The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1790-03-17 00:00:00

New - Hampshire Gazette, and the General Advertiser.
Containing the Laws, &amp;c. of the United States, as well as those of this State passed since 1787, with a variety of other matters both useful and entertaining.
PORTSMOUTH: Printed by JOHN MELCHER, at his Office in Market-Street, at nine shillings per Annum.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, FEB. 15
(Continued.)
DISCRIMINATION.
LET us examine the claims of the purchasers. The gentleman's argument on this point merits attention—if it is right, for its novelty in Congress—if it is wrong for its tendency. Here I think it necessary to apologize—not for my sentiments; their apology must spring from their propriety; but for the manner in which I express them. My zealous conviction may seem to arraign the opinions of other gentlemen—whom I respect as I ought. I know that men of the best intentions entertain a favorable opinion of a discrimination. There is a wish to do more than justice to the one, and the heart, betrayed by its sympathy, consents to injustice to the others. But, Sir, I cannot claim the merit of moderation on this point. I will not pretend that I doubted first and then decided. The principles of my education, and the habits of my life, predisposed me to believe, and my short experience and reading have confirmed it, that nations cannot admit cunning into their councils without its shedding a malignant influence on their affairs. Experience teaches government, as well as men, that nothing is safe that is wrong. We have endured tender laws, and the pitiful experience of a trickish policy. Our experience has cost us dear. The old Congress however were guided by other maxims—with little power, and scarce retaining the mock representation of it during the whole year, they prosecuted the objects of an honest policy, with a zeal, which repulses and despair could not extinguish. They could say with FRANCIS the 1st. after the battle of Pavia, we have lost all except our honor . They resolved against discrimination, and foreigners, as well as citizens, bought securities under the public faith.—But when the Constitution was framed, adopting the debts as valid, restraining ex post facto laws, and laws impairing contracts—who entertained any suspicion? The speech of the President, and the resolutions of the House in favour of public credit, banished it. Does this look as if public opinion was hostile to these purchasers? If it really is, it is more a duty in government to protect right when it may happen to be unpopular. That is what government is framed to do. If instead of protecting, it assumes the right of controuling property, and disposing of it at its own pleasure, and against the consent of the owner, there is a cheat in the compact.
It will be admitted that there is a right vested in the purchaser—government cannot diminish it a farthing, says the gentleman—but he says we cannot pay both.—Then abide by your word of honour—prefer perfect rights by solemn compact to claims on your compassion. The claims of the present holders you say are just—are the others more than just? Treat all just claims alike, and do not rob on the highway to exercise charity—why make one creditor pay another? He says government is to get nothing by this—and yet he says, we owe these people, and our creditors shall pay them. Is paying a debt getting nothing? He talks of rival claims; there is no rivalry—the creditors agreed there should be none.—If government is bankrupt, compound with your creditors—Will this act of violence console the sufferers? Will they enjoy, as a favour, the violation of the rights for which they fought? The South Sea and Mississippi schemes have been adduced as examples—In the former, government inter-
posed to fulfil the contract; the Mississippi is not parallel—what the gentleman calls public justice, I am sure he would not practice in his own case.
I have chosen to consider the principle of the motion—but it cannot be carried into execution—we have seen that justice in the abstract will not be done, nor can the measure proposed be effected; we may very properly suppose that innumerable difficulties will arise in practice which cannot be foreseen; but so many appear as ought to deter us. The detail will be endless—an account must be opened for each claimant, public offices must be opened, officers multiplied, and great expense incurred—there is no clue by the records to the cases of money deposited by agents for other people—I have inquired and am told that it is not possible. Will you admit oral evidence—and of persons interested? Will you fill the land with discontent, corruption, suits and perjury? The new paper, if not transferable, will be no great relief—if transferable, there will be a new harvest of speculation—the after crop will be more abundant than the first cutting.—A purchaser keeps his note for 20/. By law, you make it a note for 10/. How many frauds will be practised on the unwary? If the mind balances on those points, let policy turn the scale.
Will not this measure shake government? Instead of doing as it has promised, government is to do as it pleases. Right is to depend, not on compact, and sacred faith, and the Constitution, but on opinion, on a major vote, where nothing, not even right, is fixed, will not the government be liable to perpetual commotion?
How will it effect our national character? How will it effect public credit? We shall have to pay for meddling, if we in future should have any credit. The famous Col. CHARTRES said, he would give one hundred thousand pounds for a character—not for its own sake, but because he could get two hundred thousand by it.—HENRY VIII. borrowed money on his personal security, and his base Parliament voted, that as he had done great things for the realm and Church, he should be discharged from those obligations. CHARLES the second shut up the Exchequer—what was the consequence? King WILLIAM paid 14 per cent. on annuities, and at the rate of 10 and 12 per cent. interest—but by good faith, in five or six years money fell to 5 per cent. interest.—By breach of faith, we vote the government into a state of pupilage, and deprive it of its powers.
I have thus endeavoured to shew that there is not a DEBT subsisting against the public in favour of the original holders, who have sold out—that the motion is chargeable with partiality—and is inadequate to its pretended objects—that it will do injustice to many, and violate the sacred rights of property—that the purchasers are secured by the contract, by the faith of government, and by the Constitution—that the measure is not practicable, and will produce confusion, corruption and expense, and that it will weaken, disturb and disgrace the government and impair its credit.
I have made this recapitulation of my argument in order to bring it into one view—if it is just, or only plausible, let us ask what will be the effect? Is this what was expected under the new Constitution? Did we expect it? Is there one here who has not told the people that an end would be put to tender acts and paper money, and the ruinous effects of government's interposing in contracts? Who, in or out of Congress, did not suppose that the let-
ter and spirit of the Constitution said as much? The spirit of the times said more.—Will not the people charge us with violating the Constitution and the rights of property? If we plead necessity, they will demand, how came it that we were ignorant of it, and, if it exists, what is there that breach of faith can save, that good faith would lose? Or what will that be worth which may be secured by a measure that will tarnish our national honor and transmit to our children an inheritance of reproach? Is there no refuge but in dishonor? We have borne adversity before, and we had rather submit to the worst events of an honest policy—and this project is not to relieve any burdens, for government is to rob, not for plunder, but to get the reputation of justice.
If our own citizens say thus, what will foreigners say? They will not be restrained, either by the opinion of their fellow countrymen, or by attachment to our prosperity. They will detail their losses, and the arts by which their confidence was gained—they will think that we have been taught a species of immoral philosophy—that we administer government by a kind of cunning logic which confounds right and wrong—they will rejoice that the Mahrattas and Americans are at a distance; the ocean has not hitherto proved a barrier against our depredations.—An American abroad will be obliged to deny his country.
However, I still believe that justice is a law to Congress—but if justice and public faith and honor have ceased to be things, let them cease to be names—let them be blotted from the vocabulary of our nation. If they have no being, why should they be made use of to conjure up church yard terrors, to haunt the hypochondriac imaginations?
I will not be so uncandid as to charge the worthy gentleman with such intentions. I think so highly of his probity and patriotism, that if he can be made to see that these consequences will follow, or only be apprehended, he will give up his scheme: But if government has this right, what right of property is safe? In the East, government is said to be the sole owner of property and may resume it at pleasure.—This absurd doctrine will not find advocates, for it would not do for practice even where it may not be denied to be true, human nature revolts against it—it would shock the morality of Botany Bay, it would exasperate, beyond sufferance, the patient slavery of Indostan—and who can give good reason why one sort of property should be more sacred than another.
If we pursue another kind of policy, such as the preamble to the constitution declares to be the objects of the government; this government and this country may expect a more than Roman fortune. The government may have more credit, the people more knowledge, and the blessings of peace a longer duration than the world has ever experienced. That gentleman helped to frame the Constitution—I have no doubt it is the better for his eminent abilities—I hope that his love of his own work and his zeal for the cause which he has so ably supported, will induce him to abandon a measure, which tends so fatally to disappoint the first wishes of his own heart, and the hopes of his country.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 17.
The Naturalization Bill , and the Bill to encourage useful arts , were read a second time. Several private petitions were also presented.
Mr. MADISON's Motion,
As the order of the day, again debated—Mr. PAGE, in its favor, Mr. BOUDINOT against it, in a speech of two hours and an half length.
THURSDAY, FEB. 18.
After Petitions were read—Mr. MADISON's motion was again debated—but no decision of it this day.
FRIDAY, FEB. 19.
The Enumeration Bill was returned from the Senate, amended.—
Mr. MADISON's motion, still under consideration—Mr. SCOTT, and Mr. SENEX, spoke in favor of it—Mr. LIVERMORE, Mr. GERRY, Mr. BLAND and Mr. BURKE against it.—But no vote was taken on the subject.
Mr. BURKE rose and observed, that on Friday last he had laid before the Committee a motion for making a discrimination between original holders and assignees of public securities, and for establishing a scale of depreciation of those securities: This motion he afterwards thought proper to withdraw, as, on further consideration, he deemed it altogether impracticable, and because he was not convinced that such a measure was honest and consistent with public faith. He did not therefore think himself at liberty to give it his support.
As to the question before the Committee, Mr. Burke said he could consider it in no other view than as a question.—Whether we shall commit a breach of public faith with the domestic creditors of the United States, and violate those solemn promises, so often repeated in appeals and proclamations to the people by the late government, and a promise or engagement which has been reiterated by the new Constitution? In his opinion it required no profound skill, in politics or finance, to answer the question: It is only consulting the dictates of common faith and common honesty, which command nations as well as individuals to fulfil their engagements.
The United States have repeatedly pledged themselves, in terms plain as language can express, to pay to the bearer a specific sum: And to commit a violation of this promise appeared to him both unjust and impolitic. If the United States are able to perform it, they ought to do so. He believed and hoped that they had the ability; and even in the case of inability, he was of opinion, should bankruptcy itself ensue from the honorable attempt to do justice, this would be preferable to a stain cast upon these States, at their commencement of political career, by a cool and deliberate act of public injustice to their creditors. America has established in the world a high military character: let her but perform her engagements, and she will also establish a national character of honor and fair dealing. This will be to her as a real and substantial treasure, which she will be able to transmit like a fair inheritance to her children. Should we, on the other hand, pollute her, by suffering her to commit a breach of honor, it will be such a public calamity as no money can compensate.
Mr. BURKE then offered a few observations, in answer to those gentlemen who were so urgent in favor of the motion. They had advanced that the officers and soldiers have not been fully paid. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. MADISON) has said that, without the discrimination which he offers, we shall be raising monuments of gratitude, not to our officers and soldiers who fought for us, but to those who speculated on our securities. On this,

Mr. BURKE remarked, that it is to be lamented, when our army was disbanded, the derangement of our affairs put it out of our power to pay them in specie. The States however, did every thing in their power to provide for their soldiers. The State of South-Carolina gave them bounties in lands, and the warrants and grants for these lands were passed through different offices without the usual fees. North-Carolina, Virginia, and other States, gave similar bounties, he believed, without mentioning the lands appropriated for them by the United States. He would not say that the soldiers have been rewarded, for what reward can be adequate to their great services? But he insisted that the people of America have not been unmindful of those services. If we, for a moment, consider the conduct of the people towards one part of the army (the officers) we shall find that America has signally displayed her gratitude towards them, from the commander in chief down to the ensign. The illustrious leader of her armies, retiring from the field to private life, she again raised to the elevated station of a sovereign prince ! Through what motives? From gratitude for his splendid services. View the high departments of the general government; look into the several custom houses from the northern to the southern extremity of the Continent: There we shall find conspicuous instances of gratitude.
Let us now see how the people regard the officers of the army in the different States. In South-Carolina, no other class of citizens stand any chance in competition with officers: They are promoted to the stations of governor, lieutenant-governor, privy counsellors; they are to be found presiding in the tribunals of justice, in the legislatures, and on the floor of Congress; and the gratitude of the people follows them in the private walks and ordinary occupations of life. They are justly held in love and veneration; and if the future historian of America records the truth and nothing but the truth, he must raise lasting monuments, both of the illustrious services of the officers of the army, and of the gratitude and love of the people for those services. This, Mr. BURKE said, he mentioned in answer, or rather defence of the people, and to clear them from the charge of ingratitude.
It is urged, in favor of discrimination, that a few speculators will make princely fortunes.—This, he said, was a circumstance which he sincerely regretted; as he did likewise regret the speculations now carrying on, from this city and other places in the State of South-Carolina, the sending pilot-boats secretly from New-York to Charleston, while the people there were asleep, as it were, and totally unacquainted with the councils or views of administration, with information on the one side only: This he thought a hard case. But the speculators availing themselves of this and a variety of other advantages, could not, he said, justify him in his own mind, in giving a vote that would give a stab to the good faith and credit of a nation, in whose counsels he had the honor of a suffrage.
He foresaw, however, a still greater misfortune in this business, than that of a few speculators aggrandizing themselves by our funding system: It is, that our public securities will go into the hands of foreigners. The present system, offered by the Secretary, is actually mortgaging these States to foreign speculators, for the amount of the debt: For the holders will sell, as they have already sold, immense sums to foreigners, to raise ready money. Few of our citizens possessing monied capitals, ready money will yield far greater emolument, employed in commerce or agriculture, than when lodged in the funds. This is a calamity which he lamented from his soul; But upon a most serious consideration upon the subject, he was not clear but that a forfeiture of public faith, a loss of public credit, would be for America a far greater calamity. He entertained strong apprehensions that
parting with the fair inheritance of public faith and honor, under any pretext, would be acting the part of him who sold his inheritance for a mess of pottage. Viewing the subject in this light, he said he could not, he dared not vote in favour of the motion.
He also mentioned another ground whereon he opposed it: The scheme of a discrimination appeared totally impracticable. Commissioners must be appointed, not only in different States, but in different places of the same State. If Commissioners are appointed, for instance, in Charleston, the citizens must attend from the remotest parts of the State, and be worried in travelling backwards and forwards to seek for witnesses, many of whom may be dead or removed into other countries—not to mention the length of time and enormous expense which so complicated a business must occasion.
Mr. Burke concluded by declaring it to be his opinion, that the proposition, if agreed to, would throw things into confusion and perplexity, which he could not see the extent of: He should therefore oppose it.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 24.
The Post-Office Bill was read a second time.—The Assumption of the State Debts under consideration.—The speakers were, MESSRS. STONE, SEDGWICK, MADDISON, WHITE, AMES & FITZSIMONS.—Mr. Maddison proposed the following addition to the resolution, viz.—“ And at the same time, That effectual provision be made for the liquidation of, and crediting to the States, the whole of the expenses during the war, as the same has been, or may be stated for the purpose, and that the best evidence of the same may be taken, the nature of the case will admit. ” The Naturalization Bill discussed.
THURSDAY, FEB. 25.
Mr. Maddison's amendment to the resolution for the assumption of the State debts under consideration.
Mr. White after a speech of considerable length, moved that the following should be added to Mr. Maddison's proposition, viz.— Provided such assumption shall not exceed the sum which any State may have advanced above its just proportion, as the same shall appear upon its liquidation. This produced a debate which lasted the remainder of the day—and an adjournment being called for, precluded any determination on the motion.
FRIDAY, FEB. 26.
Bill for granting to Francis Bailey a patent for certain inventions in the art of printing, read a first time.
ASSUMPTION OF THE STATE DEBTS. Mr. Maddison's and Mr. White's amendments were read; the debate was resumed and continued by Messrs Stone, Burke, Clymer, Ames, Patridge, Fitzsimons, Sherman and White; and the question being taken on Mr. White's motion, it passed in the negative—32 to 15.
Mr. Maddison's motion being again read, after a short introduction he moved, that the following proviso should be added to it, viz.— Provided that in case a final liquidation and adjustment of the whole of such expenditures, and provision for the payment of the balances due from Debtor States to Creditor States, shall not be made before the day of the debts assumed shall be liquidated and adjusted, among the States, according to the ratio of representation, and effectual provision be bequeath made for paying the balances to the Creditor States, at the expense of the Debtor States. This will be the next subject of discussion.
Naturalization Bill again discussed.
L O N D O N, Dec. 13.
The Deputy of the States of Flanders are assembled at Ghent, and have declared themselves INDEPENDENT. They have further taken into consideration the mode of collecting duties, the safety of transits, &c. The victory at that place has had the most happy consequences for the patriotic cause; and the bravery displayed on that occasion has been a principal instrument of its
more recent success. It has been as sudden as complete; for the surrender of Burges, Courtari, Ostend, Nieuport, Tournay, Ypres, Mons, and Numur, has followed: a rapidity of conquest almost without parallel. The latter place was not taken without great slaughter on both sides.
P A R I S, November 24.
The harbour of Cherbourg is now so far completed as to be able to contain 103 sail of line of Battle ships, and to screen them from the severest gales. There are 200 vessels constantly employed sinking stones and rubbish to strengthen the foundation.
The American trade grows better in every sense; the orders increase, and the payments are much more certain than heretofore.
The productions of our country increase in value in America daily. The last ships from Philadelphia, and other ports, brought large sums for our merchants.
The following circumstances of the recent commotions, are the only ones, the authenticity of which we at present feel ourselves warranted to vouch for:
Commotions took place on Friday last, on account of the scarcity of provisions; the mob, after committing various outrages, broke into the house of a Member of the Committee of Subsistence, and were leading him to execution; the Paris Militia beat to arms, and, headed by the Marquis de la Fayette, endeavoured to effect his rescue; finding that impossible without proceeding to extremities, they at length fired on the populace, which was immediately returned; a smart action then took place, in which a great number fell on both sides, and the unfortunate victim to the popular fury was hanged.
Another report reached the Herald Office late last night—that the populace considering the Clergy as most inimical to their cause, had eluded the vigilance of the Marquis de la Fayette, and cruelly butchered several of that body.
N A S S A U [N. P.] Decem. 30.
The sloop Two Brothers, belonging to Capt. C. Fisher, of this place, taken by Juan Gregorio, at Haneaga, in April last, arrived here, from the Havannah, this morning. By her we have received the following intelligence:—That the above named pirate was under sentence of death, and the sloop ordered to be restored to the owners, together with full compensation for the injuries sustained by her capture: That a suit had been commenced against the intendant, in whose employ Gregorio was, and the Governor of Baraca had been broke with disgrace for being concerned in that infamous transaction: That all the guarda costas had been called in, and the Captains broke for capturing vessels without any just pretence, which had involved his Catholic Majesty in unnecessary law suits; and that the soldiers mentioned in a former Herald to have been put on board an English Guinea-man had been removed, and permission given to the Captain to dispose of his negroes, agreeable to the express terms of his Catholic Majesty's proclamation.
N E W H A V E N, Feb. 17.
Arrived at St. Eustatia 20th Jan. Schooner Polly, James Curtis, belonging to Wethersfield, who landed his passenger there, the Rev. Mr. ELSWORTH, who was received on shore by the Governor, with every mark of respect, under the discharge of cannon,—was also waited on by the Governor of Saba, with whom in a few days he embarked, under the discharge of cannon, to take charge of his church and flock there; and what is better than all that, 150 children to christen, and about 1000 persons to marry, at half Johannas per head; also, one thousand pieces eight per ann. salary.
OFFICE of the CONSUL of FRANCE.
AN ORDINANCE WHICH limits the admission of foreign bottoms into the ports of Cape-Francois, Port-au-Prince and
Les Cayes, until the first of June next. Extract from the Records of the Superior Council of St. Domingo.
LEWIS ANTHONY DE THOMASSIN, Count de Peinier, Governor, Lieutenant-General of the French Leeward Islands, &c. &c. and
VINCENT RENE DE PROISY, Intendant, pro interim, of Justice, Police, and Finances, of the aforesaid Islands, By virtue of the powers granted us by his Majesty the King, we have ordered and do order what follows:
THE permission granted to introduce into the free ports in the Colony, Flour and Biscuit from foreign nations until the first of February, shall, is and will be protected and continued until the first of June next. All the foreign vessels of 60 tons burthen and upwards, which shall arrive before the 15th of April next, will be permitted to sail after that period to go and fetch a load of Flour and Biscuit from any foreign port, under the conditions of a proper assurance that they will effectively return in those free ports with Flour and Biscuit, and no other articles of exportation than those mentioned in the Arret of the 30th of August, 1784, and October 1787,
Given at Port-au-Prince, under the seal of our Arms, and the counter-seal of our Secretary, December the 28th, 1789.
(Signed) LE COMTE DE PEINIER, PROISY.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the EXCISE ON SPIRITUOUS LIQUORS AND OTHER EXCISEABLE ARTICLES, in the County of Strafford, from October 1789 to October 1790, will be sold at public vendue, to the highest bidder, at the Court-House in Dover, on Friday the 19th day of March next, at 3 o'clock, P. M.—the same not being disposed of agreeably to a former advertisement, by reason of the highest bidder not complying with his bid.
JOHN WALDRON } Commissioner. EBEN'R SMITH. } mindee.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the township of Warren, who have not paid their taxes for the years 1787 and 1788, that unless they pay said taxes to me the subscriber, on or before the 15th day of April next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling-house of Jonathan Clement, innholder in said town, at one o'clock, P. M. on said day.
1787.
   D. s. d. s. d. Cert.     David Clough 2 3 2 1 0   Col. Eben'r Stevens 1 3 2 1 0   Jacob Currier 3 3 2 1 0   Samuel Graves 1 3 2 1 0   David Morrill 1 3 2 1 0   Benjamin Clough 2 3 2 1 0   James Graves 1 3 2 1 0   Abr'm Morrill, half 1 1 7 0 6   Thomas Pierce 3 3 2 1 0  
1788.
   Specie.Ind's Cert.   D. s. d. q. s. d. s. d.     Reuben True 1 1 2 1 9 2 4   David Clough 3 1 2 1 9 2 4   Joseph Page 2 1 2 1 9 2 4   True'y Ladd 2 1 2 1 9 2 4   Col. E. Stevens 1 1 2 1 9 2 4   Jacob Currier 3 1 2 1 9 2 4   Samuel Graves 1 1 2 1 9 2 4   David Morrill 1 1 2 1 9 2 4   James Graves 1 1 2 1 9 2 4   A. Morrill, half 1 0 7 0 10 1 2   Thomas Peirce 2 1 2 1 9 2 4  
CASS WHITCHER, Collector. Warren, March 2, 1790.

Friends and Brethren, EVER since our army was disbanded, a rural cottage at some distance from our capital has been my place of abode. In this retreat, where discord is not known, and where ambition never enters, have I dwelt, a silent spectator of what passes in the political world; and it is with great diffidence I now appear in a manner so public, and so repugnant to my established mode of life. Why I have now appeared will be seen as I go along. But before I proceed, it will be necessary to tell you, that early in the war, and almost as early in life, I made one of that body which composed our army. I will not enter into a detail of the dangers, anxieties and hardships which I there suffered; but will only say, that I would not wade through them again to be emperor of half the world. At the dissolution of the army, peace smiled in every thing around us—peace was in our basket, and peace was in our store; and for my own part I wished to be at peace with my neighbours, my fellow citizens and the world. This blessing I myself have enjoyed; but many of my fellow citizens, I am sorry to say, or even to think, have not been so happy. Ambition and disappointment, and sometimes worse passions, have been the promoters of contention: Yet the discordant voice which has pronounced the names of whig and tory has not been heard, till of late, but faintly. But it now seems to burst forth like a smothered flame, as if determined to consume all before it. This seems to be the language of some of our papers—I would wish the pieces where those names are mentioned had not been published. Had the gentlemen considered the tendency of them—that they contain a stimulus to set man at war with man, instead of breathing forth that spirit of harmony, which we ought to cultivate, and that the community could derive no real benefit therefrom, they would have undoubtedly suppressed them.—That there was no discriminating clause in our Constitution, nor the name of Whig or Tory mentioned therein, was undoubtedly done for a wise purpose. Our political fathers established it as a rule, that all elections ought to be free, and every inhabitant of the State having the proper qualifications, has equal right to elect, and be elected into office. And if this order of men, the Tories, have submitted to our government, form a part of our community—Eat of the same bread, and drink of the same cup with us—are our brethren and near kinsfolk—have estates and families among us, and are permitted by our Constitution, let them share our honors with us and welcome. Not in preference—but upon an equal footing, and as though a distinction had never been made. Let us shew then, by our generosity, that we fought not for preference, or any sinister views, but for the universal good of man. Our rulers ought to be men of abilities, uprightness and integrity—such, my friends, let us choose, be they who they will. Perhaps it would be best to let our neighbours vote as they pleased, without endeavoring to influence them unfairly. That honesty is the best policy, is a truth well established. False alarms, unjust aspersions, and groundless jealousies, founded in the specious key of love for the public, may answer the purpose of a day; but the fraud is soon detected, and the world ever jealous of imposition, will naturally suspect that the party designed to be benefited was concerned in it. Consequently it will injure him in the next election. To load our public papers with arrows to serve the illiberal purpose of opening wounds afresh which TIME has been generously healing, cannot surely be the design for which our Constitution secured to us THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. The moment peace was proclaimed, it was the wish of my heart, and my language has ever declared it, that neither the name of Whig nor Tory might
be heard in our land any more forever. And may they now, my friends, henceforth and forever be sunk and buried in eternal oblivion.
BENEVOLUS. March 13, 1790.
SPRINGFIELD, March 3. On Saturday, were conveyed through this town, for New-York, under a strong guard, two brothers by the name of CRANE, who were lately taken up in the county of Worcester for altering, forging and passing notes in imitation of the final settlements, so called: These persons have been so long concerned in the business of counterfeiting paper securities of every kind, both public and private, and have acquired so great a degree of skill and dexterity in it, as to be able to impose very often on the most wary. They have at different times appeared in the different dresses of the gentleman and beggar, as the occasion might require;—when lately apprehended, they were genteelly dressed, and passed by the name of Smith: They have often defied the arm of authority, boasting of powerful connexions which they were assured would buy them out of trouble;—they have often eluded the strictest search of those who had been injured by them, but are now in a fair way to meet with a due reward for their services.
His Excellency the Governor, by and with the advice of the Council, has appointed THURSDAY, the 8th day of APRIL next, as DAY of HUMILIATION and PRAYER throughout this Commonwealth.
SALEM, March 2. Early on Monday evening last week, a barn in Beverly, on a farm tenanted by Mr. John Potter, took fire, and was consumed, together with a large quantity of hay, several hundred weight of flax, &c. twenty-eight head of horned cattle, three horses, two sucking calves, a sheep and two lambs, perished in the flames.
BOSTON, March 10. Last evening, His Excellency the GOVERNOR, by the Secretary, after approving of the several Acts passed this session (about 34) prorogued the General Court until the TUESDAY next preceding the last WEDNESDAY of May next.
A Resolve has passed the House of Representatives, allowing this town the sum of 192l. for supporting certain State's poor—and 450l. for the use of several public buildings for several years.
We have it officially from the Office of the Consul of France, that by an Ordinance of the Governor and intendant of the French Leeward Islands, the additional duties of three livres, eight sous tournois, on every quintal of cod-fish, and pickled fish, imported therein, from the United States of America, is taken off, from the 2d February 1790.
March 13.—A Premium (per cwt.) of 30 sous on Wheat—40 on Flour—24 on Rye—32 on Rye-Meal—20 on Barley—27 on Barley-Meal, is paid on the entrance of those articles in the ports of France from America—from the 1st December last, to the 1st July next.
A letter from London, of the date of Dec. 21, says, "The only obstacle to a Commercial Treaty with you, is the want of an Ambassador on your part, properly qualified to agree upon it. You will see that a Consul is appointed for your State, who is a gentleman of enlarged views, and liberal mind—and I doubt not, that the measures which the King mentioned he should strive to adopt in his speech to Parliament, when he acknowledged you Independent, will be speedily pursued. The words he used on that memorable occasion, were these—"Religion, language, interest and affection may, and I hope will, yet prove a bond of permanent union between this country and America; to this end neither attention nor disposition shall be wanting on my part."
It is apparent, that the Spaniards does not fear a rupture with England, from the hostile measures adopted on the North-west coast of America—where
three English vessels have already been captured by the Spaniards—as appears by letters from the officers of the Columbia—and where the English flag will not be permitted to fly; while the stars and stripes may be unfurled, with the same privileges as the subjects of the House of Bourbon enjoy.
PORTSMOUTH, March 17. It is said, that in NOVEMBER and DECEMBER last, 2500 people died of the Small Pox, in SURRINAM.
BRITISH CONSULS. The King of Great Britain has appointed THOMAS McDONOUGH, Esq. to be his Majesty's Consul in the States of Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut and New-Hampshire—and JOHN HAMILTON, Esq. Consul in Virginia.
FROM NEW-YORK—MARCH 10. On the subject of the Assumption of the State Debts, the House will be nearly equally divided—although a very great majority of the members deem it a measure that must before any considerable time elapses, be adopted. All the Massachusetts Delegation are for it, but one.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Rhode-Island, dated Tuesday, March 2.
"The Convention met yesterday at three o'clock, P. M. and Deputy-Governor OWEN was elected President without any opposition. Mr. THEODORE FOSTER was nominated for Secretary—Mr. UPDIKE, the clerk of the Lower House, was however appointed by a majority of 12.—And by subsequent votes, we find the ANTIS have that majority.
"Portsmouth on Rhode-Island, have instructed their members in favor of the Constitution, but the instructions are not and will not be regarded: It is therefore now reduced to a certainty that the Constitution will not at the present meeting be adopted, nor will it be rejected.—To avoid the consequences of such an act, an adjournment is proposed, and the last of May is in contemplation for the time. It will be either the last of this, or the next month. The ANTIS are now in Convention, deciding on, the measures to be pursued on the morrow.
"A committee was appointed yesterday in the Afternoon, to draft and report the Rules, &c. this Forenoon was employed in fixing upon them; and immediately after they were passed. A motion was made in writing to appoint a Committee to report a Bill of Rights and Amendments, and that the Convention be adjourned to a future day—but as the Constitution had not been read, it was agreed that the motion should lie on the table; and this Afternoon the Constitution was read. After some general Observations made thereon by Mr. MARCHANT, the Convention adjourned to the morning to take up the Constitution by Paragraphs. But this will answer no other purpose than to prepare the way for an Adjournment, which I expect will take place on Thursday."
ENTRIES AT THE CUSTOM-HOUSE of this district.
ENTERED FROM Brig Polly, Smith, St. Martins.
CURIOUS COURTSHIP.
A YOUNG Gentleman and Lady happened on a Sabbath in the same pew.—During the course of the sermon, the youth read something in the eyes of the fair which made a much deeper impression on his soul than the pious lecture of the parson; as love is seldom at a loss for an expedient, he presented her with the following verse in the 2d Epistle of John—"And now I beseech thee Lady, not as though I wrote a new commandment unto thee, but that which we had from the beginning, that we love one another." After perusal she in answer opened to the 1st chapter of Ruth and 16th verse—"And Ruth said intreat me not to leave thee, or to return from following after thee: For whither thou goest, I will go: And where thou lodgest, I will lodge. Thus was a treaty proposed which in a little time was fully ratified by the Parson.
Laws of New-Hampshire, bound or in Sheets.
THE Laws of this State, just printed with an elegant type, on good paper, from attested copies of the originals, may be had of the printer hereof either stitched up in sheets, or neatly bound and lettered, if speedily applied for, very cheap for cash.
TO-MORROW, AT THREE O'CLOCK, P.M. Will be sold at PUBLIC VENDUE, at Abra'm Isaac's AUCTION ROOM, In Water Street,
CALLICO, Shawls, Hair Ribbon, Irish Linnen, Gauze, Silk and Linnen Hankerchiefs, Matthewman's Buttons, Oval and Square Dressing Glass's, Iron and Dutch Coffee Mills, Brass Candlesticks, sail Needles, several Cask's of Nails, Whip Saws, Indigo, Copperas, with a variety of other articles too tedious to mention.
Sale to begin at three o'clock precisely, and to be held statedly twice a week, on Tuesday and Thursday. Portsmouth, March 17, 1790.
Newcastle Bridge Lottery.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE!
THE subscribers, managers of said Lottery, hereby notify the public, that they have positively determined to commence drawing on WEDNESDAY the 21st of April next, in the West Chamber of the State-House in this town.—A few of the tickets may yet be had of the managers, but none will be sold after the drawing has commenced.
HENRY PRESCOTT, SIMON JENNESS, STEPHEN MARCH, GEORGE FROST, STEPHEN CHASE, Managers. Portsmouth, March 15, 1790.
A FURTHER time of six months, from this date, are allowed by the Hon. Judge of Probate, for the commissioners to receive and examine the claims on the estate of JOHN GRIFFIN, late of Durham, in the county of Strafford, gentleman, deceased.—Notice is hereby given, that they will attend for that purpose, at the dwelling-house of Mrs. Hannah Griffin, in Durham, on the first Monday of the four months next ensuing.
JOHN SULLIVAN, BEN'T THOMPSON, Commissioners. February 18.
A Farm for Sale.
BY virtue of a Licence granted by the hon. Phillips White, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Rockingham, will be sold at Public Vendue at the house of Mr. John Greenleaf, innholder in Portsmouth, a small FARM of about forty acres upland and marsh, in the town of Portsmouth, be the same more or less, being part of the estate of Hunking Wentworth, Esq. deceased, and will be sold on the 18th day of March next, at 3 o'clock, P. M. the farm is now occupied by Mr. George Ham.—Conditions will be known on the day of sale. JONATHAN WARNER, Administ'r. Portsmouth, Feb. 22, 1790.
A Farm to Let,
With a stock of cattle thereon, within two miles of the State-House in Portsmouth.—Inquire of J. WHIPPLE. March 12, 1790.