The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1800-04-16 00:00:00

THE New Hampshire Gazette.
— MY COUNTRY'S GOOD SHALL BE MY CONSTANT AIM —
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE)—PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY BY JOHN MELCHER, PRINTER TO THE STATE, AT HIS OFFICE CORNER OF MARKET STREET, WHERE SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THIS PAPER, ADVERTISEMENTS, AND ARTICLES OF INTELLIGENCE ARE THANKFULLY RECEIVED.
No. 16, of Vol. XLV.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 16, 1800.
[One Dollar 3 half pr. Annum.]
The LEGACY OF THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY:
—O—O—O— BEING THE ADDRESS OF THE LATE George Washington, WHEN PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, on declining being considered A CANDIDATE FOR THEIR FUTURE SUFFRAGES.
“THOUGH DEAD YET HE SPEAKETH.”
“Columbians! long preserve this peerless page, Stamp with the precepts of your warrior sages; In all your archives be the gift enroll'd, Suspend it to your walls encas'd in gold; Bid schools recite it, let the priestly train Chant it on festal days, nor deem the task profane; When round your knees your infant offspring throng To join the matin prayer or evening song, Those rites perform'd, invite them to attend The farewell counsels of their good old friend.”
—O—O—O— To the people of the United States, Friends and Fellow Citizens,
THE period for a new election of a Citizen to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindnesses: but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety: and am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my service, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove of my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the out-set, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in mine own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself: and every day the encreasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while
choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me: still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me: and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to our praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious—vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging—in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism—the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected—Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained—that its administration in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments; which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only feel in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm attachment.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignant frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties
which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to countenance your affections. The name AMERICAN, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles. You have in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
But these considerations however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated—and while it contributes, in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth, and comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenor by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from an external danger; a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of most inestimable value! they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring Countries, not tied together by the same Government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments & intrigues would stimulate and imbitter—Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of Government are inauspicious to Liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty: In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive Language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal.—We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the
whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experiment shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterising parties by Geographical discriminations—Northern and Southern—Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from those misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head: They have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof, how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi: they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great-Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable—No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitution of government—But, the constitution which at any time exists, 'till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force—to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, ac-
cording to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration, the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description, may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care, the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of government, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed: But in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party disposition, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism; but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the Public Councils and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself.

through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true, and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country, should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of the political power; by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable support. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who would labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without Religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for dangers, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential, that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be
Revenue: That to have Revenue, there must be Taxes; that no Taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations—cultivate peace and harmony with all;—religion and morality enjoin this conduct: And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! Is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others should be excluded: And that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity, or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the interests of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity: Gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.—Real patriots, who
may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence the must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocations; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own, to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalry, interest, humor, or caprice?
'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither sending or granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate, upon real favours from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish—that they will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations: But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of
22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approved voice, and by that of your Representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its recent institutions, and to progress without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error: I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government—the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.
George Washington.
United States, 17th Sept. 1796.
MONTego-BAY, March 1.
Extract of a letter from Savanna-la-Mar, dated Feb. 24, 1800.
On the 11th of December, a French squadron of one ship of 42 guns, one of 36, one of 28, and a brig, appeared off the bar of Bonny, and began to sound, and equip formidable launches, with heavy guns to attack the vessels then in Bonny River, which operations were carried on till the 15th, when the commanders of the ships then in the River, numbering nine sail, came to the resolution of giving the enemy battle; they weighed anchor accordingly, and proceeded to a proper situation for the mooring of their ships, and erected a battery on an adjacent island—the French squadron observing these preparations, made sail the next day and stood to the southward.
RICHMOND, March 19.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Greenbrier county, to his friend in Richmond.
"We are all grumbling here about this ticket-law, which appears to exclude one third at least of the citizens of Virginia from a vote for the President of the United States—we are anxious to hear how others, of our citizens, think on this occasion. It appears to me the opposition of our legislature will be difficult to endure, if they hold on as they are like to do."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in the upper part of this state, to his friend in Richmond.
"I am told I have the honor to be nominated as a candidate for the elector, for the purpose of voting for a President and Vice-President, at the next election.—If health permits, I am determined to stand firm on the Federal side of the question, but I am sorry to believe from such a mode of election as our assembly have thought
proper to adopt and call a law, men thinking as I do are to be precluded from the pleasure of visiting Richmond on that occasion: I shall however rest contented that after all the Demo's of Virginia can do, they will be frustrated in their designs, for I have little fear but John Adams will be elected."
New-York, April 5.
AMERICAN GALLANTRY.
By the schooner Eliza, Capt. Fairchild, arrived yesterday from the Havana, we are informed, that the ship Nancy, Capt. Joy, of Boston, had just arrived at that port. The Nancy, on the 25th Feb. in lat. 22, long. 58, fell in with a French privateer of 14 guns, and full of men. The Nancy mounts 10 fixes, and had 27 men, an engagement was immediately commenced, which continued off and on, for 24 hours, during which time the privateer made three most desperate attempts to board the ship, and was actually fowl of her for 3 hours at one time; and though every exertion was made to board her, yet such was the active bravery of the American Tars, that they kept off the enemy with pikes, cutlasses, &c. great numbers of whom fell lifeless from the shrouds and bowsprit on the deck and in the ocean. While one part of the Nancy's crew were thus defending themselves, the other was employed in planting shot into the privateer, and, from her shattered condition, there is little doubt of her having gone down, as she was not to be seen in the morning. As their separation was in the night, and as the privateer's sails and rigging, as well as those of the ship, were almost all cut away, it renders the improbability of her escape more strong. The privateer must have lost many. The Nancy had one man killed and four wounded.
BOSTON, April 10.
Extract of a letter from an eminent house in Liverpool to a house in Philadelphia, dated the 25th Jan.
"The article of cotton is rather in brisk demand, and we think in no danger of a decline.—West India cottons rule at 22d to 25. Demerara's and Cayenne's up as high as 256, fine Georgia brings 3s. sugars and dye-woods are looking up with us, and when the export for the continent opens we think there will be a stir in coffee, cocoa, &c. &c. for those markets. Good tobacco are getting up, and grain is enormously high, with every likelihood of being maintained. Referring to annexed prices, we are, &c."
  Havana Sugars, white, 80 a 90s.   Do. brown, 70 a 80s.   Coffee, 100 a 130s.   Cocoa, 100 a 140s.   Pimento, 11 d.   Rum, 4s 6a 271.   Campeachy Logwood, 26 a 50   Porto Rico Fustick, 251.   Mahogany, 2s. a 2s. 4d. per foot.   Tobacco, good, 6d. a 9d.   Do. inferior, 3d. a 4d.   Hhd. Staves, 20 a 21. } p. M.   Bbl. do. 15 a 161. } p. M.   Hides, dry, 7 2d. p. lb.   Wheat, 18 a 19s. p. 70. lb.   Flour, 45 a 42s. p. bbl.   Rice, 36s. p. cent. 
Extract of a letter from an American in Bordeaux, dated Dec. 26, 1799.
"The odious and iniquitous law of the 29th Ventose, is repealed, since the late revolution at Paris, so that all the spring ships from London, &c. will go to America unmoistened. They have also made a favourable alteration in the legislation of prizes; and the privateers from hence have strict orders not to touch an American.—There have however been several American vessels late brought in by privateers that have been at sea some time."
[Salem Gaz.]
New-York, April 5.
Extract of a letter from on board the schooner Sifters, belonging to this port, to a gentleman in this city dated St. Bartholomews March 5, 1800.
"I arrived the 27th Feb. 1800—a few days after we left New-York, we met with continual gales of wind, which made us a complete wreck, and drove us so far off the coast, that we had despaired of ever seeing land again—after tossing about upon the ocean for 60 days, starving with hunger and perishing with thirst, we was relieved by Capt. Rutherford, in a Schooner from Newburyport, bound to this place, who took us on board and used us extremely well; after being on board of him about three weeks, we fell in with, and was captured by a French privateer, who made us prisoners of war, and sent us to Eustatia, from thence they sent us here for exchange; we arrived here on the 27th Feb. in great distress, without money or clothes, but blessed be God, he has provided for us in the midst of distress, for on our arrival here we were sent for by Mr. Wall, the American Consul, who took us in his family, where we still remain, awaiting for an opportunity to return home."

Foreign Intelligence.
By the latest arrivals from England
SURRENDER OF CONI.
Official—From Lord W. Bentinck, to Lord Grenville.
H. Q. Burgo St. Almaezzo, Dec. 4, '99.
It is with the greatest satisfaction that I announce to your Lordship the surrender of Coni. The batteries opened on it the 2d in the morning, and early on the 3d the commandant desired to capitulate. The garrison, consisting of 2844 men, exclusive of 800 wounded, whom the French had not time to remove before the investment of the place, marched out this morning prisoners of war. The loss of the Austrians does not exceed fifty men in killed and wounded. The very short defence that has been made of this very strong, and most important fortress, is to be attributed to the want both of provisions and ammunition. This event may be considered the more fortunate, from the information having been received that Gen. Championet has been assembling the whole French army in la Riviere de Gènes, near Ormea, which was to have assisted in its march by a reinforcement of 15000 men, that is marching from Savoy, and is probably a detachment from the army of Switzerland.
So much snow has fallen, that the roads in the mountains are no longer practicable; and it will not be possible for the corps coming from Savoy, to form a junction with Championet. The severity of the weather has obliged the enemy to abandon Cole-Seade, where they left four pieces of cannon which they could not drag through the snow.—I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) W. BENTINCK.
PARIS, JAN. 1.
Decree of the 9th Nivose.
The Consuls of the Republic, considering that for six months the body of Pius VI has been deposited in the city of Valence, without receiving the honors of burial:
That if this reverend man was for a moment the enemy of France, he was only seduced by the counsels of men who surrounded his old age:
That it is to the dignity of the French nation and conformable to its national character, to show marks of consideration to a man who occupied one of the principal stations upon earth—decree—
Art. I. The Minister of the Interior shall give orders that the body of Pius VI. shall be interred with the honors customary to those of his rank.
II. There shall be raised on the place of his burial, a simple monument, which shall express the dignity with which he was interred.
Decree of the 13th Nivose.
The Consuls of the Republic decree as follows:
The general embargo in the ports of the Republic upon neutral ships is taken off without restriction.
LONDON, JAN. 28.
At the ensuing election of a Pope, all expensive ceremonies are to be dispensed with, in consequence of an agreement entered into by the Cardinals. The expenses of a Conclave, usually paid by the Papal Treasury, amounted to at least 200,000 scudi, but those of the present election, will be considerably less, and are almost entirely to be defrayed by the Emperor of Germany. Of the 70 Cardinals composing the College, there are at present only 40 at Venice, and among them only 4 were Members of the last Conclave, viz. Cardinals Albani, Zelada, Caraffa, and Antonelli. No Cardinal can be elected Pope, unless he be a native of Italy, 55 years of age, and has two-thirds of the votes of the Conclave. Should the election not be effected by that means, the laws have pointed out two modes of election more easy. But it very rarely happens, that a person is elected Pope, who is not a member of the College of the Cardinals.
SIXTH Congress of the U. States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH 31.
SEVERAL engrossed bills were read and passed.—Mr. Smith, on the petition of Dr. Mead, respecting an additional duty on camphor, reported, "that the prayer of the petitioner ought not to be granted."—The House concurred.
A petition from New-Bedford, praying that town might be made a port of entry, was committed.
A report was agreed to, providing for the appointment of an agent to inspect the copper mines on Lake Superior.
The report on Gilbert Deane's petition was taken up. It was unfavorable to him—and was supported by Messrs. Bayard, D. Foster and Galatin.—Messrs. Varnum, Sedgwick, and Thatcher, were in favour of the claim of the petitioner. The report was accepted Ayes 55.
Mr. Sewal obtained leave of absence from the service of the House, for Mr. Otis for three weeks.
TUESDAY, APRIL 1.
The Judiciary Bill was introduced by Mr. Harper, and read twice.
A letter from the Secretary of State, respecting the promulgation of the laws, was read.
Mr. Griswold, of the Committee of unfinished business, proposed, that the Committee of revival report sundry bills which would expire before the commencement of the next session of Congress.
The bill for the sale of Lands passed to be engrossed.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 2.
The act respecting the sale of lands N.W. of the Ohio, was passed.
A Bill for repairing New-London Light-house; for supplying a Light-house on Clark's Point, and for erecting a Light-house on Wigwam Point, was read twice.
Further progress was made in the Bill providing for the removal and accommodation of the Government. The furniture at present in the President's House is to be sold, and new purchased to furnish the house at the City of Washington.
In Committee of the whole on the bill providing for the execution of the 27th article of the British Treaty. Mr. Nicholas proposed as an amendment, "that any person arrested by virtue of the treaty, should be allowed to prove his being an American Citizen."
THURSDAY, APRIL 3.
A Committee was raised to report what provisions were necessary to be made relative to the sales of real estates delivered to the United States, in satisfaction of judgments against persons indebted thereto.
The Military Establishment Appropriation Bill for 1800, was read twice, and committed.
The Navy Government bill, was discussed, amended, and ordered to be engrossed.
FRIDAY, APRIL 4.
Several bills were reported from the Committee on unfinished business; which passed various readings.
The General Stamp Office Bill came down from the Senate, amended.
The President informed the House he had signed the Act to establish an uniform system of Bankruptcy .
The Navy Appropriation Bill was read and referred.
The Bill for the removal and accommodation of the Government of the United States, was taken up in Committee of the whole.—After undergoing various modifications, it passed to be engrossed.
PHILADELPHIA, APRIL 4.
Capt. BARRY, in the frigate United States, is arrived in the Delaware; and yesterday afternoon he came himself to this city.
He has brought dispatches from Messrs. ELLSWORTH and DAVIE, our Envoys to the French Republic, dated the 10th February at Burgos, in Spain. They had received, the day before, a letter from M. TALLEYRAND, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, covering their passports; expressing impatience for their arrival at Paris, and informing them, that the form of their letters of credence, (which were addressed to the Executive Directory) would be no obstacle to the opening of negotiations.
The Envoys arrived at Lisbon the 27th of November, and after some detention in the Tagus by contrary winds, failed from thence for L'Orient, on the 21st of Dec. but encountering for three weeks, violent and adverse winds in their attempts to gain that place, they were at last constrained to make the first safe port in Spain; and they arrived on the 11th of January, at Corunna, whence they dispatched a courier to Paris, for their passports; and at Burgos received an answer as above mentioned.
APRIL 5.
A letter received on Friday, from St. Kitts, dated the 1st ult. mentions the arrival there the day before, of the United States frigate John Adams, Capt. CROSBY, from a cruise of 5 weeks off Guadalupe, and had taken nothing. The officers and crew were all in good health. She was to sail again in a few days on another cruise.
By the Jane from Canton, we learn, that the English frigate's La Virginie, of 44 guns, Capt. Ayle, and Diomede, of 50 guns, Capt. Elphinstone, were in the Straits of Malacca, on the 24th of Nov. bound for the Straits of Sunda.
NEW-YORK, APRIL 7.
The frigate President, of 44 guns, is getting ready to be launched in a few days.
We understand Commodore TRUXTON is to be promoted to one of the new 44's.
Capt. Fletcher, we hear, is to command the Constellation.
BOSTON, APRIL 12.
THE AMERICAN ENVOYS
Are in safety. Commodore Barry has arrived at the seat of Government with information of having landed them at Corunna, about the 20th of January; from whence they proceeded by land for Paris.
The distance between Corunna and Paris, is nearly a thousand miles; and in the winter season the roads are bad. We cannot, therefore, expect to hear of their reaching Paris before the 1st of March.
It seems the French government had anticipated their arrival at some port of Spain, as their couriers met those of the Envoys at Burgos, (the capital of Old Castile on the route from Corunna to France) where the necessary passports were delivered.
HIS HONOR MOSES GILL.
We are unhappy to inform the public, that His Honor, the Commander in Chief, of this Commonwealth, lies dangerously ill, of the dropsy. The best medical aid which our country affords, has been prescribed to him; but we are sorry to say, in all human probability, we shall soon have to add the name of GILL, to the numerous illustrious characters, who have lately been called from the scenes of active life on earth, to the regions of immortality.
Extract of a letter from one of the most respectable houses in Liverpool, to a gentleman in Baltimore dated 5th Feb. 1800.
"We have just time by this conveyance to inform you, that wheat has this day been sold at 24/ per 70lbs —A cargo of flour is arrived from New-York, for which 80/ a 84/ per bbl. is expected—new rice is 35/ a 36/ per cwt. and all in great demand."
Account of flour inspected in the city of Baltimore, for the last three months ending the 31st of March, 1800—55,986 whole barrels, 3,583 half barrels, R. H. Moale, Register.
We have from an undoubtable authority says a New-York paper, the port of the Havannah will remain open to the American trade during the war.
FROM KINGSTON, (Jamaica) FEB. 22. THE following message, announcing the permission given to export our staple commodities in American vessels, was received by the house of assembly from his honour the Lieut. Governor, on Friday the 14th inst.
"MR. SPEAKER,
"I am commanded by his honour the Lieutenant Governor to inform the house, that he has taken into consideration their message of the 30th of January, respecting the exports of produce in the vessels belonging to the United States; and being satisfied of the necessity of the measure, he has given directions to the principal officers of the customs, to permit such exports under certain restrictions."
The British frigate Surprize, is keeping a watchful eye over the Vengeance at Curacoa.
HAVANNAH.—This port is to remain open to the American trade during the war.
Extract of a letter, received from an officer on board the frigate Constitution, Capt. Talbot, dated at sea Feb. 23.
"The Constitution retains her good name in every respect. In point of sailing we far exceed any thing we have yet met with, either English or American men of war."
APRIL 14.
Latest from Europe.
Yesterday arrived here, ship John Adams, Capt. Tolman, in 54 days from Liverpool;—By her we have received London papers to Feb. 13th, which, though several days later than before come to hand, contained nothing of great importance.
In the British House of Lords, on the 12th Feb. Lord Holland, after a very lengthy speech, in which he highly censured the preparatory proceedings of the British Ministers in the late expedition to Holland, moved, for a committee of the whole to inquire into the causes of its failure. This motion was negatived, after a short debate.
For it 6 Against it 69
In the course of the observations made on this subject, it appeared, that the whole number of troops employed in the Dutch expedition, was 45,000; and that only 800 of the
British troops were killed in the course of it. Lord Mulgrave, said, it was a question of climate, wind, and weather; and that, to those alone were to be attributed the failure of the expedition.
On the same day, the army and navy supplies were granted in the House of Commons.—The whole number of the army voted, was 192,000, which is 32,000 less than that voted the last year; although the standing army is thereby augmented to 40,000.
The subject of the Legislative Union of Ireland with Great-Britain, was laid before the Irish Parliament, the 6th February; by a Message from the Lord Lieutenant. The union is to take place in Jan. 1801, and the two Kingdoms after that period are to bear the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland . This message it was moved should be taken into consideration; and a debate ensued; when on a division, the numbers stood—Ayes 158—Noyes 115—Majority 43, in favor of the Union.
Under the Hamburg date of the 4th of February, we find the following articles; "The intelligence is at length confirmed, that the Russian troops have, in consequence of the differences existing between Austria and Russia, received orders to return home. This event has caused considerable anxiety throughout Germany; and England is the only power that will be in a state, after the re-establishment of the usual communication, to effect once more a change in the determination of the Emperor Paul. Russia and England are on such terms of reciprocal friendship, that every thing may be hoped from the interference of the latter. "By the comments on this article, in the London papers the fact appears substantiated, that the Emperor Paul waits to be coaxed by Great Britain, before he will again cordially take his Brother of Austria by the hand. This circumstance, however, has not abated the commanding tone which the British ministry here assumed."
It appears probable that the High Consul of France, is in treaty with the Sublime Porte; for we find by a Paris article, that the Turkish Ambassador at Paris, had conferred with Mr. Talleyrand, after the receipt of dispatches from Constantinople, and afterwards had dined with Buonaparte.
Mr. Pitt has given notice he shall require a loan of 21,000,000l. sterling.
The Loire frigate has captured a French frigate of 40 guns, after a smart action.
The King of Prussia equally resists the perfusions of France, as the threats of Russia, to urge him to relinquish his neutrality.
The Hetty Meale, from New-York, is taken by the French, and carried into St. Andros. Lloyd's list Feb. 11.
The English channel fleet under Sir Allen Gardner, was at sea, Feb. 8.
PORTSMOUTH, APRIL 16.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Liverpool, to his friend in this town, dated February 12.
"A vessel has arrived at Cowes, richly laden from Philadelphia, she was boarded by a French privateer and released; the French having issued orders not to capture any Americans—this information may be relied on, I had it from the owner, Mr. Ridgway. The union in Ireland is determined by a majority of 43 in favor of it. A continuation of the war between France and England appears certain."
On Monday the 7th inst. the electioneering campaign for the choice of Governor, took place in Massachusetts; by the latest accounts published, the votes stand
For the Hon. CALEB STRONG, 12054 Hon. ELBRIDGE GERRY, 10419
A war is expected between Tunis and Algiers, in consequence of the execution of a young Prince at the latter place for corresponding with the Dey of the former.
Gouveneur Morris, Esq. is appointed a Senator to represent the State of New-York in the Senate of the United States, in the room of James Watson, Esq. resigned.
The brave Capt. Hamilton, of the Surprize, who retook the Herminie, is created a baronet.
The French frigate which had the engagement with Capt. Truxton, is condemned at Guadalupe as unfit for sea.
Abraham Bradley, is appointed Assistant Postmaster General, vice Ch. Burrall, Esq. resigned.
MARINE INTELLIGENCE.
An arrival at Portland, spoke March 30, a Schooner belonging to Portsmouth, from St. Thomas, bound to Norfolk, in distress, having no provisions on board, it blowing very hard could not supply him, nor find out his name.
It is said there are 130 privateers belonging to Guadalupe and Porto-Rico, that a great number of American vessels were taken and carried in there daily.
At Grenada, March 10, Schooner Hazard, of Pepperelborough. At St. Vincent's March 2, Sally, Cold, Kennebec;—Franklin, Howard, do.; America, Hatch, do.; Phoenix, Murphy, do.; Polly, Paul, Portsmouth; Capt. Allen, of Penobscot; Perkins, do.; America, Farnham, do. ready for sea; Eagle, Royland, Portsmouth. At Trinidad, March 13: Capt. Davidson, of Cape Ann; Sch. Hoye, Wright, of Newbury-Port; and Capt. Snow, of Kennebec.
Died at Somersworth, the 30th ult. the Hon. MOSES CARR, Esq. aged 84. As he lived very highly esteemed, so he died very deeply lamented. More pertinent observations upon his character we cannot hand to the public, than are contained in the following extract from the Rev. P. Thurston's sermon, delivered on the Lord's day succeeding his interment.
Having treated at length, and in a manner becoming the solemnity of the occasion and subject, upon the glory and blessedness of being with Christ in Heaven, from these words, having a desire to depart, and to be with Christ, he made the following remark:—
"This subject speaks consolation to mourners in this assembly. In the course of the week past we have been called to pay our last services of respect to one, who was nearly connected with us, and stood high in the esteem and affection of many now present. The long distinguished, the venerable Doct. Carr is no more! He has winged his flight into the invisible world. Though he was spared many years beyond the limits assigned to man, yet he did not outlive his usefulness; nor has he died un lamented. In him the widows has lost a kind, tender, and affectionate husband; the children a fond, indulgent, and instructive parent; this Church a judicious, faithful, and exemplary member and officer; the grand-children, all his connections, this people, all whom he knew, a sincere friend to their souls. No longer shall we enjoy his entertaining society, be instructed by his wise and prudent counsels, or feel the influence of his availing prayers. At a period when iniquity with such a daring front erects her brazen head; when virtue and piety have so few advocates, the loss of such a character must be deeply felt by all the friends of religion. But, while we mourn the loss, we have much to console our minds. What is our loss, to the departed is unspeakable gain. His Lord and Master has called him home, to give him possession of the inheritance, to which he has long been an heir. He has taken him to his own residence, where he is perfectly conformed to his moral image; where he has more clear and ravisishing views of his character, and is admitted to nearer, more intimate and familiar intercourse with him, than he could have on earth; where he is become partner with him in all the glories, honors, and blessedness of his kingdom."
This we have no liberty to assert indeed, as what is certainly known; for the hearts of men are hidden from our view. But, by their fruits we are to know them. What, then, must be the conclusion respecting the departed? His early attachment to the gospel plan and public profession of christianity; his high relish for, regular and constant attendance upon the institutions of the gospel; his firmness and immovable benevolence from the ground of gospel truth, his daily walk, both in a private and in a more public sphere of action; testify abundantly to his piety and integrity of heart. If we could ground our judgment on evidence, therefore, we must conclude that he is now among the number of the spirits of just men made perfect. How consoling this idea to surviving friends! While the disconsolate widows; while the bereaved children; while this languishing Church; while the connections and friends mourn their loss, and are humble under the afflictive stroke of Providence, let their hearts be cheered, and their gratitude excited by the animating consideration, that the departed is in glory, reaping the joyful fruit of his faithful labours.
The Gazette will be published on TUESDAY next, and continue to be published on that day, as usual, during the summer establishment of the Mails, which will continue to the 15th October.
Fresh English and American
Garden Seeds
Just received, and for sale at Will'm Stanwood, jr.
Store, Market-street; Where gentlemen in town or country, can be supplied with those that are good. —ALSO—
English & India
GOODS
as usual, VERY CHEAP for cash. Portsmouth, April 12, 1800.

AN ACROSTIC.
G OODNESS and virtue e'er attend, Expand my mournful theme; Our country has lost a friend, And oh! to worlds unseen. G reat is the loss in grief we mourn, Example of our land is gone.
W as he not rais'd to bear the sword, And crush the horrid foe; Stood firm in war, New-England's guard, His arms to our do.
State of New-Hampshire. Hillsborough, ff.
To JONATHAN GOVE, Esq. Justice of Peace, within and for said County. HUMBLE SERF;
THE subscribers owners of more than one sixteenth part of the common and undivided lands in New- Boston, in said county, that doubt have arisen and still subsist in the minds of many of said proprietors, whether the transactions of their last meeting were valid and according to law, for rem- edying of which, they pray that a legal meeting may be called to act on the following articles, to wit.
 1st. To choose a Moderator to gov- ern said meeting.  2d. To see if said proprietors will vote to ratify and confirm the divi- sion of said lands, made by the last chosen committee, or act what they may judge proper, concerning the same when met.  3d. To see if said proprietors will vote to raise a tax to defray necessary expenses, and vote the same, and they as in duty bound will ever pray.  JAMES CARNES, JAMES WILSON, jr. WM PATTERSON, jr. SAMUEL BOYD, jr. ELI BOYD. March 26, 1800.
State of New-Hampshire. Hillsborough, ff.
To Mr. JAMES CARNES, one of the prin- cipal proprietors of the common and undivided lands in the town of New- Boston, in said County.
GREETING. Agreeably to the foregoing request, you are hereby required to warn all the pro- prietors of the common and undivided lands in the township of said New-Bos- ton, to meet at the house of Mr. Robert Clark, jr. in said town on the last Tues- day of April next, at one of the clock P. M. to transact all the matters and things set forth in said petition, which by said proprietors may then and there be legally done, and make return of this pre- cept with your doing therein, to said meet- ing at the time and place above mention- ed.
(L.S.) Given under my hand and seal, this twenty-sixth day of March, A. D. 1800. JONA. GOVE, Justice Peace.
TO BE SOLD
At Public Auction,
On the 23th day of June next, at 3 o'clock P. M. on the premises. That New and well Finished Dwelling House,
WITH a convenient SHOP in front, an excellent Cellar, a Well of good water within the House, and convenient out-houses, now occu- pied by the subscriber.
John Boadger.
The premises may be viewed any day previous to the sale. Portsmouth, April 9, 1800.
WANTED
For a Brick building, the following articles, viz. 120 Thousand Bricks. 100 half hogheads of LIME. A quantity of hewn Stones for underpinning and paving. do. Pine Timber for flooring and for the roof. do. clear Joists, Plank & Boards. Any person disposed to contract for any of the above articles are desired to apply to either of the subscribers. GEORGE GAINS, ELIPHALET LADD, THOMAS THOMPSON, JOHN GODDARD, MARTIN PARRY, Committee Portsmouth, April 9, 1800.
Misses DAY SCHOOL.
MISS GUY, respect- fully informs the public that she has opened a School for Misses, at the north part of the town, near Mr. Thomas Cradburn's, for instructing EMBROIDERY, PLAIN NEEDLE WORK ARITHMETIC, WRITING, READING, SPELLING and ENGLISH GRAMMAR; Those parents who may please to countenance her with the tuition of their children, may rely on her utmost endeavours to merit their approbation. Portsmouth, April 9, 1800.
TO BE SOLD. A GOOD FARM
L YING in Barnstead, on the main road leading from Dover to Gilmanston, containing 160 acres of excellent LAND with a good Orchard, House and Barn.— Whoever wishes to purchase may depend on having a good bargain by applying to John Bickford, jr. On the premises. Barnstead, March 14, 1800.
State of New-Hampshire, Rockingham, ff.
WHEREAS
the sub- scriber am ordered by my uncle Josiah Batchelder, late of East- Kingston, deceased, in his last will and testament, dated October the 28th 1760; to pay to my uncle Joseph Batchelder, five shillings passable mo- ney, also to the children of my uncle Page Batchelder, late of Chester, de- ceased, two hundred pounds old tenor to be equally divided between them; also to my aunt Susannah Webster, wife of Ebenezer Webster, one hundred pounds in like money; also to my aunt Meribah, who was the wife of Elisha Page, one hundred pounds like money; and to many more seventy pounds like money; and to my uncle Benjamin Batchelder one hundred pounds like mo- ney; all in old tenor. This there- fore is to notify all that can prove themselves lawful heirs to the afore- said Joseph Batchelder, and children of Page Batchelder, and Susannah Web- ster, Meribah Page, Mary Morse and Benjamin Batchelder,—to apply to my attorney Samuel French, of East- Kingston, who will settle and pay the same.
TIMOTHY BATCHELDER. East-Kingston, March 28, 1800.
THE inhabitants of the town of Portsmouth, are hereby notified and requested, to exhibit to the select- men, a just and true account upon oath, of their poles and estates, that are taxable by the laws of this State, on or before the fifteenth day of May next, and the selectmen will attend upon that business at the town Hall in the brick school-house, every Thurs- day, from seven to nine o'clock in the evening until that time.
N. B. Good encouragement will be given to a suitable person with a small family, to dwell at the Pest-House— for terms apply to the selectmen.
Also—Went adrift some time last winter, an old Mast, with some ring bolts in it, and was part of the old ferry-ways; whoever has taken up the same, and will give notice thereof, or bring it to the ferry-ways in said town, shall be handsomely rewarded for their care & trouble by applying to GEORGE GAINS, MOSES WOODWARD, SAM'L HUTCHINGS, ELIJAH HALL, SAMUEL DROWNE. Selectmen. Portsmouth, April 5, 1800.
ON WEDNESDAY the 7th of MAY 1800. Will be Sold, at Abraham Isaac's Auction-Room, in Buck-street, SEVERAL Trunks India Clo- thing, —AS FOLLOWS— 7 Gentlemen's striped summer Coats. 7 do. Silk and Chintz morning Gowns. 9 do. Spences. 2 Ladies elegant Silk Gowns and Skirts. 2 do. Quilted Silk short Gowns. 4 do. of other kinds. 2 do. Silk and Cotton. 24 small Childrens Gowns. 3 do. short waists. 1 pair Men's Trowsers, some silk. 60 pair Boy's Jackets and Trowsers. 9 handsome Counterpins. 12 handsome Chintz Coach Cover- ings. 2 Matresses. 12 handsome Chair Bottoms. 2 Chintz do. Coverings. 5 Elegant Red Quilts. 3 do. Cradle do. 2 Remnants Chintz. A number Bolsters and Pillow Cases. Several Pocket Handkerchiefs,— with a number of Articles of Clothing, too tedious to particularize. N. B. The above to be sold without any reserve. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock, A. M.
New-Hampshire Bank.
NOTICE is hereby given to the Stockholders in the New-Hamp- shire Bank, that the annual meeting for the choice of Directors will be held at the Bank, on Wednesday the 30th inst. at 3 o'clock, P. M. Daniel R. Rogers, Cashier. Portsmouth, April 9, 1800.
THE Heirs to the
estate of JOSEPH FELLOWS, late of Kingston, Gentleman, decea- sed, are hereby notified that on the 21st day of April next, A. M. the ac- count of the subscriber, of his Admin- istration of said estate, will be exhibi- ted to the Judge of Probate for ex- amination and allowance. JACOB WEBSTER, Executor. Kingston, March 25, 1800.
LETTERS in the Post-Office, at Exeter, April 1, 1800.
THOMAS Dean; John A. Harper; Edward Garrigas for Sarah Amos, Lee; Joseph Pear- son, Esq. 4; Mrs. Smith, wife of Joseph Smith; Gideon Wiggin; Rufus Graves, Esq. 11. Tamson Barker; James C. } Epping. Ewet.
David Clifford, jr.; Ja- bez Smith. } Brentwood.
Rev. James Miltimore; } Stratham. Aaron Wiggin.
Joseph Rowell, Newtown.
J. W. GILMAN, Post-Master. Exeter, April 6, 1800.
A Morning SCHOOL, FOR MISSES,
WILL be opened at the Brick School-House, the 21st of April. Attendance—From 6 o'clock till half past 7. Price—18s. per Quarter.
Amos Tappan. FOR SALE,
A good Farm
L ying on Londonderry, on the post road leading from Chester to Litch- field, in the west parish of said Lon- donderry, about one mile and a half from the west Meeting House, there is a comfortable dwelling house, together with a new barn and a small corn barn—with a small new building suit- able for a work shop; and a well of never-failing water within two rods of the door, besides a good spring and a brook for watering cattle; the mow- ing and tillage ground corners within four rods of the house, and the pas- ture within six rods of the barn, this is a very good stand for a trader or tradesman; the growth of wood is principally oak; the Farm contains about seventy or eighty acres.—The conditions may be known by apply- ing to DAVID M'ALLASTIR, on the premises.
Tho's Morton
Has just received and for sale at his Shoe & Leather Store,
At the lowest prices possible; A Complete Assortment of Gentlemen's, Ladies, Misses' and Children's SHOES;
Whole and half Boots; Boot Legs; Leather of all kinds; Sad- dles and Bridles. 50 dozen blue & white Cups and Saucers. 200 Straws Tumblers. 200 Glass Decanters. A few black China Teapots, with Sugar Bowls and Creampots, of the newest fashion. 40 dozen cream colored Plates and Dishes. Common Teapots, do. Sugar Dishes, do. Creampots. 100 Fur and other Hats. Cotton; Sugar; Coffee; Tea; Rice; Flour, and Raisins. N. B. Any quantity of BOOTS, SHOES or LEATHER, suitable for any contract may be had at the above Store, by giving proper notice. Portsmouth, March 20, 1800.
FOR SALE BY
M. S. Marsh, Russia & Ravens Duck.
Archangel Iron. Herring and Salmon Netts. Herring Seines. Sail, Salmon & Herring Twine. Lines, from 6 threaded to 18 threaded. Hooks. Superfine & common Flour. India Sugar. April 9, 1800.
HOUSE LOTS for Sale.
BY virtue of a licence from the Hon. SAMUEL TENNEY, Esq. Judge of Probate of Wills, &c. Will be sold at Public Auc- tion on Friday the 25th of April next at 10 o'clock, A. M. on the premises:— Four large commodious HOUSE LOTS;
On the fourth side of Islington road, near Martin's hill; each LOT being about 92 feet in front, and 250 feet back. The Conditions will be made favourable to purchasers, and may be known by apply- ing to Thomas Sparhawk. Portsmouth, March 29, 1800. [t.b.c.]
FOR SALE AT Jacob Sheafe's
STORE—A QUANTITY OF SUGAR & COFFEE,
entitled to draw back. Just Received and to be Sold by Joseph Bais,
At his Shop in Broad-street, Portsmouth;— EARLY
Garden Peas & Beans,
WITH a general assortment of English and American new Garden Seeds; a variety of Flower Garden Seeds; together with thirty dozen beautiful TULIPS, &c.
N. B. The Upholsterer's busi- ness carried on at the above place with neatness, fidelity and dispatch. Portsmouth, April 2, 1800.
Amoskeag Canal Lottery.
THE Legislature of the State of New-Hampshire, having at their late session, passed an act authorising SAMUEL BLODGET, Esq. to raise the sum of nine thousand dollars by Lottery, for the purpose of com- pleting a Canal by Amoskeag Falls, on Merrimack River, the subscribers duly appointed Managers, conforma- bly to said act, now offer the public the following
Scheme of the first and second Class.
FIRST CLASS,
To consist of 5,000 Tickets, at 3 dollars,
to be drawn all Prizes, as follows:
  1 of 1,500 Dols. 1,500 Dols.   1 of 50 shares in said Ca- nal, valued at 500 500   1 of 300 dols. is 300   2 200 400   3 100 300   6 50 300   12 25 300   18 20 360   40 10 400   60 6 360   1156 3 3,468   1200 2 2,400   2500 1 2,500   5000 13,088   Deduction, 1,912 
5000 Tickets at 3 dollars, are 15,000
The prizes will be paid by the Managers, or vendors of the tickets, without any deduction.
EPHRAIM ROBINSON, SAMUEL TENNEY, NATHAN L. PARKER, Mana- gers.
Amoskeag Canal Lottery. SECOND CLASS,
To consist of 5,000 Tickets at 3 dollars,
two prizes to three blanks—Prizes as
  1 of 2000 dols. is 2000 dols.   1 1000 1000   1 50 shares in said Canal equal to 500 500   1 300 300   2 200 400   3 100 300   10 50 500   18 25 450   20 20 400   40 10 400   50 6 300   900 4 3,600   953 3 2,859   2,000 Prizes 13,009   3,000 Blanks 1,991 
5,000 Tickets at 3 dollars are 15,000
The prizes to be paid as in the First Class.
The design of the works on Amos- keag Falls, is in conjunction with the Middlesex and Patucket Canals, to open a water communication from the interior parts of New-Hampshire to Boston and Newbury-Port, for the conveyance of country produce and lumber of every kind, but especially the very important article of Fire- Wood.—From the great advantages which will accrue to the Public from the completion of these works, the Managers flatter themselves that their Tickets will meet a prompt and ex- tensive sale; they are therefore deter- mined to commence drawing of the first class above exhibited, on the 22d day of April next, and of the second on the 27th day of May following. As these classes will be succeeded by several others, the Managers are de- termined to observe the utmost punc- tuality in the performance of their en- gagements, and to complete the busi- ness they have undertaken, with all the dispatch that its importance will admit.
EPHRAIM ROBINSON, SAMUEL TENNEY, NATHAN L. PARKER, Mana- gers.
N. B. The fifty shares in the Ca- nal, in each of the above classes, will be severally conveyed by the Proprie- tor, free of all charge in completing said Canal—or he will obligate him- self to pay to those, who shall draw them, 500 dollars each in two years, with interest.
Whole and Quarter TICKETS
In the above Lottery, for sale at J. MELCHER'S Printing-Office and Book-Store, Portsmouth.
State of New-Hampshire. Grafton, ff.
To Joseph Burley, Esq. one of the Jus- tices assigned to keep the Peace, within and for the County of Grafton afore- said.
WE the subscribers proprietors and owners of more than one sixteenth part of the township of Dor- chester, in said county, under the orig- inal grant made under the govern- ment of Benning Wentworth, Esq. re- quest you to warn a meeting of said proprietors and owners to be held at the dwelling house of Joseph Burley, Esq. innholder in said town of Dor- chester, on the 30th day of May next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, to act on the following articles, viz.
 1st. To choose a moderator to gov- ern said meeting, and a proprietors clerk.  2d. To choose assessors, a collector, a treasurer and any other officers that the proprietors may think proper.  3d. To see what method the pro- prietors will take relative to the plan and survey of said township.  4th. To see what the proprietors will do to settle all disputes between different claimers under different char- ters in said township.  5th. To see what the proprietors will give to settlers in said township.  6th. To make such grant or grants in land or otherwise, as they may think proper to effect any of the fore- going purposes.  7th. To make such division of their lands by pitches or otherwise, as shall be thought reasonable and just.  8th. To take some method to sue, prosecute and defend any action or actions as may be necessary to support and defend the proprietor's title to said township, and act on the premi- ses as may be thought best.  9th. To raise such sum or sums of money by tax, as may be thought necessary.  10th. To act by themselves, their agent or committee on all such other matters as may be thought necessary.  11th. To see what method the pro- prietors will take to call meetings in future. 
March 20, 1800.
JONAS MINOT, CHARLES BARRETT, jr. ELISHA RAYNE, NATHAN WALDO, DAVID PAGE, jr.
March 21, 1800.
In compliance with the foregoing re- quest, I hereby notify and warn the pro- prietors and owners of land in Dorches- ter aforesaid, to meet at the time and place, and for the purposes aforesaid.
(SEAL) Given under my hand and seal the above day. JOSEPH BURLEY, Justice Peace.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non- resident proprietors and owners of land in Stoddard, in said State, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1799, that unless they pay the same to the subseri- ber, so much of the lands as will pay the same and all lawful charges, will be sold at public vendue at the dwelling house of Nathaniel Emerson, in said Stoddard, on the first Monday of June next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previ- ous payment.
</    No. of Lot. Range. Cont.     Asa Evans, 12 40 30   John Chamberlin, 24 5 61 30   Jotham Odiorne, 24 12 80 40   Josiah Willard, 17 15 30 15   Mary Parker, 25 13 80 40   Peter Hunt, 10 5 80 15   do 11 5 80 15   James Donn, 22 4 80 40   Nathan Cummings, 6 14 80 10   Heirs of 4 14 14 7   Joseph Blanchard, 12 7 80 15   do 26 3 3 2   Samuel Moor's heirs, 23 13 80 40   Joseph Read, 16 2 38 15