The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-05-24 00:00:00

THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
No. 10.
NEWPORT, WEDNESDAY, MAY 24, 1809.
Vol. 1.
NEWPORT, R. I.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED ON WEDNESDAYS, BY WILLIAM SIMONS, No. 15, MILL-STREET.
TERMS.
The paper is printed once a week, at 2 dollars a year, one half in advance.
Advertisements conspicuously inserted, at the rate of 1 dollar and 50 cents a square, for three weeks—smaller one in the same proportion.
Printing, in all its variety, executed with accuracy, and despatch. Orders respectfully solicited.
Benj. & Solomon G. Weaver, HATTERS,
TAKE this method to inform their friends and the publick in general, they have REMOVED from No. 90 to No. 91, nearly opposite their old stand, and directly opposite JAMES MUMFORD's dry goods store—where they have just received from New-York, an addition to their former stock, selected by themselves, which makes their assortment of MEN'S, YOUTH'S and CHILDREN'S HATS, as good as was ever offered from any store in Newport, all which they intend to sell as low as can be purchased in this town. Newport, April 19.
NATHANIEL DEARBORN,
No. 93, Thames-Street, seven doors north of Mr. THOMAS TOWNSEND's Coffee-House, and nearly opposite Ferry-Wharf,
HAS just received, the invaluable works of the Hon. Fisher Ames, of Massachusetts. It is printed on a fine wove paper, hot pressed, with an excellent likeness of the author; contains between 5 and 6 hundred pages octavo, and is now to be sold for three dollars and fifty cents.—N. B. As but very few copies are on hand of this work, those who wish for them must apply in season.
Also, a few copies of an Analytical View of the Animal Economy, calculated for Students in Medicine and private Gentlemen: by Isaac Hall, physician and surgeon, and diplomatick member of the Medical Society of the city of New-York.
LIFE OF SOUTHACK, who was confined in the Massachusetts State Prison, price 50 cents.
First number of the New-York Medical and Philosophical Journal and Review, which began in February, 1809, to be continued semi-annually; to contain 150 pages, octavo, and delivered to subscribers at 75 cents a number. ROLLIN'S ANCIENT HISTORY, 8 volumes. BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES, 4 vols. bound, at 10 dollars.
THE LATE MAP OF LOUISIANA.
THE LATE MAP OF AMERICA.
1 Set REES'S CYCLOPEDIA, to be in twenty volumes; price 160 dollars.
A few complete sets SALMAGUNDI, bound. BACKGAMMON TABLES and CHESS BOARDS. Yankee PAPER HANGINGS an elegant assortment—just received in Firkins and Half Barrels.
HOUSE PAPERS and BORDERS. BOOK-BINDING, executed in a handsome style.
STATIONARY, &c.—as usual.
THE CIRCULATING LIBRARY has received a great addition.—It now contains 2500 volumes of History, Biography, Voyages, Travels, Novels, Romances, Poetry, and Miscellany; above 100 volumes of Magazines; and 1000 different Plays, Farces, &c.—and needs only an increase of patronage to make it the best Library in New-England. Newport, April 26, 1809.
SAMUEL W. VINSON,
No. 74, Thames-Street,
RESPECTFULLY informs the publick, that he has just received from the Proprietor, (Mr. T. W. Drott, Philadelphia,) DR. ROBERTSON'S PATENT and FAMILY MEDICINES,
Which he offers for sale.
He has several copies of a pamphlet, for the perusal of those who wish for further information respecting these Medicines.
S. W. V. continues to replenish his assortment of DRUGS, MEDICINES, DYE-STUFFS, SPICES, &c. as usual. Also, Glass Apparatus, for Electrical machines; and Surgical Instruments of all kinds, furnished at short notice.
For the encouragement he has received, the publick will accept his grateful acknowledgments; and he flatters himself that they will continue their favours. April 12.
"The liberal Man deviseth liberal things."
WHEREAS a citizen of this town has contracted with me, by the year, to educate ten poor Children at a time, in my School, boys of the age of eight years and upwards—this is therefore to inform those who wish to embrace such an opportunity, to apply to Mr. GREEN BURROUGHS, capt. NATHANIEL SWEET, or to me, the Subscriber, to whom it is entrusted what applications may be proper. No regard will be had to the religious or political sentiments of their parents or friends.
ELEAZER TREVEPT.
Newport, May 3, 1809.
JAMES MUMFORD,
Sign of the Bee Hive, No. 88, Thames-Street, HAS just opened a variety of GOODS—among which are—lace and dotted Muslins; Leno do.; white and coloured Cambricks; a complete assortment of corded and plaid Ginghams of the newest fashion; Gentleman's superfine Vest Patterns; Washington Stripes; Cotton Cassimeres; Cambric Dimities; Calicoes, newest prints; best 9-8 London Prints; Silk Chambrays; variety of cotton Handkerchiefs; ladies' and gentlemen's silk and cotton Hose; black Bombazetts; black Crape; silk Gloves; silk Shawls; cotton do.; silk and cotton Suspender; Durants, Calimancoes, Russels, Ratinet—and a great variety of other Goods, too numerous to mention in an advertisement. May 3. [3m.]
PUBLICK HEALTH.
BATHING-HOUSE.
FOR the accommodation of those Ladies and Gentlemen, who wish to partake of the luxury of the Bath, the BATHING-HOUSE will be opened every day, from sunrise until 9 o'clock in the evening, Sundays excepted, when it will be closed at 10 o'clock in the morning.—Tickets may be had at the Medicine Store of SAMUEL W. VINSON, and of the Proprietor. Ladies will please to pass in at the door No. 72, Thames-Street. Gentlemen will enter at the east door of the Bathing-House, Pelham-Street. Subscribers will be furnished with Tickets on account of their Shares, as heretofore. Newport, April 19, 1809.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of WILLIAM BURROUGHS & SON was dissolved on the first day of January last. Those to whom they may be indebted are requested to call immediately and receive their dues; and those indebted to them are desired to make speedy payment. Accounts and notes, the payment of which has been repeatedly called for, will, without discrimination, be put in suit in ten days from date, unless previously settled. WILLIAM BURROUGHS. WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS. Newport, April 12, 1809.
WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS
Transacts business on his own account, at the store formerly occupied by Wm. BURROUGHS & Son, 50, Thames-Street. Wanted immediately—an active young Man. Good recommendations will be required. April 12.
THERMOMETER LOST.
THE Subscriber missing his THERMOMETER on Monday evening, supposes some boy has taken it, (who probably does not know its value.) Whoever may have it, and will return it, shall be rewarded by SAMUEL KING. Newport, May 17.
PLEASE TO TAKE NOTICE.
THE Subscribers respectfully inform their Friends and the publick, that they have entered into Partnership, and taken the well known Stables belonging to Mr. THOMAS TOWNSEND, situated in Green-street, where Horses and Carriages for every purpose will be furnished at short notice; particularly Coachmen provided with careful and experienced drivers, for parties of pleasure or travellers; and Saddle Horses either for Ladies or Gentlemen; they will also furnish despatch messengers for any direction. Their Stables being well calculated for the business, Horses will be taken in to keep at reasonable rates for long or short periods; and as they are determined to attend well to every part of their business, they hope to merit the favours of the publick. JOHN G. EASTON. WM. E. DRUMMOND.
THE Subscriber from long and intimate knowledge of Wm. E. DRUMMOND, and confidence in his Partner, recommends them as worthy the encouragement of the publick. THOMAS TOWNSEND. Newport, April 19, 1809.
NOTICE.
THE Publick are hereby informed that the Subscriber has been appointed by the Hon. Court of Probate, for the town of Middletown, Guardian of ISAAC PECKHAM, house carpenter of Middletown, and has accepted the trust. All persons are cautioned against having any dealings whatever, with the said ISAAC PECKHAM, as I will not be answerable for any debts contracted by him. JOSEPH ROGERS. Middletown, May 3, 1809.
ONE DOLLAR REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the 27th of March last, an indentured Boy, by the name of GILBERT RICKETSON. All persons are therefore hereby forbid harbouring or advancing said boy any thing on my account. Whoever will apprehend said Boy, and return him to me, shall receive one dollar reward, and no charges paid. STEPHEN BROWNELL, 2d. Little Compton, May 3, 1809.
Miscellany.
FROM THE BOSTON PATRIOT.
THE INADMISSIBLE PRINCIPLES OF THE KING OF ENGLAND'S PROCLAMATION of Oct. 16, 1807—CONSIDERED.
BY THE LATE PRESIDENT ADAMS.
[Continued.]
THEY will be thought to have no friends in America, who will care enough for them to make much noise, and these will be impressed. If there should be any natives or sons of natives of any of the West-India Islands, or of any part of the East-Indies, where the King is said to have thirty millions of subjects, these must all be impressed, for conquest confers the indelible character of subjects, as well as birth. But if neither English, Scotch, Irish, Welsh, Italian, German, Dutchman, Spaniard, Portuguese, East or West-India-man, is found, the reverend Lieutenant will think, if he is prudent enough not to say, "Jura negat sibi lata, nihil non arrogat armis." "Our ship is so weakly manned, that we cannot fight an enemy; we cannot even navigate her in safety, in bad weather; Procul a Jove, procul a fulmine, I will take as many native Americans as I please. It will be long before I can be called to account; and at last, I can say that I saved the King's ship, and perhaps beat a Frenchman by the aid of this meritorious impressment, and I am sure of friends, who will not only bring me off, but obtain a promotion for me, even for this patriotick action." How many American ships and cargoes will be sunk in the sea, or driven on shore, wrecked and lost; how many masters and remaining sailors will be buried in the ocean for want of the assistance of the men thus kidnapped and stolen, no human foresight can calculate. It is, however, easy to predict, that the number must be very great.—These considerations, it seems, have no weight in the estimation of the British Ministry. Their hearts are not taught to feel another's woe. But all these things the captain and owner of an American merchant-ship must take into consideration, and make the subjects of calculation before they can venture to sea. In short, there should be a corporation erected in every State for the express purpose of insuring against impressment of seamen. In a course of time and experience the chances might be calculated, so that the insurers and insured, might at a great expense be secure. But the poor sailors can never be safe.
The law must be settled, or remain unsettled. If such impressments are determined to be legal, either by treaty, or by acquiescence in the King's Proclamation, it will establish in the minds of British seamen a pride of superiority and a spirit of domination, and in the minds of American seamen a consciousness of inferiority and a servile spirit of submission, that ages will not eradicate. If the question is allowed to remain undetermined, American seamen will fight in defence of their liberty, whenever they see the smallest prospect of escaping, and sometimes when there is none. They will kill and be killed. Some will be punished for their resistance on board the British men of war; and some may be carried to a British port and there prosecuted for piracy and murder. This, however, will seldom or ever be done; for I still believe there is sense and justice enough in the British nation and their juries to acquit any seamen, American or British, who should kill a press-gang in defence of their liberty; but if he should escape and return to America, and be here prosecuted, I will not believe there is a judge or juror on the continent, so ignorant of the law, so dead to every sense of justice, so abandoned to every feeling of humanity, as to find him guilty of any crime, if it were proved that he had killed a dozen press-gangs in defence of his freedom. We shall have a continual warfare, at sea, like that lately, at Canton. Our Secretary of State's office will be filled with representations and complaints; our nation will be held in a constant state of irritation and fermentation, and our government always distressed, between their anxiety to relieve their fellow-citizens and their inability to serve them.
A republican, who asserts the duty of jealousy ought to suspect, that this proclamation was dictated by a spirit as hostile and malicious as it was insidious, for the determined purpose of depressing the character of our seamen. Take from a sailor his pride and his courage, and he becomes a poor animal indeed. Broken-hearted, dejected, depressed even below the standard of other men of his own level in society.—A habit of fear will be established in his mind. At the sight of a British man of war a panic will seize him; his spirits will sink, and if it be only a cutter or a lugger, he will think of nothing but flight and escape. What but the haughty spirit of their seamen, which has been encouraged and supported for ages by the nation, has given the British navy its superiority over the navies of other nations? "Who shall dare to set bounds to the commerce and naval power of Great Britain?" is the magnificent language of defiance in Parliament, and it vibrates and echoes through every heart in the nation. Every British sailor is made to believe himself the master and commander of the world. If the right of impressment is conceded by us, in theory or practice,
our seamen's hearts will be broken, and every British seaman, will say to every American seamen, as the Six-nations of Indians said to the southern tribes, whom they had conquered, "We have put fetters on you." In such a case, many would have too much reason to say, let us no longer rejoice for independence, no longer hope for any rank in the world, but bow our necks again to the yoke of Great Britain.
If the spirit of a man should remain in our sailors, they will sometimes resist.—Should a British cutter demand to search an American merchant ship, of five hundred tons burthen, armed as they sometimes are and have a right to be.—The commander of the cutter calls for a muster of the men, in order to impress such as he in his wisdom, shall judge to be British subjects. Is it credible that the capt. and crew of the merchantman will submit to such usage? No, he will sink the boat and cutter too, rather than be so insulted, and every American must applaud him for his spirit.
Is this right of impressment to be all on one side, or is it to be reciprocal? British modesty may say; "It is an exclusive privilege, which we claim, assert and will maintain, because it is necessary to support our dominion of the seas, which is necessary to preserve a balance of power, in Europe, against France, and to prevent the French Emperor from sending fifty-thousand men to conquer the United States of America." All this will not convince American seamen. They will answer; "We think a balance of power on the ocean as necessary as on the continent of Europe. We thank you for your civility in kindly giving us hopes, that you will defend us from the French army of fifty-thousand men; but we are very willing to take our defence upon ourselves. If you have a right to impress seamen from our ships, we have an equal right to impress from yours."
Should one of our gun-boats meet a British East-Indian, armed with fifty guns. The gun-boat demands a search for American seamen; calls for the muster-roll, commands the men to pass in review before him; would the East-India captain submit? No. He would sooner throw over board the press-gang, and run down the gun-boat. Such will be the perpetual altercations between Britons and Americans, at sea, and lay an immovable foundation of eternal hatred between the two nations. The king's proclamation will be found as impolitic a step as ever the court of St. James has taken.
It is said, in the context, "The British ships of war, agreeably to a right, claimed and exercised for ages—a right, claimed and exercised during the whole of the administrations of Washington and Adams, and of Jefferson, continue to take some of the British seamen, found on board our merchant vessels, and with them a small number of ours, from the impossibility of always distinguishing Englishmen from the citizens of the U. States." We have before seen what sort of a right to impress men from their own ships has been claimed, in what manner it has been exercised, and in what light it has been considered by the English nation. It amounts to a right of getting their officers, lawfully killed. But surely, no right was ever before claimed to impress men from foreign ships. If such a pretended right was ever exercised, or, in other words, if such a crime was ever committed, I presume it would be no better proof of a legal right, than a robbery, burglary, or murder, committed on shore would prove that such actions are innocent and lawful. To argue from single facts or a few instances to a general law, is a sophistry too common with political writers, and is sometimes imputable to compilers of the laws of nations; but none of them ever went to such extravagance as this. No claim or pretension of any right to search foreign vessels for seamen, ever existed before our revolution; and no exercise of such a right ever prevailed since, except such as resemble the exercise of the right of committing robbery, burglary and murder in some of our cities. No ages have passed since our revolution. The right was never asserted or claimed, till the late proclamation of the king appeared, and that proclamation will make an epoch of disgrace and disaster to one nation or the other, perhaps to both.
From the peace of 1763 to the commencement of our government, under the present national constitution, whenever any American seamen were impressed, they were immediately demanded in the name of the old congress, and immediately discharged, without ever pretending to such right of impressment. During the administration of Washington, whenever information was received of any impressment, immediate orders were sent to demand the men, and the men were promised to be liberated. Washington sent Capt. Talbot to the West-Indies, as an agent to demand seamen impressed on board British men of war. Talbot demanded them of the British commanders, captains and admirals, and was refused. He went then on shore, and demanded and obtained of the chief justice of the Island, writs of habeas corpus, by virtue of which the impressed seamen were brought from the king's ships, and set at liberty by law, the commanders not daring to disobey the king's writ. During the administration of Adams, the secretary of state's office can show what demands were made, and the success of them. The remonstrances that were made in consequence of positive instructions, and the memorials presented at court by our minister,

were conceived in terms as strong as the English language could furnish, without violating that respect and decorum which ought always to be preserved between nations and governments, even in declaration of war. The practice was asserted to be not only incompatible with every principle of justice and every feeling of humanity, but wholly irreconcilable with all thoughts of a continuance of peace and friendship between the two nations. The effect of the memorial was, an immediate order to the commanders of the navy to liberate the demanded men. I shall say nothing of Mr. Jefferson's administration, because the negotiations already made publick, sufficiently show, that he has not been behind either of his predecessors in his zeal for the liberty of American seamen. During all this time, excuses and apologies were made, and necessity was sometimes hinted; but no serious pretension of right was advanced. No. The first formal claim was the King's proclamation. With what propriety then, can this be called a right, claiming and exercised for ages, and during the whole of the administrations of Washington, of Adams, and Jefferson?
Is there any reason why another proclamation should not soon appear, commanding all the officers of the army in Genoa and Nova-Scotia to go over the line, and take by force all the King's subjects they can find in our villages. The right would stand upon the same principles; but there is this difference, it would not be executed with so little danger.
Political Miscellany.
FOR THE REPUBLICAN.
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS.
HOW much longer any considerable portion of the people will suffer themselves to be deceived by the most miserable pretenders to political integrity that ever disgraced any country, it is not easy to say. The middle, southern, and western States are sound. Pennsylvania alone has a greater majority than the Federal majorities united in all the States, where they have the ascendancy. But in these Eastern States the artifices and unblushing impudence of such men, as Pickering, Gore, Quincy, &c. have deluded a great number of honest, patriotic citizens. "The leading men of the Federal party," who are marked by a strong line of distinction from those who are led, are that very junto whom John Adams, in 1800, called "the British faction," who, Mr. Stephens, in the British House of Commons, calls "the British party in America." It is time that every man, who has any regard for his country should contribute his best endeavours to strip them of their borrowed dress, and to expose them to his fellow-citizens in all their deformity. Mr. John Adams is now most successfully doing this in Massachusetts. He is unfolding such a tale, as makes the whole Essex Junto tremble in their den, and shake with guilty fear. Had the councils of Hamilton, who fancied himself "the power behind the throne, greater than the king himself," and attempted to play the Bate , succeeded, we should have had an eight year's war with France, instead of "eight years of the most splendid prosperity this country ever enjoyed." But thank God! he had the stern integrity, and solid good sense of an Adams to deal with, and not George the Third. The little man retired from the conflict with dismay and disgrace. The prediction of "the leading men," that Adams would "ruin the party," was accomplished. Since that memorable period the leading men have been endeavouring to regain their power. They have taken advantage of the most trying time this nation has ever seen, since the revolution, to sow the seeds of discord. Their maxim is, "better to reign in hell, than serve in heaven." Though they well knew, that the Embargo could have been laid on with no other than honourable, honest, and patriotic views, since it was the severest trial, the popularity of the Administration could meet with—yet they did not scruple to denounce and execrate it as the offspring of Southern envy, French influence, and theoretical folly. But it has gloriously triumphed, and accomplished all the ends its most sanguine friends could have desired.
When the Chesapeake frigate was attacked, the leading men were thrown into utter confusion. In Boston, some of them did not hesitate to justify it, and a pamphlet was written over the signature of "a Yankee Farmer," defending the right of Britain to impress from our publick ships of war; a pretension, which, to the shame of the writer, the British government most unequivocally abandoned. Mr. Gore refused to serve on the committee named by the town upon that occasion. When Mr. Rose arrived, he was constantly in consultation with that "able advocate of the British cause," Pickering. The elections of members of Congress and of President were not yet begun. Rose consequently refused to unfold the beauty and fragrance with which he was so richly laden, unless the President's proclamation was first repealed. He returned to his master, and Pickering sat down to write his letter to the Massachusetts legislature. But in spite of this, and all the other acts of the leading men, a great majority of republican members of Congress were returned—and Madison elected. What was the result?—So soon as this was known in England, despatches were sent out to the British minister here, directing him to offer an honorable reparation for the aggression committed in the attack on the Chesapeake,
and that without making any question as to the Proclamation or the admission of British ships of war into our harbours.
The duplicity and hollowness of "the leading men," is truly worthy of execration and abhorrence. All the leading men of the party nearly, in Congress, voted against the Non-Intercourse law, which, according to Mr. Erskine, the British minister, has produced "a favourable change in the relations between his Britannick Majesty and the United States." They denounced it as partial to France, while he declares that it has placed the belligerent powers upon a footing of equality. They have ever been clamorous for fortifications; yet they voted at the last session against this, and every sort of defence.
The leading men call themselves Federalists, yet they have done every thing in their power to accomplish a dissolution of the Federal union. They have awakened and nourished those jealousies between the Northern and Southern states, which Washington so anxiously warned his countrymen against. They are of Cato's mind—and had rather be first in a little village, than second in Rome. But it is firmly believed that even in "these States" their deception will not much longer avail them.
How mortified, disappointed and enraged must Pickering be, abandoned as he is by his patrons and employers! Though he has "ably and justly defended the British cause"—though he has represented that Britain "had done us little or no injury"—though he defended the Orders in Council as decrees that she had a right to issue in retaliation of the measures of France, and of which we had no right to complain—yet the British government have announced their intention of removing their Orders before the French decrees are repealed—and have in fact returned back the proposal made by Mr. Jefferson in August last, and to which Mr. Canning then returned such an impudent, contemptuous answer. They have suffered Pickering to fall into that pit he had dug for his country. The object of all his struggles and writhings is now more distant than ever. The arrows shot to wound the fair fame of Jefferson and Madison have recoiled upon himself. The mock Aristides may wrap himself up in his cloak and watch a new opportunity to stab at virtue; but he is too much despised to be banished by his country. It is the most exquisite torture he can endure to see her smile and flourish, in spite of the poison he has endeavoured to minister to blight her honour, and waste her with the slow consuming pestilence of disgrace. In vain did he betray her at Lexington—in vain did he pocket the despatches received in 1799, relative to French affairs, and keep them from Mr. Adams—in vain did he attempt to excite discord and sharpen the daggers of civil war. I know the man of whom I speak. His sordid, solitary soul delights only in laying snares for men of honour—in defeating the efforts of patriotism—and in blasting that happiness he cannot enjoy. His industry is confined to the grevelling task of undermining the stately columns of other men's reputation. Despairing of being able to rival even in evil their well-earned fame for honourable actions, he assails with a blind, vandal fury, their noblest works, in hopes of acquiring the glory of destroying the trophies of their triumphs: but they will survive, both his relentless attacks and the tooth of time.
A FREEMAN.
From the Boston CHRONICLE.
Extract of a letter from the Country.
(In continuation.)
"Detached from political and pecuniary concerns, there are constantly some events arising among you, that excite great apprehensions in the country—every time the mail arrives, we hasten with the utmost solicitude to inquire what news from Boston—We seem prepared for almost every disaster—At one time we heard of a murder committed in the streets.—The mind was struck with horror, at the manner in which this dreadful catastrophe took place. We relied with confidence that some punishment would be inflicted to secure the lives of the citizens in future, and pacify the vengeance of heaven; but in a few months we read a charge in the papers which seemed to encourage rather than discountenance the perpetrator in his wickedness.—The culprit was acquitted—the foreman it is said visited him, congratulated him on the fortunate circumstance of the place for trial, and doubted whether in any other country he would have been cleared. At another time we are informed, that two citizens had gone away to fight a duel—in a few days we find the parties had returned to Boston, and some persons boasting on the Exchange how adroitly the victim was shot by his antagonist. The town by this means becomes an asylum for murderers, and though so many of your clergy, magistrates, &c. are silent on these subjects, yet the blood of these murdered citizens will be required of their hands. It is so contrary to that religion which was once practised among you in the days of Sewall, Elliot, Chauncy and Cooper, that it is impossible such transactions should be disregarded by heaven. While murderers stand charged in the books of Him who is sworn he will seek recompence for blood, you may rely on it, that troubles and perplexities will follow you till the demands of justice are satisfied."
"Though we are not disposed to adopt all the laws of Britain, or to depreciate too far our own character, yet we cannot but contrast some late proceedings in England, with our own behaviour. The Duke of York has arrested the attention of the whole kingdom,
by the immoral tendency of his conduct; and there appears a virtuous disposition in Parliament to wipe away the stain which his practices might have on the character of the nation. But a few years since, at the "head quarters of good principles," a mock funeral procession was formed, attended with a vast body of magistrates, church members, clergymen, &c. in commemoration of the virtues of a man, who had violated the most sacred obligations of domestic intercourse, and whose death was in compliance with a practice which all civilized and religious nations hold in abhorrence. So great is the influence of party among you, that this man is held up as the guardian angel of federalism, and almost invoked as a deity in the carousals of false patriots and hypocritical priests.—His name is announced in all the publick toasts in company with Washington and Adams—though his character in every moral point of view is the reverse of those worthies, yet he is constantly associated with them as a prodigy of virtue, honour and patriotism."
"It is further worthy of observation, that in England so great is the abhorrence of shedding human blood, that the duelist is punished with an ignominious death. Where two men voluntarily put themselves on a par, there may be some extenuation of the crime—but when we see a wretch stalking through the metropolis, who, in the most cruel and wanton manner shed the blood of an unsuspecting youth, how must our hearts burn within us when we behold him practising within the sacred courts of justice? Would the courts of justice in England suffer themselves to become prostituted, by admitting within the bar a man who had stained the Exchange of London with the blood of one of its citizens?—who was declared by a jury on the day of the catastrophe, to be guilty of murder—who was indicted by a grand jury for manslaughter; and who was finally released under the imputation, from the foreman, that in any other country he would have been condemned. Party may qualify these things, but human nature is composed of such materials, that a wound of such malignity can never be healed, nor the wickedness of the action forgotten. Every reflecting mind will ever view with disgust the author of the mischief.—He now stands like an electrical rod to convey the vengeance of heaven on the devoted metropolis."
"However you may estimate your weight in Boston, yet there remains still that old fashioned good sense in the country, which will eventually check and control the nonsensical trumpery which you style federalism. There is an inherent principle among what we call the VROMANY. They may for a time be deceived by lawyers, clergymen, or other hangers on to the federal party, but after they find that their measures tend to a suppression of all those principles which formerly gave a reputation to Massachusetts, they will turn from them with disgust and abhorrence."
"We understand that Boston intends to send more Representatives than they did last year. Can you be so foolish as to think, that 32 or 38 Representatives can convince the country, that you are right and they are wrong? You may carry your points by holding up your hands; but you cannot carry them to any effect, unless you can convince their minds. Three men like James Otis, Samuel Adams, and John Hancock, would do more real good in the House of Representatives this year, than the whole phalanx of 32 federalists—for who are they? Look at them individually. Will any man of candour detached from party say, that the town of Boston ought to be at the extravagant expense of paying for 32 Representatives, for the talents exhibited within the number sent. I speak it with concern for your representation that you should give such a poor specimen of political information. Last year the Boston seat was greatly depreciated.—It is true you had a candidate for Governor, and he played his part like an harlequin, and has effected his purpose so far, as to dupe certain individuals, who now feel too late the folly of their conduct. His Excellency is now translated to the superior regions; but who is to become on the Boston seat the cat's-paw of his elevation next year, we are at a loss yet to determine. When the Court sets you will hear from me again."
THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY, BROKEN TO ATOMS: OR, THE LEADING FEDERALISTS at odds with their Old Friends and themselves.
The high and uniform accusation against the administration has been partiality to France. "The leading men of the federal party" opposed the Non-Intercourse, as a substitute for the Embargo, and declared that the last state of our political relations with England was worse than the first; and that the sovereign of the seas would consider the Non-Intercourse as an act of hostility. His Majesty, however, declares by his minister, that we now stand on impartial ground, and offers amity for precisely the same reasons that his friends in the garrison threatened war. This apparent disagreement of those who have always been real friends, and acted in concert, must be chiefly attributed to the mischief-making Napoleon, who by his meddlesome and hasty interference in Spain, has broken up that charming system of the law of necessity adopted by England, and promulgated at Copenhagen—and all by such a rapid progression of unexpected disasters, as to destroy the effect of concerted, friendly transatlantick correspondence, and compel those on one side the ocean to return unexpectedly to justice even while their allies on the other side are making rapid advances to treachery. [Bost. Patriot.]
We observe an article from the Baltimore Federal Republican, stating, that the federalists of Alexandria, had prepared a splendid dinner for Mr. Madison, who at the invitation of their committee, agreed to honour them with his company, is going the rounds of the opposition prints with great avidity. A more wanton and wilful falsehood could not be penned, as no occurrence of the kind has ever presented itself. The fact is, that the Washington Bridge company in consequence of their bridge being so far completed as to enable persons to pass it in carriages, had requested that the president of the United States should do them the honour to cross it first, from whence the company were to retire to Alexandria to dine, in honour of the occasion.—The completion of this bridge, seven eighths of a mile in length, over a navigable water, does honour to so publick spirited an undertaking, and the president could do no less than favour the crowning of their noble enterprize with his presence, particularly as it could not partake of any party complexion whatever.
Such is the information we have received upon this subject.—Balt. American.
A long, malicious, and stupid article has appeared in the print of the apostate Cheetham, in which the writer labours to convince us, that Mr. Madison has departed from the policy of Mr. Jefferson. If there has been a desertion from principle, it has been by the last congress,—not by Mr. Madison. The present president has done the very thing, which Mr. Jefferson offered through Mr. Pinckney to do; but Britain was then too haughty to accede to his overtures. Canning insolently rejected them. The gratitude of all America is justly due to the exertions of Mr. Jefferson, to abolish, the infamous practice of impressment by British cruizers, from our merchant vessels. Cheetham triumphantly boasts that it is not published! But be assured, Mr. Cheetham, England must cease to kidnap our seamen; or, war with this country, which would prove her ruin, is inevitable. Her advocates here, cannot force upon us, a treaty like Jay's. Our government will protect our citizens.
I do not think that adversity can convert a fool to wisdom; but I verily believe it is easier to instil wisdom into a fool, than honesty into a knave.
How unfeeling must be the heart, which exults that impressment is not abolished! If the youthful imagination and ingenuous nature be gratified with the fabulous stories of Andromeda and Hesione, delivered from sea monsters by Perseus and Hercules; how pleasing to an honest compassionate heart, would be the liberation of five thousand American seamen from the jaws of "St. George and the Dragon!" Mr. Lyman estimates the number at eight thousand or upwards; and, Cheetham dares to insult us with declaring that the practice is not abolished—and intimating, that it will not be abandoned! [Whig.]
It clearly appears, says a correspondent, that for once, old Mr. Bull has outwitted the sagacious NAPOLEON, by first getting his overtures of accommodation in America. First impressions with men as with women have generally a lasting effect, and though with Brutus we may say, because we love Rome more, we do not love Caesar less; yet as Mr. Bull's first love has, as was anticipated, been the means of bringing about Bona's second: so it is our wish to love both in proportion to their degrees of merit. It is the interest of the United States to love all nations, so far as to be at peace with them, if they will let us. In a country settled as America is, we have all sorts and all sizes to please, and to accommodate. We would wish to do it; especially our charming country girls, who love to milk the cows, and get married, and our Jew Boys, who also love to make de monish. Monitor.
From the OSSEO HERALD.
In the Albany Balance of the 25th ult. appears of the following paragraphs: "Glorious News!—By the Steam Boat we have received the pleasing intelligence that the bold and independent stand taken by the patriotick electors in the various parts of the union has at last compelled the administration to accept the terms offered by Great Britain for a settlement of differences, and has prevented a ruinous and destructive war. Free trade is to commence with England on the 10th of June next."
"It is only to be regretted that this had not been done a year ago, when Great Britain first made the offers which are now ACCEPTED.—This would have saved millions of our property—thousands of our citizens—and what is more important, would have preserved our honour."
"But we will not dwell on our past sufferings. The voice of the people has already afforded some relief. Persevere, fellow citizens, until you have effected a complete change—until you have wrought an effectual cure."
Comments.—Why this "BEATS THE REVIL?" for he never bragged that it was through his means that mankind were blessed with a Saviour. It beats Arnold, for he never boasted, that it was by the detection of his treason that America was saved. It out herod's Herod, for he never pretended that his edict for destroying the children, preserved our Saviour, by occasioning his flight into Egypt. It out tory's old toryism, for they never dreamed that they had "compelled" Great Britain "to accept the terms offered by" America. Judas Iscariot, whose perfidy