The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1788-03-19 00:00:00

THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE AND GENERAL WEDNESDAY,
PORTSMOUTH: By JOHN MELCHER,
[VOLUME XXXII.—No. 1645.]
GAZETTE, THE ADVERTISER,
MARCH 19, 1788.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED IN MARKET-STREET.
“WHEN ANGRY NATIONS PART IN LEAGUES OF PEACE, LET PRIVATE FEUDS AND CIVIL DISCORDS CEASE.”
PROCEEDINGS of the Massachusetts Convention.
(Continued from our last.)
THE 8th sect. of art. 1. containing the POWERS of CONGRESS, still under debate.
Mr. PARSONS, of (Newbury-Port,) Mr. President. A great variety of supposed objections have been made, against vesting Congress with some of the powers defined in the 8th section. Some of the objectors have considered the powers as unnecessary, and others, that the people have not the proper security that these powers will not be abused. To most of these objections, answers, convincing in my opinion to a candid mind, have been given. But as some of the objections have not been noticed, I shall beg the indulgence of the Convention, while I very briefly consider them. And as it is my intention to avoid all repetition, my observations will necessarily be unconnected and desultory.
It has been said, that the grant in this sect. includes all the possessions of the people, and divests them of every thing—that such a grant is impolitic, for as the poverty of an individual guards him against luxury and extravagance, so poverty in a ruler is a fence against tyranny and oppression. Sir, gentlemen do not distinguish between the government of an hereditary aristocracy, where the interest of the governors is very different from that of the subjects, and a government to be administered for the common good by the servants of the people vested with delegated powers by popular elections at stated periods. The federal Constitution establishes a government of the last description, and in this case the people divest themselves of nothing:—The government and powers which the Congress can administer, are the mere result of a compact made by the people with each other, for the common defence and general welfare—To talk, therefore of keeping the Congress poor, if it means any thing, must mean a depriving the people themselves of their own resources. But if gentlemen will still insist, that these powers are a grant from the people, and consequently improper, let it then be observed, that it is now too late to impede the grant—it is already completed—the Congress under the Confederation are invested with it, by solemn compact—they have powers to demand what monies and forces they judge necessary for the common defence and general welfare—powers as extensive as those proposed in this Constitution. But it may be said, as the ways and means are reserved to the several States, they have a check upon Congress by refusing a compliance with the requisitions. Sir, is this the boasted check—a check that can never be exercised but by perfidy and a breach of public faith—by a violation of the most solemn stipulations? It is this check that has embarrassed at home, and made us contemptible abroad—and will any honest man plume himself upon a check which an honest man would blush to exercise?
It has been objected, that the Constitution provides no religious test by oath, and we may have in power unprincipled men, atheists and pagans. No man can wish more ardently than I do, that all our public offices may be filled by men who fear God and hate wickedness; but it must remain with the electors to give the government this security, an oath will not do it: Will an unprincipled man be entangled by an oath? Will an atheist or a pagan dread the vengeance of the christian's God, a being in his opinion the creature of fancy and credulity? It is a solecism in expression. No man is so illiberal as to wish the confining places of honour or profit to any one
sect of christians: But what security is it to government that every public officer shall swear that he is a christian?—For what will then be called christianity? One will declare that the christian religion is only an illumination of natural religion, and that he is a christian; another christian will assert, that all men must be happy hereafter in spite of themselves; a third christian reverses the image, and declares, that let a man do all he can, he will certainly be punished in another world; and a fourth will tell us, that if a man use any force for the common defence, he violates every principle of christianity. Sir, the only evidence we can have of the sincerity and excellency of a man's religion, is a good life—and I trust that such evidence will be required of every candidate by every elector. That man who acts an honest part to his neighbour, will most probably conduct honourably towards the public.
It has been objected, that we have not so good security against the abuse of power under the new Constitution, as the Confederation gives us. It is my deliberate opinion, that we have a better security. Under the Confederation the whole power, executive and legislative, is vested in one body, in which the people have no representation, and where the States, the great and the small States, are equally represented; and all the checks the States have, is a power to remove and disgrace an unfaithful servant, after the mischief is perpetrated. Under this Constitution, an equal representation immediately from the people, is introduced, who by their negative, and the exclusive right of originating money-bills, have the power to controul the Senate, where the sovereignty of the States are represented. But it has been objected, that in the old Confederation the States could at any time recall their delegates, and there was a rotation. No essential benefit could be derived to the people from these provisions, but great inconveniences will result from them.—It has been observed by a gentleman who has argued against the Constitution, that a representative ought to have an intimate acquaintance with the circumstances of his constituents, and after comparing them with the situation of every part of the union, so conduct as to promote the common good. The sentiment is an excellent one, and ought to be engraved on the hearts of every representative. But what is the effect of the powers of recalling.—Your representative, with an operating revocation over his head, will lose all ideas of the general good and will dwindle to a servile agent attempting to serve local and partial benefits by cabal and intrigue.—There are great and inseparable objections to a rotation—It is an abridgment of the rights of the people, and it may deprive them at critical seasons of the services of the most important characters in the nation. It deprives a man of honorable ambition, whose highest glory is the applause of his fellow-citizens, of an efficient motive to great and patriotick exertions. The people individually have no method of testifying their esteem, but by a re-election: And shall they be deprived of the honest satisfaction of wreathing for their friend and patriot a crown of laurel more durable than monarchy can bestow?
It has been objected, that the Senate are made too independent upon the State legislatures. No business under the Constitution of the federal Convention, could have been more embarrassing, than the constructing the Senate, as that body must conduct our foreign negotiations, and establish and preserve a system of national politicks, an uniform adherence to which can alone induce other nations to negotiate with and confide in us—It
is certain the change of the men who compose it should not be too frequent—and should be gradual: At the same time suitable checks should be provided to prevent an abuse of power, and to continue their dependence on their constituents—I think the Convention have most happily extricated themselves from the embarrassment. Although the Senators are elected for six years, yet the Senate as a body composed of the same men, can exist only for two years, without the consent of the States: If the States think proper, one third of that body may at the end of every second year, be new men. When the Senate act as legislators they are controulable at all times by the representatives; and in their executive capacity, in making treaties and conducting the national negotiations, the consent of two thirds is necessary, who must be united to a man, which is hardly possible, or the new men biennially sent to the Senate if the States chuse it can controul them; and at all times there will also be one third of the Senate, who at the expiration of two years must obtain a re-election—or return to the mass of the people.—And the change of men in the Senate will be so gradual as not to destroy or disturb any national system of politicks.
It is objected, that it is dangerous to allow the Senate a right of proposing alterations or amendments in money-bills—that the Senate may by this power encroach the supplies and establish profuse expenditures. But for these reasons the lords in the British parliament have not this power, which is a great security to the liberties of Englishmen. I was much surprised at hearing this objection, and the grounds upon which it was supported. The reason why the lords have not this power is founded on a principle in the English constitution, that the commons alone represent the whole property of the nation; and as a money-bill is a grant to the king, none can make the grant but those who represent the property of the nation; and the negative of the lords is introduced to check the profusion of the commons, and to guard their own property. The manner of passing a money-bill, is conclusive evidence of these principles—for after the assent of the lords, it does not remain with the clerk of the Parliament but is returned to the commons, who by their speaker, present it to the king, as the gift of the commons:—But every supposed controul the Senate by this power may have over money-bills, they can have without it, for by private communications with the representatives, they may as well insist upon an increase of the supplies, or salaries, as by official communications:—But had not the Senate this power, the representative, might tack any foreign matter to a money-bill and compel the Senate to concur, or lose the supplies; this might be done in critical seasons, when the Senate might give way to the encroachment of the representatives, rather than sustain the odium of embarrassing the affairs of the nation.—The ballance between the two branches of the legislature, would in this way be endangered, if not destroyed; and the Constitution naturally injured. This subject was fully considered by the Convention for forming the Constitution of Massachusetts, and the provision made by that body after mature deliberation is introduced into the federal Constitution.
It was objected that by giving Congress a power of direct taxation, we give them power to destroy the State governments by prohibiting them from raising any monies:—But this objection is not founded in the Constitution. Congress have only a concurrent right with each State, in laying direct taxes, not an exclusive right; and the right of
each State to direct taxation is equally extensive and perfect as the right of Congress—any law, therefore, of the United States for securing to Congress more than a concurrent right with each State, is usurpation and void.
It has been objected that we have no bill of rights.—If gentlemen who make this objection, would consider what are the supposed inconveniences resulting from the want of a declaration of rights, I think they would soon satisfy themselves that the objection has no weight. Is there a single natural right we enjoy, uncontrouled by our own legislature, that Congress can infringe? Not one. Is there a single political right secured to us by our Constitution, against the attempts of our own legislature, which we are deprived of, by this Constitution? Not one that I recollect. All the rights Congress can controul, we have surrendered to our own legislature, and the only question is, whether the people shall take from their own legislatures, a certain portion of the several sovereignties, and unite them in one head, for the more effectual securing of the national prosperity and happiness.
The Hon. Gentleman from Boston, has stated at large most of the checks, the people have against usurpation, and the abuse of power, under the proposed Constitution; but from the abundance of his matter, (he has, in my opinion, omitted two or three, which I shall mention.—The oath the several legislative, executive and judicial officers of the several States, take to support the federal Constitution, is as effectual a security against the usurpation of the general government, as it is against the encroachment of the State governments. For an increase of the powers by usurpation, is as clearly a violation of the federal Constitution, as a diminution of these powers by private encroachment—and that oath obliges the officers of the several States, as vigorously to oppose the one as the other. But there is another check, founded in the nature of the union, superior to all the parchment checks that can be invented.—If there should be a usurpation, it will not be upon the farmer and merchant, employed and attentive only to their several occupations, it will be upon thirteen legislatures, compleatly organized, possessed of the confidence of the people, and having the means as well as inclination, successfully to oppose it. Under these circumstances, none but mad men would attempt an usurpation.—But, Sir, the people themselves have it in their power effectually to resist usurpation, without being driven to an appeal to arms.—An act of usurpation is not obligatory, it is not law, and any man may be justified in his resistance. Let him be considered as a criminal by the general government, yet only his own fellow citizens can convict him—they are his jury and if they pronounce him innocent, not all the powers of Congress can hurt him—and innocent they certainly will pronounce him, if the supposed law he resisted was an act of usurpation.
P. M.
As soon as the Convention met this afternoon, Mr. NASON, in a short speech introduced a motion to this effect: "That this Convention, so far reconsider their former vote to disusca the Constitution by paragraphs, as to leave the subject at large open for consideration." This motion met with a warm opposition from several parts of the house.
Mr. WALES said, that the time which had been spent in the discussion, had been well spent—and that he was much surprised to see gentlemen wishing thus to hurry the matter.

Mr. WEDGERY said, that necessity compelled them to hurry.
Mr. DALTON. Mr. President, we have been but six or seven days in the discussion of the Constitution. Sir, has not paragraph after paragraph been considered and explained? Has not great light been thrown on the articles we have considered.—For my part, I profess to have received much light on them—We are now discussing the powers of Congress—Sir, shall we pass that over? Shall we pass over the article of the judiciary power, without examination—I hope, Sir, it will be particularly inquired into. I am sorry to hear gentlemen allege that they have been a long time from home; and that the want of money necessitates them to wish for an early decision.—Sir, have not the General Court provided for the payment of the members of this Convention?—And the Treasurer, I am informed, is collecting money to comply with that provision.—There are many parts which ought to be explained—I hope we shall attend to them with deliberation—and that for the sake of saving a little money, we may not pass over the Constitution, without well considering it.
Judge SUMNER wished the motion might be withdrawn.
Mr. NASON said he would withdraw his motion for the present—but mentioned his intention, of again making it at 10 o'clock, to-morrow.
THURSDAY, January 24, 1788. A.M. Mr. NASON renewed his motion for "reconsidering a former vote to discuss the Constitution by paragraphs, so that the whole might be taken up."
The Hon. Mr. ADAMS said he was one of those who had difficulties and doubts respecting some parts of the proposed Constitution—He had, he said, for several weeks after the publication of it, laid by all the writings, in the public papers, on the subject, in order to be enabled leisurely to consider them. He had, he said, still some difficulties on his mind; but that he had chosen rather to be an auditor, than an objector, and he had particular reasons therefor: As this was the case with him, and as others, he believed, were in a similar situation, he was desirous to have a full investigation of the subject; that thereby such might be confirmed, either in favour or against the Constitution; and was therefore against the motion. We ought not, he said, to be stung of our time, or the public money, when so important an object demanded them—and the public expect that we will not. He was sorry, he said, for gentlemen's necessities—but he would rather support the gentlemen, who were thus necessitated, or lend them money, to do it, than they should hurry so great a subject.—He therefore, hoped that the question would be put, and that we should proceed as we began.
Hon. Mr. PITTS said it was impossible to consider the whole until the parts had been examined—our constituents, said he, have a right to demand of us the reasons which shall influence us to vote as we shall do—he must, he said, therefore oppose the motion.
The Hon. Mr. KING, Col. SMITH, and several other gentlemen, spoke against the motion.
Mr. WEDGERY opposed the motion's being winked out of sight—he wished, he said, the question might be put, that the sense of the Convention respecting it, might be taken.
Gen. THOMPSON said, it was not essential how the matter was considered—but he wished to have the whole subject at large open to discussion, so that every body might speak to it—A member, says he, gets up and speaks—but he is called to order, as one confining himself to the particular paragraph under debate, and this puts him out.—In his opinion, he said, the Constitution, and the reasons which induced gentlemen to frame it ought to have been sent to the several towns, to be considered by them.—My town, says he, considered it seven hours—and after this, there was not one in favor of it.—If this had been done, we should have known the minds of the people on it; and should we dare, he asked, to act different from the sense of the people? It is strange, he said, that a system which its planners say is so plain that he that runs may read it, should want so much explanation.
[The question being generally called for, the motion was put—and negatived without a return of the house. The endeavours of gentlemen to hush to silence, a small buzz of congratulation, among a few citizens in the gallery, being
mistaken by some of the Members, for a hiss, created a momentary agitation in the Convention; which however, after a short conversation subsided.]
(To be continued.)
B O S T O N, March 13. The following petition of DANIEL SHAYS and ELI PARSONS, was, on Monday last, read and committed in the House of Representatives.
To the Hon. the Senate, and House of Representatives, of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in General Court assembled:
May it please your Honours, YOUR Petitioners, penetrated by the melancholy sense of their late errors, and anxious once more to return to the bosom of their country, and enjoy again the blessings of peace, under the mild operation of the laws—humbly beg leave to supplicate the mercy of the Legislature in their favour.
If the most unfeigned penitence, confirmed by an experience of the misfortunes to which they have been personally exposed, in the course of their unhappy opposition to government, may be allowed to operate, they certainly have this to plead in expiation of their past conduct.
Your petitioners do not mean to multiply assurances, but they beg leave boldly to refer to their future behaviour, as the best evidence of their sincerity; and they firmly trust, that no person will hereafter exceed them, in the practice of such virtues as are characteristic of the best citizens.
They have indeed been deluded, but they beg the Hon. Court to believe, that their hearts are still warmed with every sentiment of respect, reverence and attachment to the rights and liberties of the people, and to the laws and constitution of the government.
Your petitioners, may it please your Honours, do not presume to offer any thing in their justification, fully sensible, as they now are, (though they may wish to extenuate) that no arguments can be adduced to excuse their conduct; they see, they feel, and they freely acknowledge, they have long felt the effects of their own temerity. They have unfortunately adopted a mode of procedure, which they are fully sensible, cannot be justified; they will never cease to remember with regret, their not having trusted for relief, to the wisdom and integrity of the ruling power.
But when they thus freely acknowledge their errors, they pray the Hon. Legislature to believe, that these have proceeded from a misapprehension of facts;—from a failure of judgment, and from a too precipitate resentment;—but by no means, from an abandoned principle.—They have been obliged to seek an asylum, far from their friends and connections, in a state of exile from their country.—Yet whatever may have been suggested to the contrary, they have never combined with the concealed enemies of America, if such there be, to subvert its liberty, and to destroy its independence.—No! May it please your Honours, however criminal they may have been in other respects, they cannot be justly reproached with this enormity.
If it be thought necessary, that an example of their sufferings should be continued, to prevent similar disorders to those they have so rashly occasioned, in this Commonwealth;—your petitioners would hope, that end is already attained, as they conceive, in the estimate of their distresses, there is scarcely an inconvenience or misfortune, to which they have not already been exposed:—But if these circumstances do not plead in their favour, they pray the Hon. Court would remember, that they have friends, wives and children, who are innocent, but who, with your petitioners, will be ever bound by new ties of gratitude and affection, to the government, by their pardon.
Your petitioners, may it please your Honours, in thus asking to be restored to the rights and liberties they have lost, and to the peace and protection of the Commonwealth, are not influenced by the fear of further punishment; but in their reinstatement in the possession of such invaluable blessings, they wish to have an opportunity of proving to the world, the sincerity of their reformation, and of adding another happy instance to those, which have been already so conspicuous from the clemency of this Hon. Court.
DANIEL SHAYS, ELI PARSONS,
Extract of a letter from Wicklow, (Ireland) December 16.
"On Tuesday night last, a fine ship, called the Peace and Plenty, of Boston, 270 tons burthen, Robert Bawrrel, master, and 13 men, bound from Liverpool to Boston, laden with white salt, coals, earthen-ware and haberdashery, struck on Wicklow banks, and overset. Her rudder and counter being torn away, she instantly filled with water, and six men were lost. She floated on her beam ends till Friday morning, when she grounded about three miles to the southward of Wicklow-Head, where four of the eight men who had held to the shrouds were washed off, but the master and three men were about nine o'clock in the morning miraculously saved by a boat, whose crew at the instance of Mr. Eccles, under whose house the vessel grounded, ventured through a great surf and heavy swell, and brought them on shore to Mr. Eccles's, by whose uncommon humanity and hospitality they were with difficulty recovered, and who generously rewarded the crew of the boat who so gallantly ventured their lives for the poor men's preservation."
A Nassau (New-Providence) paper of the 19th inst. has the following paragraph: "On the third inst. Capt. Thomas Thomson, in the sloop Sally, beating up from southwest point of Heneaga for Watering-Bay, saw a white flag hoisted on the shore, he immediately hoisted out his yawl and went to the place, where he found 23 women and 52 men and boys, in a most distressed situation: They informed him that they had been passengers on board the brig Chance, commanded by John Stafford, from Dunlany in Ireland, bound for Charleston and Baltimore, in North-America; that after being three months out, and having been for six weeks on short allowance, they were landed on that desolate island, in the evening of the 30th of December: That the Captain previous to his putting them on shore, informed them that island was Trinidad, in which there were three towns and many settlements, and that they might easily get from thence to any part of America: That on being landed, and not finding neither inhabitants nor settlements, they determined to return on board, but on approaching the boat, a musket was fired at them, which killed one of their number. They also mentioned that 23 persons had died on the passage. Captain Thompson arrived here on Saturday with 50 of these unhappy people; 20 of them were landed on Long-Island."
"It seems that a Mr. Connor, supercargo, or Captain's commander, was the chief actor in this inhuman piece of villainy; he took them in at Dublin—many of them paid him 7 guineas, particularly a watch-maker, whom he promised a cabin-passage, but as soon as they were to sea, he turned them all into the hold. On the passage he searched and plundered them of all their money, watches and cloaths. They had been on shore four days, without victuals or drink, and many of them without a rag of clothes to cover their nakedness, and were taken off the island in a most miserable condition, exposed to sun, rain, and swarms of musketeers. Several of the women were far advanced in pregnancy."
On Thursday evening, at the Supreme Court, now sitting in this town, Joseph Taylor and Archibald Taylor, were brought in guilty of highway robbery on the person of Mr. Cunningham, on the neck, some time since, as mentioned in the papers.
Last Friday in the forenoon, the following persons made their escape from the prison in this town by undermining the same; Robert Wm. Jones, Geo. George Jones, Rufus Davis, John Citson, Andrew Jackson, James Bedell, and William Williams.
Saturday the Hon. House passed a bill, continuing the TENDER-LAW, so called, until the third Wednesday in June next; which was on Tuesday negatived by the Hon. Senate—13 voting for, and 16 against it.
The law passed at the last session of the legislature, for continuing the Tender-Act, expired yesterday.
The Bill for the relief of bankrupt debtors, is referred to the next session of the General Court.
On Monday last the Hon. House of Representatives granted a tax of SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND Pounds, to be levied 1/ upon each and every poll, from 16 years old and upwards, to 20, inclusive; and 5/ upon each and every poll from 21 to 70 years old, inclusive; the residue to be assessed on the estates of the inhabitants, who are by law liable to pay taxes, agreeably to the principles of the old valuation. After the above grant, Dr. CONY moved, that the unin-
corporated plantations be struck out of the tax bill—which being seconded, underwent a short debate—in which it appearing to be impracticable, from the embarrassment it must occasion in the assessment, unless a new valuation would be made, to comport with the liberal ideas of the Doctor, the motion was, therefore, negatived.
From the INDEPENDENT GAZETTEER, printed at Philadelphia.
"God never made his works for man to mend," DRYDEN.
ALICIA, a beautiful young lady of the ton, arrived at a little village, about thirty miles from Philadelphia, on the first of last month—joined to the utmost elegance of form, she possessed a certain engagingness in her manner and conversation, that instantly captivated our villagers of both sexes. ARIBERT, who became her ardent admirer, is a young gentleman of fine sense, a lover of the muses, and an adorer of beauty—it was the happiness of Alicia to be beloved—it was more than happiness to Aribert that his passion met with the warmest return—As no obstacles opposed their union, they were married last week.—Early in the morning subsequent to this event, he entered my chamber, without any previous intimation, and to my utter astonishment addressed me thus: "You see before you, my dear Frederick, a man, who, of all others can least bear disappointment, yet has been fated to suffer the greatest—those splendid hopes of joy and ecstasy—nay of permanent happiness, that yesterday lighted up my face with smiles, exist no more—unaccustomed to the absurdity of fashion, I never doubted that the elegant person of Alicia was either more or less than the God of nature made it:—Conceive my defeated expectations—when, in place of what I had deemed a Venus—I encircled in my arms a Being defective in every essential of the Goddess of beauty—he appeared to want all that had constituted Alicia—that indefinable grace—that elegance of form—the harmonious swell, a capite ad calcem , was no more.—Astonished at so unaccountable a transformation—I shrunk with horror from my wife, and in the utmost anxiety and perturbation, enquired if this was Alicia? —The known melody of her voice confirmed the reality of my misfortune, and made me understand that this abominable deception was owing to the execrable ingenuity of fashion!—For, alas! the greater part of Alicia had been made up of cork, horse hair, and other elastic substances.—I have gained a wife, it is true, my dear Frederick, but have lost the woman I loved—my intention is to travel, and in that country where the cursed influence of fashion is least distinguished, your unfortunate friend will fix his abode."—He ended with empowering me to take care of his property—and has not since been heard of.—I shall make no comments.
B. G.
July 27, 1787.
BON MOT of Mr. QUICK.
ONE session at the Old Bailey, the recorder having much business on hand, could not spare time to dine with the other Judges; he therefore ordered a beef steak to be dressed for himself; which, when ready, he examined with circumspection, and pronounced it well done—better able to judge from the first mouthful, he said, Yes, it will do; and on the second, gave judgement, it was a good one; the third he charged with a glass, and the fourth finished it, when he immediately withdrew. Alderman Le Mesurier seeing Little Momus an attentive observer of the circumstance, asked him what he thought of the Recorder? Why (replied he) I think a READER Judge could not sit on the Bench; for I never saw one more attentively examine, candidly arraign, judiciously try, quickly charge, and speedily execute—A BEEF STEAK!
TO BE SOLD
At PUBLIC VENDUE,
On Monday the 7th of April next, At the dwelling-house lately improved by Mr. NOAH PARKER, deceased, The Household Goods belonging to said estate. Sale to begin at 10 o'Clock, A. M. Portsmouth, March 17, 1788.

FRANCFORT, [Germany] Nov. 6. We are assured, that the Emperor's troops, which are to form a line in Gallacia, Hungary, Transylvania, Etolavonia and Croatia, will consist of 162,562 men, of whom 135,360 are infantry.
L O N D O N, November 10. Mr. Eden left Paris on Wednesday last, and is now on his route to Madrid as Ambassador Plenipotentiary from Great-Britain to the Court of Spain.
Nov. 17. There is now a Polish Prince in town, not more than ten or eleven years old, who is allowed to be one of the handsomest boys in Europe. He was sent to this kingdom to be educated, and is entirely attended by English masters.
Nov. 27. Poland is in that irksome situation, wherein it is dangerous to move and dangerous to sit still. The unhappy kingdom is doomed to be the ravenous victim of its powerful neighbours, in their agreements and in their disagreements. Europe saw, in a time of profound tranquility a tripartite partition of territories, dismembered from her, without a colour or pretence of right or reason!
What may she not fear or dread now among great contending empires!
Nov. 30. The French king has sent out orders to Bathune, to form a particular legion of the Dutch Patriots, who have retired from Holland—and who are to be taken in immediate pay.
The new French council of war have given it as their opinion, that the army of France ought to be kept full and complete to the number of 280,000 men; in consequence of which, the necessary orders have been issued for completing that number.
The largest ship that was ever built for the service of the East-India Company, was launched on Saturday at Blackwell. This ship is built on the bottom of the Ceres, and is of the vast burthen of 1162 tons, bound to Madeira and China, and is to proceed under the command of Capt. Price.
"A single potato, planted in the garden of Mr. Technor, of Cuckfield, produced this year an increase of 258, which weighed 89lb. and measured one bushel and a half."
N E W - Y O R K, February 28. TUESDAY, February 26, 1788.
CONGRESS assembled—Present, New - Hampshire, Massachusetts, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and South-Carolina; From Connecticut, Mr. Wadsworth, and from North-Carolina, Mr. White.
According to order, the Minister Plenipotentiary from his Most Christian Majesty, was introduced to a publick audience, when he delivered a letter of credence from his Most Christian Majesty, of which the following is a translation:
Very dear great Friends and Allies, Particular reasons, relative to the good of our service, have determined us to appoint a successor to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, our Minister Plenipotentiary with you. We have chosen the Count de Moustier, to take his place in the same quality. The marks of zeal which he has hitherto given us, persuade us, that on this new occasion, he will conduct himself in such a manner as to render himself agreeable to you, and more and more worthy of our good will. We pray you to give full faith to whatever he may say to you on our part; particularly when he shall assure you of the sincerity of our wishes for your prosperity, as well as of the constant affection and friendship which we bear to the United States in general, and to each of them in particular. We pray God, that he will have you, very dear great friends and allies, in his holy keeping. Written at Versailles, the 30th September, 1787.
Your good friend, and Ally. (Signed) L O U I S, Count de MONTMORIN. To the UNITED STATES of NORTH-AMERICA.
After which he addressed Congress in a Speech, of which the following is a translation:
Gentlemen of Congress, The relations of friendship, and affection, which subsist between the King my master and the United States, have been established on a basis which cannot but daily acquire a new degree of solidity. It is satisfactory to be mutually convinced that an alliance formed for obtaining a glorious peace, after efforts directed by the greatest wisdom, and sustained with admirable constancy, must always be conformable to the common interests; and that it is a fruitful source of infinite advantage to both nations, whose mutual
confidence and intercourse will encrease in proportion as they become better known to each other.
The King, who was the first to connect himself with the United States as a sovereign power, to second their efforts and favor their interests, has never ceased, since that memorable period, to turn his attention to the means of proving to them his affections: This sentiment directs the views which his Majesty forms for their prosperity. Their success will always interest him sensibly; and there is reason to hope for it, from the wisdom of the measures, which they will adopt.
To this solemn assurance of interest and attachment on the part of the King, and to the ardent wishes of a great number of my countrymen, who have had the advantage to be associated in the military toils and success of the United States, permit me to add those which I particular entertain for the growth and glory of these States. I at length enjoy the satisfaction of having it in my power here to testify the profound veneration with which I have been constantly penetrated, for a people who have been able to fix, from their birth, the attention of the most considerable powers in Europe, and whose courage and patriotism have astonished all nations.—My happiness will be complete, gentlemen, if I could succeed by my zeal and most constant care to merit your esteem, your confidence and your approbation.
The task which I have to accomplish, appears to me to be the more difficult, as in succeeding a minister who held the place near you, gentlemen, with which I am now honoured, I am far from enjoying the advantages which he derived from his talents, his knowledge, and those circumstances which placed him in the most intimate relations to you. I will endeavor to resemble him, at least by the greatest attention to promote and give success to whatever may contribute to the satisfaction, the glory, and prosperity of the United States.
To which the PRESIDENT made the following REPLY:
SIR, It will always give us pleasure to acknowledge the friendship and important good offices, which we have experienced from his Most Christian Majesty, and your generous nation: and we flatter ourselves, that the same principles of magnanimity and regard to mutual conveniences, which dictated the connections between us, will continue to operate, and to render them still more extensive in their benefits to the two countries.
We consider the alliance, as involving engagements, highly interesting to both parties; and we are persuaded that they will be observed with entire and mutual good faith.
We are happy in being so explicitly assured of the continuance of his Majesty's friendship and attachment, and in this opportunity of expressing the high sense we entertain of their sincerity and value. It is with real satisfaction, Sir, that we receive you as his Minister Plenipotentiary; especially as your character gives us reason to expect, that the harmony and interest of both nations, will not be less promoted by your talents, candour and liberality, than they were by those which distinguished your predecessor, and recommended him to our esteem and regard.
The foreign Ministers, Consuls, &c. and a large number of the most respectable characters of the city, attended at the Hall on this occasion, and an elegant entertainment was given by the Hon. President of Congress.
B O S T O N, March 15. The Hon. Senate have passed a Bill, which was yesterday read a second time, in the House of Representatives, to prevent the iniquitous and inhuman practice of the Slave Trade, and for affording relief to the families of those persons, who may be kidnapped, or decoyed from this State.
By a vessel arrived here yesterday, from Halifax, we learn, that that town had been for several days, disturbed by the outrages of parties in a contested election for a representative—The refugees having set up a Mr. Stearns, from this State, as a candidate—and the native inhabitants having proposed a citizen of Nova-Scotia—That in a riot, in consequence, two persons had been killed—and that a number were wounded, among whom were Mr. Mulberry Holmes, formerly of this town, and his son. The refugees lost the election.
Yesterday, his excellency the governor, with advice and consent of the council, was pleased to appoint Thursday the 17th
of April next, to be observed as a day of fasting and prayer throughout this commonwealth.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Portland, Casco-Bay, to his friend in this town.
"Election begins to be the topic of conversation in almost all circles, and I believe people in general have determined in their own minds on whom to bestow their suffrages. Our present illustrious commander in chief will have the votes of the inhabitants of these three counties for governor, and the honorable SAMUEL ADAMS will have a majority for lieutenant-governor. Indeed, my friend, it is heartily wished that a union might take place in favour of Hancock and Adams throughout the state: with respect to the former, there is no room for a doubt: and as to the latter, if justice, honour and gratitude can have any weight on the minds of the freemen of Massachusetts, confident I am that he will be promoted to the second post of honour in the Commonwealth."
P O R T S M O U T H, March 19.
Monday, agreeable to notification, the inhabitants of this town assembled in the State-House, and (the Selectmen presiding) proceeded to give in their votes for President and Senators, but finding the room not large enough to contain the numerous voters, the meeting was adjourned to the Rev. Mr. BUCKMINSTER's meeting-house; the votes being nearly brought in for President and Senators, the town, on motion for that purpose, made choice of the Hon. DANIEL RINDGE, Esq. for their moderator, and proceeded to give in their votes for Representatives. At the close of the meeting, the votes for President and Senators were declared to stand as follows:
For PRESIDENT, Hon. John Langdon, Esq. 346 His Excellency President Sullivan, 17 S E N A T O R S, Hon. Peirce Long, Esq. 356 Joshua Wentworth, Esq. 351 Christopher Toppan, Esq. 337 John Pickering, Esq. 351 Joseph Gilley, Esq. 413 Joseph Gilman, Esq. 23
After the votes were declared, the Hon. Mr. LANGDON rose, and in a short, but polite speech, returned his thanks to the town for the very great honour they had conferred upon him. He said, he should be wanting in gratitude, did he not acknowledge such distinguished marks of the approbation of his fellow citizens. To a mind of sensibility, such unexampled unanimity could not fail of affording the most agreeable sensations.
The Hon. Mr. LONG expressed his gratitude to the town for the honour they had conferred upon him, and assured them that his exertions should be to further their interest.
The Hon. Mr. PICKERING paid a very polite compliment to the town for such unanimous tokens of their approbation conferred upon him, assured them that he should constantly exert himself to serve them; and that, among other objects, to relieve them from the present embarrassments, which hang upon their commerce, should be his principle study.
List of votes given in for a President and Senators—from Amberst, for President: His Excellency President Sullivan, 109 Hon. John Langdon, Esq. 44
S E N A T O R S, Hon. R. Means, Esq. 164 Hon. Ebenezer Webster, Esq. 162 Hollis, President, Hon. J. Langdon 110 EITCHEFIELD, ditto, 18 President Sullivan, 17 KENSINGTON, ditto, 70 and 30 divided between Messrs. Bartlett, Livermore and Langdon.
S E N A T O R S, Hon. Col. Long, J. Pickering, Esq. General Gilley, Col. Toppan and Joseph Gilman, Esq. The number of votes for each we have not been able to obtain.
Philadelphia was founded in 1682, by the great Mr. Penn. It contains now almost 5000 houses, and 50,000 inhabitants, composed of English, Irish, Scotch and German descendants. There are in the city, three Friend's Meetings, three Episcopal churches, besides the Swedish Lutheran, which is now annexed to that order; three Presbyterian, one Baptist, one Roman Catholic, one Methodist, three or four German churches, and several other religious assemblies. The whole State of Pennsylvania contains about three hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants.
Died since our last, Mrs. Elizabeth Robey aged 84, also a child of Capt. Edwards.
By His EXCELLENCY JOHN SULLIVAN, Esq. PRESIDENT of the State of New-Hampshire.
A PROCLAMATION FOR A GENERAL FAST.
AS the constant dependence of man upon the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, for Life and all its Enjoyments, is undeniable: While the natural disposition of mankind to wander from that Line of Rectitude, which Divine Revelation has so clearly pointed out, is no less certain;—the laudable and pious example of our Ancestors, in setting apart certain Days for imploring the pardon and protection of ALMIGHTY GOD, must be truly worthy of imitation: The General Court, have therefore thought proper to appoint the TENTH DAY OF APRIL NEXT to be observed as a DAY OF GENERAL HUMILIATION, FASTING AND PRAYER, throughout this State. And in consequence of such appointment, I do, by and with the advice and consent of Council, issue this Proclamation; earnestly recommending to the religious Societies of every denomination, that they assemble themselves together, on that Day, and offer up their Supplications to the Father of mercies for the pardon of our numerous transgressions, and a continuance of those favours, which he of his infinite Goodness has hitherto been pleased to make us the partakers of;—Entreat him to avert those Judgments, which our sins have justly merited;—and save the Land, which his own arm has delivered from oppression;—That he will graciously inspire our Rulers with Wisdom, Integrity and Love of Virtue;—Crown the Labours of our Husbandmen, by causing the Earth to yield her increase;—Prosper our Trade and Manufactures;—Bestow upon us the Blessings of Health;—Preserve us from foreign Wars, and intestine Commotions;—Grant to the Members of our Convention, that Wisdom, which is necessary to direct, and lead them into those measures which may promote the Interest and Happiness of the United States;—And above all, that the Gospel of our blessed SAVIOUR may spread throughout the World; and that the Embassadors of his Kingdom may have reason to rejoice in the success of their Labours.
All servile Employment and Recreation are strictly forbidden on said Day.
Given at the Council Chamber, in Durham, the Twenty-ninth Day of February, in the Year of our LORD, One Thousand, Seven Hundred and Eighty-eight, and in the Twelfth Year of AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.
JOHN SULLIVAN. By his Excellency's Command, with advice of Council, JOSEPH PEARSON, Secretary. GOD SAVE THE STATE.
N A V A L - O F F I C E, PORT OF PISCATAQUA, March 19. 1788. E N T E R E D, FROM Brig Izette, Drisco, St. Eustatia. C L E A R E D, FOR Ship Hercules, Brown, London.
WEEKLY ALMANACK For PORTSMOUTH.—Lat. 43d. 5 N. Mar. 1r. ☉. 15. Sea. 1r. ☉. 1. Calendar.
Table with 7 columns: Date, Day, Moon, Day of Week, Dominical Letter, Easter, and Notes. Rows for March 19-25.
THE subscribers appointed commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of SAMUEL HALE, Jr. late of Portsmouth, Esq. deceased, represented insolvent, give notice that they will attend said business on the last Wednesday of this and the five succeeding months, from six to nine o'clock, P. M. at the dwelling house of Mrs. Purcell, in this town. A. R. CUTTER, JOHN PEARCE, Portsmouth, March 10, 1788.

Parnassian Spring.
Mr. Printer, Please to present the author of a late poem on Universalism, which appeared in your paper with the following lines. Forgive weak means and pardon if you can A mind that's free and dares to speak to man.
W HEN GOD made man he made him free from sin, Without one spot or stain, all pure within, In his own image beautify'd with grace, Felicity complete, of sin forbid to taste. His lot was cast in Eden's happy land. Nothing to do but keep his Lord's com- mand, Forbid to taste the most delicious thing, Man's chief delight and pride, the crea- ture sin.
But O! indeed he could not bare the task, To be deny'd of such a sweet repast, He took the fruit, forbidden as it was, And griev'd the spirit of his God above. O cruel lust! to leave a sting behind, Which poisons all the race of Adam's line, Man still must crave and taste what God forbid, Is not content with what he's pleas'd to give.
Whoever will the devil's works deny, It was for such the Lord of life did die; No one in sin can ever happy be, None but the good can joys of glory see. O why such fruitless thoughts, this bold harangue, About the future state of fallen man; By trusting Satan our first parents fell, By Jesus Christ we are redeem'd from hell. By Jesus Christ man's sins will be forgiven; Who shuns the road to hell shall find a heaven: Come courteous writer drop the pen a while, Lest Satan should such noble parts be- guile.
In controverting bid your pen be dry, It wounds the cause for which the Lord did die. It shocks the weak man's mind and makes him worse; Let not the good you mean become a curse. Your verses flow from wit and eloquence, Your genius bright some better part commence, Poor fallen man but vanity at best, Aspires to be with ample knowledge blest. O stupid folly! who can think to scan The mind of GOD what he appoints for man; Omnipotence was never known to err, Nor never can while heaven and earth's his care.
The scripture's plain, nor may we add thereto, Lest heavy vengeance should the attempt ensue, Neither diminish GOD's Most Holy word, Wrote by the Lamb and seal'd with his own blood.
Whoever will to GOD's decrees resign, May find a GOD that's merciful and kind; O that all men would truth and justice love, This is the plan prescrib'd by GOD above. If all mankind would acts of mercy show, A heaven would soon begin on earth below; If humble steps was man's darling delight This world in love and peace would all unite.
W E the subscribers appointed commis- sioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of SIMEON DEARBORN, late of Wake- field, Esq. deceased, represented insolvent, give notice that we will attend for that purpose at the dwelling house of the widow Dearborn, of said Wakefield, on the third Tuesday of this and the five following months. AVERY HALL, JONATHAN PALMER. Wakefield, March 6, 1788.
A LL Persons who have accounts with the Overseers of the poor, are re- quested to exhibit them immediately for adjustment. Portsmouth, March 11, 1788.
All persons indebted to the Printer hereof for Newspapers, Advertisements, &c. are earnestly requested to call and settle their accounts up, as he is under the ne- cessity of having them closed im- mediately, he hopes none will ne- glect this reasonable request.
State of New-Hampshire. N OTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Hopkinton, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the sub- scriber, on or before Thursday the 24th day of April next, so much of their land as will pay the same, to- gether with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at one of the clock on said day, at the dwell- ing house of Lieut. Timothy Dar- ling, innholder in said town, unless prevented by previous payment.
No. Acr. l. s. d.    Lot No. 7 near Black water on the north side of Contoocook River. 100 11 3   Lots on the south side of Contoocook River. 8 120 2 10 0   ditto 10 120 5 8 1   JOSHUA MORSE, Constable. Hopkinton, March 6, 1788. 
State of New-Hampshire. N OTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Hopkinton, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the sub- scriber on or before Thursday the 24th day of April next, so much of their land as will pay the same to- gether with incidental charges will be sold at public vendue at one of the clock on said day, at the dwell- ing house of Lieut. Timothy Dar- ling, innholder in said town, unless prevented by previous payment.
No. Acr. V. s. d. q    lots on the south side of Conto- ocook River. 8 120 8 0 6 1   lot vendued and struck off to cap- tain James Carr the north side of Cotocook River 11 110 80 1 3 3   ISAAC BAYLEY, Constable. Hopkinton, March 6, 1788.   State of New-Hampshire. 
N OTICE is hereby given to the non- resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Orford, who have not paid their taxes from the year 1780 to 1787, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, before the first Tuesday in May next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at pub- lic vendue, at my dwelling house in said town at 2 o'clock, P. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
   N. Em. Certif. Silver. Facil.     B. Wentworth 50 11 0 7 9 2 18 5 11 5 2 4   ditto 100 18 6 1 8 1 0 4 4 11 9   ditto 100 18 7 1 8 1 0 4 4 11 9   ditto undiv'd 7 0 5 0 10 0 4   J. Brown 100 8 1 2 20 16 10 4 11 12   Jeremiah Marston, Collector. Orford, February 18, 1788.  
S IX months longer being allowed the Commissioners to receive and exam- ine the claims against the estate of DANIEL FOWLE, Esq. deceased, give notice that they shall attend for that purpose at the Post Office, on the last Thursday of this, and the five follow- ing months, from 4 to 7 o'clock, P.M. Portsmouth, Feb. 21, 1788.
All Persons indebted to the subscriber, are requested to make immediate payment:—He will receive State Notes, Interest Certificates, Final Settlements, and Indents, at the highest passing value: —Orders on the Treasury will be received equal with Silver and Gold. John Sullivan. Durham, February 26, 1788.
State of New-Hampshire. W E the subscribers being appoint- ed commissioners by the hon. Charles Johnson, Esq. judge of pro- bate, &c. for the county of Grafton, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate Simeon Smith, late of Wentworth, deceased, represented insolvent, do hereby give notice that we will at- tend the same on the third Tuesday in the five following months, from one to five o'clock, in the afternoon, at the dwelling-house of the widow Molly Smith's in said town. ENOCH PAGE, JOSEPH KIMBALL, WILLIAM BUTLER, } Commiss. Wentworth, Jan 23, 1788.
All persons indebted to, or that have any demands upon the estate of George Medar, late of Rochester, joiner, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same im- mediately for settlement, to the subscribers, executors to the last will and testament of said deceased. MARGARET MEDAR, PELATIAH CARTLAND. Rochester, March 4.
A LL persons indebted to, or that have any demands on the estate of JAMES COLMAN, late of New- ington, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts for settlement to MARTHA COLMAN, admini- stratrix. Newington, Jan. 22.
By the UNITED STATES in Con- gress assembled, Feb. 12, 1788.
R ESOLVED, that the Secretary for foreign affairs for the time being, be and he is hereby author- ized and directed, upon application made to him for that purpose, to grant in the usual form SEA LET- TERS for any vessel or vessels owned intirely and navigated chiefly by citizens of the United States, and bound on long and distant voyages, at his discretion; provided always, that it be made appear to him by oath or affirmation, or by such other evidence as shall by him be deemed satisfactory by the person or persons applying therefor, that the vessel or vessels for which such sea letters shall be required, shall together with all and every part of her cargo, be owned entirely, and commanded by officers, citizens of the United States, and shall be navigated for the most part by the same. That for this purpose the Secretary for foreign affairs be and he is hereby instructed to procure a sufficient number of blank SEA-LETTERS, draughted in the usual form, and signed by the President of Congress for the purposes aforesaid; and that the same when filled up, be sealed with the seal of the United States, and certified by the Secretary of Congress. CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary. The several Printers of the State are desired to publish the foregoing act of Congress. JOHN SULLIVAN, President of the State of New Hampshire.
State of New-Hampshire. To Moses Dow, Esquire, a justice of the peace and of the Quorum through- out said State.
W E the subscribers owners of more than a sixteenth part of the township of Concord, in the county of Grafton, and State afore- said, request you, pursuant to the laws of said State, to call a meeting of the proprietors of said township, to be holden at the dwelling-house of Major Samuel Young, in said Concord, on Thursday the fifteenth day of May next, at one of the clock in the afternoon, to vote and act on the following particulars, viz.
 1st, To choose a moderator to govern said meeting.  2d, To ratify and confirm any or all the former votes and proceed- ings of said proprietors at any of their meetings held since the first of No- vember, Anno Domini 1786,—or reconsider any that have been or may be passed by them before said fifteenth day of May.  3d, To raise such sum or sums of money as may be judged expedi- ent, for prosecuting or defending any actions, for or against said pro- prietors; for laying out, making or repairing highways and bridges;— for making surveys and allotting out lands in said township,—or for any other purposes that may then and there be thought conducive toward the settlement of said town, or to the interest of said proprietors.  4th, To choose assessors to assess, and a collector to collect such sum or sums of money as may be voted.  5th, To agree upon and establish an easier method for calling proprie- tary meetings in future.  6th, To see if said proprietors will agree and vote to have all their meet- ings in future held in said town.  7th, To choose a proprietors clerk, agents, committees and other proprietary officers as occasion may require.  8th, To transact and vote any other matters and things that may be thought necessary to be voted and transacted at said meeting.  BENJAMIN WHITCOMB, SAMUEL YOUNG, JOHN YOUNG, JOSIAH LITTLE, JOHN G. BAYLEY, ISAAC MOORE. February 5th, 1788. State of New-Hampshire. February 6th, 1788. A GGREEABLY to the above request, the said proprietors are hereby notified to meet at the time and place aforesaid, for the purposes above mentioned. MOSES DOW, Justice Peace.
To be LET, And entered upon the first of April next, An excellent FARM, in Dover, bordering on Cochecho river, pleasantly situated, 10 miles from Portsmouth, containing about 200 Acres, with good Orchards, Mowing, Pasturing, and Tillage Ground; lately improved by Capt. Jonathan Perkins, and known by the name of DAME'S FARM. For Terms, apply to Jacob Sheafe, jun.
For SALE, A Genteel Chaife, cheap, Apply to the Printer hereof.
A few copies of the PROPOSED United States Constitution may be had at this Office.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for this Paper, at Two Shillings and Three Pence per quarter, exclusive of postage, are taken in by the Publisher, at his Printing-Office in Market-Street, Portsmouth; where Advertisements are received, the favours of Correspondents carefully attended to, and Printing performed reasonably.