born horns had just started from his brow; but while he retained in all other respects the human form. The voracious fury of the dogs, and the horror of Actæon at his unexpected and (saving the dignity of Diana) his undeserved fate, are very naturally described. If the ancients did not therefore, in the highest styles of painting, equal the moderns; if Apelles cannot justly claim a rank equal to Raphael, it must be acknowledged, that their house painters most certainly excelled their successors in the same humble but useful sphere.
Among the articles found in this late excavation, were two very elegant marble tables, in a style of workmanship far superior to any modern productions of this kind. The legs of the tables were of a colour totally different from, and indeed in contrast to the leaf or top. The polish and beauty of this marble were totally unaffected, either by time or the substances which had surrounded it. No artist could deliver a piece of work from his shop in more perfect order than these were, except some little breaches, which they had sustained in the overthrow of the house. Two perfect iron tires for wheels, together with all the metallic parts of a complete, and probably elegant coach, were also found.
It is strange, considering the very dry nature of the pumice stone which covered Pompeia and the perfect and unchanged state of the paintings in fresco, that no piece of wood, in a perfect state, should have been found in this edifice; and indeed as far as I am informed in any of the buildings of this city. You can only then conjecture the form of the implements of wood, from the parts which remain of the metals formerly attached to them. Iron has suffered more than any metal discovered in Pompeia; this is very natural, and the causes familiar to chemists. The oxyd of iron formed around all the implements of that metal, has drawn in and caused to adhere to the body all the stones and small foreign bodies, which came in contact with it, so that some process and labour are necessary to detach them and discover its real form.
I have a small piece of iron with its envelope, thus formed, which I shall send home, with my other specimens of Vesuvian productions.
The tires of the wheels resemble ours in form, width, and diameter; they consisted of a single hoop, as the English ones now generally do. The iron buses and hoops to the hubs of the wheels, were precisely the same as they are now. The axle-trees were of wood, and to the ends of them were attached pieces of iron, which went on the interior side, and extended through the boxes, and a little beyond them only. All
these little parts are as perfect as ever, and show that we have not only not improved, but have not varied.
Various round and other shaped ornaments of brass were found, which were attached to the carriage, and which bear a strong resemblance to the plated and brass ornaments which decorate our modern chaises and chariots.
There were small chamber lamps, made of earthen ware, precisely resembling those now in use in Europe, and indeed in our own country. There were a very great number of amphoræ, or earthen vessels, which the Romans used not only for wine, but oil, wheat, and various species of grain. This is perfectly ascertained, because those various substances, or their remains, were found in them in so unquestionable a shape, as leaves no room even for scepticks to doubt. Two things have occurred to me on this subject, which I thought worthy of reflection. The one is, that it is extraordinary that the Romans should either not have known the use of wooden casks, or should have disliked them. The fact is undoubted, for we find amphoræ of every size, from a gallon to several hundred, I should suppose, but at least to one hundred; and in such quantities, that at Rome, there is a large mountain, or hill, two miles out of the city, which is wholly composed of broken pieces of amphoræ. The other fact worthy of notice is that most of these earthen vessels were made with so small a bottom, that they cannot stand up without support; and they were obliged either to bury them partially, or to sit them against a wall, to prevent them from falling. It must be remarked, however, that the forms are extremely various, as well as their capacity, but they have generally this (what we should consider) defect, which I leave to your wiser heads to explain.
Before the discovery of Herculaneum and Pompeia, much doubt existed whether the ancients had the art of making glass; but all these difficulties have been cleared up. They certainly not only had the art, but I believe in a very perfect degree. I saw a large bottle of clear glass, with a handle, resembling those which are used for spirit or brandy with us. There were several small phials, of very nice and difficult workmanship, on account of their minuteness and singular shape. The glass was very clear, considering that it was extremely dirty, not having been washed since the discovery. The guide who shewed me these things, a man of some learning, made me remark that there was no mark of the place to which the blow-pipe had been attached, as in our modern manufactures; and yet no appearance of its having been ground or cut, which are the present modes of getting rid of this imperfection.
The fact is undoubtedly so, but I leave to the learned to decide, whether they had a different mode of blowing, or whether they cut so nicely, as to give the natural and simple rotundity of blown glass; or whether (which I think most probable) the blow-pipe was attached to the present mouth of the bottle, instead of the bottom. I saw an elegant glass salt-cellar, filled with what I fancy was the remnants of salt; and several pieces of glass-coloured blue, white, and green throughout, which prove that the ancients had that art of colouring glass, which the moderns so highly value.
On the whole, my visit to examine these novel discoveries, gave me much gratification; and if the description of part of them shall afford you an half hour's relaxation and pleasure, I shall be happy. Your's, &c.
Benj. & Solomon G. Weaver,
HATTERS,
TAKE this method to inform their friends and the publick in general, they have REMOVED from No. 90 to No. 91, nearly opposite their old stand, and directly opposite JAMES MUMFORD's dry goods store—where they have just received from New-York, an addition to their former stock, selected by themselves, which makes their assortment of MEN'S, YOUTH'S and CHILDREN'S HATS, as good as was ever offered from any store in Newport, all which they intend to sell as low as can be purchased in this town. Newport, April 19.
HENRY Y. CRANSTON & CO.
No. 15, Market-Square,
RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the publick in general, that they have for sale at their Store, the following Goods, which they would dispose of for Cash or approved Credit: viz.—6 hhds. St. Kitts high 2d, 3d, and 4th proof Rum; 10 pipes Gin, of an excellent quality; 8 bags Coffee; 6 kegs Virginia Tobacco; 20 kegs Ginger; 6 chests Souchong Tea; 30 quintals Cod Fish; 1000 lbs. Cordage; 12 dozen Bed Cords; 50 lbs. Sewing Twine; 4 bags Pimento; 300 lbs. Loaf Sugar; 100 reams Brown Paper; 20 do Foolscap do. &c. &c.
Those who are indebted to them by Note or Book Account, are requested to call and settle the same. All Orders from their distant customers will receive punctual attendance. Newport, April 26, 1809.
JASON SPRAGUE,
Offers for sale, at his Store, in Washington-Street, No. 4,
100 bbls. fresh superfine Alexandria and New-York Flour, by the barrel or larger quantity; 2000 wt. Cabin Bread; 60 barrels pickled Cod; dry Codfish by the quintal or larger quantity; Pork; Beef; Rice by the tierce; loaf, powdered and brown Sugar; Souchong and Bohea Teas; Coffee; Molasses; West-India, New-England and Cherry Rum; Wine, Brandy and Gin, by the barrel or less quantity; Ginger, Allspice, Pepper, Cinnamon, Soap, Candles, Starch, negro-head, pigtail and leaf Tobacco; Segars by the thousand or less quantity; Men's and Women's Shoes; Boots; writing and wrapping Paper; merchantable and clear pine Lumber; Hog-head Shooks, Oars; black and bright Varnish; Rosin; a few barrels gurry Oil. Also, a small quantity of Flax.
Which Articles may be had on reasonable terms, for Cash or approved credit, and the smallest favours gratefully received. Newport, March, 21, 1809.
JAMES WESTGATE, BAKER,
No. 195, Thames-Street, Offers for sale, 100 bbls. excellent Ship Bread. Groceries of all kinds, Crackers and Ginger Bread put up at the shortest notice. Newport, March 22.
SIMPSON & BARKER,
Offer for sale, At the Brick Market 40 bbls. mess Pork. March 22.
HENRY Y. CRANSTON, & CO.
No. 15, Market-Square,
HAVE just received for sale—75 bbls. Alexandria superfine and fine Flour, of a superior inspection; and 50 bbls. first quality Ship Bread. May 17.
ABNER HATHAWAY,
BROAD-STREET,
HAS for sale, many kinds of LUMBER, consisting of Timber, Joist, Boards, and Shingles; Cedar and Pine Clapboards. Also—white oak Plank and round Timber; with a good assortment of birch and maple Bedstead Joist.
Nails and Hollow Ware, of many kinds; cast iron Oven Frames and Doors, on an approved construction. Corn and Potatoes, by the bushel or larger quantity. Newport, April 5.
SALE AT AUCTION.
On MONDAY, the 11th of Sept next, at 2 o'clock, P.M. on the premises,
WILL be sold at Publick Auction, the Right of Redemption, of a House and Land, formerly the property of GEORGE COOK, represented insolvent, now in possession of WILLIAM HOWLAND, situated in Little-Compton.
JOSEPH BAILEY, } Assignees. DAVID DURFEE, jun. PHILIP GRAY, Little-Compton, June 6, 1809.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of WILLIAM BURROUGHS & SON was dissolved on the first day of January last. Those to whom they may be indebted are requested to call immediately and receive their dues; and those indebted to them are desired to make speedy payment. Accounts and notes, the payment of which has been repeatedly called for, will, without discrimination, be put in suit in ten days from date, unless previously settled. WILLIAM BURROUGHS. WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS. Newport, April 12, 1809.
WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS
Transacts business on his own account, at the store formerly occupied by Wm. BURROUGHS & Son, 50, Thames-Street. Wanted immediately—an active young Man. Good recommendations will be required. April 12.
PUBLICK HEALTH.
BATHING-HOUSE.
FOR the accommodation of those Ladies and Gentlemen, who wish to partake of the luxury of the Bath, the BATHING-HOUSE will be opened every day, from sunrise until 9 o'clock in the evening. Sundays excepted, when it will be closed at 10 o'clock in the morning.—Tickets may be had at the Medicine Store of SAMUEL W. VINSON, and of the Proprietor. Ladies will please to pass in at the door No. 72, Thames-Street. Gentlemen will enter at the east door of the Bathing-House, Pelham-Street. Subscribers will be furnished with Tickets on account of their Shares, as heretofore. Newport, April 19, 1809.
NOTICE
THE MANAGERS of the Newport METHODIST CHAPEL LOTTERY, have determined to commence Drawing said Lottery on the first MONDAY of SEPTEMBER next. Newport, May 31, 1809.
PLEASE TO TAKE NOTICE.
THE Subscribers respectfully inform their Friends and the publick, that they have entered into Partnership, and taken the well known Stables belonging to Mr THOMAS TOWNSEND, situated in Green-street, where Horses and Carriages for every purpose will be furnished at short notice; particularly Coachees provided with careful and experienced drivers, for parties of pleasure or travellers; and Saddle Horses either for Ladies or Gentlemen; they will also furnish despatch messengers for any direction. Their Stables being well calculated for the business, Horses will be taken in to keep at reasonable rates for long or short periods; and as they are determined to attend well to every part of their business, they hope to merit the favours of the publick. JOHN G. EASTON. WM. E. DRUMMOND. Newport, April 19, 1809.
THE Subscriber from long and intimate knowledge of Wm. E. DRUMMOND, and confidence in his Partner, recommends them as worthy the encouragement of the publick. THOMAS TOWNSEND. Newport, April 19, 1809.
TO BE LET,
And immediate possession given.
THAT pleasant and commodious Room, corner of Mill and Thames-Streets, hitherto occupied by the subscriber as an office. It is unquestionably by far the best situation for a publick office, of any in the town—and at small expence, might be fitted for a dry goods store. For terms apply to PAUL M. MUMFORD. May 9.
NEWPORT BANK.
NOTICE is hereby given, That the half yearly dividend will be declared and paid, on Saturday, the first day of July next, to those who (by the books of the Bank) appear to be Stockholders on the 24th instant. By order of the President & Directors, JOHN R. SHEARMAN, Cashier. Newport, June 14, 1809. [3w]
WE the Subscribers, being by the Court of Probate of the town of Middletown, appointed Commissioners to receive, examine and adjust the claims of the Creditors against the estate of Capt. Joseph Tuggart, late of Middletown, deceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice, that six months from the 15th instant, are allowed to the creditors of the said estate, to bring in and prove their respective claims, and that we will attend at our respective dwellings for that purpose. ALANSON PECKHAM, } Comr's. WILLIAM TAGGART, } Comr's. All persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make payment to SARAH TAGGART, Adm'r. Middletown, May 29, 1809. [J.6.]
NOTICE.
WE the Subscribers being by the Hon. Court of Probate of North-Kingstown, in the county of Washington, appointed Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the creditors to the estate of George Scott Pindar, late of North-Kingstown, mariner—being upwards of three years absent from home, unheard of; these are, therefore, to notify the creditors to the said George S. Pindar, to bring in their respective claims to either of us the Subscribers, at our respective dwellings in said town, within six months from the date hereof—being the time allowed by said Court for that purpose. GEO. THOMAS, } Comr's. JONA. REYNOLDS, } Comr's. All persons indebted to said Estate are desired to make immediate payment, to STEPHEN CONGDON, Adm'r. North-Kingstown, April 21st, 1809.
NEW HOTEL.
THE publick are informed that the subscriber has taken the house formerly occupied by Mr. OLIVER VARRS, north of the State House, in Broad-Street, where Parties and Clubs may be accommodated with private rooms, &c. Suppers prepared on Short notice. Persons may be accommodated with Boarding and Lodging. All kinds of refreshments provided; and good accommodations for horses, &c. Pastry and Cake of various kinds, together with Porter, Mead and Beer, constantly at hand.
Families can be supplied with Calves head Soup, dressed turtle fashion, every Friday. Calves-Feet Jelly kept for sale. Cordials, of various kinds, a constant supply.
As the subscriber has been at considerable trouble and expence in obtaining one of the first Cooks from the city of New-York, he flatters himself he shall receive a portion of the publick patronage. Every attention will be paid to those who may visit his house, where the smallest favour will be gratefully acknowledged by the publick's most obedient servant, CATO BARKER. N. B. Horses and Carriages, to let. Newport, May 17, 1809.
FOR SALE,
THAT pleasant situation South of Brick Market, about 60 feet on Thames-street, extends about 400 feet west, with a small Wharf. There are two large and very commodious Dwelling-Houses, one fronting on Thames-street, No. 197 and 199, with two convenient Shops in front; the other stands west, very well calculated for two families.
Also—a Lot of Land, at the south-east part of the town, containing three quarters of an acre. Good title will be given. JOSEPH ALLEN. Newport, April 26.
FOR SALE,
THE Dwelling-house, Lot and Out-houses thereon standing, occupied by Capt. Simon Davis—situated in Spring-street, S. E. corner of Mill-street.
Also—the House and Lot at the North part of Easton's point, lately occupied by the Reverend Mr. Bradley.
Likewise—the Masts, Spars, Sails, Rigging, Stores, &c. suitable for a single decked Brig of 110 or 115 tons, or a high or double decked Brig of 120 or 130 tons.—Apply to CONSTANT TABER. Newport, June 7, 1809.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice, to the Baking business. A smart active Lad about 12 or 13 years of age, who can produce good recommendation, may hear of a situation by applying at the office of the Rhode-Island Republican. N. B. One from the country would be preferred. May 10.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED, an Apprentice to the House Carpenter's Business. A lad from 14 to 16 years, (producing satisfactory recommendations) would hear of a good situation, on application at this Office. N. B. One from the country would have the preference. June 7.