The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-08-09 00:00:00

Gen Moses L. Cook Hon. Judge Bartlett
[No. 36.—Vol. LIII.]
TUESDAY, AUGUST 9, 1808.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Laws of the U. States.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
AN ACT
For erecting a light-house on the south point of the island of Sapelo, and for placing buoys, and beacons in the shoals of the inlet leading to the town of Darien, and near the entrance of Ipswich harbor, near Plymouth harbor, before the harbor of Nantucket, and on the island of Tuckanuck, at or near the entrance of Connecticut river, and near the entrance of Great Egg Harbor river.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That as soon as the jurisdiction of so much of the head land of the south point of the island of Sapelo, in the state of Georgia, as the President of the United States shall deem sufficient for the purpose of erecting a light-house and its appurtenances, shall have been ceded to the United States, provided the said land can be obtained at a reasonable price, it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to provide by contract, which shall be approved by the President of the United States, for building a light-house thereon, and furnishing the same with all necessary supplies, and also to agree for the salaries or wages of the person or persons who may be appointed by the President, for the superintendence and care of building the said light-house: And the President is hereby authorized to make the said appointment.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury be further authorized and directed to cause to be placed four buoys on the shoals called the South and North banks of the harbor or entrance of the inlet leading to the town of Darien.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby authorized to cause to be erected and placed beacons and buoys at the following places, to wit: two beacons and three buoys, near the entrance of Ipswich harbor; three buoys, one on Gurnet rock, one on Boff's rock, and one on Deck's flats, and two beacons on the stony muske bed, near Plymouth harbor; three additional buoys before the harbor of Nantucket, and a buoy or leading mark on the island of Tuckanuck, in the state of Massachusetts—three buoys at or near the entrance of Connecticut river, and three buoys to be placed at or near the entrance of Great Egg Harbor river, in the state of New Jersey.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That there shall be appropriated and paid out of any monies in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, a sum not exceeding eleven thousand five hundred dollars, for the purposes aforesaid. J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 17, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
For the N. H. GAZETTE.
NO. IV.
Criticism upon Criticism; Or observations on the remarks and criticisms on the LETTER of the HONORABLE JOHN Q. ADAMS.
"Audi alteram Partem."
I IMAGINED that I had finished with the word upon in a general remark already made; but this important, often attacked preposition, comes again in my way and claims attention and defence.
"The second point upon which Mr. Pickering defends the pretensions of Great Britain," &c. LETTER.
"We do not defend a person upon a point, but against a charge. We say (metaphorically) defend on this or that ground or principle, but then we speak of the means of defence; or of the justification, not of the charge." REMARKS.
Justly to appreciate this remark, it should be observed that the letter writer speaks of one thing, and the remarker of another. The letter writer is defending a person or persons against any charge whatever, but of defending pretensions set up—These have actually several single positions—"single assertions," "single parts of a complicated question"—[see Johnson's dictionary, the word point]—and it is said, that upon one of these single things, ranked as the second, Mr. P. defends British pretensions:—Now with all due submission, I must still think, until the contrary be made more apparent than the critic has made it, that to defend pretensions upon some one of the points of those pretensions, is a correct, proper mode of speaking.
Failing the supposed harsh inversion, the next fault charged is, on this expression in this letter; "Liberal spirit discarded, with the cabinet," &c.—On this the remarker says: "To discard is to throw a card out of the hand, and thence it is used metaphorically for the dismissal of a servant or officer. But as we do not discard, but throw up the whole hand, so we do not discard, but dismiss the whole cabinet. Above all we do not discard a spirit."
On this, the first observation is, that if the metaphor must be strictly confined to that from which it is taken, the remarker should have said, as we do not discard, but throw up the whole hand, so we do not discard but throw up the whole cabinet."
The second is, that one approved signification of the word discard, is "to dismiss or reject from service or employment. This is more general than our critic represents. And further, I find from certain quotations, that Sidney speaks of men as discarded, Swift of discarding favourites and a party. Locke, of discarding substance; and Addison of discarding friendship—Now may not the letter writer be permitted to speak of discarding a whole cabinet, as Swift has been allowed to speak of discarding a whole party? and if substance itself, and friendship may be discarded, why may not spirit also be discarded? But to proceed;
"Deadliest poisons" in which it was possible to tinge the weapons of her hostility."
LETTER.
"We do not tinge in, but with, and we do not tinge with poison, but with colour or flavour. We imbue with poison." REMARKS.
It is granted that to tinge with, is the expression most frequently used.—The word and its derivatives are applied (metaphorically) to the mind and qualities of the heart; it is derived from the Latin word tingo. That word is certainly used in a larger sense than that given by the remarker. Ainsworth gives it as one latin word for the english one to dip, and illustrates it by the phrase "tingendus in aqua," among others, to be tinged in water,—and Virgil uses it in three or four places where it must be rendered thus; tinged or dipped in the sea, in the lake, in the water, and not with the sea, with the lake, &c. But it may be submitted to critics of the highest order as a question, whether weapons tinged in poison, be a faulty expression, and if so, to what degree of fault, whether venial or not,—it might be added here that Johnson says "to imbue," is not yet made an English word—though he approves of it. His approbation and our critic's use of it, may naturalize it, and there will probably be no objection.
"Accumulated mals," is noted as the next error—but as mals is "a continuous quantity," and accumulated is "piled up," and as things may be piled up or continuous, without being piled, one would think this expression might escape censure.
But, says the remarker, "an accumulated mals" is of kin to his (the letter writer's) reciprocal offer to be searched in return, "offensive resistance," counter statement of the other side "the professor," adds he, is always on stilts, &c.
What a difficult matter it is to satisfy certain critics! I lately observed by accident, that Virgil has the phrase "novo musto"—the last word signifying new wine, and the first new, translated it would be new new wine. Ruæus notes the redundancy—must we say that—Virgil labouring to "swell a common idea into an extraordinary bulk by adjuncts" &c. was "upon stilts," when he wrote his Georgics?
The expression "I am not one of those who deem suspicion and distrust in the highest order of political virtues." LETTER.
Deem is the obnoxious word here.
I am not partial to the term, though I have used it. Milton says; he deems of a certain thing: Dryden has "deem him"—The remarker deems "it proper"—i.e. to be a proper thing. Spencer speaks of deeming it due, i.e. to be due. And the professor does not deem suspicion, &c. in the highest order, &c. i.e. to be in that order. Now where is the great error here, worth critical labour?
If a wound may be given 'to the vitals,' as is confessed, may it not be said that the stroke or blow is given to the part where the wound is made?—
"Assumption and exercise of this single principle." LETTER.
"We do not exercise a principle, we exercise a right founded on a principle." REMARKS.
But it might be enquired, may not a principle, 'ground of action or motive' exist, or be assumed, and not exert itself, or be put in practice; and when put in practice, may we not speak of its exercise?
"The root from which all the rest are but suckers—till at every shoot growing ranker in luxuriance." LETTER.
"A sucker springs from the trunk or branches, and a sprout from the root." REMARKS.
So says the remarker. But I have seen quotations from Bacon and Ray, wherein the former speaks of cutting away of suckers at the root, and the latter, of suckers springing out of an old root—Now, whether these old authorities, or the recent one of the remarker be the best, is left to the judgment of the reader.
"Infractions of our rights, more in menace than in accomplishment." LETTER.
"A right may be violated by menace—but a violation in or by accomplishment! The accomplishment of what? Is it of a promise, or a project, or a threat?" REMARKS.
On this I take leave to ask another question; If a right may be violated by a threat, may it not be violated in a still greater degree, by the threat's being carried into execution or accomplished?
"The alarm has been justly felt; the anticipation threatening; but the amount of actual injury small." LETTER.
"The anticipation supposed—made—by us—must have been terrifying, not threatening." REMARKS.
But with all due submission, what was anticipated might cause alarm, being a threatening of mischief, and yet not be terrifying. Some persons and some states are not terrified by every threat.
The next paragraph in the letter speaks of certain memorable transactions at Copenhagen as repressing the expectations of our remonstrances being heard.
The mention of certain orders had a powerful effect on our critic, as we have seen. It roused him to exclaim: "wonderful orders! orders which, like bombs or pumpkins, burst on people's heads. We have heard of cruel orders, wicked orders, bloody orders, &c. but never till this blessed day did we meet with bursting orders."
In like manner the mention of Copenhagen &c. seems like a spark kindling a train into a blaze.—Bravo, cries he, and then a torrent of kindled wit and criticism bursts forth. In the midst of which, in a simple style, he enquires what Copenhagen has to do with the business.
I believe he would be quite satisfied that Copenhagen had been kept out of sight, I will only add, the transaction referred to was highly criminal; the description of it in the letter is highly figurative, and the criticism on it highly strained.
I cannot but be of opinion, at present, that we may demand satisfaction upon an injury [done] and that there may be a demand for satisfaction, though our author thinks otherwise—This also must be submitted.
He expresses his disgust at the phrase "injuries of minor aggravation," insinuating that, to use this phrase proceeds from a labour to appear learned, and to make the vulgar gape and stare.—How hard is the case of a writer whose sentiments displease? if he speaks in a simple style, it is vulgarity: if in one removed from such, it is in order by obscurity to confound the vulgar; and yet I believe most men who can read, understand the words minor, and aggravation.
Our author says, an obstacle may obstruct, &c. but cannot interfere. Why not? if the word means to "interpose" "to intermeddle," and if an obstacle may be said to act at all, why may it not be said to intermeddle in the way of hindering or impeding?
"Ideas persified." LETTER.
"We persif in designs," &c. REMARKS.
And may we not persif in ideas formed of such, or of any designs?
Our author proceeds to say, that this sentence, "a liberal and a hostile policy" &c. conveys a different meaning from what the author intends &c. But suppose the ellipsis "a liberal [policy] and a hostile policy, and put in the commas, and the sentence appears perfectly correct. And indeed as quoted, no man can understand it as speaking of a policy at the same time liberal and hostile.
Our author goes on: "We cannot brand with odium." But what if Shakespeare and Atterbury speak of branding, the former with suspicion, the latter with heresy; may not this be a sort of justification of the phrase impugned?
To "evoke" or "call up" a phantom, seems to be a justifiable mode of expression, notwithstanding the objection that a phantom is a non-entity, a seeming something may be called forth, which has only an apparent fancied existence, and is merely visionary.
After all criticisms American pillage claimed by Britain, may well signify pillage of America, or of Americans. And such may be "collected," or gathered. What has been—may be again.
And again, on certain suppositions, we might be degraded into servitude, from a state of freedom—If so, why not into this "inferior state," as well to it, when the latter proposition is admitted to be proper?
But the last stroke of the first set of remarks, page 20th, is the severest of all.
"It (meaning the embargo) says the letter, "has dashed the philter of pillage from the lips of rapine."
After long fishing for faults, the remarker expresses a poorly affected grief, at having to find fault with this figure, ironically and facetiously called beautiful! he goes into a description of similes, and the elevation of passion, that animates and gives life to inanimate beings, and speaks of the heat of the professor's mind when he invented this personification of the embargo—and then adds this critical remark:—"Now the embargo, being a mere withdrawing from action, can never, by any force of imagination, be supposed to possess the power of dashing or striking."
It is observable that here the embargo is made a mere nothing, the negative of all action. It must not be said to strike, to dash, to do any thing; that would be to personify it. Thus it is represented to serve the purpose at present in view. But when the purpose is directly to attack the embargo, this nothing swells into a mighty, a formidable something; then in these very remarks, it gets hard names; it is a contrivance "to pull down"—it "shuts up." It "cuts off." It is an exertion to break a mound that restrains a torrent: It ties up "the hands of labour," and subjects honest families to ruin.—It is a game to "grind the face and pinch the belly." Thus it is dreadfully active, indeed! One would think the remarker considered it as pregnant with as many evils as the fabled box of Pandora—Yea he enumerates seven terrible mischiefs which it produces, which he profanely calls "seven vials of wrath." Thus when the business is, if possible, to render a measure odious, the embargo may be personified and made to act, and bring forth every thing but good. But when the business is to find fault with a figurative expression representing the embargo as producing some beneficial effects, it is a mere negation, a non-entity, which can never, by any force of imagination, be supposed possessed of the power of dashing or striking, and he might have added what is implied, we who speak against the embargo, may represent it as flitting up, tying up and grinding; but you, who speak in its favour, must not say, it dashes, or strikes, or does any thing.
[CONCLUDED.]
POLITICAL.
We invite the attention of our readers to the following interesting exposition of facts. It contains truths of the first importance, most seasonably told; and should be regarded by every man who loves truth. We trust the able and liberal writer will pursue the subject he handles with so much candor and ability, down to the present time. [Aurora.]
From the National Intelligencer.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.—LETTER I.
I am one of those, who believe that you are the true and absolute proprietaries of this country, that you have a right to promote and are in duty bound to maintain its happiness. This may appear to be self-evident, and so simple, that it may produce a smile, when I lay it down in such form as a preliminary article. Yet the proposition does not appear to me unnecessary at a time, when some at least seem to reason too much on the ground of external matters.
The present circumstances of the human race are certainly unprecedented. There is nothing like the situation and prospects of the nations of the earth, in the history of the world. It is a season of self-examination—for an examination into all our concerns—for a deliberate consideration of the past and present, in order that we may make the best of what is to come. Let us be wise and just, and fear not.
Foreign proclamations, orders and decrees, suspend nearly all our trade, and jeopardize the remainder. Our persons are not safe, when out of our territory.
No relaxation from the dictation of those proclamations, orders, and decrees, nor from detentions, arrests and seizures, have yet occurred. On the contrary they are increased, on the express pleas of mere interest, power, revenge, and mutual destruction of belligerent by belligerent.
No American will deny that arbitrary and illegitimate regulations, of some other of the belligerent powers, produce the seizures, which occur, of our persons, and property, which take place abroad. Who then of the foreign powers have thus offended against our rights, interests and persons, committing thereby vast wrongs, and setting an evil example to the world?—This is an all-important subject of examination, because it will reach us, by the evils already committed against us, not to depend upon reason and justice from the same quarter, without a firm conduct.
It is intended to examine and consider the evidences of hostility, rivalry, and encroachment upon our rights, interests, and national standing wherewith England has enriched and aggrandized herself, injured and insulted us, and brought like treatment upon us, both by her own foreign allies, and her foreign enemies.
The ruling power in Great Britain manifestly lies in its two houses of parliament. In that place the most open reprobation of the treaty of peace of 1763 took place. The ministry that made it, was violently expelled from office, and the most extreme dissatisfaction was manifested at the limits and boundaries agreed upon between us and them. The treaty was ratified, it is true, but the western posts were detained with the intention to dismember our country.—The following statement, admissions, and assertions, made in print by the late Alexander Hamilton, Esq. prove the fact. In the 4th paragraph, and 33d page of Mr. Hamilton's pamphlet, under the signature of Camillus, in the year 1795, he states and asserts, that "there is just ground, of suspicion, corroborated by various concurring circumstances, that Great Britain has entertained the project of contracting our boundaries at the Ohio." This (says Mr. Hamilton) positively has appeared.
"1st. In Canada."
"2d. At the British garrisons."
"3d. At the Indian towns." Hence our Indian wars and expenses; and loss of Indian trade.
"4th. At Philadelphia"—the seat of our government, where Mr. Hamilton lived and was in the secrets of our councils!
"5th. At London" the seat of the British government. This testimony is solemn and conclusive. Spain, we know, adverted to this conduct and to the views of the British government in their councils, operations and plans.
England thus contributed to mislead Spain, or to confirm her in her injurious projects of the same time.
In a printed statement prepared in Canada by Isaac Ogden, Esq. for the information of the British prince Edward, to shew the whole scheme in America and the best plan of British conduct therein, it was proposed and recommended to hold Canada as a rod over the United States. This state paper was published of course by the permission of the British prince or governor.
British agents and emissaries have been intruded into our Indian country to the injury of our trade there—to the increase of our expenses—and so as to accomplish the end of expensive and bloody wars. The English were therefore accessories before the fact; and as their dead bodies have been found with fraudulent colors on them, they have been partakers in the crime. They have waged war against us in these cases to dismember our Empire and to monopolize trade, before the dawn of the French revolution.
The English government in 1786 made a treaty of commerce with France, whom they call their natural enemy, and agreed that French ships should protect their enemies' goods. This they refused to us always—and with particular expressions and intentions; for the report of 1791 to their privy council, after referring to this British concession to France, states that it should never be conceded to the United States of America, that free ships should make free goods, thus acting less beneficially towards us than toward their oldest, nearest, greatest, and "natural" enemy. Hostility to our commerce, navigation, and seamen, was the plain and undeniable reason: and in the same spirit they have at all times impressed our sailors and passengers, and foreign sailors of every nation aiding our trade and navigation.
The English have taken (and often knowingly) American, and other seamen foreign to Great Britain, neutral and belligerent, from our ships, and forced them to their guns, subjecting us thereby to quarrels with other powers, and deep crimination, personal and public. This is a real and most offensive cause of the dissatisfaction and conduct of France and Spain towards us. England, knowing this well, evades all cure, all measures of remedy or precaution to this hour.
England in November 1792, broke the ice, in the case of perverting neutrals, their rights and their commerce, to the injury of those neutrals and of one of the powers at war. England then neutral, issued a proclamation, in opposition to their own laws and to their treaties with France and the neutrals, restraining neutral ships from carrying British and neutral goods to France; though they were allowed to go at the same time to the ports of Austria and Prussia, who were at war with France.
This was the first aggression. Like the first blow in the case of an affray, it threw "the breach of the peace" upon the head of Great Britain. It justified France in retaliation. It rendered retaliation a measure of self defence. It was the real incipient cause of the present oppressive mals of anti-neutral proclamations, orders and decrees. For it and many other acts of the same nature and tendency in the remainder of 1792 and in the beginning of 1793, France on the first day of February of that year, declared war against England, stating her abuse of neutrals to the intentional injury of France, as the cause. Thus France at first fairly took remedy on England, and did not retaliate upon us. Our vessels went and came unmolested by France, and our seamen passed through all seas unimpressed by her. She did not attempt to search our vessels for American, or British, or French, or other seamen. Even their own French seamen were suffered to be employed in our vessels, which were protected, as to France, by the law of nations, though we had not one armed ship on the ocean; and though the navy of France disputed the empire of the seas with that of England, until the action of June, 1794, between J. Bon St. Andre and Howe. The British officers long before that time, had impressed Americans, English, Danes and other foreigners out of our vessels, so as deeply to wound and highly to incense France. This conduct produced the French order to

treat Americans (neutrals) found in the British sea army (their men of war) fighting against their neutral duties, against France, as pirates. This irritation, this quarrel, this act of remedy or retaliation, England brought on us—and continues to give cause for. Our wounds are very deep and desperate, and require the probe of truth. We are disgraced forever—perhaps ruined, if we are not bold in truth—undaunted in veracity and justice.
In the month of January, 1793, England, at peace with France, let her cruisers to take vessels of Hamburg, Denmark, and Sweden, in their voyages from Hamburg to France! As these neutrals suffered England to treat them so, France, trembling under the fear of famine, ordered retaliation on England by war, and on those neutrals, by taking their cargoes into France, but she ordered those cargoes to be paid for, and did pay for them ; and ordered further, that when England would desist from thus abusing and perverting neutrals to the ruin of France, her cruisers should desist from retaliation. It is however a real and important truth, that France did not order any of our vessels to be thus carried in.
On the 25th March, 1793, England and Russia (joined afterwards by Spain, Austria and Prussia) undertook the monstrous, insolent, unjust, unlawful, irritating and ruinous act, of a solemn treaty engagement to prevent all benefit of neutral trade to and from France, as a measure of ruin and insult to belligerent France, and of utter perversion and abuse of neutrals, and destruction of their commerce and rights.
France was to lose all advantage of neutral supplies, and all advantage of sales to neutrals, and all advantage of the revenues arising on neutral imports and exports; and neutrals were deprived at once of all benefits from French supplies and consumption, and from French commerce. The principles of this treaty were death to neutral agriculture and trade.
The words and meaning of the treaties of March (and postea ) in 1793 made by England with Russia, Spain, Prussia and Austria, are so strong, so full, and so comprehensive, that if we take all the subsequent retaliating decrees of France, of Berlin, Milan, Bayonne, &c. they do not go further; nor so far.
In the month of May, 1793, the French government took a deep alarm for their subsistence. Foreign war and internal revolution oppressed them at that time, and they found that the great maritime powers, Britain, Russia and Spain, and the neighboring people of the Netherlands, Germany and Spain, all combined to keep from them supplies of provisions, by land and sea, by prohibiting their own supplies from being sent to France, and by engaging to use all their endeavors to prevent supplies of bread or any thing else being sent to that devoted country. Alarmed, injured, insulted, and vitally endangered by this unlawful violation of their rights as belligerents, and by this abuse and perversion of the neutral trade, supplies and rights, France, more to save herself from ruin than in revenge or retaliation, ordered the cargoes of the same neutrals, thus unlawfully prohibited their ordinary trade with her unblockaded ports, to be carried into France; not as prizes, but to feed her people and to be paid for at the prices of the ports of destination . If there were any thing either unjust or unkind in this act, it is plain and undeniable, that the treaty of England with Russia and her anterior practices from the 15th of November preceding, brought it on—France. left to fair neutral trade, and not seeing the neutrality of other states borne down, would have had no occasion for this measure. She had a better right to take the cargoes of neutrals (paying fairly for them) to feed her children, than Britain had to prevent the neutrals from independently going to trade in innocent goods with France, in order to starve her. The retaliation of such a measure on England, (France indemnifying the neutrals) was agreeable to the known laws of nations. But the question is— who produced this retaliating measure of the French government? The answer is England . She is the committer of the original aggressions on neutrals, and the cause of the defensive retaliations of France. In June, 1793, England, provoking the continuance of such measures of France, and avowing it to be in execution of her March treaty with Russia, issued her June orders of council, to stop all cargoes of provisions bound in neutral vessels to France. It was done to defeat the French struggles for liberty, and American independent trade and navigation. She had before stooped other neutrals. England vaunting in that “superiority at sea” which her Russian treaty gave, and which has aggravated the rage of her enemies, and bent upon the monopoly of commerce, put forth these orders of June
1793. To complete her deliberate sins against neutrals and against her belligerent adversary, Britain secured an indemnity to her ministers for any order of council, however contrary to the law of nations, the common law of England or the parliamentary statutes. The 26th section of the English act of the 17th of June, 1793, indemnifies their ministers for every possible violation of neutral rights and trade, under orders of council; and for every possible violation of the usages of war among belligerents under those orders. The constitution of England was thus changed—destroyed—in order to destroy her enemy, who is pretended to be an aggressor, on such a lawless and despotic enemy, by a much later decree of November, 1807. In this attempt to destroy an enemy, neutrals are attempted to be deprived, during the whole war, of all the protection of the law of nations—the law of morals . The base vote of a Tutor parliament, that an executive proclamation of the king of England could repeal its acts, was to be realised as to us or would be, if we suffered it. Americans! Never go to sea on such mean conditions.—Probe now to the bottom of this cancer on your honor—your interests—your independence.—The heart sickens with indignant agitations, when the insolent and pernicious perpetrator of such gross aggressions, basely insults our wrongs by pretending to a right of retaliation. 'Tis time these things should end.
The autumn of 1793 exhibited one more gross violation of neutral rights by the British government. All neutral supplies for the French colonies, even of innocent goods destined to unblockaded ports to which we could trade by the French peace—Arrete of August 1784, were directed to be seized by the secret order of the British king in council of the 6th November, 1793! and all French colonial produce, though neutral property, even in the vessels of the allies of England, warring with France, were so authorized to be seized by the same order of council! Mad and desperate Britain! 'tis by such acts repeated often till the summer of 1806, that you brought upon yourself and upon the neutral world, the Berlin decree of the 11th of November, 1806. Your subsequent acts of 1807 have brought on the Milan and Bayonne decrees, and the American states, too effectually embargoed by these interruptions of neutral trade through your aggressions and the retaliation of your foes are rendered forcibly a country of agriculture and manufactures alone .
Americans, consider for yourselves the historical truths here offered to your view: ask yourselves whether France, in peace, ever arrested the commerce of England against French laws, as England did by you and France in 1792?—Ask yourselves whether it is proved on such authority as that of Hamilton, that France in 1795 formed the project of dismembering your country, as Britain did? Ask yourselves whether France, in 1793, agreed with Russia to agree upon you in a manner unexampled, by engaging to deprive you of all commerce with England?
It is very true that France has made many severe decrees, deeply affecting neutral trade. Heaven knows, that we do not mean to countenance France in any wrong; but England has unfortunately pressed upon your consideration the doctrine of retaliation upon belligerents, and the right of one power at war to draw from neutrals those benefits which the other belligerent habitually takes, and which the neutral is unwilling or unable to prevent. This Chapter is delicate in the extreme . 'Tis fitter for men in power correctly to consider, than for me to discuss in this place. 'Tis one, however, which conscience may not evade, nor prudence overlook . 'Tis a time to examine and consider all truths, and to act firmly by the rule of right. The wrong deer must be brought to a proper course, or the plough and the hoe, the anvil and the loom will be our sole employments . Commerce is suspended till Britain returns to the law of nations—the law of morals . Till then England and Algiers—Scotland and Tunis—the united imperial kingdoms of the British isles and the piratical states of wretched Barbary must occupy the main. Britons, frown not! 'Tis your government, who have made this miserable condition of the commercial world. It cannot be concealed—it cannot be denied. England has made a Tophet of the ocean. She has destroyed the trade of the world by her attempts to monopolize the whole. She owes her greatness to the import of materials she can no longer procure by her interdicted trade—to manufactures she can no longer sell—to a navigation which has nothing to carry—to trade which is annihilated—to a navy which has nothing to conquer—to a surrounding world, which has shut her from its dominions.
JURISCOLA.
The following Extract is taken from a patriotic Oration, pronounced at Sanderson, N. H. on the 4th of July, 1808, by SAMUEL HAINES, Esq.
“By means of the unjustifiable violation of the most sacred rights of neutrality by the perfidious and lawless powers of Europe, and of their hostile invasion of American commerce, our National Councils have been driven upon the most critical ground of official responsibility. To decide the all-important question of peace or war with the great belligerent nations of the world, has been the momentous subject of Congressional deliberation. To avoid a hazardous and unprofitable conflict with foreign powers, and hold our resources and means of commerce at home in safety, till the warring convulsions of Europe shall be hushed in general peace, or our commercial rights be established on a more sure foundation, the collected wisdom and supreme Legislature of our country have adopted an extraordinary and vigorous measure.
“Though the expediency of a general Embargo on American shipping, at the present exigency of our political affairs, is questioned by many, and its operations, in part, evaded by the smuggling adventures of the avaricious speculators of our country; yet the sound policy and wisdom of this independent measure are acknowledged by the greatest and most patriotic portion of our community. To rescue our commerce from universal piratical depredation, or yield it the general proscription of the impious decrees of usurped authority, has been our nation's only alternative. The suspension of all foreign commercial intercourse, and a temporary retirement to our country's internal resources, at the present critical juncture of our foreign relations, seems no less expedient and wise, than dignified and independent.
“Though the total suspension of trade, and the consequent discouragement of agricultural enterprise, in a degree, obstruct that rapid accumulation of national and individual wealth, which has hitherto been such an eminent proof of America's prosperity; yet our citizens, in fact, realize the enjoyments of a paradise, in comparison with the extreme sufferings of the enslaved and impoverished millions of other countries.
“Let that complaining and restless portion of our community, who are continually denouncing their most cordial anathemas against the patriotic authors of the present embargo, travel, even in imagination, across the Atlantic, and there for a season become the humble subjects of the tyrants of Europe: Let the ungrateful complainers of the present administration of the American government, for a moment, imagine themselves in the forlorn condition of the unfortunate Portuguese, who are daily falling striking victims to French proscriptive, and the more tortured prey of a murderous famine; or let them even meet the stern tythe and tax-gatherers of subjugated and oppressed Ireland, who wrest from the hand of industry half of its yearly substance: and then, return to the land of liberty and plenty, and shut, forever, the mouth of complaint and groundless censure.
“Like the petulant cries of pampered children, are the fullen murmurings of those who exclaim “ Jefferson and starvation ,” when the magazines of our country are overflowing with provisions.
“A perpetual embargo is preferable to the hazards and unavoidable calamities of a long and consuming war. America, with freedom, had better be eternally encircled with a wall as high as the heavens that cover her, and as broad as the oceans that surround her, than to be for a moment entwined with the galling chains of tyrants.
“The best of governments, and the most perfectly organized bodies politic, are liable to disease, and exposed to the painful contusions of external violence; and when the powerful remedies of strong political medicine are prescribed, they should be endured with patience and manly fortitude. It is in the trying days of national adversity, when the strength of unanimity and patriotism are required.
“In a crisis like the present, when all the latent energies of the nation are necessary for self-defence, should there be found, in community, a character enjoying a station of high official responsibility, or an individual even in the lower walks of private life, advocating, in opposition to administration, the unjustifiable cause of our common adversaries, he should be considered more detestable than a Tory of Seventy-five , and be denounced as a treasonable enemy of his country.
“Influential characters, who endeavor to instil into the public mind principles incompatible with the nature of our government, and hostile to that unanimity of sentiment which is so absolutely essential to the very existence of our Republic in times of peril and foreign invasion, cherish in
their hearts “treasons, stratagems, spoils, and the blackest of crimes.”—More dangerous than the open traitor, who exposes his person to the just vengeance of the law, are those secret conspirators, whose indirect machinations operate under the veil of patriotism, and thus elude the heavy hand of justice.
“Though a strict vigilance of our rights, and a liberal investigation of the conduct of our rulers, are the high prerogatives of American citizens; yet, when individuals make them instrumental in propagating political delusion, in fanning the wild-fire of faction, in carrying on a systematic and indiscriminate opposition to administration, and thus indirectly sapping the foundation of liberty, they merit the destiny of Robespierre and his incendiary associates.
“If Americans lose their present system of Republican government, which is so precious in the eyes of philanthropy and freedom, ages of oppression and barbarism may roll upon future generations. Should the Sun of Republicanism, which pours his resplendent glories upon the western hemisphere, be extinguished from the world, for want of that energy and patriotic vigilance which should always animate American freemen, the clouds of political darkness would veil our land in dreadful gloom, and the injured Ghost of departed LIBERTY would haunt COLUMBIANS forever and ever!”
IMPORTANT
Foreign Intelligence.
In our last we mentioned that news had been received at New-York via Trinidad, of a second most important revolution in the Spanish Monarchy. The new King, Ferdinand the VIIth, resigned the crown in favor of the old King his father, and the father resigned it into the hands of NAPOLEON! The instrument in which he resigns it closes thus:
“And accordingly I have ceded, to my ally and dear friend, the emperor of the French, all my rights to Spain, and the Indies, having stipulated that the crown of Spain and the Indies shall continue independent and entire, such as it has been under my dominion; and likewise, that our holy religion is to be not only the established religion, but the only one professed throughout the territories of this monarchy. You are to understand it so, and to communicate the same to the other councils, to the tribunals of the kingdom, to the heads of the provinces, both military, civil and ecclesiastical, and to all the justices of my kingdoms, that the last act of my sovereignty may come to the knowledge of all throughout my Spanish and Indian dominions, and that you and they may concur in carrying into execution the dispositions of my dear friend, the emperor Napoleon, whose aim is the maintenance of peace, friendship and union between France and Spain, and the preventing of excesses and popular commotions, the effects of which are invariably found to be public calamities, the desolation of families, and the ruin of all.
Given at Bayonne, in the imperial palace of government, May 8, 1808. I THE KING.”
The Havana Packet , arrived at New-York, on Wednesday last, in 12 days from Havana, and brings the following important Spanish
PROCLAMATION.
The Marquis of Someruelos President, Governor, and Captain-General of the Island of Cuba, &c. makes it known, to all her inhabitants, that he has received the following MANIFESTO , published by the Supreme Assembly established in Sevilla, of which this island is a dependence:—
“ Declaration of WAR against the Emperor Napoleon. FERDINAND VII King of Spain, and of the Indies; and in his Name, the SUPREME ASSEMBLY of both:—
FRANCE, or rather the Emperor NAPOLEON, having violated the most sacred compacts with SPAIN; having taken away by force the Royal Family; having compelled them publicly and with violence to resign and abdicate their sovereignty, which is manifestly null, void, and without effect; having forced with the same oppression the sovereignty of Spain to be given to him, which no person could have power to do: having declared it to be his will to elect the king of Spain (the most horrible transgression which history can speak of,) having entered Spain with his armies, which have taken possession of its fortifications and cities, then unprepared; having perpetrated on the Spaniards all kinds of murders, plunders, and abominable cruelties; having not only recourse to the force of arms, but also, under pretence of adding to our felicity; having repaid with monstrous ingratitude the services which the Spanish nation had rendered him, and also repaid our friendship with deceit, treason, and the most horrible perfidy which a nation had ever been guilty
of towards another nation of sovereignty; For the truth of which we appeal to the whole world: Having finally declared that his intention is to overthrow the monarchy, its fundamental laws, and threaten the ruin of our catholic religion, which we have sworn to maintain, having thus forced us as the only remedy for so many evils, to declare War against him, which we publicly do in the face of all Europe:—
We therefore declare in the name of our king FERDINAND VII. and of the whole Spanish nation, WAR by sea and land against the Emperor Napoleon and France; so long as they shall be under his domination, and tyrannical subjection.—We order all the Spaniards to act towards them with hostility, and do them all the evils and prejudices according to the laws of War, detain all French vessels in our ports, all the property, claims, and rights which they have in any part whatsoever of Spain, belonging to that government, or any individual whatever of that nation. We also order in the same manner not to detain or molest the vessels, property and rights of the British nation, nor any of its subjects whatever; because we declare that we have obtained an open and free communication with England, and have concluded with her an armistice; which we hope will end with a solid and lasting peace.
We protest further, that we will not relinquish our arms, until the Emperor Napoleon restores to Spain, our king Ferdinand VII. and Royal Family, their liberty, integrity, and independence; and afterwards respect the sacred rights of the nation, which he has wantonly violated. We order for the better promulgation of this, the publication of this solemn declaration, that it be printed, sent, and posted up in all the provinces, cities, and possessions in America, and also that it be publicly known by the same way to all Europe, Asia, and Africa.
Given in the Royal Palace of Alcazar, in Sevilla, the 6th June, 1808, by disposition of the Supreme Assembly of Government:
JUAN BAUTISTA PARDO, President. MANUEL MARIA AGUILAR, Sec'y.
WE agree to execute whatever has been directed by the Supreme Assembly, in the above declaration; and order that it be respected by the inhabitants of this Island in all cases. It is however requested that they do not trouble or molest any French subject.
By order of His Excellency MAURICIO PARRAS PITA, Secretary of War. (Signed) The MARQUIS of SOMERUELOS.
Latest from England.
Riotous Proceedings.
LONDON, May 28.
We are sorry to learn that the cotton weavers in Manchester and other towns where that manufacture is carried on are in a state of serious commotion. We hope that those misguided people will not persist in a line of conduct, which cannot remove the evils of which they complain, but which will render it necessary to resort to severe measures to suppress their riotous proceedings. The following are extracts from letters which have been received in town on this subject:—
Manchester, May 24.
“The mischief we have for some time been apprehensive of, I am sorry to say, is fast approaching. We have this day appearances of serious rioting and commotions among our working weavers, in consequence of their present calamitous situation, many hundreds being out of employment, and the wages of those employed being very low, while, at the same time oatmeal and other provisions have lately advanced in price. At Stockport and Bolton there is still greater cause of alarm; the rioting there having been already so serious, that application has been made for assistance from the military quartered here; which however, has been refused, as in all likelihood we shall to-morrow or next day have occasion for every man ourselves.
Another letter, of the same date, says—“On Monday last, there being a report of the rioters having held a meeting at Stockport, about six miles from Manchester, two troops of horse were dispatched from that town to disperse them.”
LONDON, May 30.
We have the satisfaction of announcing that the tumultuous proceedings among the Cotton Weavers of Manchester have been suppressed. This morning we received the following information from the correspondent to whom we are indebted for the valuable communication in our paper of Friday:
“On Thursday the military were busily employed in scouring the country round about, and dispersing the several bodies of Weavers who had assembled at Blackley, White Moss, Middleton and Kersall Moor. Gentlemen were appointed in Manchester to wait upon the several manufacturers, requesting a meeting might be held to take into consideration the petition of the distressed Weavers. It was generally imagined that some redress would be afforded, and an advance of their wages take place, so as to mediate their present wretched condition.
“On Thursday a respectable Manufacturer of Stockport was conveyed to the New Bailey, at Manchester, by a party of dragoons. Various rumours are afloat respecting some of the people having been armed, and of their having fired on the soldiery, constables, &c. but to prevent any misrepresentation, I made enquiries into every particular and found there was no foundation for any such report. Probably a dozen or more was wounded, but only one man was killed, as I mentioned in my former letter.”

THE TIMES.
Our readers will, we hope, attentively reflect upon the late news from England in this day's paper, and in reflecting undoubtedly feel grateful, for that happiness, and abundant supply of all the necessaries of life, which abound in this happy land; it is by comparison, we estimate most things; in this way let the citizens of America determine.
Though our present situation, owing to the tyrannical Orders of Britain and France, is not the most pleasing; yet we have blessings which no other nation on earth possesses; we have peace and plenty; we have invaluable rights. These things we hope to retain, if a superintending Providence does not, as a punishment for our folly in complaining, deprive us of them as a just reward for our ingratitude. [Ephraim Argus.]
Extract of a letter from the Havana, dated July 19, 1808.
'You have no doubt heard of the dreadful effusion of blood in Spain and the cause. The President of the Royal Council there, remains to govern the nation, and there is a terrible inveteracy against all Frenchmen, particularly the Government of Bonaparte for whom alive 6,000,000 of dollars is offered, and for his head 1,000,000. On Sunday last a formal declaration of War took place here against France and to-morrow Ferdinand VIIth, is to be proclaimed.'
Another letter of same date. Extract of a letter from a respectable merchant at Havana, dated July 19.
"An express extraordinary has this moment arrived here from Spain, bringing the important news that the emperor Bonaparte no longer exists; that he was killed by the Spaniards at Bayonne."
IMPRESSMENT.
The captain of an American ship (the General Clarkston of New-York) which has been just brought by one of our cruizers into Plymouth, communicates that he was on his passage from China (stopped by one of our men of war, and had 25 of his crew taken out, and the man of war in return put 15 of her hands on board his ship, all of whom were by age and infirmity rendered incapable of fulfilling a seaman's duty. The 25 men taken out of the General Clarkston, the captain alleges to have been all native Americans, with the certificates of whose birth he is furnished, and that he stated this to the officers of our man of war, upon whom it had no effect. We hope this affair will be enquired into.
The General Clarkston was bound from Canton to Amsterdam, with a very valuable cargo, estimated at above 100,000.
London paper.
New York, July 29. The ship Thalia, Capt. Silliman, arrived at this port yesterday from Falmouth, from whence she failed on the 8th of June. Capt. S. informs that a few days before he failed, about 10,000 of the inhabitants of Yorkshire, principally weavers had assembled in a tumultuous manner on account of the high price of provisions, and to demand an increase of wages. The troops in the Barracks were employed to quell the riot, and the people at length dispersed, but not until several of them had been killed by the military. It was said, also, that 60,000 looms in Manchester and its neighbourhood were without employment.
Extract of a letter from London, dated June 2.
"The times are very bad here. The dissatisfaction among the mechanics and manufacturers, has risen to an alarming height, particularly in Manchester and Birmingham. In these places the government has been obliged to call out the military to disperse the different tumultuous assemblies. Numbers of the half starved inhabitants have been killed; but the tumult still continues—and the people cry for vengeance!"
HOUSE OF LORDS, May 30.
Orders in Council.
Lord Auckland rose to move for certain accounts relating to the trade of this country, with a view to lay before the house the actual state of the trade and commerce of this country since the month of Nov. last.
Lord Grenville said that the last time he addressed their Lordships upon this subject, the Noble Secretary of State (Lord Hawkesbury) said that all his predictions had been realized; that our trade was in a most flourishing and prosperous condition. But what was actually the result? By the papers upon their Lordships table it appeared that the exports of last year amounted to upwards of five millions and an half, those of the present year to no more than 4,176,000. There could be no doubt, therefore, of the diminution of our trade to that extent arising from those Orders in Council, which he had already declared to be adverse to all the known principles of commerce. Every day's experience must more and more convince his majesty's ministers of the ruinous tendency of this measure. With respect to America, understanding that a negotiation was now pending, he should abstain at present from asking any explanation upon that subject. His Lordship concluded by repeating his conviction of the malignant influence of this measure, and expressing a hope that his majesty's ministers would be induced to act with magnanimity in rescinding these Orders in Council, from a conviction of the necessity of so doing; and in the hope of its speedy accomplishment, his Lordship intimated that it was not his intention at present to press the motion upon this subject, of which he had given notice previous to the recess.
Lord Hawkesbury vindicated at length the orders in council.
Lord Lauderdale warmly supported the motion, and strongly condemned the orders in council.
Great News from EUROPE.
Highly important European information will be found in the preceding columns of this day's paper.
COMMUNICATION.
THE present is admitted on all sides to be a most interesting crisis in our national affairs. The conduct of the two parties (the Republicans and the Federalists) differs most essentially. Impartial men cannot fail to observe this difference. It is too striking to pass unobserved. The Republicans who constitute a great majority of the people of the United States afford the administration their decided support. The Federalists oppose the administration with their whole strength. In a contest with two of the most powerful nations on earth, in a struggle for their commercial rights which may terminate in war; the government of the country requires every aid within the scope of patriotism. If ever their was a time in which it was the duty of good men and of good citizens to rally round the constituted authorities, to extend to them every direct and collateral aid, this is that time. That our commerce has been unlawfully restrained—that our citizens are impressed and imprisoned—that acts of violence of insult and of war have been committed upon us—that our honor and our independence have been grossly outraged, no man of any party can deny. To obtain satisfaction for this violence, redress for these wrongs and security against a repetition of them, a system of measures has been adopted by the national government. The constitution gave them the power, and imposed on them the duty which they have discharged. The course they have pursued is marked with reason, with prudence, and with discretion. If there are those who believe a different and a better system could have been adopted, why have they not pointed it out? But admitting they were honest in this belief, they must know that it is impossible for individual opinions to be wrought out into action when they differ from those of the nation. It is the rule, indeed it is the principle of our government that the opinion and the will of the majority must govern. The minority derive no justification in their opposition, from the circumstance of their differing in opinion from the majority, unless the monstrous and absurd doctrine be admitted, that the interests of the whole are to be sacrificed to the will, perhaps to the errors of a part. But of all men in the community the federal party are most inexcusable. Opposition when engendered in ignorance may be overlooked; but when it proceeds from intelligence, information, knowledge and talents, which profess their superiority, it becomes more dangerous and of course less pardonable. The sin against society rises in atrocity in proportion as it is dictated by superior intelligence. To the errors and faults of vulgar minds it is usual to extend forgiveness, while the malversations of light and intellect are deserving of punishment.
The present opposition to the national government by the federal party is more criminal and more important in consequence of the character which that party has assumed, and on account of the influence which they once possessed over this country. Fortunately for the country it is known to foreign nations that their influence no longer exists in the government; and with their influence unfortunately for them they have lost their character. Passing by the numerous deceptions and idle calumnies with which they have worn out the public credulity, if we observe their public conduct, their conduct as a party, and confine the observation to the last twelve months, a conclusion is, irresistibly forced on the mind,—that their opposition is unprincipled wicked and abominable; UNPRINCIPLED, because from the first formation of the federal government, they have until the accession of the present administration, laid it down as a maxim, that the will of the majority ought to govern; that all opposition to this will was anti-federal, anti-republican, and destructive to our system of government. It is wicked, because they know it to be subversive of our republican establishments, at variance with their former professions & practice, and because it has for its object not the good of the country, but a reëstablishment in power of themselves and their political friends. It is abominable, because at this all important crisis, it prostrates the best and dearest interests of the country at the shrine of party spirit. If there was virtue, talents and integrity in this party, so much the more would foreign nations regard its opposition to the measures of our own government, so much the more would they be encouraged to persist in their unlawful aggressions, and to continue and repeat their insults. Their language to the belligerents is, "perverse in your course, continue your aggressions" and we will take advantage of the ruin and disgrace which you are heaping on our country to ascend again to power:—we will regain the government. —If to combine against the government, and to conspire against the best interests of the country be treason—have not the federal party committed treason? Is not this crime at their door? Can they expect that the people of the United States will submit to the sway of such men; can they believe that the wisdom and intelligence of freemen are blind to the course of their conduct. In ordinary times, the address and artifice of the leaders of a party may be made the theme of speculation and the subject of amusement; but when general calamity prevails, when the rights, the interests, perhaps the independence of a nation are at stake, the daring spirit of resistance, the genius of revolt and of treason should be watched and guarded. The times are eventful, the danger is imminent. Republicans be on your guard. The syren song of federalism is chanting to your passions in order to betray your reason. Addressed to your present interests and to your feelings are plied with artful efficacy at the expense of your real and permanent happiness. Men who in heart despise you are courting your favor, that they may rule, and govern you.—But remember that their government will give you and your independence to any foreign nation who will furnish them the means of continuance in power. Bear in mind that you live under a government the basis of which is democracy, in which the will of the people expressed by their franchises and those of their substitutes ought to prevail. Rally round this government.—Support your own ADMINISTRATION, and remember most of all, that he who tempts you to oppose it, is an enemy, if not a Traitor.
Bone middlings PORK,
Boston Inspection—FOR SALE BY JOHN C. HART. Aug. 9.
We present our readers on the first page, with the 4th number of the observations on remarks and criticisms, on the Hon. Mr. Adams's Letter. As the letter and the criticisms have both had a diffusive circulation, we think the observations will draw the attention of those who are curious to judge between them as literary performances. Of those of our readers especially, who from their education and habits, feel an interest in whatever relates to the literature of our country, which has been rapidly advancing with our other advantages and improvements. The observations are concluded with some reflections of a more general and obvious nature, which we now subjoin as a conclusion, or appendix, sent us by our correspondent.
Conclusion of the observations on the remarks and criticisms on the Hon. Mr. Adams's Letter.
I have now finished my observations, on the criticisms, none of which of any consequence have escaped notice. The censures examined, are minute, laboured and severe. Are they candid; are they just? This question is now cheerfully submitted at the close of the preceding investigation. I must however on the retrospect, take the liberty to question what the Remarker holds up, that it was a warm regard for the interests of literature, pure patriotism looking forward to posterity, anxious to guard our descendants against seduction, by the impurities of Mr. A's style, that lies at the bottom of these redoubtable attacks. Is there not something deeper than all this wonderful zeal? Mr. A. has had the temerity to think and act for himself; he could not be played upon, like a musical instrument; his good judgment (pardon Mr. Critic the expression) could not be led to please any man or party—The Embargo was under consideration, Mr. A. approved it, and voted for it; many who cry out against it, approve it in their hearts also, as a measure of wisdom and prudence; in one view they are pleased with it, it furnishes a delightful occasion to appeal to the interest, feelings and prejudices of the uninformed. Such was the evil case, into which our nation was brought, by the injuries of distant conflicting powers, that the Legislature was reduced to the hard necessity of choosing between evils. They chose the lesser. And after some pause it was concluded on a certain part, to represent that they chose evil for its own sake—that they could have no good intentions, but were ruining the nation and themselves. Some circumstances were misrepresented, many imperfectly known, many misrepresented. Mr. A. published the reasons of his opinions and conduct, they were gaining attention. What is to be done to blunt this attention or to tinge it with prejudice? Why, attack him at all points and with all kind of weapons. Begin by representing him, as having obtained celebrity wholly by mistake; as totally unfit for the high rank and station, he has occupied in the republic of letters—Boldly declare that he violates the first rules of Syntax, that he writes bad English, and that he has laid himself open to the shafts of ridicule. That twenty pages of criticism are easily filled, pointing out particular faults, in his letter of thirty-two pages; and that many more might be added to the list. And all this heightened by a liberal distribution of the epithets of obscure, turgid, verbose, tautological, chaff, &c. And when this mist is raised, those not deterred altogether from looking at Mr. Adams's reasons, are to view them through this dark medium; reasoning from the imbecility of the Professor to that of the Senator, and from chaff, and bad English, to chaffy bad arguments. Mr. Adams has been considered as a "literary Hercules," so lays the Remarker, a well known editor, no less hostile than he is, to the sentiments of Mr. A. has lately expressed his approbation of a certain report, drawn up by Mr. Adams as a literary performance of merit, and if I rightly recollected speaks of it, as worthy of the Professor. The Public, the University, the Reviews and Journals, have considered him, as holding a high rank in matters of taste and criticism. His claims to pre-eminence have not been questioned. His style has been considered by many as a 'model of fine writing. Thus again writes the Remarker.—Now it must be a matter of some speculation and wonder that a blunder of so many wile-accres, of & concerning a b under should so long and so greatly prevail, until on the occasion of this searching exposing letter, the wile Remarker rising up, in his might comes forth with his recent discovery, to undeceive, enlighten and astonish the world!! It would be an unpleasant, but not a difficult task, to make some gentle remarks on the style of the Remarker. Some sentences verging towards vulgarity, have been noticed; some critical readers may think the style rather low, none I believe will hold it up as elegant. I presume there is not the least need of warning against its being imitated as a "model of fine writing;" and if Mr. Adams' claims to pre-eminence be now at length disputed, I am persuaded that there will not be any question or dispute concerning any claims of pre-eminence of the Remarker. No man will ever think of pulling down that which no man in his wits would ever think of setting up.
The following is the Republican Ticket for Representatives to Congress:
CLEMENT STORER, DANIEL M. DURELL, JEDEDIAH K. SMITH, FRANCIS GARDNER, CHARLES CUTTS. Esquires.
It is amusing to observe the commotion produced in the British ranks by the appointment of WILLIAM DUANE to be a Lieut. Col. in the United States service. So many wry faces have not been seen before since the auspicious revolution in 1800. This appointment is peculiarly mortifying to the Tories, because it is a reward of the purest patriotism, an honor conferred on the unlaboured merit of a citizen who has long laboured arduously, ably and successfully for his country's cause, a soldier who has for years ranked among our greatest military men, and a Republican distinguished for his steadfastness in the worst as well as the best of times. Col. Duane has been for some time in commission as an officer (a Colonel) in the Pennsylvania militia, and it is no flattery to say that he is probably the best in the country. He has been long looked up to as a model, and his military writings, which are many, and which have greatly contributed to the improvement of our army, excel all others of American origin. In whatever light the appointment is considered, it does honor to the President. No wonder it galls feds and traitors. [Nat. Ego.]
MARRIED—In this town, Capt. JOSEPH SWETT to Miss MERITABLE HILL.
DEATHS.
In this town, on Friday morning last, Capt. GEORGE J. OSBORNE, aged 76, for many years a respectable and beloved ruling Elder in the First Independent Church in this town—Mr. Osborne has always been a steady and firm Republican, and a distinguished patriot during the whole of the American war, in which he took an active part both by sea and land—and retained the same ardent love of his country until Heaven was pleased to translate him from hence to those blessed mansions, where, we trust, he is now enjoying the inheritance of a humble believer in the meek & lowly Jesus. Also, a child of Mr. Joseph Mann. In Tobago, the 19th of June last, Captain JOHN PAUL, of this town, aged 29. In Exeter, Capt. James Thurston, aged 75; Mrs. Catharine Norris, aged 21, wife of Mr. Charles Norris, printer.
Field Meetings.
A public meeting is to be held at Hamp-ton, near the meeting-house, the last Wednesday in this present month, August, at 2 o'clock, P.M. On Thursday, September 1st, in Newmarket, at 2 o'clock, P.M. near Mr. Jacob Burley's house. Next day, (Friday) at Newington meeting-house, at 2 o'clock, P.M. Next day, at Dover, near the Bridge, at 2 o'clock, P.M. First Lord's day in September, at Berwick, near the landing, at 9 o'clock, A.M. Monday, at Wells, near William Hobbs, at 2 o'clock, P.M. at the place called Maryland, near Elder Eaton's meeting-house.
By an agreement of the Christian Brethren.
JOHN RAND, FREDERICK PLUMMER, ELIAS SMITH.
TAKE NOTICE.
All persons holding Subscriptions for 'the Religious News-Paper,' are requested to return them to ELIAS SMITH, Portsmouth, by Mail or some other way, by the first of September next, as the first number will be published at that time. August 9th, 1808.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE—
In the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight.
AN ACT to restore LEVI WILLARD to his law.
WHEREAS Levi Willard, sheriff of the county of Coos, has petitioned the General Court setting forth that he received of the Treasurer of said county, Extents against the towns of Cambridge, Success and Barker's Location, directing him to collect the county taxes assessed on said towns, and Location for the year 1806; and that by accident the copies of said extents were not returned to the Deputy Secretary in due season to enable him to collect said taxes by law, and praying to be authorized to collect said taxes the present year. The prayer of said petitioner appearing reasonable, THEREFORE,
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court convened, that the said Levi Willard shall be and hereby is authorized to collect the county taxes assessed on the towns of Cambridge, Success and Barker's Location for the year A.D. 1806, which remains now unpaid. And the said Levi Willard shall let the copies of the aforesaid extents remain in the office of the Deputy Secretary till the first day of November next—and if said taxes are not paid by the said first day of November, then the said Levi Willard may proceed to collect the same according to law. Provided however that the said Levi Willard shall give publick notice of his being restored to his law by publishing this act in the New-Hampshire Gazette three weeks successively, the first publication to commence by the fifteenth day of August next.
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
In the House of Representatives, June 9, 1808. The foregoing bill having had three several readings passed to be enacted. Sent up for concurrence. CHARLES CUTTS, Speaker.
In Senate, June 10, 1808.
This bill having been read a third time was enacted.
SAMUEL BELL, President. Approved, June 10, 1808. JOHN LANGDON, Governor.
A TRUE COPY—Aust. PHILIP CARRIGAIN, Secretary.
State of Newhampshire, County of Grafton.
NOTICE is hereby given to the original proprietors and owners of land in the town of LINCOLN, in said county,—That a tax of Four Dollars on each original right, (public rights excepted) was voted by the proprietors at their meeting held by an adjournment the 16th day of January, 1808; that so much of each proprietors land, as will pay said tax and incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Nathan Kinsman, in said Lincoln, on the first Tuesday of September next, unless prevented by previous payment. Original Proprietors Names are as followeth,—Viz — James Avery, Jeremiah Clement, James Hoit, Jabez Weed, Peter Finch, Samuel Andrews, David Slawson, Eleazer Bowton, Thaddeus Hoit, Reuben Stephens, Stephen Fountain, John Petit, Asa Jones, Samuel Sellet, Ebenezer Bowton, Seymore Bowton, Zurial Finch, Abner Barnon, David Bowton, David Sanford, John Adington, jr. Oliver Rowell, Elijah Weeks, Stephen Mangum, Valentine Rowell, Jacob Conklin, William McHorney, David Whiting, Caleb Merrill, Seth Whitney, Samuel Haight, Joseph Foreman, John Tuttle, Reuben Reynolds, Jabez Holmes, Abraham Hoit, Jonah Biggs, Ebenezer Munton, Noah Parkerton, Abel Hoit, Jabez Holmes, Ezra Moo, David Knap, one half of the right of Henry Mead, John Dixon, Daniel St. John, Hezekiah Wiat, Abraham Mead, Henry Wiat, Job St. John, Ezra Bowton, Jeremiah Finch, John Brown, Joseph Hale, the Hon. Richard Wibard, Daniel Warner, John Nelson, Theodore Atkinson, Benning Wintworth two rights. JONATHAN TUTTLE, Collector. Lincoln, August 3rd, 1808.
Warranted undrawn Tickets in Dixville Road Lottery,
(now drawing in Boston,) for Sale by JOSEPH CLARK, Jun. August, 1808.
Charity Lecture.
A Charity Sermon, for the benefit of the Portsmouth Female Asylum will be delivered on the ensuing Sabbath; at the Rev'd Dr. Buckminster's Meeting-house; by the Rev'd Joseph S. Buckminster of Boston—Exercises to commence at 5 o'clock P.M. August 9, 1808.
FRENCH SCHOOL.
A FRENCH gentleman wishing to tarry some time in this town, desires to take a few scholars to teach in the FRENCH LANGUAGE; and to ascertain his being adequate to the task, he will submit himself to the examination of any gentleman or gentlemen.
Terms—Ten dollars per quarter; attendance three times a week; the lesson to be of one hour for two pupils. Apply to
MR. L. de St. Omer, At Col Woodward's boarding-house, Portsmouth, August 8, 1808.
Just received and for sale at
NEIL McINTIRE'S Store, SOME of the old fashion belt sweet, scented leaf TOBACCO, and fig Tobacco,—also, Pigtail made from sweet scented Leaf, and ladies fine twist, to be sold at embargo prices. Also, TO LET,
Two brick Dwelling Houses, and two brick Stores at embargo prices, one opposite Market-street, the other opposite Cross-street, and one of the pleasantest situations in Portsmouth, being very handy to the fifth and fifth market. August 9, 1808.
Now Landing, and for Sale by
Isaac Waldron, jun. 400 Barrels Fresh Baltimore Superfine FLOUR: of a superior quality. August 9.
EMBARGO LAWS.
Just published in a pamphlet, price 12 1/2 cents, and for sale at the Bookstore of THOMAS & TAPPAN, The Original and Supplementary EMBARGO LAWS:—passed the 10th Congress of the U S ates.
Portsmouth Livery Stable.
NEXT THURSDAY, From 11 to 1 o'clock.
WHEREAS it hath been suggested by many persons that a plan might be adopted to obtain riding at a much lower rate than now taken by those engaged in the business of letting Horses and Carriages in this town, who think their present prices as low as their establishments will admit of. Fully convinced this may be done by a company upon terms more advantageous than by any individual; and that not only a net saving of one half made to each subscriber from the present prices taken for riding, but his shares in the establishment rendered as productive as any stock now in Market—therefore, in order to give every one an opportunity who should wish to be concerned in establishing a Livery Stable in this town, under such rules and regulations as shall hereafter be agreed on by the concerned, and furnishing the same with suitable horses and carriages to be let to every one who shall apply; but when to subscribers at half the price now taken. A subscription will be opened at the long room at Brown's bell tavern in this town at 11 o'clock on Thursday next, and closed precisely at the bell's ringing for one; to; to consist of two hundred shares at twenty dollars each share payable by installments. Portsmouth, August 9.
WANTED immediately, in a
small family, a girl from 15 to 20 years of age, as an assistant with another maid, to do the necessary work of said family; none need apply, unless they can bring good recommendations; apply to the Printers. August 9, 1808.
NOTICE.
ALL persons having demands against the estate of BENJAMIN SWETT, late of Portsmouth, merchant, deceased, are requested to present them for adjustment, and all indebted to said estate are desired to make immediate payment to JOSEPH ELA, Administrator. August 9, 1808.
NOTICE is hereby given that the
subscriber has been duly appointed Administratrix to the estate of ELISHA LOW, late of Portsmouth, in the county of Rockingham, mariner, deceased, and has taken upon herself that trust by giving bonds as the law directs; therefore all persons having demands upon the estate of the said deceased, are requested to exhibit the same, and all persons indebted to said estate are hereby called upon to make payment to me the subscriber. ELIZABETH LOW, Administratrix. Portsmouth August 8, 1808.
ALL persons indebted to, or that
have any demands against the estate of EBENEZER FERNALD, late of Kittery, Shipwright, deceased, are hereby requested to call on the subscriber for immediate settlement. DAVID FERNALD, Executor. Kittery, August 8, 1808.
Good News from far!
THE Kentucky Revival, or a short history of the late extraordinary outpouring of the Spirit of God, in the western states of America, agreeably to Scripture promises, and prophecies concerning the latterday; with a brief account of the entrance and progress of what the world call Shakerism among the subjects of the late revival in Ohio and Kentucky; presented to the true Zion traveller, as a memorial of the wilderness Journey, by RICHARD McNAMAR, printer to cents. Cincinnati printed, And for Sale at C. PIERCE's Bookstore, Portsmouth.

Miscellaneous Repository.
For the N.H. GAZETTE. A EABLE.
The Bull, Wolf, Shepherd & Sheep.
IN ev'ry country, ev'ry land, 'Tis wolves of sheep they want command; In dens and holes, by day they hide, Till shepherds leave their flocks aside.
LITERARY.
It gives us pleasure to announce to the public that they will soon be favored with an impartial, correct and well written History of Don. FRANCISCO DE MIRANDA's late attempt to effect a Revolution in South America.
It is thus noticed by a member of the Legislature of Massachusetts in a letter to a friend, "A young gentleman whom I knew five years ago as an officer in the navy of the United States, and which he left honorably, has lately returned from Miranda's expedition into which he had been seduced by falsehood; and has shown me a history of that enterprise in detail, from the day of leaving New York, until its dissolution.
Subscriptions for the above work received by CHARLES PEARCE, Portsmouth, at one dollar in boards and 75c bound and lettered.
Seal your Letters.
The mere putting a wafer to a letter is not sealing it according to the true definition of John Johnson—but the impression or stamp made on the wafer or wax, after it is put to the paper, is not then astonishing that so many letters go thro' our Post-Offices, and pass through our Country, without ever being properly sealed.
For sale by C. PEARCE,
PRACTICAL questions on English grammar, to be answered by those who study Murray's Abridgement; to which are added, some directions for parsing, by Timothy Alden, jr., price 9d.
The Female Mentor, an excellent book for female schools, price 6d. Also, Corinna, or Italy, 2 vols. And a great variety of
OTHER BOOKS,
in the various branches of knowledge and polite literature; also, A large assortment of Stationery—and a few handsome likenesses of His Excellency GOW SULLIVAN, of Massachusetts, price 1 dollar. June 28.
Manufactured HAIR.
JOHN REDING, has for sale at his house in Deerfield, near the Distillery, Curled Hair, suitable for Ma-trasses, easy Chairs and Chair bottoms, Cushions and Chaises—manufactured in the best manner—Also Cash given for Horses' Main and Tail Hair, and Cattle's Tail Hair. Portsmouth June 21, 1808.
DETROIT BANK BILLS
TAKEN for Boots, Shoes, English Goods or Hats. Those bills that are guaranteed, at par—the other kind at 12 1/2 per cent. discount—at PELATIAH REA's Shoe Store No. 2, old State House, Boston, for a few months. August 1, 1808.
GEORGE DAME informs
the Ladies and Gentlemen of Portsmouth, that his second quarter for teaching PAINTING and DANCING, will commence on Monday the 22d inst. if the number of pupils is sufficient. Days of attendance, every Monday and Thursday forenoon for Painting, and afternoon for Dancing. Price of each 6 dollars per Quarter, giving twenty-four lessons. Three dollars entrance, and the remainder at the close of the quarter. Subscription paper at Mr. C. Peirce's Bookstore, and at the Assembly Room. He will also keep an Evening School for Dancing, if sufficient encouragement is obtained. Portsmouth, August 2, 1808.
COOLERS.
Japan'd & plain COOLERS; Also, New & second hand Tin Ware Japan'd at short notice, by Benjamin Evans, Tin plate worker—Buck street. N. B. A Bathing Tub kept constantly to Let. August 2.
Nathan B. Folsom,
HAS this day received a large supply of Cotton Yarn, Bed Ticks, &c. which are ready for sale Wholesale and Retail at the Manufactory prices. August 2, 1808.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to hire Twenty-five good labouring Men to work on a Turnpike Road, to begin the 15th instant. JOHN MELVIN. Chester, August 1st. 1808.
Continued Notice.
THE creditors of the estate of Captain SAMUEL LANGTON, late of Portsmouth, mariner, deceased; are hereby notified that a further time of six months from the 15th day of June is allowed by the Hon. Judge of Probate for the creditors of said estate to exhibit their claims; and that the commissioners will attend for that purpose at the office of Jeremiah Libbey on Bow-street, on the second Tuesdays of July and the five following months, from three to five o'clock P.M. JEREMIAH LIBBEY, JOHN H. BULL, SAMUEL JONES. Portsmouth, July 4, 1808.
NOTICE.
THE subscribers, administrators to the estate of the late JOHN WARDROBE, Esq. deceased, will present their administration account for allowance to the Judge of Probate at the Probate Court to be held at Exeter, on Monday the fifteenth day of August instant. ANN N. WARDROBE, B. BRIERLEY, Administrators. August 1, 1808.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
WHEREAS JOSIAH G. FOLSOM, junr. of Portsmouth, did on Friday morning last, borrow of the subscriber, a black MARE, for the purpose, as he said, of going about four miles and has not since returned, but in all probability has ran off with the mare, as he was pursued about 50 miles into the interior of this State; said Mare, was about 14 hands high, six years old, a fast trotter, and carries her tail high, has a fear on her right buttock; said Folsom is about 20 years of age, had on a blue nankeen round jacket, buff colored panta-loons, light waistcoat and no stockings—the fellow is hard of hearing—Whoever will return said Folsom and horse, shall receive the above reward by applying to NATHANIEL GOSS of Greenland. August 1, 1808.
The Indian Doctor informs his friends and customers that he has removed his lodgings to Mr. King's on Church-Hill. Portsmouth, August 2.
TO LET,
ONE lower room, chamber, and shop, in Buck street,—Enquire of the Printers. August 2.
State of New Hampshire, Strafford ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of WAKEFIELD, in said county, who have not paid their town, school, county and highway taxes for the year 1807; that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber on or before the 3d day of October, A.D. 1808, so much of each delinquents land as will pay said taxes with intervening charges, will be sold at public vendue at the dwelling house of David Copp, Esq. inn-holder in said town, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
Table with 5 columns: Original Proprietors & owners Names, Division, No. of Lot, No. of Acres, Town tax. Rows include Samuel Heard, William Twombly, Thomas Downs, Joseph Gage, Moses Gage, John Brown, Ebenezer Downs, Solomon Hamlin, Ebenezer Roberts, Thomas Knox, Paul Gerrish, Pierce & Moore, Theodore Atkinson, Thomas Miller. JOHN DAME, Collector. Wakefield, July 11th, 1808.
Clarionetts, Drums and Fife, for sale at C. PEARCE's Bookstore.
RENDEZVOUS.
AN OFFICE for the purposes of recruiting for the Army of the United States—is opened at the Brick store owned by Daniel Aulin, Esq. near the Spring Market—Able bodied citizens, under the age of Thirty-five years, who feel disposed to enlist in the service of their country, are now afforded an opportunity, and may receive twelve Dollars bounty, by applying to G. W. PRESCOTT, Capt. 4th Regiment Infantry. Portsmouth, N. H. July 1808.
NOW Landing from on board Sloop Hope, from Philadelphia, at Langdon's wharf—and for sale by John Langdon, jr. 300 Bbls. S. P. Scraped Philad. FLOUR, in Bbls. and half Bbls.; 10 Casks of Loaf SUGAR; 1500 bushels Yellow CORN. July 26, 1808.
FLOUR.
Just landed from on board Sloop Hope, and FOR SALE BY E. WENTWORTH, One hundred Bbls. Philadelphia superfine and fine FLOUR of a good quality—also, Baltimore & Alexandria ditto in half Bbls. Portsmouth, July 26, 1808.
RUM for sale.
A few puncheons W. I. RUM as pure as imported, of an excellent flavor.—Likewise, a number PUNCHBONS Patent RUM, of so good a quality as to be but little inferior to West-India, and by many considered to be equally as good, and will be sold at a great deal cheaper; those who wish to purchase RUM will please to call, try, and judge for themselves. Apply to the Store of J. MELCHER, in Market-street. July 26.
A FEW CHANCES LEFT FOR 10,000 DOLLARS!
THE Dixville Road Lottery began drawing yesterday—and there is yet for sale at C. Peirce's Bookstore, whole and quarter Tickets at the original price of Five Dollars, and Quarters 87 1/2. Please to apply soon, as the lottery will progress rapidly. Portsmouth, July 26, 1808.
Where Liberty dwells there is my Country. FRANKLIN.
Mr. Billings' Oration, Just Published and for sale by MR. SEWALL, and at the Book store of Messrs. THOMAS and TAPPAN.
AN ORATION, Delivered on board the Sloop William, off Portsmouth Harbour, on the 4th July, 1808, before a company of young and middle aged Citizens of Portsmouth—by John Billings. July 26, 1808.
Valuable Public Sales.
To be sold at Auction on Monday the 22d of August next, the following valuable property, viz.
THE estate occupied by Mr. PETER COFFIN, situated in Pleasant street; consisting of a Dwelling-House, Out Houses, &c. The above estate measures 127 feet on Pleasant street, and continues that breadth 430 feet to the mill pond.—A street will be opened from Pleasant-street to the mill pond, and the land divided into convenient House Lots to accommodate purchasers. The sale of the above will be on the premises at 10 o'clock A.M. And at 12 o'clock M. at the New Hampshire Fire and Marine Insurance office.
3 Lots of valuable Land situated in Tamworth, viz— No. 1 of the 6th Range, containing 100 acres each. No. 2 of the 7th Range, containing 100 acres each.
A House and Barn on each of two Lots, and a Barn on the other, and about 15 or 20 acres on each lot are under improvement.
A lot of Land in Warren, No. 6 of 1st Range, containing 100 acres. 16 Shares in the New Hampshire Turnpike Road. 7 Shares in PISCATAQUA BRIDGE, and 1 Share in the Portsmouth Aqueduct. * * Terms liberal, and made known at the sale. S. LARKIN, Auctioneer. Portsmouth, July 26, 1808.
TO BE SOLD,
A BEAUTIFUL FARM in Hebron N.H. containing about 150 acres of the best soil, nearly 50 acres under good improvement, well watered with brooks and springs, lies warm, produces grass, corn, &c. equal to any in the country; is well proportioned for mowing, tillage and pasturing; the wild land is well timbered; has a thrifty young orchard, and has a good House and Barn (both new) thereon. Said Farm is situated about half a mile from the main road, the meeting house, the school house, a saw and grist mill, blacksmiths and various other mechanics, of course is near a growing market for wood, timber and all kinds of produce. The above property is valued at 1500 dollars ready pay. For further particulars inquire of the subscriber, or of JOHN H. CUMMINGS, in Hebron. EZRA MARCH. Hebron, June 21, 1808.
FOR SALE,
A HANDSOME new CHAISE and HARNESS; Also, two second hand do.; for cash or lumber—Apply to FRANCIS W. HARDY.
DAVID BAZET forbids all persons harbouring or trusting his wife SILVEY, on his account, for he will not pay any debts of her contracting. DAVID BAZET. July 11th, 1808.
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING A REPUBLICAN NEWSPAPER, IN THE TOWN OF NEWBURYPORT, TO BE ENTITLED THE AMERICAN STATESMAN, TO THE PUBLIC.
Offering to the public, proposals for publishing a Newspaper, it is necessary for the proposer to state the principles which are to govern him in the undertaking—that the community at large, may have a just idea of the merits of the establishment, before they bestow their patronage.
The subscriber can only say, that he will use his utmost exertions to deserve the favor of the friends of republicanism, by supporting the Constitution and laws of the Land; the present administration, and all such as may be called to administer the government, who tread in the steps of the present illustrious President;—by advocating the liberty and independence of the United States, and opposing faction wherever it originates—His labours will not be solely confined to the politics of the day—but he will endeavor to render his establishment worthy the patronage of the merchant and man of letters, by blending a variety of useful, foreign and domestic intelligence, with literary and religious information.
He relies his hopes for success, on the patronage of a liberal public; and if he should be so happy as to find his expectations realized, he will use every exertion to please and gratify those who may honor him with their support.
To his republican fellow-citizens, he particularly looks for encouragement;—for it is a fact too well known, that the county of Essex is the seat of aristo-cracy, and his labors will in a great manner be thwarted, unless he experiences the support of his political friends. He trusts that his establishment will be conducted on such a plan, as will be perfectly congenial to the feelings of every real American; whose patronage alone he solicits. To advocate the government of the Union in every step that shall be taken, at the present crisis, for the support of the honor and dignity of the nation, and to oppose the assertions of the enemies of our freedom, will form a constant portion of the labor of the public's humble servant. JOSEPH GLEASON, JUN.
CONDITIONS.
I. The Statesman will be published every Monday and Thursday, and delivered to subscribers in town by carriers, and forwarded to distant subscribers by mail (exclusive of postage) at three dollars per annum, 1 dollar and 50 cents payable on subscribing.
II. It will be published on a good paper of a Royal size, and on a new and handsome Type.
N.B. Gentlemen who may receive subscription papers are requested to return them to the publisher, at Boston or Newburyport, previous to the first of August next, as the work will positively commence at that time. Boston, June 22, 1808.
SUBSCRIPTIONS
Are received at the Bookstore of THOMAS & TAPPAN, For publishing four Editions of the FAMILY BIBLE, to be delivered to subscribers $6, 7, 10 and 12 dollars each. Those persons who feel disposed to patronize this expensive undertaking, will please to call and leave their names, before the 15th September, at which time the books will be ready for delivery.—They will all be printed in a handsome manner, though on different paper and type; and subscribers names will be printed in the work. Portsmouth, June 12, 1808.
Family BIBLES.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for four Editions of the Family Bible, received at C. PEARCE's Bookstore. July 12.
EDUCATION.
THE second quarter of Mr. CHARLES TRAFT's Academy, will commence this day, those parents who wish to improve the present opportunity, will please to make early application. July 12.
NEW GOODS.
Stephen Hardy,
Has just received in addition to his former stock, a variety of GOLD JEWELRY, Plated and Japan'd WARES, and other fancy Goods, viz—
Gold filigree hoop Ear-Rings; plain swinging do. do. black Ear-Rings & Knobs; pearl set Pins and Rings; plain gold ditto ditto; gold watch Keys and seals, gilt do. and silk watch Chains; plated Candlesticks; sugar Tongs; salt Spoons and plated Castors; plain and filigree silver Thimbles; silver plated and polished steel Sauvers and Trays; table and desert Knives and Forks; Carvers; red ground japan'd tea Trays and Waiters; bread and knife Trays; dressing Cases; tortoise shell and horn combs, ivory do; Specacles and Cases; hair Brushes; Penknives, Jack Knives, Razors and Cases; Scissors; cut glass smelling Bottles, common ditto; velvet Purse, morocco ditto; pocket Books; boxes of Colours and hair Pencils; tooth Brushes; do. Picks; palm-leaf, jessamine, palm and Winsor Soap; otto of Roses; Essences; China and japan'd snuff Boxes. also, a general assortment of Silver, table, desert and Tea Spoons; salt ditto; Thimbles; scissor Chains; sugar Tongs, gold Necklaces; Rings, &c. kept constantly on hand.—With a great variety of other articles too numerous to mention in an advertisement, the whole he offers for sale on the most reasonable terms. July 12.
C. PEARCE has Thermometers of various sizes for sale of the following prices; 25c, 27 1/2c, 30c, 32 1/2c, 40c, 42 1/2c, and 45c.—Surely the curious may be suited from such a variety.
FOR SALE, A HANDSOME new CHAISE and HARNESS; Also, two second hand do.; for cash or lumber—Apply to FRANCIS W. HARDY.
DAVID BAZET forbids all persons harbouring or trusting his wife SILVEY, on his account, for he will not pay any debts of her contracting. DAVID BAZET. July 11th, 1808.
Improved Patent Illuminators
Or Sky Lights for Shipping.
GIVING a more general light than the common Sky Light, with one fourth part of the expense—They are neither liable to leak, break, or to be injured by the common traffic of the deck, nor are they any incumbrance on the deck, and may be placed in any part of the ship where light is wanting, either in the deck or fides; and are equally applicable to the State Room, Steerage, Forecastle, or Cabin. For Houles, they are equally useful, furnishing light at one half the expense of the common Sky Light, and in no danger from hailstones or falling rubbish. The utility and saving in this, must be obvious to every person acquainted with shipping. The above are for sale by Thomas W. Penhallow
Market-Street,—who Keeps constantly on hand an extensive variety of Cutlery, Iron-mongery and Hardware Goods— August 2, 1808.
CUT NAILS,
Of the Maiden Factory of a very good quality—are sold by P. P. F. Degrand,
No 9, D Spear's wharf, Boston, at the following reduced prices; and a discount of five per cent will be made upon any amount above fifty dollars: 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d—9 1/2 cents per lb. 6d,—10 cents, 4d—10 1/2—For Cash, foreign money. Boston, July 27, 1808.
Barrett & Shattuck,
No. 51, Hanover-street, Boston—
CONTINUE to dye & finish of Warrented Colours. Broad-Cloth, Cashmere, Sattin, Lustrig, Crape, Shag, Plush, silk & cotton Velvets, Worsted-Cords, Camel's hair Shawls.—Also, Ladies Sattin, Lustrig, Cambric, Calico & Muslin Gowns, Hosiery & Gloves, Lace Veils, Gentlemen's Coats, Pantaloon, and Vests, cleaned and dyed at short notice and small expense.—Goods received at the store of NATHAN B. FOLSOM, Portsmouth, forwarded and returned to the same place without additional expense. N.B. Persons sending Cloths or Garments of any kind are desired to have them accompanied with a pattern of the colour they wish them made. (as in many colours there are a variety of shades) also to enclose them in paper describing on the outside the contents, colour to be made, and owner's name. Portsmouth, August 1, 1808. (6m)
COTTON YARN, and other American Manufactured COTTON GOODS.
TIMOTHY UPHAM, Has just received a large consignment, and in future will keep constantly for sale a complete assortment of American Manufactured Cotton Goods, which he is enabled to sell at the lowest prices by wholesale or retail; being appointed an agent for one of the largest Manufactories in the United States,—viz.
COTTON Twist and Yarn, of all the various kinds; best American Bed-Ticking (warranted fast colours); Cotton Shirting & Sheetings; Stripes; Checks, &c. of a very superior quality. On hand as usual, A very extensive assortment of European and India Goods. Also, just received from the Fendant from Charleston, S. C. a few Bales of COTTON of a superior quality. Orders from his friends and customers in the Country will be carefully attended to. June 14.
Spring and Summer GOODS.
James Rundlet
INFORMS his customers and the public that he has just received a fresh supply of
GOODS;
which added to his stock on hand make a very general assortment of
English, French & India GOODS, which will be sold at a small advance by Wholesale or Retail. May 24.
WANTED a capable LAD, of correct habits, about 15 years old, to attend in the subscribers store, No. 2, Market-street. July 12. OLIVER BRIARD.
Room Papers & Borderings.
A LARGE assortment of ROOM PAPERS and BORDERINGS just received and for sale at C. PEARCE's Bookstore, CHEAP FOR CASH. June 28.
The person who took from the N.H. Gazette-Office the volume of Gazettes for 1795, is requested to return the same immediately to said office.
THIS DAY PUBLISHED
And for Sale by the Bookellers; A PAMPHLET containing the origin of the Soul; or, Scripture testimony concerning the Soul and Spirit of Man—The Dead shews to be in a state of total insensibility between death and the resurrection; which overthrows the unscriptural notions of modern preachers with regard to the state of the dead—supported only by the faith of Heathen Philosophers. August 2.
A Boy!!
WANTED as an Apprentice to the Printing business, a smart, active LAD,—Enquire at the Gazette Office. August, 1808.
TO LET,
THE dwelling HOUSE formerly occupied by the late Mr. Pomp Spring, situated near the Parade—Enquire of the Printers. June 28, 1808.