The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1795-07-07 00:00:00

THE New Hampshire Gazette.
Published by JOHN MELCHER, Printer to the State of New-Hampshire, at his Office, corner of Market-Street, Portsmouth.
Vol. XXXIX.—Numb. 20015.]
TUESDAY, July 7, 1795.
[9s. pr. Annum.]
PORTSMOUTH, July 7.
[Not to publish the following meritorious Address to the citizens of Philadelphia, would be depriving the citizens of Portsmouth of many observations, which are applicable to this and other places—they tending to inculcate principles productive of general utility.]
To the citizens of Philadelphia.
FELLOW CITIZENS!
HAVING lately been appointed to exercise anew, the office of Mayor in this city, I know not how I can make a more suitable return for the confidence reposed in me, than by calling your attention to an object with which both the comfort and the reputation of our city connected, and for the attainment of which your concurrence and endeavors are essential—This object is the better government of Youth.
It is with the most sensible regret I thus publicly state, that many candid and well informed persons, while they bear testimony to the excellence of our public institutions and to many parts of our police, declare that the disorderly practices of ungoverned boys, which take place in our streets, exceed those which they have known in any other city; and that I have not the consolation to oppose my own observations and conviction to this opinion. The practices to which I allude are of such a nature and number as to render it both disagreeable and difficult to specify them; yet, to prevent all misapprehension, and that the end I have in view may be distinctly seen, I shall mention some of the chief. They are the following:—Youth (of all descriptions from childhood to the verge of manhood) meeting together especially in the evening of the day, sometimes in large and sometimes in small companies, for noisy and boisterous play, to the great disturbance of the neighbourhood where they assemble; the quarrels which take place among them, and which on these occasions they endeavour to excite and promote, frequently between individuals of their own number, and sometimes between whole companies leagued in hostility against each other, by which a spirit of contention is kindled and spread, so that many instances of quarrelling occur even among small children; the insults which these youth offer by abusive language, by mischievous tricks, and sometimes by blows, not only to other lads who are quietly passing them, but on some occasions even to other persons, especially if they be strangers; their making of bonfires and throwing of squibs in the streets, particularly on days of election or of public rejoicing, whereby the city is endangered, and many of the inhabitants incommoded and rendered uneasy; their exhibiting in mock effigy some person or character held in veneration or esteem by a part of the citizens, and thereby giving provocation and producing tumult; their breaking of windows, and their injuring each other, and of peaceable people, by the throwing of stones, sticks, dirt, and snow-balls; their profane and indecent language; their insolence when reproved; their violation of the day devoted to sacred rest, not only disregarding it themselves, but by disturbing others in their dwellings, and sometimes even in their worshipping assemblies with their noise and play; their petty games and thefts; their wontonly knocking at doors for the express purpose of deceiving and discomposing families, and the incumbrance and interruption which they frequently give to carriages passing the streets.
These are the evils to which I refer. The catalogue is not supposed to be complete. Some may have been omitted of as much importance as those which have been enumerated. But the specimen given, is sufficient to mark and distinguish the nature of those irregularities, for which we have been censured, and to which the public attention is now called.
On the first view of the subject there may probably be a number disposed to ask, whether it is to be expected that in a city like this, faults of the description of those which have been now recited can never be prevented? In answering to this enquiry, it must no doubt be conceded as a fact, disagreeable however in itself, that the disorders in question, can never be wholly banished from a place so populous as Philadelphia. But it will not follow from this, that endeavours ought not to be used to mitigate that which we cannot cure. It is surely not found reasoning, that because we cannot remove an evil so that it shall not exist in the lowest degree, we should therefore quietly submit to it in the highest degree; or that because we cannot completely destroy it, we ought not to attempt to lessen it. This would be to introduce a principle which would go to the discouragement of all human laws and regulations of whatever description; for scarcely in any instance can they do more than effect an incomplete reformation, or prevent the prevalence of those vicious actions against which they are directed. Now, the statement here is, that the evils specified do not only exist, but they abound among us; not merely that they occur, but that our city is remarkable
for them. If this be true, and I believe it is, it conclusively implies that we may introduce a change for the better: because if cities equal or superior to ours in point of population have been able in a great measure to suppress these irregularities, the same means which they have used will be successful in our hands. Nay, it may fairly be presumed, that by extending or improving on the means adopted by others, we may exceed the measure of success which they have obtained.
Let it not be doubted then that a remedy exists for the disorders in contemplation. I shall point out that which has occurred to me, after attempting to show, for a moment, not only the propriety, but the unspeakable importance of applying it.
The reputation of our city is a consideration which immediately occurs when we turn our thoughts to the subject before us. It will and ought to wound the spirit of every generous and sensible citizen, when the place in which he lives, and with which his character is in a measure connected, is reproached for the want of civil order. He will feel himself very powerfully urged by the principles of honour and of just emulation to wipe off, as far as possible, so black a stigma; and he will esteem the efforts and sacrifices necessary to this end, as well bestowed. It may likewise be worthy of recollection, what injury our city will sustain if reports unfavorable to its police be spread abroad, while it shall not be in our power to contradict them in consistency with truth. It is certain that considerate parents who have families to bring up, will not willingly come to reside in a place, where they may expect that the morals of their children will be continually endangered, and they perpetually afflicted on this account; and the real injury to property which must follow, from our wanting an accession of the most virtuous and valuable members of society to carry on manufactures and business of almost every kind, must, in time, be very sensibly felt.
But there are considerations which should stimulate us still more powerfully than those which have just been mentioned to effect a reform in the manners of our Youth—Considerations which address themselves directly to our virtue, to our humanity, to our desire of social happiness, to our public spirit, and, in a word, to a regard for our dearest interests. If the morals and manners of youth are neglected and become corrupt, society is poisoned at the fountain, and all its channels and branches will soon become infected with the deadly taint. It is not my purpose to insist on this as a general truth, because in that form, it is neither controverted nor doubted. But I wish to impress it deeply on the minds of my fellow-citizens that the very practices I have specified, are an instance of this truth, a proof that our youth are becoming generally corrupt; and that we are, therefore, threatened with all the evils which can flow from this source, and are called in the most importunate manner to exert ourselves to correct and prevent them. Whoever, indeed, can consider the mischiefs which have been mentioned, and the spirit which they indicate, as unimportant to society, must have examined human nature with very little attention, and made but very superficial observations on the tendency and effects of habit. It is to beginnings like these, that the grossest and most daring crimes can usually be traced; nor is the path indirect, nor the distance great, that lies between the one and the other. Of this, I fear, that we have already had some experimental evidence. Was not the most notorious incendiary that ever this city produced, a lad of less than fifteen years of age? Have not a band of boys, during the winter past, carried on, with such art, as for a long time to escape detection, a system of theft and burglary? Has there not lately been an affray, in which some lives were much endangered, and several grievous wounds inflicted? There is little reason to doubt that these villainies grow out of the practices first recited, and that they may, therefore, be considered as proofs in point, to show how closely such practices press upon the heels of the most enormous crimes.
By associating together, in the manner which has been noticed, a thousand designs of mischief are conceived by youth, which otherwise would never enter their minds. The natural principle of ambition prompts each individual to aim at distinguishing himself by some act, which may be reckoned by his comrades as an indication of smartness and spirit, or which may afford pleasure or gratification to the company, and this may frequently be effected by actions in the highest degree, imprudent and unlawful. Hence instances of irregularity often originate from a mind, not as yet deliberately vicious. But success procures applause to the young adventurer from his unthinking associates, and stimulates him to something still more singular and daring. He now becomes the champion, leader and example of his adherents. They envy his attainments, and imitate his conduct. Those who are already proficient in mischief, instruct, aid, and urge forward those
who are novices in the art. They laugh at the timid or backward, and they commend the bold and forward. Thus the whole group become by degrees accurate in the knowledge, and hardened in the practice of puerile vice, and form a nursery, from which the most atrocious crimes shall in due time be sent forth into society. This is most unquestionably the process and the issue of the combinations and the practices to which your attention has been called. Here, therefore, you must apply the remedy for crimes, if you expect the attempt to be successful. The most laudable exertions of industry, and of the legislature to soften the rigors of our penal code of laws, and to prevent the necessity of punishment, will prove abortive, if care be not taken in the education of youth. Human ingenuity will never find the means of governing without severity those who have been nurtured in the indulgence of licentious desires and the habits of disorder and vice. But on the contrary, if the minds of youth be formed to sobriety, obedience, industry, self-denial and virtue, severity will be unnecessary, rigorous laws will want an object, and society will approach very nearly to the government of itself without the interposition of the legislature or the authority of the magistrate. If an undertaking therefore, which was ever recommended to public attention could claim to be esteemed politic and important, this, which is now laid before you, may rightfully do it. Our reputation, our interest, our regard to our children, to ourselves, and to the community, demand that we engage in it cordially and strenuously.
The enquiry then returns with an aspect of the utmost seriousness—how shall it be prosecuted to effect? How shall the evils which have been specified be removed, and the benefits contemplated be obtained? It can be done, fellow-citizens, only by the united endeavors of all descriptions of persons conspiring in one effort, and directed to the same end. In the close of this address some suggestions relative to certain improvements in the established police will be submitted to your consideration. But the evils in question are evidently of such a nature as that the seeds of them can be killed, and their baneful fruits effectually and completely destroyed only by moral and domestic means. Without these, all civil regulations will produce no more than a very partial and temporary reformation, and therefore, on moral means and domestic discipline, whatever else may be done, we must principally depend. The irregularities complained of, originate in places not open to the magistrate's inspection, and the early periods of their growth, when alone they are capable of being entirely crushed, they do not assume a form on which he is permitted to lay the weight of the law. Here, indeed, it is worthy of being distinctly remarked and remembered, that society may be rendered very unhappy and disorderly by actions, which never amount to legal transgression; and that if no other method be taken to prevent such transgressions, than that which consists in punishing them after they exist, their existence will inevitably continue, and their occurrence will multiply, in despite of all the punishments that can be inflicted or devised. The magistrate, then, must call to his aid in this business the ministers of religion, the instructors of youth, the heads of families, and in short good citizens of every description. If all these will perform their part, the work will be accomplished; but if not, it must be left undone, or remain very defective. Allow me, with respect, but with plainness, to suggest to each of these classes a few leading ideas, which have occurred in reflecting on this topic.
Magistrates of the City,
It has already been intimated that the power lodged in our hands cannot have a very direct and extensive influence in correcting the evils in contemplation. Yet a degree of influence it no doubt possesses, and it must be our care to give it the fullest and most extensive operation. Complaints are frequently brought before us, by masters against apprentices, and apprentices against masters. In many such instances we have a favorable opportunity of inculcating upon both, the duties of the relation in which they severally stand.—When the circumstances of the case indicate the propriety of doing it, we may remind masters that it is the want of constant attention and regular government that is the common cause of apprentices becoming vicious and disobedient: That hence they reduce their masters insensibly but certainly, to the dilemma of either using extreme severity, or of bearing insult, and sustaining loss and injury; that the way to avoid this, and to prevent impertinence, idleness and vice, is to govern at all times; and not merely on the spur of the occasion, as interest or passion prompts them: that a strict and steady hand in exercising authority will go far towards preventing the necessity of harshness: that such an authority it is, at once, their privilege, their interest, and their duty, to exercise; and that they shall ever find us ready to support them in maintaining it. But while we make this state-
ment, and faithfully execute the laws which guard apprentices from abuse and undue correction, we must be scrupulously careful to do it in such a manner as shall not weaken, but strengthen, the equitable authority of masters. For this purpose it may be useful to inform apprentices, in the presence of their masters, that they have no right to dispose of any part of their time, contrary to the orders, or without the permission of those to whom they are bound; that they cannot, as many of them suppose, claim the right of devoting certain hours of the day to amusement or the company of their comrades: that their masters ought always to require them to be in the house during the evening, unless sent on necessary errands: that a master not only may, but ought suitably to correct an apprentice for insolent behaviour, idleness and disobedience: that the law justifies his doing this, and will protect him in it; and that this is highly reasonable, because a master is answerable for the conduct of a servant, for the damage done by him, and the complaints which are made against him. These admonitions may have a very salutary effect, if they be seasonably and discreetly given. There are, at present, loud and general complaints of the inordination of apprentice youth, as well as servants of other descriptions, and of the difficulties and inconvenience produced in families by their unreasonable expectations and demands. To check these, therefore, as far as law and duty will permit, is peculiarly incumbent on the magistrate. Parents who have bound their children as apprentices are too apt to listen to their unjust complaints, and to apply to the magistrate in their behalf, and against their masters. This practice ought to be pointedly discouraged. If, indeed, the complaints are well founded, let us hear them with attention, and redress the grievance with care and impartiality. But if, as commonly happens, they are the effects of mere pride or petulance, we ought, not only to deny what is requested, but to reprove the unthinking parent, and to inform him that he is taking the readiest method to ruin his child, and to promote his own misery.
We may, also, farther the contemplated reformation by a ready and cheerful attention to the complaints which are made to us of disorderly practices that encroach upon the laws, by making them, what they certainly ought to be made, matters of importance which are not to be disregarded or lightly treated; by keeping the strictest order in our neighbourhood; by dispersing riotous assemblies either of men or boys wherever they may be seen; as well as by using our private and individual influence, for the encouragement and promotion of orderly conduct.
If several of the things which have now been suggested, are of such a nature that our official duty does not expressly require that we give attention to them, there is, I think, not one which does not fall within the proper and intended limits of that duty. The most of them, strictly speaking, are nothing more than an explanation of the law, which it is the undoubted right and duty of the magistrate to give.
Ministers of Religion,
It peculiarly belongs to your province to inculcate the infinite importance of moral principles, obligations, and habits.—These are constituent parts, or necessary fruits or effects of every system of religion; and it is unnecessary to remind you, that the young and unoccupied mind furnishes the soil in which they thrive the best, and in which, of course, they ought to be planted and cherished with the most assiduous care. It cannot be doubted, therefore, that you will readily use all the influence which you possess, with your several charges, to promote the reformation and the virtuous education of youth.—These you will particularly inculcate in your public addresses—you will demonstrate them to the understanding, and urge them on the consciences of your hearers; and thus enforce by the sanctions of piety, the dictates of policy and good government. In your private intercourse with your people, also, you will press upon their minds the unspeakable advantage, as well as importance, of cultivating the habits of decency, sobriety, and good morals, in those who are rising into life, and who soon are to give its complexion, either good or bad to the whole state of society. It is not imagined, gentlemen, that at any time these interesting subjects are neglected in the course of your functions. But if, at the present time, you should give some special attention to them, and use your particular endeavours to show how intimately they are connected both with reputation and usefulness here, and with happiness hereafter, you might essentially promote the design of this address, and the best interests of your fellow-citizens.
Instructors of Youth,
It is certainly in your power to do much towards effecting the desired reformation, and it is hoped that neither your inclination will be wanting to the work, nor your most strenuous efforts be withheld from its execution. To
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Foreign Intelligence.
FRANKFORT, April 13.
We learn from Vienna, that the English Ambassador complained to the Minister against the Treaty of Peace between Tuscany and France. Thugut replied that the Grand Duke was a Sovereign Prince, and that the Emperor could not, in any way, interfere with his political measures.
BRUXELLES, April 25.
We learn from Holland, that the Republican troops which threatened the North of Germany, are upon the frontiers of the United States, and act only on the defensive.
The ports of Ostend and Antwerp begin to be frequented by neutral vessels, chiefly from the North, with salt and fish.
LEGHORN, April 8.
We learn from Bastia that orders have been given that no vessel leave that Port.
From the Frontiers of Poland, March 24.
We learn from Dubno in Volhnia, that as the Austrians leave this Country, the Russian troops take their place. That as the Austrians leave Sandomir, the Prussians come in. That the Empress of Russia has established the Greek religion in Lithuania, Volhnia and Podolia, and that she endeavours to increase her authority by the establishment of the same religion throughout her Dominions.
VALAIS, March 30.
It is believed that the Prince of Piedmont is labouring to detach his country from England, and urging the King to solicit a peace. The Archbishop of Turin has seconded his project, and the people have already testified their hopes that a peace would be obtained.
ROME, April 18.
At Easter the Pope was in St. Peter's, and gave his public benediction. His army of 2000 men, in new uniform, was paraded at the Vatican, and Prince Adolphus of England was present, mounted upon a noble Horse.
AMSTERDAM, April 16.
The time for a firm and eternal alliance between the French Republic and Batavia is not far distant. Citizen BLAUW, known for his civility, his talents, and energy, one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary at Paris, has arrived. He assures that his stay will be short in Holland, and that his principal object is to accelerate the conclusion of alliance, which is the object of all our wishes, as it will be the disappointment of all the enemies of liberty. The peace with Prussia is heard with joy, and the report that France has consented to re-establish the Stadtholder, is no longer repeated.
LONDON, April 4.
Already have complaints reached England from America and the W. Indies, of infringements made upon some articles of the treaty agreed on by Mr. Jay, and lately ratified by Congress. Ships bound from America to the West-Indies loaded with lumber, Indian corn and flour, have been stopped and detained, under pretext of their having French property on board, by the Equador of Admiral Murray, as well as by Governor Dunmore's orders in the Bahama islands; and by General Vaughan's proclamation in the Windward islands. Three American vessels to loaded, and another from Bourdeaux with wine, were taken in January last near Statia. These two last mentioned commanders were, during the last war, and continue still to be, execrated by the Americans; the first on account of the famous proclamation to emancipate and invite from their masters the Virginia negroes, and the second as one of the captors of St. Eustatia, and for burning the whole of the town of Eufopus upon Hudson's river, in which country he still retains the nick-name of General Eufopus.
MAY 6.
General Picchegru is now at Worms, and it is uncertain how soon the operations of the campaign may commence in that quarter.
The army of Austria and the empire, on the Upper Rhine, amounts now to upwards of 190,000 men, who might long ago have crossed the Rhine to endeavour to raise the Siege of Luxemburgh, which still holds out with the greatest obstinacy. Certain it is, that this might have been done with more success, as the French army was in a wretched state, on the Rhine about three weeks ago, but has now received very large reinforcements of infantry and cavalry.
The King of Prussia has been acknowledged by the convention as a mediator between France and the rest of the German princes at war, who may obtain peace on terms less or more honorable than those which he stipulated for himself.
Letters from Berlin of the 18th, state, that the King of Prussia, was closeted all day long on the 15th inst. with his minister and at the end of this transaction, a courier was dispatched to Petersburg, with dispatches which were reported to be of the most serious nature.
At Brussels, the patriotic song the Le Reveil du Peuple , has been forbidden.
All the Infantry under the command of Gen. Harcourt have arrived safely at their different destinations in England.
The first detachment of our army, from Germany, arrived in the river on Monday, and were anxiously expected to land at Greenwich yesterday, but were detained below Frith for want of wind. A part of the drums and music of the guards were sent down to Greenwich, to meet and hail their gallant countrymen.
YARMOUTH, May 5.
This morning arrived the Andromeda , and other ships of war, with 130 sail of transports, with British troops from the Weser; 40 sail more are coming.
DUBLIN, April 9.
HIBERNIANISM.
In the debate on the Leather Tax, the other day in the Irish House of Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, (Sir John Barnell) observed, with emphasis—"That in the prosecution of the present War, every man ought to give his last guinea to protect the remainder!" Mr. Vandeleur said, that however that might be, the Tax on Leather would be severely felt by the bare footed peasantry of Ireland.
To this Sir Boyle Roach replied, that this could be easily remedied—by making the underleathers of wood.
St. JOHN's (Antigua,) June 2.
His Majesty's ship of war Zebra , arrived at English harbour a few days ago. Capt. Skinner arrived in the Zebra , to take command of La Pique, which will shortly be ready for sea, Norborne Thompson, Esq. is appointed to the command of the Zebra , in the room of Captain Skinner.
We learn that an embargo is laid on all American vessels in Martinique.
LEXINGTON, May 23.
On Thursday morning, the 14th inst. Mr. Massie with a party of about fifty men, who were out on Paint creek, a branch of the Scioto, fell in with an Indian camp, in which were upwards of thirty Indians, fifteen of whom were warriors and the remainder women and children. An action commenced, in which one of the white men was killed—the Indians were drove from their camp, and their baggage and horses fell into the hands of the whites.—The party then made for Kentucky, and on Friday morning about day break, one of their centries fired on the Indians, who were endeavouring to take advantage of their situation, upon which the Indians returned the fire, when a sharp action ensued for a few minutes, and the Indians retired before it was light enough for the whites to pursue. During this attack one white man was wounded in the thigh, and two horses killed. The plunder and horses taken from the Indians sold for about £450.
A lad that was taken prisoner at the mouth of Scioto in February last, was with the Indians, and escaped to the whites during the action on Thursday morning—he informs that this party of Indians had received a letter from General Wayne, ordering them to leave that neighborhood, and come to the Treaty, which they positively refused to comply with.—They are of the Shawanese tribe.
ALEXANDRIA, June 18.
Mr. Gardner the American agent for ascertaining the amount of damages committed by the British cruisers in the West-Indies, we learn had completed his mission in Barbadoes, which he left in good health for Dominique, on Sunday the 24th of May.
Mr. Gardner informed Capt. Moody (who gave the above information) that he had received every attention and assistance from the Governor while in Barbadoes.
CITY OF WASHINGTON, June 19.
It is with much pleasure that we discover the rising consequence of our infant city. Public worship is now regularly administered at the capitol, every Sunday morning, at 11 o'clock by the Reverend Mr. Ralph, and an additional school has been opened by that gentleman, upon an extensive and liberal plan.
PHILADELPHIA, June 19.
CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
Yesterday arrived the ship Three Brothers , Capt. Brown, in four months and 15 days from Bengal. Capt. Brown, informs that he put into the Cape of Good Hope, where he lay 14 days, and failed from thence 60 days ago—the place remained in possession of the Dutch, who were not informed of the change of affairs in Holland. Fourteen Dutch ships from India and China, which remained at the Cape, expected to sail for Europe in a few days after the Three Brothers , conveyed by a 20 gun ship and two brigs.
BOSTON, July 1.
A vessel arrived here last evening from Carolina, having on board ten seamen, the residue of the crews of two vessels from Guadalupe, belonging, and bound to Salem and Newburyport, who were put on board, yesterday, in the bay, by the Sir Charles Gray, privateer, of Bermuda, which had taken the above vessels on Friday and Saturday last, the Race Point of Cape Cod bearing N. N. E. six leagues. The names of the masters are Bark and Goodhue, and with the boys were sent in the prizes to Bermuda. The commander of the Sir Charles Grey said, that the French islands were declared to be in a state of Blockade, and that he was cruising for vessels to and from them.
A REVOLUTION in IRELAND
Is an event not the most improbable. The Catholics of that island appear now to be united in their opposition to the tyranny of the British government. Composing as they do near four fifths of the population of the kingdom, should they speak loud, they must be heard; and should they act, they must succeed.
Capt. Barney, of Baltimore, is said to be appointed third in command of the French-Dutch fleet, fitting out in Holland, under Admiral Vanstable.
The recall of Hughes, the enrage —commandant of the Windward Islands, is confirmed. He will doubtless share the fate of Sonthonax and Polverel.
The Governor of Virginia, by proclamation, has ordered, that all vessels from the West-Indies, perform a quarantine of 20 days, if judged to be any ways infectious. A salutary and wise measure. It is easier to prevent than to remedy.
We are sorry to learn, that the vaults of the Bank of Nantucket, have been robbed of the specie fund thereof, to the amount of 20,000 dollars. We are not, however, without hopes, that discovery will be made of the thieves, and the money recovered.
STATE-HOUSE CORNER STONE.
We learn, that on Saturday next, the anniversary of American Independence, the corner stone of the new State House will be laid by his Excellency the Governor, assisted by the Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons, of this Commonwealth.
The shares in the projected Causeway from the south end of this town, to Dorchester Point, we learn, were immediately filled up. The total £20,000.
GENERAL KNOX.
was received with distinguished marks of popular esteem, on his arrival at Thomaston. The banks of the St. George's re-echoed with the repeated peal of gratulation; and the suffusion of republican gratitude glistened in the eye of the people.
FROM DEMERARA.
By an arrival from Demerara, in 27 days, we learn, That four days before the failed, an English armed vessel arrived off the harbour, and an Officer came from her and demanded the delivery of the place to the English; but he received a most pointed refusal, and was told the English never should possess it, but at the point of the sword. It is supposed they mean to surrender to the French.
FROM FRANCE—THE LATEST.
VIA NEW-YORK, June 29.
Capt. Eldridge, of the brig Abigail , from Cherbourg, which place he left the 17th May, informs, that the day before he failed, accounts had been received there, that two Ambassadors had arrived at Paris from the Court of London, for the purpose of negotiating a PEACE with the Republic of France. This account was confirmed by similar information from on board of an English frigate, which boarded Capt. Eldridge a few hours after he left Cherbourg.
Capt. E. further informs, that about the 12th of May, a small convoy of coasters, consisting of about ten sail, from Cherbourg, bound to Brest was captured by three English frigates, after having been out only three hours.
A general Peace is much talked of in France.
[By Capt. Boadge, in 46 days from Amsterdam, the following important articles of information were received.]
ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT between the FRENCH and BATAVIAN PEOPLE, to establish an ALLIANCE between the TWO NATIONS.
ART. I. The solemn acknowledgment of the Batavian Republic.
II. An offensive and defensive alliance between the two republics.
III. Neither of the two republics can conclude a peace the one without the other.
IV. The Batavian republic shall furnish for the mutual defence, twelve ships of the line and eighteen frigates, and the army will be augmented in case the war is continued.
V. During the war, the army and the navy are to be under the command of French generals.
VI. All conquered lands, situated past the Waal and Rhine are to be restored.
VII. The Lands between the Rhine and Waal, excepting those excepted in the following article, are to remain in the possession of the French until the Peace.
VIII. Maastricht, Venlo, Breda, Bergen-op-Zoom, and the remaining territory from the last named place, to the Margravite of Antwerp, are accepted: finally, the territory which forms the borders of the Hond, to wit: to the right, the Island's South Beveland and Walcheren, and to the left, State Vlaanderen, are to remain in the possession of the French, until the lot of Brabant is decided.
IX. The French Republic shall occupy until the Peace, all those places as she shall deem necessary for defence.
X. The navigation on the Rhine, Naas, Scheldt, and all the branches, shall be free for both nations.
XI. The Batavian republic shall pay to the French republic the expenses of the war, which she was obliged to carry against the former: the Dutch republic shall be at liberty to redeem it, provided by offering an equitable equivalent, which is to be regulated in an amicable manner between the two republics.
On account, there is to be paid without delay, not less than twenty millions of guilders, in specie or in good bills of exchange on France or neutral countries.
(Signed) Mellin, Rembel, Sieges, M. du Bois Crance, le comte du Runt, le Porte, Toncroy, Boffy, Gussal.
P. S. Copying the above, the following five articles are handed to me; which (as it is said) belong to the treaty of peace between the French Republic and the King of Prussia.
Secret Articles of the Treaty of Peace between the French Republic and the King of Prussia.
ART. I. Hanover and Osnaburg belong to Prussia.
II. Upper Silesia, guaranteed by France to Prussia.
III. Prussia guarantees the Netherlands to the French Republic.
IV. Prussia guarantees the Republican form of government of the Seven United Provinces without the Stadtholder, provided the payment of an annuity to the last Stadtholder of twenty-five thousand guilders.
V. Prussia is to quit the country at the left bank of the Rhine.
Important decree of the present Revolutionary Government of Holland.
APRIL 17.
"The commercial intercourse between these United Provinces and foreign countries (except England and her dependencies) shall continue free, subject only to the regulations formerly established.
"The exportation of naval and military stores, arms, gunpowder, and saltpetre, is prohibited to all places except to France and her possessions, and to the colonies and places belonging to the seven United Provinces."
The revolutionary committee of Amsterdam, taking into consideration the exhausted state of the Dutch finances, and the obligations of every citizen to contribute as much as possible to the public necessities, have resolved to place a box in every commune to be superintended by the collector, in whose possession the key shall be deposited, in order to afford the patriot citizens an opportunity of evincing their attachment to the cause of liberty, by free gifts of gold and silver articles, such as buckles, rings, ear-rings, &c. &c. which are not included in the provisional decree of the 26th March.
A book shall be deposited in custody of the same persons appointed to receive the donations, in which the name of every person disposed to sacrifice their unnecessary ornaments for the public benefit, shall be regularly entered, that posterity may observe the disinterested patriotism of their ancestors.
The committee, confident that love of country will not be less conspicuous in the native Dutch, upon this occasion, than past experience has shown exists among our French brethren, who have offered at the altar of liberty, obligations of the greatest value, invite all their fellow-citizens, residents of other towns in this province, to imitate their example, and evince to the universe, that no consideration, however dear, is too important to be sacrificed to that freedom which is their hereditary birth-right, and which they are determined in every vicissitude of fortune, to support and defend.
Amsterdam, 14th April 1795.
First year of Dutch Liberty.
By order of the committee,
VAN DER AA, Sec'y.
SALEME, June 30.
The Editor of the Philadelphia Gazette, speaking of the paragraph in our last, which mentioned the cessation of Bermudian Piracies, observes—"On the authority of a gentleman direct from Bermuda. We are authorized to contradict that paragraph in toto—so far from having desisted in committing their depredations on our commerce, a number of privateers are now out.—They assert that American vessels from the West-Indies are not sufficiently rich, and are now bent upon capturing those from France and the Indies bound to the United States.
The vessels alluded to in the above information as having been permitted to depart, are now remaining in Bermuda for want of hands, their seamen having been detained and put on board different privateers belonging to the island.
The sloop—Captain Nelson, belonging to and bound for Norfolk, from Cape Francois, remained in Bermuda—she was taken in the month of May by the frigate Thetis —and what is very singular, Captain Cochran, on being interrogated by the master of the sloop, on what grounds he was captured, made for answer that he was ill treated while in Norfolk.
From the same authority, we learn, that Judge Green of the Admiralty in Bermuda has asserted, his instructions for condemning all American vessels bound to or from a French port had not been countermanded.
By the latest accounts from Constantinople, the war occasioned by a competition for the Crown of Persia still continues. Muhammed Khan, the most fortunate of competitors, had made prisoner his rival Ali Khan, and cut his eyes out, besides obtaining the treasure of another, consisting of large and costly diamonds. Jussuph Pashaw, the Turkish Grand Vizir, is supposed to have fallen into disgrace.
One of the coal mines in the neighbourhood of Whitehaven, in England, at present runs more than seven miles under the sea; it is one hundred fathoms below the surface of the sea, and from forty to sixty fathoms below the deepest part of the channel: the vein of coals is excellent, and the farther it is cut the better it proves to be. It is the intention of the proprietors of this mine to prosecute this stratum, and is thought by many, that in the course of ten years, a subterraneous passage to Ireland may be effected.
TO BE SOLD AT
Samuel Hill's Store,
A number bbls. Pork, Containing one, and one and half Hog, And a few bbls. Middlings.
—ALSO—
A quantity of Beef,
In good order, and 60 boxes 12 by 10, 10 by 8, 9 by 7, & 8 by 6 Window-Glass, on the lowest terms for cash.
May be had at the same place
West-India & English Goods as usual. Portsmouth, July 6, 1795.

THE TREATY.
Another "BONE to KNAW."
[We have the pleasure of presenting the numerous readers of the Chronicle, this day with as complete a view of the much talked-of most excellent, honorable and useful TREATY between this country, and our good friends Messrs Pitt, Grenville and Co. the present ruling party in Great Britain—as the nature of the case will allow.—We could wish it were more complete and less prolix—but as it is we give it, believing it to be quite enough for the "first digestion."]
From BACHE'S Advertiser, of June 29.
MR. BACHE, I HAVE been daily hoping to see in the public prints a copy of the late treaty with Britain; but as such a publication has not been made, I transmit inclosed the heads of that instrument collected from memory after an attentive perusal. There necessarily must be deficiencies in an account of this kind which depends entirely upon memory, and for the same reason there may be inaccuracies, but I trust the latter are few.
A CITIZEN.
The preamble states among other matters of mere form, "that without a reference to the merits of their respective complaints and pretensions," the contracting parties are desirous, &c. &c.
Art. 1. Provides generally that there shall be perpetual friendship, &c. between the contracting parties.
Art. 2. Provides for the delivery of the Western Posts in June '96.—The United States may in the mean time make settlements within their boundaries as recognized by the Treaty of Peace, except within the jurisdiction of those Posts. After the evacuation, the settlers within that jurisdiction are to make their election of remaining British subjects or becoming American citizens.
Art. 3. Stipulates the terms of trade and intercourse between Canada and the United States. We may frequent their ports, harbors, &c. on the lakes but not their seaports. They from thence may frequent our Atlantic rivers not above our highest ports of entry in each. We may impose duties on that intercourse, not higher than duties imposed on like merchandise imported in our own vessels; they may impose duties not higher than those imposed on merchandise imported into the sea ports of Canada by their own vessels. The two parties are also to be at liberty freely to navigate the Mississippi, and frequent the ports of either party on the Eastern Bank as freely as the Atlantic ports of the United States, and the ports of Great Britain.
Art. 4. As it is doubtful whether a line due West from the Lake of the Woods, according to the treaty of peace, will meet the source of the Mississippi, that river is, jointly, to be examined and surveyed, and if the said line cannot be run, the boundary is to be settled amicably.
Art. 5. As the treaty of peace leaves some doubt of the river meant by the St. Croix river, the doubt is to be settled by three commissioners, one appointed by each party, the two choosing a third; but if they cannot agree on a third, then to name each one, and let chance decide which shall be the third.
Art. 6. Payment of damage and interest on British debts, contracted before the peace, which damages have accrued, owing to certain legal impediments, framed by some states.—The United States to be liable for the payment of these, but not of such as would at any rate have accrued by the insolvency of the debtor, or by the negligence of the claimant. Five Commissioners appointed in a manner similar to the above, are to fix the sums due upon principles of equity. Eighteen months is fixed as the term for receiving documents in those cases, and six months more may be allowed beyond this time in some cases, at the discretion of the Commissioners. No sums can be ordered to be paid before the expiration of twelve months after the ratifications of the treaty are exchanged. These Commissioners meet in Philadelphia.
Art. 7. In such cases as from whatever circumstances, indemnification cannot be obtained for captures by the British, by the common course of justice. Five Commissioners appointed as above, are to fix the same, and the British government becomes answerable for the payment. These Commissioners meet in London. By this article the United States are to refund the value of English prizes taken in our waters, or by privateers fitted out in our ports.
Art. 8. Relates to the salaries and expenses of the above Commissioners: Their salaries are to be fixed when the ratifications are exchanged, and the expenses are left to themselves to determine.
Art. 9. The subjects and citizens of the contracting parties shall hold real estate in each other's territory, with the same advantages as the citizens and subjects of the respective states.
Art. 10. It shall not be lawful for one party to sequestrate or confiscate the property in debts, funds or banks of the other party, in case of war.
Art. 11. Provides generally for a free and reciprocal trade between the two parties, under the conditions contained in the articles that follow.
Art. 12. We may carry our produce to the British West-Indies in vessels not exceeding 70
tons, and bring thence here the produce of those colonies on the same terms as the British can do; but we are not to export from the United States, molasses, sugar, cocoa, coffee, or cotton, to any part of the world. The British cannot be put in a different situation than they now are, as to their intercourse between their colonies and our continent. This article was to last during the present war, and for two years after; before the expiration of which term, negotiations were to be entered into for a further agreement on the subject of this trade; when the question of neutral bottoms making neutral goods, was to be considered, and it was to be settled what articles should be considered as contraband in time of war. Till then, the contents of some of the articles following, are referred to as a temporary settlement on those heads.
[To the above article there was, it seems much opposition in the Senate; and they finally agreed to recommend to the President to ratify the Treaty, on condition that this 12th Article should be suspended; and also recommended that he should enter into further negotiations on the subject of a modification of this article.]
Art. 13. We are to be permitted to trade with the British settlements in the East-Indies, in such articles as shall not be entirely prohibited, paying the same duties on exportation and importation as the British. In the time of war we cannot export thence warlike or naval stores, or rice, without special permission. We can carry nothing that we export thence to any other country but the United States, where the articles must be duly and faithfully landed. We cannot partake of the Indian Carrying Trade.
Art. 14. There shall be a reciprocally free commerce between the United States and the British dominions in Europe, under the regulations contained in after articles. Merchants shall be permitted to build warehouses in the respective countries, and shall enjoy full protection.
Art. 15. Neither country shall lay on the vessels of the other, or the merchandise imported in them, higher duties than on the like vessels and merchandise belonging to other foreign countries. Neither country shall lay upon the produce, manufactures, &c. of the other, higher duties than on the like produce, manufactures, &c. of other countries. Great Britain, however, reserves to herself the right of laying on American bottoms entering their ports in Europe, a tonnage equal to that laid on their vessels here, and duties on importations in American bottoms sufficient to contravene the difference between the duties laid on European and Asiatic merchandise imported here in American and British bottoms. The contracting parties will further treat to attain an exact equalization of duties laid on one another; but in the mean time the tonnage on British bottoms shall not be increased, nor the difference of duty between importations in American and British bottoms made greater.
Art. 16. Relates to consuls. They may be punished in certain cases or dismissed. Any port in each country may be exempted by the government of that country from admitting consuls.
Art. 17. Enemies property in neutral bottoms liable to seizure. The vessel containing such property to be released with as little detention as possible.
Art. 18. The following are made contraband articles; carrying them to the enemies of one contracting party by the other, renders the vessels so carrying them liable to capture; contraband articles, all military implements, rozen, pitch, tar, timber for ship building, copper in sheets, sails, cordage, and in general all articles which may be applied directly to the construction of vessels, except unwrought iron and fir planks.
As it is difficult (says the article) to determine the cases in which provisions carried to an enemy are contraband, to avoid dispute in these cases, should such provisions be seized, the owner shall be paid for them, also their freight, &c. and a reasonable mercantile profit.
As neutral vessels sometimes makes sail for a port (says the treaty) with provisions, not knowing it to be blockaded, such vessels shall not be seized when first met with going into such port, but be notified that it is blockaded, and only be seized in case a second attempt be made to enter said port.
Art. 19. Commanders of vessels of war, of one contracting power to be punished and their estates be liable if they conduct themselves improperly or injure the citizens or subjects of the other. Privateersmen to give bond with two sufficient sureties, each in the penalty of 1500. sterling for good conduct; and if their equipment consists of more than 150 men, then in the sum of 3,000.
Art. 20. Pirates seized in the ports of either party to be punished as such, and any prizes they may have taken, restored to their lawful owners.
Art. 21. Any citizen or subject of the contracting powers accepting a commission on board a privateer or letter of marque of the enemies of the other to be treated as a pirate.
Art. 22. Neither party to retaliate for injuries received until official complaint be made and satisfaction refused, or until an answer to complaint is unreasonably delayed.
Art. 23. Vessels of war of the contracting powers to have refuge and full comfort in each others port, American vessels, also in case of stress of weather may seek an asylum in those British ports usually shut against them, but there can sell only such part of their cargoes as will enable them to make the necessary repairs, &c.
Art. 24. Vessels of war belonging to the enemies of one party cannot arm or sell their prizes or tarry in the ports of the other.
Art. 25. The vessels of war of each party may
bring their prizes into the ports of the other, remain as long as they please, pay no fee or egrets; nor be questioned as to their validity, let sail when they please, &c.
The treaty, this article specifies, is not, however, to infringe any public prior treaty with any sovereign power, (if such a provision had not been expressed, the situation of our foreign relations would have nevertheless by the laws of nations, have been on this footing, as the prior treaty with one country always takes precedence of an ulterior treaty with another.) This article also contains the important stipulation that in future no treaty shall be made by either of the parties inconsistent with this & the preceding article.
Art. 26. In case of war between contracting parties, merchants on either side behaving peaceably shall not be molested. If suspected, a year shall be given them to remove. The sending of an Ambassador away for personal misconduct shall not interrupt the harmony between the two countries.
Art. 27. Each country shall restore to the other, forgers or murderers, who may take refuge among them.
Art. 28. Makes the ten first articles perpetual and limits the remainder to 12 years except the 12th article has a limitation of its own. Before the expiration of the term limited in the 12th art. the parties shall negotiate on terms for its continuance, on which if they should not agree, the 13 last articles shall exist no longer than the term limited in the 12th article.
YEAS and NAYS
On the great question of ratifying the Treaty with Great Britain, in the Senate of the United States:—
   YEAS. NAYS.     Samuel Livermore, N. H. John Langdon, N. H.   George Cabot, Mass. Moses Robinson, Ver.   Caleb Strong, Mass. Aaron Burr, N. Y.   William Bradford, R. I. Henry T. Zewell, Vir.   Theodore Foster, R. I. George Mason, Vir.   Oliver Elsworth, C. Alexander Martin, N. C.   John Trumbull, C. Timothy Bloodworth, N. C.   Elijah Paine, Ver. John Brown, K.   Rufus King, N. Y. Pierce Butler, S. C.   John Rutledge, S. C. James Jackson, C.   Frederick Frelinghuysen, N. J.   James Refs, P.   William Bingham, P.   John Vining, D.   Henry Latimer, D.   Richard Potts, Maryl.   John Henry, Maryl.   Humphrey Mariscal, K.   James Read, S. C.   James Gunn, G.  
The following States voted unanimously in its favour:
   Massachusetts, Population 475,327   Rhode Island, 68,825   Connecticut, 237,946   New Jersey, 184,139   Pennsylvania, 434,353   Delaware, 59,094   Maryland, 319,728  
Total of population for treat, 1,779,432
The following States voted unanimously against the Ratification.
   North Carolina, population 393,751   Virginia, 747,610   Total of population against Treaty, 1,141,361  
MARINE NEWS.
Capt. Masey, in the American Hero, arrived at New-York, from Ireland, (with 479 passengers—no mechanics among them) in 44 days. June 10, in lat. 56. spoke Capt. Morton, in a brig from Boston, all well.
The French Privateer Ca Ira, Capt. Havier is cast away near St. Augustine, vessel lost, people saved, and made prisoners.
Capt. Webb, from Nantz 48 days. June 11, lat. 47 long. 53 spoke a ship from Bristol, for Quebec, out 30 days. June 13, lat. 46, long. 53. 55. spoke ship Mary, Storer, from Amsterdam, for New-York, out 21 days, full of passengers. Left at Paimboeuf, ready to sail, Capt. Trebit, of Beverly; Capt. MacLellan, of Portland; brig Norfolk, of Norfolk, V. and Capt. Barnes of Philadelphia. Left at Nantz, two Capt. Coffin in a ship and schooner from Boston; Capt. Derby, of Salem; Capt. Dennis of New-York; and Capt. Dunnervan, of Philadelphia.
Arrived at Providence, Betsey, Holden, from Port de Paix. On the 18th ult. in the Caucus passage, was captured by the Bermudian privateer Enterprize, of 4 guns and carried into Bermuda where she was released, on the Captain's giving a bond not to prosecute. His Expenses, however, were 50 dollars. Capt. Holden left at Bermuda, among other vessels, a Dispatch of Boston, from Guadalupe; libelled and waiting for trial; Michabie Knapp, of Newburyport, from Brest for Norfolk, taken off Cape Charles, with a pilot and 15,000 crowns on board, libelled and waiting for trial; and ship Nancy of Boston, from Brest bound home, just arrived.
Latest from EUROPE.
On Friday morning last arrived in this harbour the ship Hope, Capt. Ross, from Liverpool. The Capt. belongs to Marblehead, in this State, and is a man of undoubted veracity. He says, that a terrible war has lately broken out between the British and the Mahrattas, in the East-Indies. A battle has lately been fought between the troops of these two nations, in which the British have been defeated with great slaughter. The Capt. further reports that provisions were very dear, but not so dear as in America. The Merchants told him that the hopes of Great-Britain were now centered in the scheme of starving the French; and in conformity with that plan, that they had renewed their hostile depredations, on all neutral vessels, laden with provisions, bound to the Republic of France. Several Danish vessels had been brought in by the British cruisers, before he failed. These depredations were the result of new orders issued by the English cabinet. The Capt. reports that the merchants in Liverpool expressed the most melancholy apprehensions of the approaching fate of their country, but were obliged to be secret in their opinions, as they were beset by spies and informers. He lays, there was no intelligence of a v. di orders in France, but that every thing in that Republic had a pacific aspect. CA IRA.
Very Important—if true.
From the Gazette of the United States, of June 27.
Translated from the Courier François of this morning.
TO THE EDITOR. BALTIMORE, June 24.
Citizen,
I now inform you that I have received a letter from my brother, a merchant at St. Malo, which informs me of the demands made by the Committee of Safety on the English Envoys, who are come to treat of peace.—You may, if you think proper, publish in your paper the substance of these demands, which I enclose.
Health and Fraternity. P. FRENIE.
The Letter is dated the 23d Floreal, (May 12.)
On the demand made by the Envoys of the Court of London now at Paris treating of Peace; France consents to give a peace to England on the following conditions:—
 1. The evacuation; first of the Islands of Jersey and Guernsey.  2d. Our possessions of the Antilles, those taken in the present and preceding war.  3d. The Island of Corsica.  4th. Our possessions in the East-Indies.  5th. Our ancient possessions in North-America, Canada, Newfoundland, and Acadie, (Nova-Scotia.) 
To pay the damages done at Toulon, according to estimation.
To restore in kind, all the vessels taken during the present war, and an equal number of ships of the English navy to those burnt at Toulon.—To pay the expenses of the war, amounting to 100 millions in specie:—leaving it, however, optional to England, to pay part in specie, part in coin, flour, and other articles of the first necessity.
To abandon forever to the discretion of France, the Electorate of Hanover and the Bishoprick of Osnaburg.
To restore all the vessels taken at St Domingo, Guadalupe, Martinique, and Tobago—or to pay their value.
To deliver up all the emigrants in England, as well as in Europe and other parts of the world—and to direct the British commanders to prevent the escape of those vagabonds.
And to insure the treaty England shall deliver to France one of her nearest strong holds, in which the Republic shall put a garrison, which shall not evacuate it till after an entire execution of the Treaty.
P. S. The places taken by the English in the former war are—Grenada, and the Grenadines, St. Kitts, St. Vincent, Dominique and Montserrat.
PORTSMOUTH, July 7.
SATURDAY last, being the 20th Anniversary of AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, the same was celebrated by the inhabitants of this town, with demonstrations of gratitude and joy.—The weather being warm, excursion in the country and down the river were preferred by many to the sultry heat of the Metropolis—to avoid which, and to vary the scene by taking with them their Wives and Daughters to partake of the general joy, several companies of respectable citizens made their appearance on the great waters and the adjacent islands, where the festive boards, under convenient arbors, were richly spread, the presence of the Ladies added grace to them, & heightened the hilarity of the day, while scenes of satisfaction were exhibiting in these romantic retreats, our brethren in the Metropolis were not backward in duly honouring the day.—At eleven o'clock, a large concourse of people assembled at the Rev. Doctor Haven's meeting-house, where an excellent Oration was delivered by Mr. GEORGE RICHARDS, to the universal satisfaction of all present.
DIED]—At York, Mrs. MARY RAYNES, Aged 44, wife of Mr. Nath'l Raynes, of that town.—In this town, Mr. EDWARD PARK, Aged 25.
District of New-Hampshire, ff.
(L.S.) BY Order of the honorable John Pickering, Esq. Judge of the District Court.
NOTICE is hereby given, that at a special District Court held at Portsmouth, within and for said District, on the 24th day of June, inst. a libel was filed in said Court by Joseph Whipple, Esq. against about 30m. of Pine Boards, being part of the cargo of the Sloop Endeavor, Francis Bakeman master, for that said Boards were of the growth and manufacture of some foreign place, and illegally brought into the United States, and that trial will be had on said libel, before said Judge, at 10 o'clock, A. M. at the State-House, in Portsmouth, on Monday the 27th day of July next.
NATH'L ROGERS, Marshal.
Dated at Portsmouth, June 30, 1795.

AN ODE COMPOSED AND SET TO MUSIC, FOR THE CELEBRATION OF THE ANNIVERSARY ELECTION OF THE STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, FOR THE YEAR 1795, HOLDEN AT HANOVER.
G REAT Source of Being! Power Divine! Inspire our Lays—exalt our Lays In songs seraphic may we join, And shout Hosannas to thy praise! Loud, loud proclaim Th' ALMIGHTY's name, Who gave the mandate first. Old Chaos hears— Unnumber'd spheres Start from primeval dust!  Our fathers fled proud Albion's shore, In quest of freedom cross'd the sea; The tempest howls, the serges roar, They seek—they find relief in THEE . Thou spak'st the word, Old Ocean heard; The trembling waves are still; Light o'er the expanse, Mild breezes dance, Subservient to thy will.  When famine, join'd with dire disease, Spread desolation o'er the land, Thou bad'st the fell contagion cease, And Plenty smil'd at thy command. The strains renew, For songs are due To HIM , whose mighty hand , In tent, or field, Was still their shield, And sav'd the feeble band.  When savage tribes, a horrid train, In murderous hordes against us rose; To Thee we sought—nor sought in vain— Thine arm Almighty crush'd our foes! In darksome hour O GOD of POWER! Thou did'st dispel our fear; With trembling feet, Their tribes retreat, Like mist they disappear.  Thou bad'st us stem oppression's tide, Amid the infuriate blasts of war, Bad'st WASHINGTON to glory ride, Sublime in Victory's flaming car! O may thy praise In rapturous lays, Fill Ether's boundless plains, Blest spirits join, With notes divine, And trill seraphic strains!  Thou did'st unfold fair Freedom's plan, And taught Columbia's happy Sage , To read the important rights of man, Inscrib'd on NATURE'S SACRED PAGE! While time shall last, Thy goodness past Shall be our constant theme, Nor end of days, Shall end our lays, To GOD the ONE SUPREME!  O may we, this auspicious day, Be guided by thy truth divine; May Wisdom's lamp illumine our way, Kindled at pure Devotion's shrine, With one accord, To praise the LORD . Bid pealing anthems rise; From pole to pole, Loud Psans roll To GOD the only Wife !  On those thy choicest blessings shower, To whom the cares of state are given, May justice wield the sword of pow'r, Till EARTH's the Miniature of HEAVEN ! Raise, raise the song, The notes prolong, Till time shall be no more, Creation join, Around his shrine, AND NATURE'S GOD ADORE!
[Continued from the first Page.] improve the knowledge and understanding of your pupils, though a primary and principal part of your trust, is certainly not the whole. To form the hearts and habit of those committed to your care is also your business and should be your concern. If youth, indeed, become attached to vicious pursuits, or contract a fondness for idleness, dissipation, or mischief, all attempts to bring them forward in learning will be attended with little success; so, that a regard to their behaviour is necessarily connected with their progress in knowledge. Neither is there any reflecting parent or guardian who does not value the morals of his child even more than his literary proficiency. This is remarked, because it seems to be an idea with some teachers, that they have nothing to do with the deportment of their pupils, except while under their own eye and inspection, during the hours of study; and there is reason to believe, that the imbibing of the same opinion by the scholars themselves, sets them free from many salutary restraints which they would otherwise feel, and is one principal cause, in fact, of the disorders which have been stated. It is possible indeed, that there may be a few individuals so unthinking as to wish the teacher would give himself no concern with their children when they are not in his presence; but by far the greater part would undoubtedly shew double honour and respect to the man who should extend his care and his advice to their whole conduct. It will therefore be your interest, gentlemen as it is your duty, to lay it down as one of the fundamental rules of your schools, that all unwarrantable behaviour of your pupils, in what-
ever place, which shall come to your knowledge, shall, in some form or other, be the subject of your animadversion: or if any exceptions be made, let them relate only to such things as you are well assured did pass under the immediate observance of those to whom the children belong.
Your opinion and advice seriously and frequently delivered to youth, who are accustomed, to look up to you as the teachers of wisdom, and to regard your sentiments as the standard of truth and propriety, cannot be devoid of influence; and if to these be added the rules and administration, of a well devised discipline, the beneficial effects can scarcely fail of becoming speedy and generally visible. Will you not be able to prevent, in a great measure, the shameful sight of children fighting in the streets, by inspiring them with an abhorrence for it, and by giving suitable correction to all under your care who shall be found engaged in this savage practice? It admits of no question that you can do much toward putting an end to that noisy and boisterous play, and to those mischievous tricks and diversions which so much prevail, by destroying the false notions which are entertained of these things; by instilling the belief that these are not the evidence of superior understanding or a manly spirit, but of something much the reverse—that it requires no genius at all to be noisy, quarrelsome and wicked—that the greatest dunce in the school is usually most distinguished for these qualities, and that they lead to disgrace at present, and to infamy and ruin in future. On the other hand you might shew, that an orderly, quiet, peaceable, kind, and obliging disposition and deportment, are the real marks of an excellent spirit, and the sure indication of future respect and distinction. If lessons to this effect—lessons to which I am sensible you are far better qualified than myself to devise and urge—were frequently given in this city, but especially where the larger boys are instructed, the beneficial effects, would certainly be great. The powerful principles of honour and shame, which operate at all times and all places, would be brought over to the side of virtue and order; and those who now pride themselves of being tumultuous, contentious and insolent, might come to regard every thing of this description with contempt and abhorrence. I am aware, indeed, that in every school there will frequently be individuals who will listen to no admonitions, nor fully yield to any restraints, and that this is apt to be a disheartening circumstance to the teacher. But let him remember, that though there is some disappointment, there is still much success. A system judiciously formed, duly persisted in, and discreetly and firmly executed, will never fail to have a powerful and desirable operation on the greater number; and even those whom it cannot entirely reform it will much circumscribe.
This is encouragement abundantly sufficient to counterbalance all disappointment, labor and fatigue, which the instructors of youth may experience in the faithful discharge of their duty. For how, gentlemen, can you render a more important service to society, or how secure a more lasting and refined pleasure to yourselves, than by recalling from ruin, those who are hastening towards it, and by forming to usefulness and virtue, those in whom are centered, the affection of your fellow-citizens, and the hopes of the community! On your hearty concurrence, therefore, in attempting to produce a reform in the manners of youth we shall confidently reckon, and to your exertions, we must certainly be much indebted, if the attempt shall ever be successful.
Parents, Guardians, and Masters, Your interests are the most deeply involved in the proposed undertaking, and your assistance is the most essential in conducting it to a prosperous issue. If you encourage, second, and support the measures recommended to magistrates and teachers, the contemplated object will assuredly be obtained; but, that you esteem these measures rigid or severe—nay, if you only treat them with inattention or neglect, and refuse to contribute your active co-operation to render them effectual, the object will certainly be lost. With you children pass by far the largest portion of their time, and vain will be a speculative lesson, or a few hours of restraint at church or at school, if all the hours which are spent at home be given up to licentious indulgence, or passed in careless inattention to their behaviour. Nothing can follow from this, but that youth shall come to consider their teachers as unreasonable tyrants, to hate both their persons, and their precepts, to despise both their persuasions and restraints, and to esteem a deliverance, and from the whole as a most desirable liberty. But if you enforce at home what is taught them abroad, if you add the weight of your opinion and authority, to that of their professed instructors, if you pursue the same system, and inculcate the same ideas, it is scarcely possible that a favorable, deep, and lasting impression should not be made on minds not yet rendered insensible by age and corruption. In the beginning of his existence, man is certainly in a high degree, the creature of imitation, authority and example. Such as he is made by these in early life, such he is likely to remain through the whole of it. If these powerful means of forming him be readily employed, to render him virtuous and useful, they will seldom be found ineffectual for the purpose, but if they direct his course to an opposite point, they will still seldom fail to precipitate him into vice and misery. These truths repeated, I am aware, till they are trite and hackneyed, are after all, but little regarded. The inattention which they suffer, is the radical cause of all the evils of which we complain. To the want of family instruction, family examples and family government, all the vices of our youth may be traced. This is the real source from which they spring, and it ought to
be fairly laid open to the public view, that the importance of stopping it may be perceived, and that our endeavours for the purpose may be rightly applied.
How long shall it be, fellow-citizens, before experience shall convince us that the declaration is founded in wisdom, which says "Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it." Believe it as an incontestible truth, that you will have neither morals nor order in the smaller divisions of society, nor government in the state at large, unless the seeds of all be planted in families, and cherished by domestic education. A defect here is essential. It is a want of the germinating principle from which the whole after growth must proceed, and of the soil and sunshine, for which no industry or skill can ever furnish or find the substitutes. In short, it leaves the mind destitute of those feelings, and motives to which all laws and public instructions are addressed, on which alone they can operate, and of which they must suppose the possession;—nay, in consequence of this fatal neglect, principles are imbibed, and habits formed, which are in active open hostility with law and order. On every parent, guardian, and master in this city, therefore, not merely my voice, but the voice of the most sacred duty, the voice of their children's happiness, the voice of the community, and of their God, most loudly calls, demanding of them that they use their utmost endeavors in forming to the love of sobriety, submission, order, industry, and virtue, the rising generation. It is stated to you as a melancholy fact, that there is a general and deplorable want of care in regard to this interesting concern, and that the vicious practices of youth have, in consequence, become reproachful to the place. Even the few who aim at doing their duty, are defeated in their designs, and discouraged in their attempts, by the prevalence of evil example.
Let reformation then be universally attempted. Let every parent, without exception engage with spirit in this business, or consider himself as an enemy to his offspring and to the city. Let every parent watch, restrain, and govern his children. Let every master realize that he is bound to take care of his servants. Let both be more instructed and subjected to wholesome discipline. Let the time of their relaxation be more wisely allowed them. Let that pernicious custom of suffering them to assemble in riotous gangs at the close of the day, be wholly discontinued. Let every master of a family make it an indispensable rule, that his children and apprentices shall be within doors at an early hour of the evening, unless sent for, or detained abroad on necessary business. Let these means be used in concert, and a different aspect will soon appear on the face of our city, and incomparably more happiness will be experienced in our families, and in our own minds.
Citizens in general.—Give your countenance and aid to measures which have been advised.—Use your influence to recommend and carry them into effect. Those who, as common-councilmen, are representatives and legislators of the city, will, it is hoped, be particularly attentive to sanction with their opinion and recommendation, a design, which has for its object the good of their constituents. Their example and exertions in the several parts of the city where they live, will be very influential on the mass of the people. But let every individual, whatever be his rank, character, or employment, feel himself bound to lend a helping hand on the occasion. Nothing but a general sentiment, producing a general and united effort, can render the proposed attempts successful. Let every man therefore feel that it is of importance that he should concur in this business. Individuals make up the community, and the same excuse which serves for one, may be pleaded by all. Let no one, therefore, seek an excuse, but as he has a mind to think, a tongue to speak, and a hand to help, let him cheerfully employ each and all, as occasion shall require in this work of reformation. Let every citizen, whenever he observes youth engaged in quarrels separate and chide them. What spirit must that be which can make a matter of amusement (and yet this happens among us) of seeing children worry and tear each other like furies in human shape! Do not such persons deserve to be considered as the patrons of robbery and assassination? The spirit of outrage which originates and is cherished in childish broils, often terminate in these horrid crimes. A young bully is the most promising candidate for murder and the gallows. Tell these truths, fellow-citizens, to the thoughtless children, and let shame and fear save them from destruction. Let the citizens also endeavor to preserve each particular neighborhood in peace, and to drive out of it those riotous hordes of ungoverned boys, who seek to make it the theatre of their unreasonable and unlawful sports. These associations of mischief would soon be completely broken up, if the inhabitants would generally unite in such a practice. Some union of this nature is the object towards which I have been looking, as an improvement in our police.—Would it not be useful and practicable to appoint certain individuals in each square of the city, who should consider it as their special duty to preserve order, as well as to assist generally in the execution of the laws? Might not these appointments, by being frequently changed, be kept from becoming excessively burthensome to any? Would not this regulation, if adopted, prevent the danger which arises from every individual neglecting a concern which belongs to him no more than to others? Might not influential citizens agree privately among themselves that they would act in the capacity proposed, for a certain time, and then engage others to take their places? Or would it be more expedient that they should be chosen by the inhabitants of the square? Or would it be still better if they should be recommended by the inhabitants, and appointed by law?
These ideas are proposed in the form of queries, because it is not easy to decide in what method the plan proposed may best be executed, though it is, I think, of unquestionable moment, that, in some way or other, it should be carried into effect. Let it become the subject of your reflections and discussion, and let that method be adopted which shall finally appear to be most advantageous. It might likewise be of so much use, if those who are well affected toward the design of this whole address, would spend some of their thoughts and time in digesting and bringing into operation other means of rendering it successful.
I have now, fellow-citizens, discharged a duty which has for a considerable time occupied my most serious attention, and of which every review only served the more to convince me that it was important, and, to me indispensable.—Whether my suggestions shall be of any real use to the public, remains with you to determine. I have not promised to myself that what I have said will meet the immediate approbation of all. It is not impossible but that some will think that I have represented the state of things among us worse than it really is, and that at any rate I ought not to have published it, out of a regard both to our interest and our honor. To this I answer, that, with the best means of information, I am not conscious that the representation given is in the least degree exaggerated, that it is impossible to conceal the fact, and that if it were not impossible it would be impolitic, when the remedy of the evils complained of must depend on their being known and attended to.—That as things are circumstanced, it is the soundest policy, and will be most both for our interest and our honor to shew the world that we are sensible of the evils which exist; are seriously labouring to correct them; and that, of consequence, they will speedily be removed.
Some, it is probable, will pronounce the attempt recommended chimerical; some, it may be, will think my address officious; and some will certainly condemn it, because it censures their conduct, and opposes their inclinations.—But I cheerfully trust the answer to all such objections, and the discovery of their origin to the good sense of the citizens at large, by which I hope I shall be justified, and the object I have held up to their view be duly appreciated, zealously pursued, and fully obtained.
MATTH. CLARKSON, Philadelphia, June 3, 1795.
Joseph Haven
Advertises the Public that he hath lately received
A large Assortment of European and India G O O D S,
Which are now ready for Sale, At his Store, (The Golden Ball) Market-Street, Portsmouth,
Upon the most reasonable terms, viz.
SUPERFINE, middling and low pric'd Broad-Cloths; superfine and second Kerseymeres; Elastic; Plains; Serges; twill'd Velvets; Thicksets; Satinets; Denims; fancy Cords; Jeans; Fustians; twill'd and clouded Nankeneys; Naukins.
Fine Chintzes and Calicoes; Shawls; printed Handkerchiefs; Bandanno and black ditto; Jaconet, Book, Clear and Mull Muslins; Muslinets; Muslin Handkerchiefs; Cravats; Embroidered and color'd border'd Square Handkerchiefs; white and clouded Muslinets; Dimities; color'd Marfaisles Quilting for Vests; Toilets and other fancy Vest Patterns; Men's & Women's Beaver Hats; Silk, Cotton and Worsted Hosiery; Silk and Worsted Mitts and Gloves; French Kid Gloves, American ditto.
Glosserefs; Denmark Lustres; Crapes; Calimancoes; Shaloons; Anteloons; Durants; Moreens; Joans; Tammies; Wildbores; Camblets; Lastings; Satinets; Florentines.
Lutestrings; Satins; Modes; Sarsnets; Tiffanies; Cyprus; best Florentine & French Satins for Men's wear; ¾ and ¾ Irish Linens; Sheetings Linens; British Shirtings; brown Silesias Checks; India Cottons; Cambrics; Lawns; Gauzes; Ribbons; Dutch & black Laces; Bobbins; white and color'd Threads; Twist; Sewing Silk.
Newest fashioned and other Buttons; Buckles; Penknives; Razors; Knives and Forks; Scissars; Fans; Cloak Pins; Ink Pots; Leather Pocket Books; Writing Paper; Spectacles; Shaving Boxes; plated and Tin Buckles; Hair Powder; French Pomatum; Starch; Spanish, French & Carolina Indigo; Dutch Looking Glasses; Cloaths & Shoe Brushes; Teeth & Buckle ditto; Japan'd Waiters; Candlesticks & Tea Canisters; Locks; Tin and Iron Table and Tea Spoons; Curry Combs; Horn Combs; Needles; Pins; Quality and Shoe Bindings; Eliot's best Snuff in casks and bottles.