New-Hampshire gazette, or, State journal and general advertiser (Portsmouth, N.H.), 1779-12-07 00:00:00

From the Royal Georgia Gazette. SAVANNAH, October 28.
Late Monday died here the Hon. Lieut. Col. Maitland, of the 71st regiment.
Nov. 4. All the French and rebel vessels have left this river.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 11.
By a gentleman who came to town last evening from Virginia, we are assured, that Count d'Estaing's fleet had a few days ago arrived in Chesapeake Bay.
TRENTON, Nov. 17.
A gentleman from Elizabeth Town informs, that the enemy, to the number of 8000, have embarked, & part of them failed, supposed to be bound to South-Carolina, or the W. Indies.
BOSTON, Dec. 2.
All accounts from Philadelphia, respecting the unsuccessful attempt upon the British lines at Savannah, agree in bestowing great encomiums on the behaviour of the allied troops & their leaders---in assuring us that there was the most entire harmony between the Count d'Estaing and Gen. Lincoln, as well as the French and American soldiery: That every one was sensible that considering the circumstances of affairs in the West-Indies, it was impossible for the Count d'Estaing to have waited the operations of a regular siege; that he gave every proof of the warmest attachment to the American cause, which he has greatly served, notwithstanding the disappointment. His intrepidity is extolled: His generous exposure of his life, and bleeding for our safety, will long be remembered. The merit of our allies in this service is acknowledged; which has ended unhappily, but by no means ingloriously to the officers or troops of either nation. The Count may perform for us in the West Indies, what from unavoidable circumstances, his activity & valor could not accomplish in Georgia, Success there will more than compensate this failure, in a final settlement.
Extract of a Letter, dated Fish Kill, November 13.
"An embarkation has been made at New York, its Destination not known ---Can't learn the Number. The Enemy have left off fortifying and it is said have laid an Embargo on all Trading Vessels at New York. We
are told that the Troops from Newport have never yet been suffered to land; and that no Provision of Fuel or Forage has been made for the Winter; from all which Circumstances, an Evacuation is expected; indeed it is said to be generally talked of in the City."
Another Letter of the 15th, mentions, the Troops from Newport having sailed from Sandy Hook.
We hear the Ship Jason in her late Cruise commanded by the brave Capt. John Manly, is taken by the Perseus Frigate, after an obstinate Engagement of four Glasse, and carried into St. John's Newfoundland. 'Tis reported that the Jason had 18 killed and 12 wounded. 'Tis also reported the Perseus had 7 killed, & a Number wounded. The Particulars of this Naval Combat is not yet come to Hand.
We hear, That two Privateers, one belonging to Salem, and the other to Marblehead, being in Concert, in the Bay of Fundy, fell in with, and have captured the whole Fleet, consisting of seven Sail, bound from Halifax for Penobscot, laden with Stores, &c. The Convoy included in the above, arrived at Salem last Friday Morning. Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Albany to his friend in this town, dated Nov. 19, 1779.
"Count D'Orvillier and Sir Charles Hardy (say Rivington & Robertson's Royal Gazettes) have had one of the bloodiest battles ever fought in the channel, in which the latter lost seven ships of the line, his whole fleet dispersed and driven into different ports. The British rear Admiral (his name not known) went to the bottom with every sail set as he was endeavouring to make his escape: Mr. Lee, of this place, just from Head Quarters, saw the two papers with the account; and a Major, belonging to our army, who escaped from on board Arbuthnot's ship, says he was informed by a Midshipman, that a packet had arrived in New York with the account the day before he came away."
Last Week a Packet from Augustine put into Newport, not knowing it was evacuated. Several Officers from Georgia came Passengers.
We hear a British vessel as lately sent to Newport, with orders, if the place was not evacuated before she arrived, for the British forces to remain there:
EXETER, December 7.
On the 25th of last Month, the Paper-Mill in this Town took Fire, and consumed all the inside Work, the Stock and Building was saved.
Those Gentlemen that has ordered their Papers for the Clothing Business are desired not to send for them till the latter end of January next, by which Time it is expected the Mill will be ready to go.
WHEREAS by an Act of the General Court of the State of New-Hampshire, for repairing and making passable with Carriages, the Road thro' and from Woolborough to Conway, and through Conway to Northumberland, and the Upper Cohas, We the Subscribers are of the Committee to see the same effectually done; and having proceeded on the Business so far as the scarcity of Labourers will admit of---Do hereby notify the Owners of the Tracts of Land below mentioned, that the Proportion of Labour is set against the Name of each original Proprietor in the Number of Days Work performed, which they are desired to make Payment for (with incidental Charges) to the Subscribers or to Daniel Fowle, Printer of the New Hampshire Gazette, who is impowered to receive the same---Those who shall neglect making Payment by the space of 60 Days after the Date hereof, will have their Lands advertised, and so much sold as shall discharge the same, agreeable to said Act.
   Tract of Land, Benjamin Sawyer original Proprietor, Days Work.     Ditto Thomas Chadbourn ditto, 104 & half.   Ditto Major Gray ditto 36   Ditto William Stark, ditto, 54   50 & half.  
Thomas Merrill Andrew McMillan Edward Bucknam } of the Committee
WHEREAS the proprietors of Waltham, in the county of Strafford and State of New Hampshire, having been legally notified to pay ready taxes to the subscriber; and several of them yet being delinquent, this is therefore to notify such persons, that so much of each delinquent proprietors land will be exposed to sale at public Vendue at my house in Rochester on tuesday the 21st of December next at 10 of the clock in the forenoon to pay said taxes with incidental charges, the delinquent proprietors name as follows, with the sum due
   Names 1st div. 2d. s. d. Names 1st div. 2d. s. d.     John Downs 6 6 0 John Marden 6 15 0   John Hartford 6 6 0 Robert Hanlon 0 3 4   Hezekiah Cook 20 20 0 Ebenezer Wentworth 10 9 0   James Canney 4 0 0 Mois Gage 31 6 3   Samuel Aly 0 15 0 John James 6 0 6   Nahum Emery 0 0 6 Joseph Hix 21 0 0   Samuel Walton 6 0 0 Samuel Heard 0 95 0   Will. Twombly 6 6 0 Benjamin Hix 48 48 0   Benja. Austin 6 6 0 Tim Hanson 0 17 0   Jeb Clemens 6 6 0 John Hix 10 0 0   William Gage 45 0 0 J. Wentworth Esq. 0 6 0   Benja. Roberts 0 6 0    Rochester, Nov. 9, 1779 Barnabas Palmer Collector
TAKEN up by Eliphalet Gilman, A black Bear, coming to town, with a bob tail, a crop off the left ear, if I mistake not: the right one not; may have him again, proving his property, and paying charges. Also a Ewe and Lamb. Eliphalet Gilman. Exeter November 24, 1779
Whereas I the subscriber have posted my Wife ABIGAIL, by taking up with bad Advice of my Friends, wherein I blame her not, whereas she must and do as before. Chester, Nov. 25, 1779. Jacob Basford.

TEAOGA, Sept. 30th, 1779.
SIR,
IN mine of the 30th ult. to his Excellency General Washington, and by him transmitted to Congress, I gave an account of the victory obtained by this army over the enemy at Newton, on the 20th of August. — I now do myself the honor to inform Congress of the progress of this army, and the most material occurrences which have since taken place.
The time taken up in destroying the corn in the neighbourhood of Newton employing the army near two days, and there appearing a probability that the destruction of all the crops might take a much greater length of time than was at first apprehended and being likewise convinced, by an accurate calculation, that it would not be possible to effect the destruction of the Indian country, with the provision on hand, which was all I had in store, and indeed all I had pack horses to transport from Teoga; in this situation I could think of but one expedient to answer the purposes of the expedition, which was to prevail, if possible on the soldiers to content themselves with half a pound of flour, and the same quantity of fresh beef per day, rather than leave the important business unfinished. I therefore drew up an address to them, a copy of which I have the honour to inclose you, which being read, was answered by three cheers from the whole army. Not one dissenting voice was heard from either officer or soldier. I had then on hand, from the best calculation I could make, twenty-two pounds of flour and sixteen pounds of Beef per man; the former liable to many deductions by rains, crossing rivers and defiles; the latter much more so, from the almost unavoidable loss of cattle, when suffered to range the woods at night for their support. I was, however, encouraged in the belief, that I should be enabled to effect the destruction and total ruin of the Indian territories, by this truly noble virtuous resolution of the army, for which I know not whether the public stand more indebted to the persuasive arguments which the officers began to use, or to the virtuous disposition of the soldiers whose prudent and chearful compliance with the requisition anticipated all their wishes, and rendered persuasion unnecessary. I sent back all my heavy artillery on the night of the 30th, retaining only four brass three pounders, and a small howitzer, loaded the necessary ammunition on horse-back, and marched early on the 31st for Catharine's town. On our way we destroyed a small settlement of 8 houses, and town called Knavaholee, of about 20 houses, situated on a peninsula at the conflux of the Teoga and Cayuga branches. We also destroyed several fields of corn. From this Colonel Dayton was detached with his regiment and the rifle corps up the Teoga about six miles, who destroyed several large fields of corn. The army resumed their march, and encamped within thirteen miles and an half of Catharine's town, where we arrived the next day, although we had a road to open for the artillery, through a swamp nine miles in extent, and almost impervious. We arrived near Catharine's town in the night, and moved on in hopes to surprize it, but found it forsaken. — On the next morning an old woman of the Cayuga nation was found in the woods, who informed, that on the night after the battle at Newton, the enemy having fled the whole time, arrived there in great confusion early the next day; that she heard the warriors tell their women, they were conquered, and must fly; that they had a great many killed, and vast numbers wounded. She likewise heard the lamentations of many at the loss of their connexions. In addition to this, she assured us, that some other warriors had met Butler at this place, and desired him to return and fight again. But to this request they could obtain no satisfactory answer, for, as they observed, "Butler's mouth was closed." The warriors who had been in the action were equally averse to the proposal, and would think of nothing but flight and removal of their families; that they kept runners on every mountain to observe the motion of our
army, who reported early in the day on which we arrived, that our advance was very rapid, upon which all those that had been before sent off fled with precipitation, leaving her without any possible means of escape. She said that Brandt had taken most of the wounded up the Teoga in canoes. I was from many circumstances fully convinced of the truth and sincerity of her declaration, and the more so, as we had, the day we left Newton, discovered a great number of bloody packs arms and accoutrements, thrown away in the road, and in the woods on each side of it. — Besides which we discovered a number of recent graves, one of which has been since opened; containing the bodies of two persons who had died by wounds. These circumstances, when added to that of so many warriors being left dead on the field, a circumstance not common with Indians, were sufficient to corroborate the woman's declaration, and to prove what I before conjectured, that the loss of the enemy was much greater than was at first apprehended. I have never been able to ascertain, with any degree of certainty, what force the enemy opposed to us at Newton, but from the best accounts, I have been able to collect, and from the opinion of General Poor and others, who had the best opportunity of viewing their numbers, as well from the extent of their lines. I suppose them to have been 1500, though the two prisoners, whom I believe totally ignorant of the number at any post but their own, as well of the enemy's disposition, estimate them only at 800 while they allow that 5 companies of rangers, all the warriors of Seneca, and six other nations were collected at this place. In order to determine their force with as much accuracy as in my power, I examined their breast works, and found its extent more than half a mile. Several bastions ran out in its front to flank the lines, in every part. — A small block house formerly a dwelling, also manned in the front. — The breast-work appeared to have been fully manned, though I suppose with only one rank. Some part of their works being low, they were obliged to dig holes in the ground to cover themselves in part. This circumstance enabled me to judge the distance between their men in the works. A very thin scattering line, designed, as I suppose, for communicating signals, was continued from those works to that part of the mountain which General Poor ascended, where they had a very large body, which was designed I imagine to fall on our flank. The distance from the breast-work to this, was at least one mile and an half. From thence to the hill, in the rear of our right, was another scattering line of about one mile, and on the hill a breast-work with a strong party, desired, as it is supposed, to fall in our rear. But General Clinton being ordered so far to the right, occasioned his flank to pass the mountain, which obliged them to abandon their post. From those circumstances, as well as from the opinion of others, I cannot conceive their numbers to be less than what I have before mentioned.
The army spent one day at Catharine's, in destroying corn and fruit-trees. We burnt the town, consisting of about 30 houses; and the next day encamped near a small scattering settlement of about 8 houses, and in two days after reached Kendain, which we also found deserted. Here one of the inhabitants of Woyming, who had been last year captured by the enemy, escaped from them and joined us. He informed that the enemy had left the town in the greatest confusion, three days before our arrival. He said, he had conversed with some of the Tories on their return from the action of Newton, who assured him, they had great numbers killed and wounded, and there was no safety but in flight. He heard Butler tell them, he must try to make a stand at Kanadasega; but they declared they would not throw away their lives in vain attempt to oppose such an army. He also heard many of the Indian women lamenting the loss of their connexions; and added, that Brandt had taken most of the wounded up the Teoga in water crafts,
which had been provided for that purpose in case of necessity. It was his opinion the King of Kanadasega was killed, as he saw him go down but not return, and gave a description of his person and dress corresponding with those of one found on the field of action. Kandain consisted of about 20 houses, which were reduced to ashes; — the houses were neatly built and finished. The army spent near a day at this place, in destroying corn and fruit-trees, of which there was great abundance; many of the trees appeared to be of great age. On the next day we crossed the outlet of the Seneca lake, and moved in three divisions through the woods, to encircle Kanadasega, but found it likewise abandoned. A white child, of about 3 years old, doubtless the offspring of some unhappy captive, was found here, and carried with the army.
A detachment of 400 men was sent down on the west side of the lake, to destroy Gothseunqurau, and the plantations in the same quarters; at the same time a number of volunteers, under Col. Harper, made a forced march towards Cayuga lake, and destroyed Schuyere, while the residue of the army were employed in destroying the corn at Kanadasega, of which there was a large quantity. — This town consisted of 50 houses, and was pleasantly situated. In it we found a great number of fruit-trees, which were destroyed with the town. The army then moved on, and in two days arrived at Kenadaque, having been joined on the march by the detachment sent along the Seneca lake, which had been almost two days employed in destroying the crops and settlements in that quarter. — At Kenadaque we found 23 very elegant houses, mostly finished, and in general large. Here we also destroyed very extensive fields of corn, which having been destroyed, we marched for Hanneyaye, a small town of ten houses, which we also destroyed.
At this place we established a post, leaving a strong garrison, our heavy stores, and one field piece, and proceeded to Chinesee, which the prisoners informed was the grand capital of the Indian country; that Indians of all nations had been planting there this spring; that all the rangers and some British had been employed in assisting them, in order to raise sufficient supplies to support them while destroying our frontiers; and that they themselves had worked three weeks for the Indians when planting. This information determined me at all events to reach that settlement, though the state of my provisions, much reduced by unavoidable accidents, almost forbade the attempt. My flour had been much reduced by the failure of pack horses, and in the passage of creeks and defiles; and 27 of the cattle had been unavoidably lost. — We, however, marched on for the Chinesee town, and on the second day reached a town of 25 houses, called Kanoghsawa. Here we found some large corn-fields, which part of the army destroyed, while the other part were employed in building a bridge over an unfordable creek between this and Chinesee.
I had the preceding evening ordered out an officer with three or four riflemen, one of our guides, and an Oneida Chief, to reconnoitre the Chinesee town, that we might, if possible surprize it. Lieutenant Boid, of the rifle men, was the officer intrusted, who took with him 23 men, volunteers from the same corps, and a few from Col. Butler's regiment, making in all 26, a much larger number than I had thought of sending, and by no means so likely to answer the purpose as that which had been directed. The guides were by no means acquainted with the country, mistook the road in the night, and at day break fell in with a castle, six miles higher up than Chinesee, inhabited by a tribe called Squatehakes. Here they saw a few Indians, killed and scalped two, the rest fled. Two runners were immediately dispatched to me with the account, and informed that the party were on their return. When the bridge was almost compleated, some of them came in and informed, that Lieut. Boid, and most of his party, were almost surrounded by the enemy; that the enemy had been discover-

themselves before him for some miles ; that his men had killed two, and were eagerly pursuing the rest ; but soon found themselves almost surrounded by 3 or 400 Indians and Rangers. Those of Mr. Boid's Men, who were sent to secure his flanks, fortunately made their escape ; but he, with 14 of his party, and the Oneida Chief, being in the centre, were compleatly encircled. — The light troops of the army, and the flanking divisions, were immediately detached to their relief ; but arrived too late, the enemy having destroyed the party and escaped.
It appeared that our men had taken to a small grove of trees, the ground around it being clear on every side for several rods, and there fought till Mr. Boid was shot through the body, and every man killed, except one, who with his wounded commander, was made prisoner. The firing was so close before this brave party was destroyed, that the powder of the enemy's muskets was driven into their flesh. In this conflict the enemy must have suffered greatly, as they had no covert, and our men were possessed of a very advantageous one. This advantage of ground, the obstinate bravery of the party, with some other circumstances, induced me to believe their loss must have been very considerable. — They were so long employed in removing and secreting their dead, that the advancing of Gen. Hand's party obliged them to leave one along side the Riflemen, and at last a Waggon Load of packs, blankets, hats and provisions, which they had thrown off to enable them to act with more agility in the field ; most of them appeared to have appertained to the rangers. Another reason which induces me to suppose they suffered much was, the unparalleled tortures they inflicted upon the brave and unfortunate Boid, whose body, with that of the equally unfortunate companion, we found at Chinesee. It appeared they had whipped them in the most cruel manner, pulled out Mr. Boid's nails, cut off his nose, plucked out one of his eyes, cut out his tongue, stabbed him with spears in sundry places, and inflicted other tortures, which decency will not permit me to mention ; lastly, cut off his head, and left his body on the ground, with that of his unfortunate companion, who appeared to have experienced nearly the same savage barbarity. The party which, it seems, Mr. Boid fell in with, was commanded by Butler, and had been posted on an advantageous piece of ground, in order to fire upon our army when advancing ; but found their design frustrated by the appearance of this party in their rear.
The army moved on that day to the castle last mentioned, which consisted of 25 houses, and had very extensive fields of corn which being destroyed, we moved on the next day to Chinesee, crossing in our route a deep creek, and the Little Seneca river ; — and after marching six miles we reached the castle, which consisted of 128 houses, mostly very large and elegant. — The town was beautifully situated, almost encircled with a clear flat which extends for a number of miles — here the most extensive fields of corn were, and every kind of vegetable that can be cultivated. The whole army was immediately engaged in destroying the crops. The corn was collected and burned in houses & kilns — the enemy might not reap the least advantage from it, which method we have pursued in every other place. Here a woman came to us who had been captured at Wyoming. She informed us the enemy had evacuated the town two days before ; that Butler at the same time went off with three or 400 Indians and Rangers, as he said, to get a shot at our army. This was undoubtedly the party which cut off Lieut. Boid. — She mentioned, they kept runners constantly out, and that when our army was in motion the intelligence was communicated by a Yell, immediately on which, the greatest terror and confusion apparently took place among them. She said, the women were constantly begging the warriors to sue for peace, and that one of the Indians had attempted to shoot Col. Johnson for the falsehoods by which he had
deceived & ruined them ; that she overheard Butler telling Johnson it was impossible to keep the Indians together after the battle of Newtown ; that he thought they must soon be in a miserable situation, as all their crops would be destroyed, and that Canada could not supply them with provisions at Niagara ; that he would endeavour to collect the Warriors to assist in the defence of that fort, which he was of an opinion this army would lay siege to, and the women and children he would send into Canada. — After having destroyed this town, beyond which I was informed there was no settlement, and destroyed all their houses and crops in that quarter, the army having been advancing seventeen days with the supply of provisions before mentioned, and that much reduced on the march by accidents, and the Cayuga country being as yet impene-trated, I thought it necessary to return as soon as possible, in order to effect the destruction of the settlements in that quarter. The army therefore began its march for Kenadasaga. I was met with by a Sachem from Oneida and three Warriors, one of whom I had sent from Catharine's with a letter, a copy of which I have the honor to inclose, Congress ; they delivered me a message from the warriors of that nation respecting the Cayugas ; copies of that and my answer, I also enclose. From this place I detached Col. Smith with a party down the west side of the lake, to destroy the corn which had been cut down, and to destroy any thing further which might be discovered there. I then detached Col. Grantworth with 105 men to Albany, to forward the baggage of the York regiments to the main army, and to take with him such Soldiers as were at that place. I directed him to destroy the lower Mohawk castle in his route, and capture the inhabitants, consisting only of six or seven families, who were constantly employed in giving intelligence to the enemy, and in supporting their scouting parties when making incursions on our frontiers. When the Mohawks joined the enemy, those few families were undoubtedly left to answer those purposes, and to keep possession of their lands. The upper castle, now inhabited by Orkekkes, our friends, he was directed not to disturb. With him I sent Mr. Deane, who bore my answer to the Oneidas. I then detached Col. Butler, with 600 men to destroy the Cayuga country, and with him sent all the indian warriors, who said if they could find the Cayugas they would endeavour to persuade them to deliver themselves up as prisoners ; the Chief of them, called Tegat-telawana, being a near relation to the Sachem. I then crossed the Seneca River, and detached Col. Dearborne to the West side of the Cayuga lake, to destroy all the settlements which might be found there and to intercept the Cayugas, if they attempted to escape Colonel Butler. The residue of the army passing on between the lakes towards Catharine's — Colonel Dearborne burnt in his route six towns, including one which had been before partly destroyed by a small party ; destroying at the same time large quantities of corn. He took an Indian lad and three Women prisoners ; one of the Women being very ancient, and the lad a cripple, he left them & bro't on the other two, and joined the army on the evening of the 26th. Colonel Cortlandt was then detached with 300 men up the Teagoa branch, to search for settlements in that quarter ; and in the space of 2 days destroyed several fields of corn, and burnt several houses. Col. Butler joined the army on the 27th, whereby a compleat junction was formed at Conowalohala, on the 27th day after our leaving Newtown. Here we were met by a plenty of provisions from Teagoa, which I had previously directed to be sent on. Colonel Butler destroyed in the Cayuga country five principal towns and a number of scattering houses the whole making about one hundred in number, exceedingly large and well built. He also destroyed ten hundred acres of excellent Corn, with a number of Orchards, one of which had in it fifteen hundred fruit trees.
Another Indian settlement was discovered near Newtown by a party, consisting of 39 houses, which was also destroyed, the number of towns destroyed by this army amounted to 40, besides scattering houses. The quantity of corn destroyed, at a moderate computation, must amount to 160,000 bushels, with a vast quantity of vegetables of every kind. Every creek and river has been
traced, and the whole country explored, in search of Indian settlements, and I am well persuaded, that, except one town, situate near the Allegany, about 50 miles from Chinesee, there is not a single town left in the country of the five nations.
It is with pleasure I inform Congress that this army has not suffered the loss of 40 men in action or otherwise since my taking the command, though perhaps few troops have experienced a more fatiguing campaign. Besides the difficulties which naturally attend marching through an enemies country, abounding in woods, creeks, rivers, mountains, morasses and defiles, we found no small inconvenience from the want of proper guides and the maps of the country are so exceedingly erroneous that they serve not to enlighten, but to perplex. We had not a single person who was sufficiently acquainted with the country to conduct a party out of the Indian path by day, or scarcely in it by night ; through they were the best I could possibly procure. Their ignorance doubtless arose from the Indians having ever taken the best measures in their power to prevent their country's being explored — We had much labour in clearing out roads for the artillery, notwithstanding which, the army moved from twelve to sixteen miles every day, when not detained by rains, or employed in destroying settlements.
I feel myself much indebted to the officers of every rank for their unparalleled exertions, and to the soldiers for the unshaken firmness with which they endured the toils and difficulties attending the expedition. Though I had it not in command, I should have ventured to have paid Niagara a visit, had I been supplied with fifteen days provisions in addition to what I had, which I am persuaded, from the bravery and ardour of our troops, would have fallen into our hands. I forgot to mention that the Oneida Sachem requested me to grant them liberty to hunt in the country of the Five Nations, as they would never think of settling again in a country once subdued, and where their settlements must ever be in our power. I, in answer, informed him, that I had no authority to grant such a licence ; that I could not at present see reason to object to it, but advised them to make application to Congress, who I belived would, in consideration of their friendly conduct, grant them every advantage of this kind that would not interfere with our settlement of the country, which I believed would soon take place. The Oneidas say, that as no Indians were discovered by Col. Butler at Cayuga they are of opinion they are gone to their castle, and that their chiefs will persuade them to come in and surrender themselves on the terms I have proposed. The army began its march from Conowalohala yesterday, and arrived here this evening. — After leaving the necessary force for securing the frontiers in this quarter, I shall move on to join the main army.
It would have been very pleasing to this army to have drawn the enemy to a second engagement, but such a panick seized them after the first action, that it was impossible, as they never ventured themselves in reach of the army, nor have they fired a single gun as it was on its march or in its quarters, tho' in a country exceedingly well calculated for ambuscades. This circumstance alone would sufficiently prove that they suffered severely in the first effort.
Congress will please to pardon the length of this narration, as I thought a particular and circumstantial detail of facts would not be disagreeable, especially as I have transmitted no accounts of the progress of this army since the action of the 27th August. I flatter myself that the orders with which I was entrusted are fully executed, as we have not left a single settlement or field of corn in the country of the Five Nations, or is there even the appearance of an Indian on this side Niagara. Messengers and small parties have been constantly passing, and some imprudent soldiers, who straggled from the army, mistook the route and went back almost to Chinesee, without discovering even the track of an Indian.

I trust the steps I have taken with respect to the Oneidas, Cayugas and Mohawks, will prove satisfactory. And here I beg leave to mention, that in searching the houses of those pretended neutral Cayugas, a number of scalps were found, which appeared to have been lately taken, which Col. Butlar shewed to the Oneidas, who said that they were then convinced of the justice of the steps I had taken. The promise made to the soldiers in my address at Newton, I hope will be thought reasonable by Congress, and flatter myself that the performance of it will be ordered.
Col. Bruin will have the honor of delivering these dispatches to your excellency. I beg leave to recommend him to the particular notice of Congress, as an officer who, on this, as well as several other campaigns, has proved himself an active, brave, and truly deserving officer.
I have the honor to be, with the most exalted sentiments of esteem and respect, your excellency's most obedient, and very humble servant, JOHN SULLIVAN.
His Excellency John Jay, Esq.
Published by order of Congress, CHARLES THOMSON, Sec'yry.
The following Memorial to their High Mightinesses, the States of the United Provinces; has been presented by Sir Joseph Yorke, the Ambassador from his Britannic Majesty:
High and Mighty Lords,
SINCE France, by the declaration made at London on the 13th of March, last year, fully discovered the vast and dangerous designs which the family compact had before announced to Europe; this part of the world must bear witness to the wisdom and moderation of the King of Great Britain, who endeavoured to ward off the calamities of war, avoiding as much as possible, engaging his neighbours and allies in it.
A conduct like this, founded on the most pointed moderation, so much emboldened the Courts of Versailles, that after perfidiously encouraging rebel subjects, under the mask of liberty, commerce, and independence, to plunge a poignard into the heart of the mother country; France, not contented with so hostile a proceeding, has, without any national quarrel, drawn Spain into its views, without any plausible reasons to colour the design, is making every preparation that an imperious disposition can dictate, to invade the British islands.
On the news of the extraordinary and great preparations, your High Mightinesses cannot but justify the pressing and reiterated instances which the King of Great Britain, could not but make to you relative to the naval armament; and the notorious danger of England will no doubt convince all the subjects of those provinces, who have hitherto spoke against it, of this request of my court.
But those motives, which were only palliatives to prevent an evil, are now out of season, the danger is become eminent, and the remedy must be speedy. The stipulations of a treaty, founded on the interests of trade only, must give way to those founded on the dearest interest of the two nations.
The moment is come to decide whether Great-Britain, who has spilt so much blood, and expended so much treasure, to succour others, & to maintain liberty and religion, is to have no other resources against the malice and envy of her enemies, than her own courage & her own internal strength; whether she is to be abandoned by her most ancient allies, to the ambitious views of the House of Bourbon, which would crush all to reign over all, and whether Europe in general, and your High Mightinesses in particular, will with indifference see a system established, which will evidently destroy that equilibrium which is the only guarantee of your commerce liberty, and existence itself.
The King, High and Mighty Lords, has too high an opinion of the understanding, the good faith, and the wisdom of the Republic, to doubt a moment of the sentiment of your High Mightinesses on this occasion.
A nation whose history contains scarce any thing but the detail of the dangers which the ambition of France has successively created, whose best days began with their union with England: In short, a nation accustomed to exact the literal execution of a hard treaty, has too much generosity not to fulfil those which have united the interest of the two nations upwards of a century.
It is in this persuasion, joined to all that is held most sacred among men, that the under-written Ambassador Extraordinary & Plenipotentiary from the King of Great-Britain, has, by express order, the honor to notify to your High Mightinesses, that the danger which threatens his Kingdom, necessitates his Majesty to reclaim, without loss of time, the succours stipulated in the treaties of 1678, & others, and of which the Casus Fœderis is so fully explained in the separate article of 1716. His Majesty expects the same with confidence from a neighbour who has never failed in his engagements, and for the rest confides in the divine benediction of the justness of his cause, and on the fidelity and valour of his subjects.
The underwritten waits with the greatest impatience for a just, speedy, and favourable answer, and is ready to confer with the deputies of your High Mightinesses, on what steps are necessary to be taken.
(Signed) JOSEPH YORKE. Hague, July 22, 1779.
Notice is hereby given to the delinquent Proprietors and Owners of Land in Epsom, that unless they pay their Taxes with charges, that so much of their Lands will be sold at public Vendue on Thursday the 16th day of December next, at the house of the Widow McClary's in said Town, at ten o'clock in the Forenoon, as will pay said Taxes with incidental charges, unless paid before that time.— The
Tax is for the year 1779
   First Range. No. l. s. d.     Israel March 5 1 7 0   Samuel Haines 6 2 5 0   Joshua Brackett 8 6 0 0   Zachariah Foss 9 1 0 6   Robert Cate 10 0 3 0   Richard Jorden 11 0 7 6   John Dam 14 1 4 0   Thomas Mannerin 18 2 14 0   Alice Clark 26 1 10 0   Walter Philbrick 27 0 12 0   Joseph Weeks 28 1 16 0   George Wallace 30 1 4 0   Samuel Haines 31 1 10 0   Joshua Foss 32 2 5 0   Jeremiah Wolford 36 3 12 0   Samuel Chapman 37 5 11 0   John Card 38 3 6 0   Second Range No. l. s. d.   William Berry 43 3 0 0   John Leach 45 2 2 0   Samuel Rand 47 3 12 0   James Johnson 50 3 12 0   Samuel Jackson 54 6 0 0   John Bryant 56 1 1 0   Edward Martin 59 0 18 0   Samuel Bracket 66 4 10 0   James Chadwick 71 0 18 0   Nicholas Dolba 72 3 12 0   P. nual Chapm. n 10 0 12 0   Walter Weeks 6 0 6 0   Third Range No. l. s. d.   Solomon Dowe 76 7 16 0   Samuel Philbrick 78 0 18 0   James Philpot 79 0 15 0   Joseph Meloon 80 0 18 0   John Stephens 81 0 18 0   Widow Hicks 82 0 6 0   Nathaniel Rand 83 0 18 0   Benjamin Parker 84 1 17 0   Mathias Haines 98 4 10 0   Peter Garland 102 7 4 0   Benjamin Macriss 104 0 12 0   Henry Paine 106 0 18 0   Samuel Wallace 94 1 7 0   Fourth Range No. l. s. d.   John Brackett 113 3 0 0   Daniel Greenough 119 2 2 0   Joshua Haines 120 0 3 0   Benjamin Seavey 123 1 10 0   Samuel Weeks 124 1 13 0   James Randal 126 1 10 0   John Neal 127 0 3 0   Nathan Morrill 128 0 12 0   John Shaw No. 5, 1st range, 2d Divis. 2 14 0 0   Widow Hicks No. 6, 8, 9, 10, 4 16 0 0  
BENJAMIN GOODWIN, Constable. Epsom, November 16, 1779.
Notice is hereby given to the Non-Resident Proprietors and Owners of Land in Hollis, that so much of their Lands will be sold at public Vendue on Tuesday the 21st day of December next, at 2 o'clock P. M. at the dwelling-house of John Atwell's Innholder in Hollis, as will pay the Taxes with incidental Charges, for the Year 1779, unless sooner paid.
Phineas Hardy's List.
   Names l. s. d.     Colonel William Brattle's Heirs 5 13 7   Major Jonathan Minot 1 6 0   Simon Gilson 1 18 10   Abel Sawyer, jr. 3 19 9   David Weatherby 4 11 0   Doctor Joshua Brooks 4 0 8   Isaac Kent 2 5 2   Daniel Davis 4 14 8   Jacob Jewet's, jr. List. l. s. d.   Colonel Eleazer Ting 67 13 6   Colonel John Ting 13 9 6   Captain Joseph Shipley 2 14 0   The Owners of Tho's Edwards Lot of Land. 8 19 7   Col. William Brown's Heirs 13 9 7   Enoch Greenleaf 1 7 10  
The above is the Continental, State, County, Town, and School Taxes.
Phineas Hardy, Jacob Jewet, Constables. Hollis, June 12, 1779.
For want of Room, we are obliged to omit several Articles of Intelligence, and Advertisements.