The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-07-26 00:00:00

NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE
Laws of the U. States.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
AN ACT
To amend the act, entitled "An act establishing circuit courts and abridging the jurisdiction of the district courts of the United States in Kentucky, Tennessee, & Ohio."
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That where any suit or suits has or have been brought, or is or are now pending before the circuit court held at Knoxville, in and for the district of east Tennessee, against a person residing in said district of east Tennessee, such suit or suits shall be proceeded upon, and finally determined in the district of Tennessee, and where any suit or suits has or have been brought, or is or are now pending before the circuit court held at Nashville, in and for the district of west Tennessee, such suit or suits shall be proceeded upon, and finally determined in the district of west Tennessee.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the district judge of Tennessee to attend at Knoxville on the first Thursday after the third Monday in April next, and on the first Thursday after the third Monday in April of each and every year thereafter, and at Nashville on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November next, and on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November of each and every year thereafter, who shall have power to make all necessary orders touching any suit, action, appeal, writ
of error, process, pleadings, or proceedings returned to the circuit court next to be held thereafter at Knoxville, and Nashville, or depending therein, preparatory to the hearing, trial, or decision of such action, suit, appeal, writ of error, process, pleadings or proceedings; and all writs and process may be returnable to the said courts on the first Thursday after the third Monday in April, at Knoxville, and on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November, at Nashville, in the said respective districts.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That there shall be two clerks appointed, one for the circuit court to be held at Knoxville, and one for the circuit court to be held at Nashville, whose duty it shall be to attend the said district judge on the said first Thursday after the third Monday in April, and on the said first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November, of each and every year, at the places aforesaid, who shall make due entry of all such matters and things as shall or may be ordered by the said judge, and at each and every of the said sessions so held for the purpose aforesaid, all actions, pleas, and other proceedings relative to any cause civil or criminal, shall, for the circuit court to be held at Nashville, be continued over to the ensuing second Monday in June, and shall for the circuit court to be held at Knoxville, be continued over to the ensuing third Monday in October.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That all actions, suits, process, pleadings, and other proceedings of what nature or kind soever, civil or criminal, which were originally returned to the circuit court begun and held at Nashville, on the first Monday in June last, and all writs process, and proceedings, as aforesaid, which are or may be made returnable to the said circuit court, shall be continued, returned to, and have day in the session to be held at Nashville, after the next June term of the circuit court be continued, returned to, and have day in the session to be held by this act, on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November next, and all actions, suits, process, pleadings, and other proceedings of what nature or kind soever civil or criminal, which were originally returned to the circuit court begun and held at Knoxville, on the third Monday in October last, and all writs, process, and pleadings as aforesaid which are or may be made returnable to the said circuit court, shall be continued, returned to, and have day in the session to be held by this act, on the first Thursday after the third Monday in April next; and such proceedings shall be had thereon, at the said session as are herein before provided.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. March 22, 1808. APPROVED, TH. JEFFERSON.
We are sorry to state (says the Philadelphia Gazette) that accounts from Jamaica, represent the existence of an unusual state of sickness, accompanied by an alarming mortality.
State of New Hampshire—Rockingham, ss.
Table with 4 columns: Name of Owner, Value of Land, No. of Acres, Value of Improvements. Lists land owners in Raymond for 1805, including Widow Moley French, Capt. Michael Worthen, Capt. Benjamin Currier, etc.
For the N. H. GAZETTE. NO. II.
Criticism upon Criticism; Or observations upon the remarks and criticisms on the LETTER of the HONORABLE JOHN Q. ADAMS.
"WE have no precise idea, says the Remarker, of a difference in controversy." But one signification of controversy, according to Johnson is, agitation of contrary opinions.
The following sentence is then quoted: "Subjects upon which it is my misfortune (in the discharge of my duties as a Senator of the United States) to differ from the opinions of my colleague." On this the Remarker criticises thus; "to differ from an opinion is an improper expression; unless the writer meant to inform us that he is himself a different thing from an opinion."
"With the most animated tone of energy." To speak with a tone, means an affected or particular manner of speaking not usual or proper.
"But, has energy various tones, some of them more animated than others?" Thus enquires the Remarker. ANSWER. Beyond a doubt it has: As there are many degrees of strength or energy, there are various degrees in the modes of expressing energy; some may be more, and some less animated, as is the case when joy or anger are expressed.
"To compromise the interests of a nation" says the Remarker, "is to put in danger;" and adds, If this was indeed the object for which our Congress was formed, there can be no doubt that by laying the embargo, they laboured in their vocation.
"I pass lightly over the criticism on the final word upon, as the touch on it was light; and also the pleonasm charged. And proceed to the 'compromise' and conciliation of the interests of all" quoted as a faulty expression.
"I have somewhere seen an observation to this effect, that it is as difficult to keep in wit, as to hold a burning coal in the mouth; it applies perhaps more especially to that species which delights in speaking evil of Rulers." But why must our language be abused in order to digress into an abuse of our Congress?
"Prepared to exhibit his views of the subject, upon which his differences of opinion had taken place." LETTER. A and B may differ in opinion; in which case there will be a difference (or opinion) between A. and B.
"The sentence next set up as a mark, is this; 'The advocate of a policy thus reprobated must feel himself summoned by every motive of self defence to vindicate his conduct: and if a general sense of his official duties would bind him to the industrious devotion of his whole time to the public business of the session, the hours which he might be forced to employ for his own justification, would of course, be deducted from the discharge of his more regular and appropriate functions.'
How full of shafts is the quiver of criticism!
1. "This is the first time we ever heard of motives sending challenges or summonses; and of all the motives in the world that of self defence is the last we should have suspected."
2. "The writer violates a rule of composition, by crowding into one period different and entire thoughts; thus joining in language what is separate in reality."
3. "We have no idea of what is meant by the discharge of a function. There are, we know, certain parts of the body whose functions it is to discharge; but the things thus discharged are not called functions."
4. Now follows the obnoxious epithet "appropriate," which is said to be misapplied. But if the word means, as our critic would have it, confined to some particular object or use, then it a Senator should speak of his appropriate functions, it would signify those appropriated to him, as Senator, or confined to the use of that particular object, a Senator.
5. The last charge is, that the sentence is redundant, and might have been expressed in fewer words. There might be different opinions on this. Some might prefer the sentence as more forcible than the proposed substitute, but I am inclined to think the sentence might have been shortened, and to say that if after the labour of five pages to "point out defects" we have arrived at the "defect of redundancy, that is something!
The word antagonizing, what has it done to be called hard names? and what if the word closure from the verb to close be new? They are both harmless unoffending words, not worth contention, nor is the satirical accompanying remark worth notice.
"Rancours is not to be used in the plural" — it may be so; and it may be a letter was added by mistake. Still I see no good reason why rancour should be forbid a plural more than asperity whose plural is not objected to.
"The great concerns of the nation would degenerate into the puny controversies of personal altercation." LETTER. "Very like the debates of debate—debates on such concerns—may degenerate—but the nature of the concerns is not thereby changed?" &c.
Let the paragraph in the letter be read again, and an unprejudiced reader will easily see the meaning;—the concerns of the nation as managed by their Representatives, or these concerns in their hands, would on a certain supposition so degenerate, and that from certain collisions in the management—and all this without changing their nature—and the controversies concerning them, from being great and important would become puny, mixed with or issuing in, personal altercation—Personal altercation is not so synonymous with controversy—to the expression condemned is not like the debates of debate.
In regard to separating the relative too far from the antecedent or not making it occupy the very best place, various judgments may be formed, and probably defects found in the best writers. So a good writer may possibly use the expression "could have," when "had," would have been better. Such deviations to which all are liable, are not worth mentioning, unless the fault be manifestly obscured by them.
Instead of quoting the next sentence remarked upon, I will only observe on the proscribed phrase of "imputation of honest intentions," that imputation is admitted to be some times, tho' seldom, used in a good sense; why then might not the professor use it, as well as Shakespeare? "Sympathies of opinion," does not seem to be a dark unintelligible phrase—adamant may be attractive as to certain substances, as amber is. But as I know little of the qualities of adamant, I feel indifferent to the question—whether it has or has not attracting powers. In regard to the next criticism, on the use of the words observation and suspicion, I freely admit that in my view, the Remarker has proposed a better mode of expression than that used in the letter— "Non ego paucis offender masculis," &c.
On the next in order it may be observed, that the relative does not always, in good writers refer to the last antecedent as I think, might be easily shown.
"And when it once totally fails, the very foundation of the social compact must be dissolved." LETTER. "This expression may be excused in a Gentleman who has travelled to the confines of Russia, where palaces are sometimes (it is said) built on the ice, for the very foundation of such palaces may be dissolved; but in our Country the solution of a foundation is no common event."
According to this, what cannot be liquefied, cannot be dissolved! Yet our Dictionaries make one meaning of dissolved to be, "broken, disjointed in any manner," and dissolution to be "destruction of any thing by the separation of its parts." This is something more extensive than an ice palace turning to water, for which conceit the Remarker had to travel far; and when Dryden speaks of an event, which he says, "dissolves the Government;" he did not mean that the Government was melted.
THE TREASURY.
Moral rectitude is an indispensable requisite for the obtainment of public or private trust and confidence. Every man in office, either under a monarchy, aristocracy or democracy, ought to possess that integrity which will warrant a just discharge of all the duties of his station.
Fraud, under whatever garb it is practiced is equally odious. No party appellation can extenuate the guilt. If a federalist or a republican betrays his official duty, they are both responsible to the government under which they were appointed.
These reflections arise from the unfair and ungenerous remarks made in the federal papers, on a recent report with respect to an officer of the government.
The word antagonizing, what has it done to be called hard names? and what if the word closure from the verb to close be new?
"The great concerns of the nation would degenerate into the puny controversies of personal altercation."
"Very like the debates of debate—debates on such concerns—may degenerate—but the nature of the concerns is not thereby changed?"
Let the paragraph in the letter be read again, and an unprejudiced reader will easily see the meaning;—the concerns of the nation as managed by their Representatives, or these concerns in their hands, would on a certain supposition so degenerate, and that from certain collisions in the management—and all this without changing their nature—and the controversies concerning them, from being great and important would become puny, mixed with or issuing in, personal altercation—Personal altercation is not so synonymous with controversy—to the expression condemned is not like the debates of debate.
Instead of quoting the next sentence remarked upon, I will only observe on the proscribed phrase of "imputation of honest intentions," that imputation is admitted to be some times, tho' seldom, used in a good sense; why then might not the professor use it, as well as Shakespeare? "Sympathies of opinion," does not seem to be a dark unintelligible phrase—adamant may be attractive as to certain substances, as amber is. But as I know little of the qualities of adamant, I feel indifferent to the question—whether it has or has not attracting powers. In regard to the next criticism, on the use of the words observation and suspicion, I freely admit that in my view, the Remarker has proposed a better mode of expression than that used in the letter— "Non ego paucis offender masculis," &c.

POLITICAL.
NATIONAL RESOURCES.
On the 32d Anniversary of American Independence, the mind of a citizen of the United States is naturally led to a contemplation of the situation of his country, and by contrasting the days of servility with those of freedom, draw those conclusions which justice will sanction, and which fill the mind of a freeman with the noble pride of enthusiasm.
After a lapse of thirty-two years, by a series of the most singular circumstances, that distinguish the history of the human race, this country has been thrown into a position with respect to all Europe, in many respects similar to that which gave birth to our revolutionary war.—The Declaration of Independence, familiar to every mind, designates in glowing and never-fading colors, the ills which we then endured from a tyrannical sovereign. The present era is marked by crimes no less insulting and atrocious.
Our citizens on the high seas have been ignominiously impressed, and detained on board British ships of war under various and vexatious pretexts.
Our hospitality has been abused by Russians with naval commissions under the authority of his Britannic majesty:
Our ports and havens have been polluted by their indecorous and brutal behaviour:
Our merchant vessels have been stopped and seized on our own coasts, in violation of the peace subsisting between America and Great Britain, and in contempt of the laws and usages of nations:
Our citizens have been treacherously murdered on board of our coasting vessels, and even in a national frigate, in a moment of unsuspecting confidence and friendship.
For these wrongs and these outrages redress has been sought with earnestness; and in the genuine temper of amity; but without success.
To complete the baleful catalogue of our injuries, the governments of Great Britain and France, by their royal orders and imperial decrees, have excluded us from their ports, and inhibited us from the commerce of the world, except upon such terms as it would be disgraceful for us to accept, and infamous for us to sanction.
In the midst of such political and moral desolation, the spirit of our countrymen was intrepid and erect. Their voices, audibly, and manfully raised in support of their national rights, left no room to doubt their patriotism; and the voluntary sacrifices which they encountered to equip themselves for battle, destroyed every pretext for suspicion of their gallantry, or resolution to support the constitution and the laws.
It was a singular coincidence, and a most fortunate circumstance, that at such a period, the man whose hand had traced the solemn Declaration of Independence in the year 1776, should preside over the councils of the nation. Combining in himself the wary discretion of Ulysses with all the firmness of the prince of Ithaca, he tempered the ardent flame of indignation which blazed from every quarter, eager to chastise the Gaul and the Briton; and which, consulting courage alone, was ready to defy the world in arms.
It cannot be denied that there are times when an exhibition of valor may be the extremity of rashness; and the effusion of blood a vain sacrifice of life. In such periods it is the province of wisdom to restrain the fierce disposition of the warrior, and reserve his force for a moment when the exertion of his vigor can be more effectual. Amidst the storms and tempests of European conflicts, our executive saw the futility of any attempt to subdue them into reason by dilatory and adventurous expeditions; and the alternative was adopted to withdraw from the ocean for a season, and leave the contending rivals of the old world to harrow one another by all the wiles and artifices, and by every species of rude violence and rapine, which profligate ambition, supported by military and naval despotism, could invent or command. Should they invade us, we are ready, as in the year 1776, to receive and repel them.
There is a patience in true courage, no less admirable than the fearlessness of heart by which fortitude is distinguished. It can endure privations without repining, as it can undergo the fatigues of active service without a murmur. This was the virtue which pre-eminently distinguished the heroes of our revolution.—The Fabian conduct of Washington in our memorable seven years struggle with the British, and which has been so much admired, was founded on the same considerations as our present Embargo, and our countrymen will doubtless display the same approving resolution.
If the difficulties which we have now to contend with are greater than they were thirty-two years ago, we should consider that our resources are infinitely more abundant; and it becomes us to demonstrate that we mer-
it the favors of Providence by showing that we have not been corrupted by prosperity, and that we have not become effeminate by too rapid a growth, and too much indulgence in the comforts of life.
In the year 1776 our population did not exceed two millions of souls: it now amounts to six millions.
The acres of improved lands in the same period, have increased from about twenty to forty millions.
Our dwelling-houses from about half a million to nearly one million and an half.
The price of lands has increased from two dollars to more than six, on an average per acre.
Our turnpikes & canals, from eight to about eighty-two.
Our horses from about half a million to nearly one million and a half.
Our horned cattle from about one million to upwards of three millions.
Our colleges and academies from less than thirty to seventy-nine.
Our militia from half a million to at least two millions: half a million of whom are in a continual course of muster and drill.
Our vessels of war (suitable to our situation) from none to more than a hundred.
Our seamen from about eighteen to seventy thousand.
The tons of our shipping from about two hundred and fifty thousand, to between one and two millions.
Our imports from about eleven millions to upwards of a hundred millions.
Our exports from about two millions to more than a hundred millions.
Our revenue from a cypher to about sixteen millions; and this without a single national internal tax for seven years past.
Our metalic medium from about ten millions to twenty millions.
Our bank capital from about two millions to fifty millions.
It would be easy to multiply the items: but surely these are sufficient to evince the bounty of Heaven to a free, pacific, and industrious people. And have these only tended to make us pusillanimous? When we look back to the burning and destruction of Charlestown, of Falmouth, of Norfolk, of Epopus, of Fairfield, Easthaven, and New-London, the devastation in Connecticut and other quarters, the shocking sufferings of the Americans in winter quarters at Cherry Valley; and yet, amidst these dismal calamities, and a thousand others, find them bearing up with a magnanimous firmness against the foe; how pitiful appears the man who, in the present plentiful state of our country, complains of the hardships of a temporary embargo! Ragged, shoeless, and without pay, they outbraved misfortune, and disdained to shrink from their duty.
Let us, then, not stain the character of our nation; let us not libel the deeds of our fathers—but returning thanks to the Deity, to "Him who giveth and Him who taketh away," for His extensive beneficence, and the multiplied benefits we have received from his bounty, yield to the pressure of unavoidable circumstances, resolutely stand upon the defensive, and devote ourselves to the exaltation of our country by employing all our energies to develop the latent powers of this mighty and extensive republic, instituted by our wise elders, the excellencies of which are manifest, amidst the flagrant crimes and abominations of a guilty world!
These are times that require, in truth, an exercise of all the understanding of the people; times that must test the principle of Montesquieu, which alledges popular virtue as alone the basis of a free government.
We have seen presses in the heart of our country advocating the cause of our enemies—
The majority of a legislature, gaining an ascendancy by means the most illicit, denouncing at a period of peril and difficulty, their own government, and applauding the counsels of the nation whose baneful conduct has reduced the sage laws of nations and the universal doctrines of empires to a state of chaos—
Traitors openly walking abroad among us unmolested—
Treason abetted and countenanced in clear day light by flagitious party men—
The soldier who had risked his life and fortune to defeat their machinations, arraigned on weak suspicions suggested by a band of conspirators, and openly stigmatized in journals rank with the ebullitions of every foul and filthy calumny—
The worthies of the land, those whose pre-eminence is founded in the intelligence of their heads and the most precious qualities of their hearts, denounced as vile in their principles and faithless to their trust—
Young men, intoxicated with vanity, drunk with conceit, skulking from observation, masked by anonymies, assailing the patriots of the revolution and the favorite statesman of the day—
In the midst of such turpitude (hap-
pily confined to a few profligates, weak in wisdom but strong in wiles and venom!) the free institutions of the country look to the people for protection. The people will not falsify the honorable expectations that have been founded upon their intelligence, their bravery, and decision.—Forming around a beloved administration, they will present to the dices of faction and misrule an impenetrable rampart, indestructible by artifice, insurmountable by force; and, comparing the past with the present, hail the Embargo on the 4th of July, 1808, as a second Declaration of American Independence, submitting to privations with cheerfulness, and gloriously rallying to support it.
[Washington Monitor.]
EMBARGO.
Who are the opposers of the Embargo? —What is their object? What are their motives? A correct solution of these questions it is presumed, will greatly strengthen the confidence, which the friends of government feel, in the wisdom of the administration.
These opposers, concurring in one object, to defeat the measures of government, by endeavoring to perplex and embarrass the execution of the laws, may when we regard their motives, be considered, as consisting of two descriptions.—
The first class consists of those, who have systematically opposed every act of a general nature, that has been suggested or adopted by the government, since the election of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency. From these, opposition has become so common, that it ceases to be marvellous—it is calculated on as a matter of course. Their motives are the same as those of a foiled wrestler, who would take every advantage of every movement of his antagonist, to rise upon him. They have in view the approaching election. They are anxious to seize again the reins of government, and again to take a tilt for " the hole of Nobility ." To these therefore, the embargo acts, will not cease to be obnoxious, till the termination of the election, or till some other important measure of national concern is adopted.
The other class of opposers consists of consuls and commercial agents of foreign powers, agents and factors of foreign mercantile houses and manufactures—merchants trading in our cities, on foreign capitals, together with their numerous dependants.—These have the same inducement to oppose the Embargo, that the craftsmen in the temple of Diana at Ephesus, had, to drive St. Paul from their city; the establishment of christianity there, would, they feared, by abolishing the workshop of idols, dry up their sources of wealth. Miserable indeed must be the condition of these factors and merchants, should their capitals be withdrawn, or the payment of their debts demanded, during the continuance of the Embargo; but their misery would be a healing balm to many of the evils which, through them, our country endures. It would serve to extirpate that foreign fashion, and to extinguish those foreign attachments, which have long poisoned the springs of patriotism in our country. It would serve to dissolve that combination of factious spirits which has long existed like an " imperium in imperio ," an internal empire in the bowels of our nation, and has often set at defiance the authority of law. Thus would result an amicable adjustment of our commercial relations with foreign powers, by casting from among us those, who have been the authors and abettors of all those acts, called, "frauds of neutrals," which have brought perplexity, distress, and Embargo upon us. These are the neutrals, who deal in contraband goods, violate blockades, employ foreign seamen, lose their property at sea, justify the captors, then cry mightily against our President. Of these were those " unworthy federal gentlemen ," whose property Mr. Consul Barclay rescued from condemnation in a British court, though they had confessedly violated a subsisting treaty. To these, the Embargo acts are truly obnoxious; and God grant, that they may produce such a fermentation in our country, as shall purge it from all such obnoxious substances.
It has frequently been stated on the floor of the British Parliament, and also in British newspapers, that the amount of debts due from individuals in America, to individuals in Britain, exceeded 12 millions of pounds sterling; equal to more than 53 millions of dollars; a sum more than two thirds as large as the public debt of the United States.
When enquiring who are the opposers of the Embargo, it is useful also, for us, my countrymen, to enquire, by whom are these debts due? Are they due by the farmers; or by the mechanics; or by the honest tradesmen of our country? Not one cent. Depend upon it, the great bulk of these debts, is due from those factors, and traders on foreign capital. It is this
foreign money, which enables them like Cataline's men, to flatter in ballrooms, to strut thro' the streets of our cities, to saunter in our courts and market places, to throng our coffee houses and declaim against our government. It is by them that British secret service money is distributed, our militia insulted, patriotic acts and celebrations ridiculed, and printers corrupted. It is by this class, that our Bronfons, our Cheethams, our Colemans, our Parks, our Russells, are patronized, cherished, eulogized, aided, applauded, controlled. Still these editors have the effrontery to claim for themselves and patrons pure federalism! exclusive patriotism! patriotism too, in America! Americans, patriotism and such federalism are antipodes.
A man of this stamp, when declaiming against the Embargo, should be addressed—"Sir, pay your foreign debts; strip yourself of your borrowed plumage; descend to your natural level; and then, if you dare appear among your fellow citizens, you may chance to become an honest man."
[American Mercury.]
Effects of Toryism.
It is now ascertained with precision, that the embargo has been prolonged by the improper conduct of Mr. Pickering and those of his sect: An adherence to it until a suitable adjustment of our differences takes place with the belligerent powers, no longer solely a matter of policy, has become a measure of vital interest to the nation. When it is known that expectations are entertained in Great Britain that the Americans will turn insurgents against their own government, that our constitution may be subverted, and that by a continuance of the orders of council the British ministry can compel the people of the United States to choose a president contrary to their own wishes, what remains to be done but to persist in the embargo, (even where it not an act of the most profound and consummate policy,) in order to convince the cabinet of St. James that such expectations will not be fulfilled? Three months ago the embargo in all probability would have been raised, had it not been for the howlings of the Essex Junto and the gazettes devoted to their views. Distressed by their own orders of council, terribly awed of the prospect before them, the Percival ministry were about to yield to the demands of justice, and withdraw their odious innovations upon maritime law; when the first glimmerings of that baleful spirit of misrepresentation of the dispositions of the people of this country reached England, and influenced the British ministry to wait the fulfilment of a false and deluding prophecy. Every sentence of Mr. Pickering's letter; every paragraph against the measure, from the day it was enacted to the present time, has a tendency to rivet the embargo upon the country more firmly. But, "Good cometh out of evil." Another English ministry will know better how to estimate the promises and predictions of other Pickerings: and, growing wise by experiment, will learn that "Jeffersonian policy" is not injurious to Great Britain, only when the policy of Britain is inimical to her own real interests. [Wash. Mon.]
From the AURORA.
"CHOICE SPIRITS"—AGAIN!"
We have been favored with the " Royal Gazette of Nova Scotia ," to June 21st—and the Halifax Weekly Chronicle , to the 17th.—On a hasty perusal of which we find military preparations to be the order of the day, in the British colonies.
Among other information of particular moment, is that concerning Col. Burr; he was at Halifax on the 21st ult. and assumed the name of Edwards, which, if we do not mistake, was the name of his mother; judge Edwards of Connecticut, however is his relative.
Col. Burr, (who has now his alias ) appeared to be constantly engaged with general Prevost, and it was confidently spoken of, that he meant very soon after the arrival of a fleet expected from England, to sail from Halifax with a considerable military regular force, the ostensible object of which is Penfcola —but which, it is not unreasonable to suspect, is New Orleans.
Whether our government possesses any information as to the actual position of Burr, or his design, we are not informed; but it has been understood that General Wilkinson, instead of taking command of a military encampment, in which the new discipline was to be introduced, in the augmented military establishment; is destined to proceed to the southward, once more to baffle and confound treason and traitors. The general is said to be expected in town on Monday.
From the Halifax papers, we find, that all officers on British half pay in
America, are required to furnish the British deputy pay-master general at Nova Scotia, " precisely with their christian names and surnames, and present place of abode—the date of their reduction to half pay—their rank at the time—and present place of residence," &c. &c.
As there are several of this description in the United States, we are more particular in giving this communication, as they cannot mistake the duty they owe themselves in such a crisis as is approaching, so that those who prefer the government of Great Britain, may not be taken in an awkward position , and those who prefer America and liberty, may take such public measures as may assure the citizens in their neighborhood of their fidelity to the United States.
It is to be presumed that the friends of Burr will now comprehend whence he derived the resources for his expedition—who were his abettors abroad, and the views and purpose of his friends & abettors in the United States.
The quantum of bail taken from Burr & Co. by chief justice Marshall—and his flight from that bail; indeed the whole machinery of the trial, and the manner in which that trial was managed by the chief justice, and by the counsel for Burr—are objects which ought not to be lost sight of.
Suspicions have prevailed that the ramifications of that conspiracy, did embrace greater numbers, and spread over a larger surface than appeared on the face of the proceedings at Richmond; the zeal with which Burr was defended by those who had previously execrated and abhorred him for shooting a former rival and adherent of England, are facts that speak with tongues of intelligence, and call for feelings of unutterable execration.
The crisis is at hand when the people must as in 1775 and 1776, look to themselves—traitors caused more bloodshed in the early stages of the revolution, than the 50,000 myrmidons sent to butcher us—the people see their government daily calumniated and abused—the laws openly violated—nay, the friends of the laws and government held forth as objects to be marked.
Are these myrmidons now at Nova Scotia, the persons for whose guidance these marks are to be put upon the friends of American rights.
Look to it—citizens of America—the crisis approaches.
GENERAL WILKINSON.
The most serious charges affecting the life and character of Gen. Wilkinson, have emanated from the friends and adherents of Aaron Burr, when the single exception of John Randolph whose animosity to the present administration has impelled him to outstep the limits of prudence to effect if possible, the disgrace of the present administration. To verify or disprove charges against the general, was the court of inquiry instituted. General W. was the defendant only. The U. States were the prosecutors, and the men whose unparallelled temerity induced them to utter the most virulent philippics against the general's character on the floor of Congress, durst not confront him before a military tribunal, composed solely of characters of their own description of politics. Randolph and Clark and Rowan, refused to attend the court, left the adduction of their slender testimony would hurl disgrace on the heads of the accusers.
If the general was guilty, why refuse to exhibit to the world his guilt in legal form? If innocent, why attempt to leave an indelible stigma on the spotless fame of a worthy officer and meritorious citizen. The affectionate club talk of ex parte proceedings.—Who made it so? Was it not Daniel Clark, John Randolph, John Rowan, and Co. However, here lies the secret.—The gentlemen had resentments to gratify. If Randolph had been appointed on a diplomatic mission to France, and Burr had succeeded in his infamous enterprize, we should never have heard of "suspicious" unfavorable to Wilkinson's character.—The general has bared the traitor of his vizard, he has stripped infamy of his mantle, and brought the enemies of the peace and prosperity of his country before the bar of public justice, where the treason has been condemned and the traitors have reaped the rewards of their labours—the indignation and contempt of a free people. [Baltimore American.]
It is reported that the United States have offered their mediation, for the restoration of a peace in Europe; but we cannot say the rumour is founded, though from the respect in which our government is held by the Russian emperor, through whom it is said the overture was first made, it appears not only probable but would be in itself a measure honorable to the American government. [Aurora.]
Berkeley, the murdering admiral on the American station, has been punished for his attack upon the Chesapeake by being promoted to the command of a "highly important" secret expedition which failed from England about the 14th of May—destined, perhaps, to aid Burr in cultivating his Wassail lands . [Balt. E. Post.]

Advices by the OSAGE.
Washington-City, July 11.
We understand, that the information received by the Osage, is by no means satisfactory; that there does not appear either on the part of the French or English governments, any disposition to relax their orders and decrees relative to the trade of this country; that on the contrary, the French appear to be giving a wider scope to the operation of the measures previously taken by them; and that no step whatever has been taken by the British government, since the return of Mr. Rose, even relative to the affair of the Chesapeake. The information from Paris comes down to the middle of April, and that from London to the middle of May.
Private letters received by the Osage state the prevalence of a general expectation, among the friends of the British administration of an insurrection in this country against the embargo, which has, no doubt, been excited by the disgraceful publications here on the subject. While such wretched delusions continue, we can have but little to expect.
It does not appear that there is a disposition on the part either of France or England to go to war with us; but a strong desire by each to embroil us with the other.
The London Morning Chronicle of the 4th of May gives a list of thirty vessels captured or sequestered under the decree of the 17th December, the perishable commodities on board of which had been ordered to be sold.
The late London papers give a list of a number of American vessels condemned by the court of admiralty for a breach of the British blockading orders. But for the embargo, what a glorious sweep would have crowned this energetic measure; and, in such event, how loudly would the administration have been denounced for not laying an embargo, as loudly, probably, as they have been for laying it.
TREATMENT OF THE OSAGE.
It is not often that we find occasion to notice any thing contained in the Washington Federalist; not from any dearth of misrepresentation in that print, but from the articles of this character usually carrying on the face of them their own refutation. But that paper on Saturday, in giving Mr. Lewis as authority for the declaration of Bonaparte, that he would no longer suffer us to remain neutral, calls for the most marked contradiction, which, from the information we have received, we are justified in giving it. We have seen Mr. Lewis, and it is on his authority that we make the contradiction.
We likewise offer the following statement relative to the treatment of the Osage on the same authority; a statement which has become the more necessary from the numerous wilful falsehoods with which the federal prints teem.
On the arrival of the Osage at L'Orient, she was arrested by the custom-house officers, conformably to their general instructions, in consequence of having been spoken by a British vessel. Mr. Lewis immediately proceeded to Paris, and there without difficulty obtained her recognition as a national vessel and release.
On her arrival at Falmouth the British Excise officer seized her and took out of her naval stores, in virtue of an alleged infraction of the revenue laws, which prohibits private ships from entering with more than a prescribed quantity of them. Representation was forthwith made to the government at London, and Mr. Canning's order obtained for her release, the restoration of the stores, and her treatment as a national vessel.
Thus it appears that the treatment in both countries was not substantially different, and that such difference as does exist shews the conduct of the English subaltern officers to have been more aggravated than that of the French. It is however, sufficient for our satisfaction, that both governments on complaint promptly interposed to set affairs right. [N. Int.]
Toryism and Whigism are the two great evils in the politics of this country: The first is hostile to a free government, and the latter lies to support the former.
From the Trenton American.
Gen. WILKINSON has been ill of a bilious fever at Washington, but has so far recovered as to be expected to reach Philadelphia in a day or two. The Republican Military Legion of that city, intend to meet him on his approach, and escort him in.
Col. DUANE, of Philadelphia, the author of the much approved work lately published—entitled "The American Military Library," is said to have been appointed a Colonel in the additional army now recruiting. Major SIMMONS, of the same place is also reported to be appointed a Lt. Colonel—he was a distinguished soldier in the war of the revolution.
Col. TALMADGE, of Connecticut, a Federalist, but a revolutionary officer of merit, is said to be appointed to the command of the Regiment of Cavalry at this time raising.
Gen. PREVOST, who now governs and commands in Nova-Scotia, and under whose wings Col. BURN has taken refuge, is a kinsman or rather a connection of Col. BURN's—we believe that Col. BURN's late wife, who was called the Widow Prevost, was the widow of one of Gen. Prevost's brothers. As there is no doubt that the British Government were at the bottom of BURN's conspiracy, and as it is probable they yet expect to derive advantages from his aid, it is not unlikely that Gen. Prevost was selected for the express purpose of cordially co-operating with BURN in his traitorous designs.
Portsmouth,
TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1808.
The French National brig arrived at Washington, is from Bordeaux via Martinique. She carries 18 guns and 170 men, and brings dispatches to Gen. Turreau. The commander states the price of flour at Guadalupe to have been 40 dollars a barrel, and beef the same price. Coffee was 13 cents a pound, and sugar 4 dollars per cwt. The quantity of flour on hand was small, and the last supply was obtained from the neighboring British islands. She brings no European news.
The Commercial state of Europe continues under all its embarrassments. Nothing has transpired which can cast new light upon our negotiations in France or England. Our ministers continued in both Empires to receive the usual honors, without any thing which could derogate from personal respect, or any thing which could promise greater advantages to our neutral commerce. The President and heads of Departments were at Washington since the arrival of the dispatches. [Effex. Reg.]
The Oracle calls upon us to produce the official documents of Congress which prove that the TWO MILLIONS of DOLLARS voted to meet contingent expenses, are still in the Treasury—We lay documents of Congress, because these documents having been acted upon in Congress, and printed by its orders, are now congressional documents.
These documents comprising the various reports of Mr. Gallatin; of the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund; of the Secretaries of War, and the Navy; from the time when the appropriation was made, until the year 1808; and containing an account of the receipts at the Treasury office, and of the expenditures by the various departments; are too voluminous to be carried to the Oracle office.—They have been published and may be seen by every body.
This appropriation was made to effect a purchase of the Floridas in the neighbourhood of Louisiana. A dispute had arisen between Spain and the United States, respecting the limits of that country. The United States directed our minister at Paris to remind the French Government that it was necessary for France to adjust this dispute, as it originated in a neglect on her part to have defined the boundary lines when the cession of the territory was made to her by Spain.
The United States considered the possession of the Floridas, a desirable object. If it could be obtained, the dispute with Spain would be settled, and the United States would have perfect control over the Mississippi, and all the adjacent country. Pending the negotiation in France, an intimation was given by the minister of the United States to his government; that, as France wanted money and had claims on Spain, a favorable purchase of the Floridas might be made. On this intimation Mr. Madison observed, it is said, to a member of a standing committee—"France wants money and must have it." This remark was perfectly natural; and such as might be made by one individual to another, if informed, that a farm was for sale by a man in want of cash—Mr. Bonaparte wants money and must have it; now is the time to purchase the farm—Congress, also, was satisfied that the opportunity was favourable, and voted the sum of two millions, as a special appropriation for this object:—ostensibly, (as appears by the act,) "a provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations."
Under the authority of this act it appears, by a report from the treasury department dated December 5th, 1806, that a credit of one million of dollars, making a part of the two millions, had been opened in Holland to the ministers of the United States appointed to treat with Spain:—which one million stood charged in the estimates to the payment of the foreign debt, according to its original appropriation. The treasury report states, that if this one million of dollars should be required by our ministers, it would be necessary to replace the amount in Holland for the payment of the foreign debt; and in that case, the one million thus paid over to ministers, and also the remainder of the two millions, should the whole be used, would then be regularly charged to its proper object. It further appears that the balance in the treasury on the 30th day of September 1805, amounted to nearly five millions, five hundred thousand dollars; and we are thus furnished with data for our calculations:—for by keeping in view this balance, and examining the public documents of Congress, and tracing the accounts of all the monies received into the treasury from that time down to 1808; and of all the expenditures made by the various departments, and actually paid from the treasury; we come to the result—a complete demonstration that the two millions of dollars have never been expended, but are still in the treasury!
With much pleasure we recommend to our fellow-citizens an examination of the official documents of Congress. By the method we have pointed out all may be satisfied. An appropriation in Congress is made, as in our General Court; and the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States adheres to a method similar to that adopted by our own Treasurer.
For example—at the last session of the General Court an appropriation of 1000 dollars was made to meet any extraordinary expenses that might accrue during the recess; and the Governor was authorised to draw on the treasury for that amount. Should the money be used, the treasurer will charge it to the proper object—Should it not be used, the treasurer will say nothing about it. Yet, in the latter case, by an examination of the treasury accounts, of the balance remaining before this appropriation, of the monies afterwards received, and of the payments actually made, it will be easy to ascertain that the 1000 dollars have not been expended, but remain in the treasury.
The following is the Republican Ticket for Representative to Congress:
CLEMENT STORER, DANIEL M. DURELL, JEDEDIAH K. SMITH, FRANCIS GARDNER, CHARLES CUTTS,
COMMUNICATIONS.
The Oracle is wounded at a seeming imputation on some of the federal candidates for Congress, and notwithstanding the challenge in their behalf for the strictest scrutiny, and the declaration that "if they could not bear a severe canvass they might fall;" yet, on the first enquiry into their merits the Oracle is enraged, and threatens dreadful retaliation.
In looking over the Gazette of last Tuesday, we perceive nothing in the remarks on the federal candidates, to justify the Oracle in the expressions, "scurrilous remarks," "low & vulgar abuse," which it says "have been bestowed on them." To say that N. A. Haven is not a Cicero; and that William Hale is not a Demosthenes; ought not to be construed as abuse.—We are satisfied that neither of those respectable gentlemen pretend to the comparison.
In regard to John C. Chamberlain and James Wilson, we asked, (and the Oracle invites enquiry)—Is John C. Chamberlain renowned for probity? Is James Wilson a strict moralist? These questions, might have proceeded from an ignorance of those men. The enquirer, might have wished for information. Could he suppose that the Oracle after its free invitation, would be offended?—The Oracle practices on the principles of the federal sedition law: It promises to justify free enquiry, but condemns the man who dares to make it.
The attention paid by the Gazette to the federal ticket, arose from the manner of its introduction to the public. The Oracle was too squamish—it should have come out boldly with the list agreed upon in Caucus at Concord, instead of preceding it by a "collection at Amherst," and by letters from Hillsborough and Cheshire, &c. recommending one and another, as being selected by the counties; and forgetting, to be sure, that the representatives are to be chosen by a general ticket, and that they unitedly represent the State of New Hampshire, and not individually, distinct parts of the State.
The offence given by the enquiry into the merits of the federal candidates, proves that federalists still maintain the doctrine of exclusive talents and virtue.—To their creed we do not subscribe. We think ourselves justified in the enquiry; Is John C. Chamberlain renowned for probity? Is James Wilson a strict moralist? If the Oracle had sufficient ground for its high recommendation of the federal ticket, it can readily answer our enquiries—not by begging the question, and saying, can you prove your charges?—but by answering directly, on its own responsibility—Mr. Chamberlain is renowned for probity! Mr. Wilson is a strict moralist!—We wish to give no personal offence, but it is our duty to seek information on the subject; and we think it more manly, thus to make an enquiry, than it would be to adopt the insidious mode of the Portsmouth Oracle of June 25th.
"For information therefore concerning the character, talents and integrity of the other Portsmouth candidate, every honest inquisitive elector is referred to the merchants and mechanics of Portsmouth of all parties; to the inhabitants of Dover, of Mr. Durrell; Of Amherst, of Mr. Smith; Of Walpole, of Mr. Gardner. Now as a man is best known and highest appreciated among his own townsmen, it would be curious and interesting thus to learn the history of the democratic candidates for Congress, as recommended by the Grand Legislative Caucus."
It is the earnest desire of Republicans, that all questions of "public National politics," may be discussed with candor, and that a decorous regard to private feelings may be observed; but we do not expect that this course will be pursued by the Oracle.—It is difficult to break confirmed habits.
The Oracle's "Brutus" is unjust in saying we "railed" at her, for we declared ourselves entertained at her ravings about Mr. GILMAN.—We are sorry to find her Brutus equally mad! It was not the letter said to be written to Washington that occasioned our remarks in the last Gazette but it was the modify of the Oracle in speaking of a prescribed Senator!—We are forcibly reminded of the virtuous "John Quincy Adams! Brutus says, "Chaos is come again," and raves about "destruction universal, and otherwise obviously certain and inevitable!" and in another place he says, "the mad course of Democracy!" Mr. Johnson defines Democracy to be, the Government of the People! In common parlance we may now be permitted to observe, that from the federalists alone, have we heard any thing about proscribing Mr. Gilman. That gentleman is a republican; and as such, he will be supported by Republicans. The journals of Congress contain his vote in favor of the Embargo. In regard to his opinion relative to the merits of Mr. Clinton or Mr. Madison, we have heard but little. The republicans do not proscribe a man for an opinion. Mr. Gilman may feel a personal regard for Mr. Clinton, and something must be allowed to the claims of friendship. Mr. Clinton is a firm Republican, and has no real friends among federalists.—They make a cloak of his name, to cover their own deformity. Hence, the pithy observation—"his patriotism has become dog cheap," thereby meaning that he was eulogized by federalists: than which, nothing could be a severer censure. The Republicans of New Hampshire prefer Mr. Madison as a candidate for the presidential chair, and the preference is felt, in part, on account of his age—to say nothing of his virtue, and experience; and of his other great and eminent qualifications. Mr. Gilman, will not support his election, and declines an alliance with those who are opposed to the "Government of the people."
The Oracle of last Saturday contains a publication taken from a New York state paper, and ascribed to citizen Genet; and recommends the same as containing found reasoning against the embargo. The Oracle is not aware, that the publication proves too much. The federalists have a long time, denounced citizen Genet as a French spy, and as one of Bonaparte's most faithful partisans. They have also frequently declared that the embargo is a French measure, and favorable to France.—But the above mentioned publication proves either that Genet is not a French spy; or that the embargo is not a French measure.
The last quarterly inspection of Baltimore, in June, gave above 49,000 barrels of flour, besides other articles.
It appears by late advices from India that the British government in September, 1807, sent orders to their presidencies, directing the levy of an additional duty of ten per cent, on all goods imported or exported on American bottoms!
The Portsmouth Intelligencer of Thursday gives an extract from a letter, said to be dated Durham July 12, mentioning that republican messengers had been dispatched, &c. This is announced in the Oracle of Saturday as "News," and a label is recommended to be affixed to the messenger, "I am come to praise the embargo." In return for the Oracle's politeness, we would recommend to federal runners (from Boston or elsewhere)—the English Cockade as a significant emblem; and we doubt not it would be the ornament most in vogue.
Mr. MADISON is again before the public upon the score of an assertion relative to money for France. All his virtues, all his talents, and all the public gratitude to be dependent upon this conversation. Without the least proof of ill intention, and without any pretence for any wrong action, and without any suspicion of betraying any public trust, men can be found vile enough to dwell upon such reports, and to sacrifice character to such insinuations. The only remedy is in an eventual evil.—Such efforts are laid upon absurd declarations, that the public mind distrusts all the vehicles of public information. [Reg.]
The words of Mr. Madison that have been so vilely perverted, are declared to be these. "Now is the time to purchase the Floridas. France wants money and must have it. We shall never have a better opportunity to purchase these provinces; they are a natural appendage to the United States." Not one word that we must give it, but the connection shows the use of the expression, and what France has heard respecting many a requisition in France itself. [Ibid.]
Accounts from South-Carolina state that the State was never better united than in favor of Mr. Madison, and he will have the unanimous vote of Georgia.
MR. DUANE. The Post of Saturday last introduces an article from the Aurora of an anterior date, which article exults in the resignation of General Washington. But it proves nothing against the political integrity of Mr. Duane, therefore, we are bold to assert that the observations of the Post are fallacious, malevolent and betray a subterfuge of meanness, equalled only by the dastardly attack. Mr. Duane was not the editor of the Aurora when Mr. Washington resigned the presidency—nor for two years after that event—consequently he was not the writer—therefore, the assertion that he was, is NOT TRUE. [Pub. Adv.]
Mr. Selleck Osborne, editor of the Boston Democrat, is appointed a Lieutenant of Dragons, in the service of the United States.
Domestic Manufactures.
Those who ridicule the idea of the introduction of manufactures into this country on a large scale, as being injurious to commerce, can certainly not reflect upon the subject. Whence arose the great commercial superiority of the British but from manufactures? In time of peace home manufactures with every nation, are the great basis of trade. In a period of European war we make money by a circuitous traffic, by remaining neutral and carrying cheaply. But at a season of peace, the Europeans can carry as cheaply as we; and if we have no manufactures of our own wherewith to supply the markets of the world, in a commercial point of view we must fall in the rear-ward. [Chron.]
The subjoined paragraphs, which are copied from the Richmond Enquirer of the 17th instant, are in perfect harmony with the prevailing spirit of the people of the United States:
"As early as the 26th of April last, a numerous association of the citizens of Surry was formed for the purpose of encouraging Domestic Manufactures. The members of the society are already, for the most part, clad in homespun, and will very shortly be entirely so. The effect of this institution, in stimulating the poorer class of people to industry, is already perceptible."
"I believe, without regarding the charge of extravagance, I may venture to say, that within the short period which has elapsed since the existence of the association more Virginia cloth has been offered for sale in the country, than in any twelve months preceding."
We have general health. In the week ending July 9, in Philadelphia, were 104 deaths, 44 adults and 60 children, but on the next week, 82 deaths, 20 adults and 60 children. In some past years, the mortality among children seemed relatively greater in New-York than in Philadelphia. The bill from New-York, for the week ending July 9, was 38, including 16 adults and 22 children.
.....DIED.....
At Eastport, (Maine) suddenly, Mr. John Young, aged 49, formerly of Newmarket, N.H. At Newington, suddenly, Capt. Elisha Love, of this town, aged 41.
In this town, Mrs. Stackpole, wife of Mr. Joshua S.; A child of Mr. Andrew Hall.
Mons'r LE BEL—being so sick as to occasion a confinement to his bed, is under the very disagreeable necessity of postponing his Dancing School. July 25th, 1808.
House & Pew—At AUCTION.
ON Monday, 1st day of August next, at 11 o'clock, will be sold at Public Auction—a large two story Dwelling HOUSE, seven rooms on a floor, and eight Chambers—situated in Mason-street, next to Col. Gains' dwelling house.—ALSO, at the same time—Eight Pews in the Baptist's Meeting-house, in this town. Terms liberal and made known at the sale.
S. I. ARKIN, Aucr.
Portsmouth, July 26, 1808.
SATURDAY NEXT.
WILL be sold at the Auction Office of ALEXANDER EWEN in Brick-street, on Saturday 30th inst.—a quantity of Household FURNITURE, Viz—Beds, Bedsteads & Bedding, Tables, Chairs, Bureau, Looking Glasses, Wearing Apparel, Kitchen Furniture, &c. &c. Sale at 10 o'clock A.M.—Conditions Cash. Portsmouth, July 26, 1808.
Valuable Public Sales.
To be sold at Auction on Monday the 22nd of August next, the following valuable property, viz. THE estate occupied by Mr. PETER CORBIN, situated in Pleasant street; consisting of a Dwelling-House, Out Houses, &c. The above estate measures 127 feet on Pleasant-street, and continues that breadth 430 feet to the mill pond.—A street will be opened from Pleasant-street to the mill pond, and the land divided into convenient House Lots to accommodate purchasers. The sale of the above will be on the premises at 10 o'clock A.M. And at 12 o'clock M. at the New-Hampshire Fire and Marine Insurance office.
3 Lots of valuable Land situated in Tamworth, viz—No. 1 of the 6th Range, containing 100 acres each. No. 6 7th } No. 7 7th }
A House and Barn is on each of two Lots, and a Barn on the other, and about 15 or 20 acres on each lot are under improvement.
A lot of Land in Warren, No. 6 of 1st Range, containing 100 acres.
16 Shares in the New Hampshire Turnpike Road.
7 Shares in PISCATAQUA BRIDGE, and
1 Share in the Portsmouth Aqueduct. * * * Terms liberal and made known at the sale. S. LARKIN, Aucr. Portsmouth, July 26, 1808.
RENDEZVOUS.
AN OFFICE for the purposes of recruiting for the Army of the United States—is opened at the Brick store owned by Daniel Austin, Esq. near the Spring Market—Able bodied citizens, under the age of Thirty-five years, who feel disposed to enlist in the service of their country, are now afforded an opportunity, and may receive twelve Dollars bounty, by applying to C o W. PRESCOTT, Capt. 4th Regiment Infantry.
Portsmouth, N. H. July 1808.
NOW Landing from on board Sloop Hope, from Philadelphia, at Langdon's wharf—and for sale by
John Langdon, jr. 300 Bbls. S. P. Scraped Philad. FLOUR, in Bbls. and half Bbls.; 10 Casks of Loaf SUGAR; 1500 bushels Yellow CORN. July 26, 1808.
FLOUR.
Just landed from on board Sloop Hope, and FOR SALE BY E. WENTWORTH, One hundred Bbls. Philadelphia superfine and fine FLOUR of a good quality—also, Baltimore & Alexandria ditto in half Bbls. Portsmouth, July 26, 1808.
RUM for sale.
A Few puncheons W. I. RUM as pure as imported, of an excellent flavor.—Likewise, a number Puncheons Patent RUM, of so good a quality as to be but little inferior, to West-India, and by many considered to be equally as good, and will be sold a great deal cheaper; those who wish to purchase RUM will please to call, try, and judge for themselves. Apply to the Store of J. MELCHER, in Market-street. July 26.
A FEW CHANCES LEFT FOR 10,000 DOLLARS! THE Dixville Road Lottery began drawing yesterday—and there is yet for sale at C. PEIRCE's Bookstore, whole and quarter Tickets at the original price of Five Dollars, and Quarters 8/3. Please to apply soon, as the lottery will progress rapidly. Portsmouth, July 26, 1808.
PORTSMOUTH, July 26, 1808. The Deputy Secretary WILL be in Town on Thursday next with the Non-residents Lists of 1807 and 1808—and will tarry several days at Mr. Payson's, for the accommodation of the Proprietors of non-resident Lands in this and the adjoining Towns. Where Liberty dwells there is my Country. FRANKLIN.
Mr. Billings' Oration,
Just Published and for sale by MR. SEWALL, and at the Book store of Messrs. THOMAS and TAPPAN. AN ORATION, Delivered on board the Sloop William, off Portsmouth Harbour, on the 4th July, 1808, before a company of young and middle aged Citizens of Portsmouth—by John Billings. July 26, 1808.

PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING A REPUBLICAN NEWSPAPER IN THE TOWN OF NEWBURYPORT, TO BE ENTITLED THE AMERICAN STATESMAN. TO THE PUBLIC.
IN offering to the public, proposals for publishing a Newspaper, it is necessary for the proposer to state the principles which are to govern him in the undertaking—that the community at large, may have a just idea of the merits of the establishment, before they bestow their patronage.
The subscriber can only say, that he will use his utmost exertions to deserve the favor of the friends of republicanism, by supporting the Constitution and laws of the land; the present administration, and all such as may be called to administer the government, who tread in the steps of the present illustrious President;—by advocating the liberty and independence of the United States, and opposing faction wherever it originates.—His labours will not be solely confined to the politics of the day—but he will endeavor to render his establishment worthy the patronage of the merchant and man of letters, by blending a variety of useful, foreign and domestic late literature, with literary and religious information.
He rests his hopes for success, on the patronage of a liberal public; and if he should be so happy as to find his expectations realized, he will use every exertion to please and gratify those who may honor him with their support.
To his republican fellow-citizens, he particularly looks for encouragement;—for it is a fact too well known, that the country of Essex is the seat of aristocracy, and his labors will in a great manner be thwarted, unless he experiences the support of his political friends.
He trusts that his establishment will be conducted on such a plan, as will be perfectly congenial to the feelings of every real American; whose patronage alone he solicits. To advocate the government of the Union in every step that shall be taken, at the present crisis, for the support of the honor and dignity of the nation, and to oppose the efforts of the enemies of our freedom, will form a constant portion of the labor of the public's humble servant.
JOSEPH GLEASON, Jun.
CONDITIONS.
1. The Statesman will be published every Monday and Thursday, and delivered to subscribers in town by carriers, and forwarded to distant subscribers by mail (exclusive of postage) at three dollars per annum, 1 dollar and 50 cents payable on subscribing.
2. It will be published on a good paper of a Royal size, and on a new and handsome type.
N.B. Gentlemen who may receive subscription papers are requested to return them to the publisher, at Boston or Newburyport, previous to the first of August next, as the work will positively commence at that time. Boston, June 22, 1808.
SUBSCRIPTIONS
Are received at the Bookstore of THOMAS & TAPPAN, FOR publishing four Editions of the FAMILY BIBLE, to be delivered to subscribers at 6, 7, 10 and 12 dollars each. Those persons who feel disposed to patronize this expensive undertaking, will please to call and leave their names, before the 15th September, at which time the books will be ready for delivery.—They will all be printed in a handsome manner, though on different paper, and type; and subscribers names will be printed in the work. Portsmouth, June 12, 1808.
Family BIBLES
SUBSCRIPTIONS for four Editions of the Family Bible, received at C. Peirce's Bookstore. July 12.
EDUCATION.
THE second quarter of Mr. CHARLES TAFT's Academy, will commence this day, those parents who wish to improve the present opportunity, will please to make early application. July 12.
NEW GOODS.
Stephen Hardy,
Has just received in addition to his former stock, a variety of Gold JEWELRY, Plated and Japanned WARES, and other fancy Goods, viz— GOLD filigree hoop Ear-Rings; plain & wing do. do. black Ear-Rings & Knobs; pearl set Pins and Rings; plain gold ditto ditto; gold watch Chains and seals, gilt do. and silk watch Chains; plated Candlesticks; sugar Tongs; salt Spoons and plated Caskors; plain and filigree silver Kimbels; silver plated and polished steel Snuffers and Trays; table and desert Knives and Forks; Carvers; red ground japan'd tea Trays and Walters; bread and knife Trays; dressing Cases; tortoise shell and horn combs, ivory do.; Spectacles and Cases; hair Brushes; Penknives, Jack Knives, Razors and Cases; Scissors; cut glass smelling Bottles, common ditto; velvet Purses, morocco ditto; pocket Books; boxes of Colours and hair Pencils; tooth Brushes, do. Picks; palmeryne, jessamine, palm and Winfor Soap; otto of Roses; Essences; China and japan'd snuff Boxes. also, a general assortment of
Silver, table, desert and Tea Spoons; salt ditto; Thimbles; scissor Chains; sugar Tongs, gold Necklaces; Rings, &c kept constantly on hand.—With a great variety of other articles too numerous to mention in an advertisement, the whole he offers for sale on the most reasonable terms. July 12.
C. PEIRCE has Thermometers of various sizes for sale of the following prices: 24/ 27/ 30/ 32/ 40/ 42/ and 48/—Surely the curious may be suited from such a variety.
FOR SALE, A HANDSOME new CHAISE and HARNESS; also, two second hand do.; for cash or lumber— Apply to FRANCIS W. HARDY.
DAVID BAZET forbids all persons harbouring or trusting his wife SILVEY, on his account, for he will not pay any debts of her contracting. DAVID BAZET. July 24th, 1808.
NEW GOODS. Oliver Briard
Has just received a great variety of Spring and Summer GOODS, COMPRISING almost every article usually enumerated in the most lengthy Piece Goods advertisement, which are offer'd for sale at a small advance for cash, or approved credit, at Store No 2, Market-street, near the Parade.
N.B. All persons to whom he is indebted are requested to render their demands for settlement; and all those who are indebted to him, whose term of credit has expired, are requested to make payment. Portsmouth, May 17, 1808. [9w.]
Spring and Summer GOODS.
James Rundlet
INFORMS his customers and the publick that he has just received a fresh supply of GOODS;
which added to his stock on hand make a very general assortment of English, French & India GOODS, which will be sold at a small advance by Wholesale or Retail. May 24.
COTTON YARN, and other American Manufactured COTTON GOODS.
TIMOTHY UPHAM,
Has just received a large consignment, and in future will keep constantly for sale a complete assortment of American Manufactured Cotton Goods, which he is enabled to sell at the lowest prices by wholesale or retail; being appointed an agent for one of the largest Manufactories in the United States,—viz.
COTTON Twist and Yarn, of all the various kinds; best American Bed-Ticking (warranted fast colours;) Cotton Shirting & Sheetings; Stripes; Checks, &c. of a very superior quality. On hand as usual, a very extensive assortment of
European and India Goods. Also, just received by the Ferdinand from Charleston, S. C. a few Bales of COTTON of a superior quality.
Orders from his friends and customers in the Country will be carefully attended to. June 14.
WANTED a capable LAD, of correct habits, about 15 years old, to attend in the subscribers store, No. 2, Market-street. July 12. OLIVER BRIARD.
Room Papers & Borderings.
A LARGE assortment of ROOM PAPERS and BORDERINGS just received and for sale at C. Peirce's Bookstore, CHEAP FOR CASH. June 28.
SHOE-MAKE Wanted.
WANTED to purchase, two or three tons of well cured SHOE-MAKE; for which cash and a generous price will be given. Inquire at this office. June 28.
TO LET.
THE dwelling HOUSE formerly occupied by the late Mr. Pomp Spring, situated near the Parade—Inquire of the Printers. June 28, 1808.
To be sold at Public Auction, on MONDAY at the first day of August next, at 11 o'clock A. M. (if not previously disposed of at private sale,)
A LARGE two story Dwelling-HOUSE, seven rooms on a floor and eight chambers, situated in Mason-street, next to Col. Gains' dwelling in Congress-street—it being very convenient & central—is now, and formerly was improved as a Tavern & Boarding House; it has a good cellar, and the Aqueduct in the kitchen, also, a stable and other out houses.—For terms, apply to JOSEPH DOE, jr. of Newmarket, or to NATH'L BROWN, Esq. inn-keeper near the premises. An undoubtable title will be given to the purchaser. Portsmouth, July 5.
State of New Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietor and owner of land in the town of NOTTINGHAM, in the county of Rockingham, and State aforesaid, who has not paid his county, school, town and highway taxes for the year 1807; that so much of the delinquents lands as will be sufficient, to pay the same, together with incidental charges; will be sold at public vendue at the House of Bradbury Bartlett, innholder in said town, on Monday the 26th day of September next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment to me the subscriber.
   No. Lot. Acres. Value. Owner.     John Frost 38 & 40 62 17 6 Summer Street.   JOHN DAVIS, one of the Collectors for said town of Nottingham for the year 1807.    Nottingham, July 16, 1808.
Manufactured HAIR.
JOHN REDING, has for sale at his house in Deer-street, near the Distillery, Curled Hair, suitable for Ma-trasses, easy Chairs and Chair bottoms, Cushions and Chaises—manufactured in the best manner—Also Cash given for Horses Main and Tail Hair, and Cattle Tail Hair. Portsmouth June 21, 1808.
New Spring and Summer GOODS.
DRAPER'S
CHEAP CASH STORE, a very extensive variety of the most Fashionable, Fancy, and Staple, PIECE GOODS,
adapted to the present & approaching season, AMONG WHICH ARE,
LADIES elegant Mantles and 6 4 damask Shawls; blk. lace Net, for shades; black lace Veiling; elegant white lace Veiling; Spider-net; fine leno and spider-net Mullins; linen Cambricks; fancy Mullins; 4-4 and 6-4 cambrick ditto; 4-4 and 6-4 plain and figur'd book & jacobet ditto. Variety of fashionable
Plaid Lutestrings; shaded taffeta and gormtune broad Ribbons; Sattin Gormtune and figured taffeta do. do.; elegant patch FURNITURES; low priced Copperplates. A great variety of Pink & dark plaid Ginghams; 7-8 and 4-4 London Chintzes, light colours with small figures; white thread and cotton Laces & Edgings; common and cambrick Dimities; blk. Laces. A great variety of
Parafoils, with walking canes; Leghorn straw Flats; cane and willow ditto; chip Flats; straw Bonnets and Hats; figur'd Sattins, suitable for Bonnets; pink, buff, green, blue, and white Sarfines; fine white linen and cotton Pocket Handkerchiefs; fancy silk Handksfs; 6 4 twill'd cotton Shawls; 6 4 lace cambrick and mullin Shawls; pink, blue, buff, salmon, purple and slate Cambricks; 7-8, 4-4 and 6-4 black Cambricks, of a good quality; India blk. Lutestrings; Florence do.; 6 4 twill'd Cambrick; blk. Modes and Crapes; black and green pelong Sattins; Italian Silks; Imperial straw Trimmings; gown Patterns; black and colour'd silk Velvets; black tabby do.; Ladies and gentlemen's silk and cotton Hosiery; Gentlemen's fashionable Mar-felles Quiltings; Ladies lace and pic nic Gloves and Mitts; English and French silk Gloves, all colours; silk and kid habit Gloves; men's beaver do.; silk chamberay Mullins; black silk Florentine, very nice. Variety of Coquelico; dark, blue, and other fashionable Calicoes; 1 trunk low priced Calicoes; English Diapers; diaper table Cloths; Irish Linens; British Shirting Cottons. An assortment of Fans from 3 cents, to 1,75; Toilet-flesh and common hair Combs; plain blk Lutestring Ribbons, a scarce article; Gold ear Hoops; gown Trimmings; silk Cords; Ladies kid Shoes, cheap; Grandurills; English yellow Nankins; Nankinets; Italian black and colored sewing Silks; silk Umbrellas; cotton ditto; 4 4, 5 4 and 6 4 Oil Cloths; Bandanna and Madras Handksfs.; superfine Broad Cloths and Cassimeres. Variety of
Kidderminster Carpetings, of the newest patterns; Gentlemen's super Hats; low priced do. from 1 to 4 dollars; Velvets and Velveteens; silvered Cords; gentlemen's Leghorns and willow Hats; Suspenders; blue and yellow Nankins, superior quality; Madras Stripes; Cusfahs; blue India Cottons; cotton Checks; fine Shirting, and low priced India Cottons, &c. &c. &c. May 17, 1808.
To LET, the House now occupied by Nath'l S. Peirce, in High Street, apply to REBECCA HARDY. Portsmouth, July 12, 1808.
State of New Hampshire. Gr.pton II
THE proprietors and owners of the seventy acre lots of land, within the township of HAVERHILL, in the county of Grafton aforesaid, are hereby notified that a tax of three dollars and forty-five cents, on each of said lots has been duly assessed, and committed to me the subscriber for collection, agreeably to a vote of said proprietors, at a meeting legally holden at the house of Simon Towle, Esq. in Haverhill aforesaid, by adjournment, on the eighth day of April, 1808, that the said proprietors and owners has been duly notified thereof, and for the payment of the same agreeably to law; the delinquents are therefore hereby notified, that unless payment shall be made to me, at my dwelling-house in Haverhill aforesaid, before the last Tuesday of August, 1808, of the said tax, with the reasonable incidental charges on the same, that so much of each of the said delinquents land as will pay the same tax and reasonable incidental charges, will on said day be sold at Public Auction, at the house of Simon Towle, Esq in Haverhill aforesaid, between the hours of ten of the clock in the forenoon and six of the clock in the afternoon.
The delinquents are as follows.
   Proprietors Names. No. of Lots. Division.     James Nevens, 55 south.   Ditto, 55 north.   William Symms, 56 south.   Ditto, 43 north.   Jacob Hall, undrawn.   Ditto, undrawn.   John Nelson, ditto.   Ditto, ditto.   Mazy Haseltine, 48 north.   Ditto, 39 south.   Samuel Wentworth, undrawn.   Ditto, ditto.   John Hastings, 21 north.   Ditto, 33 north.   Lemuel Tucker, 26 south.   Ditto, 75 south.  
   Proprietors Names. No. of Lots. Division.     John Herriman, 35 north.   ditto, 50 north.   John Hall, undrawn.   ditto, 58 north.   William Porter, 25 south.   ditto, 5 north.   Moses Foster, 30 north.   ditto, 41 north.   Edmond Coleby, 79 south.   ditto, 36 north.   Aaron Horsemore, 51 south.   ditto, 70 south.   John Hazen, jun. 24 south.   ditto, 21 south.   Richard Pattee, 43 south.   ditto, 72 south.   John Hale, 20 south.   ditto, 17 north.   Nathaniel Merrill, 40 north.   ditto, 56 north.   Byfield Lloyd, 40 south.   ditto, 68 south.   George March, 36 south.   ditto, 77 south.   John Moores, 31 south.   ditto, 16 north.   Minister first settled, undrawn.   ditto, 42 north.   Ebenezer Hale, 49 south.   ditto, 20 north.   David Hall, 9 south.   ditto, 44 south.   John Wentworth, 10 south.   ditto, 60 south.   Nathaniel Barrel, 11 south.   ditto, 22 south.   Enoch Hall, 4 south.   ditto, undrawn.   Abraham Dow, 74 south.   ditto, 15 north.   Thomas Johnson, 78 south.   ditto, 38 north.   Henry Sherburne, 6 south.   ditto, 8 north.   Jonathan Foster, undrawn.   ditto, 80 south.    Uriah Morse, 32 north.   ditto, 34 north.   Governor Francis Barnard 42 south.   ditto, 60 north.   Enoch Heath, 13 north.   ditto, 25 north.   Benoni Wright, 57 south.   ditto, 23 north.   Timothy Bedel, 24 north.   ditto, 31 north.   John Trussell, 14 north.   ditto, 59 south.   John Lampson, 45 north.   ditto, 51 north.   John Mills, 46 north.   ditto, 18 north.   Nehemiah Lovewell, 12 north.   ditto, 39 north.   William Page, 11 north.   ditto, 12 south.   Joseph Blanchard, 27 south.   ditto, 2 north.   John White, 9 north.   Ditto an hundred acre lot, in lieu of a 70 acre lot, to the right as voted by the proprietors, No. 9, 1st Range.   John Church, 7 north.   ditto, 29 north.   Benjamin Merrill, undrawn.   ditto, 76 south.   Samuel Hobert, 27 north.   ditto, 44 south.   Joseph Kelly, 73 south.   ditto, undrawn.   Benjamin Moores, 57 north.   ditto, 23 south.   John Page, 29 south.   ditto, 47 north.   Robert Peasee, 5 south.   ditto, undrawn.   Simon Stevens, 8 south.   ditto, 45 south.   David Hobart, 7 south.   ditto, 28 south.   Jacob Kent, undrawn.   ditto, 13 south.   Josiah Little, 54 south.   ditto, 69 south.   David Page, 19 north.   ditto, 54 north.   William Hazen, 61 south.   ditto, undrawn.   Moses Hazen, 37 south.   ditto, 1 north.   Ephraim Bayley, 52 south.   ditto, 59 north.   John Taplin, 38 south.   ditto, 6 north.   Stephen Knight, 50 south.   ditto, 37 north.   James White, 58 south.   ditto, 53 north.   Reuben Mills, 41 south.   ditto, 4 north.   Iafiel Harrimon, undrawn.   ditto, undrawn.   Richard Emery, 71 south.   ditto, undrawn.   William Toburn, 53 south.   ditto, 10 north.   James Philbrick, 3 north.   ditto, 22 north.   Incorporated Society right, 17   ditto, 18   ditto, 19   Glebe right, 14   ditto, 15   ditto, 16   School right, 46 south.   ditto, 47 south.   ditto, 48 south.   John Hurd, Esq. 5 of 70 acre lots, agreeably to vote of the proprietors as appears on the record to be drawn in seventy acre shares, now in common with the other proprietors which have drawn lots. Dollars 17. 25 cts.   JAMES WOODWARD, Collector.   Haverhill, July 8th, 1808.  
ERROL.
WHEREAS application hath been made to me by the owners and proprietors of more than one sixteenth part of the township of ERROL, in the county of Coos, in the State of New Hampshire, to call a meeting of the proprietors and owners of said township, to meet at the dwelling house of Mrs. Eunice Wells, in Hampton-falls, in said State, on Friday the sixteenth day of September next, at nine of the clock in the morning, for the following purposes—
 1. To choose a Moderator to govern said meeting.  2. To raise any sum or sums of money to pay State and county taxes, to make and repair roads, and to pay any other demands which do now or hereafter shall exist against said proprietary.  3. To choose Assessors to assess said tax, and to appoint a Collector to collect the same.  4. To determine whether the proprietors will authorize any person or persons to execute deeds of any quantities of land, to any actual settlers in said township.  5. To determine whether the proprietors will appoint an agent or agents to appear and act on any or all occasions in behalf of said proprietors to which he or they may be authorized.  6. To determine whether the proprietors will agree to sell any of their undivided lands in said township, and on what terms they will sell the same.  I do therefore in pursuance of said application, hereby notify and warn the proprietors and owners of said township of Errol, to meet at the time and place, and for the purposes aforesaid.
Given under my hand and seal, this 28th day of June, A. D. 1808. WILLIAM PLUMER, Proprietors Clerk of said Errol.
MILLSFIELD