The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1788-03-26 00:00:00

THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE AND GENERAL WEDNESDAY, PORTSMOUTH: By JOHN MELCHER,
[VOLUME XXXII.—No. 1546.] GAZETTE, THE ADVERTISER, MARCH 26, 1788. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED IN MARKET-STREET.
“WHEN ANGRY NATIONS PART IN LEAGUES OF PEACE, LET PRIVATE FEUDS AND CIVIL DISCORDS CEASE.”
[The Printer hereof intends to furnish his generous Patrons by way of the Gazette, with a copy of all the Laws enacted by the Legislature of this State since the year 1787, beginning with those passed in January, after which time they will be enabled at the low price of nine shillings pr. year, not only to furnish themselves with the latest and most interesting intelligence, &c. but with a copy of the laws by which they are governed.]
AN ACT
Passed January 6th, 1787, In addition to an Act, intitled “An Act for opening and making passable an High way from Dartmouth College to Bolscawen. WHEREAS the provision in said Act, for making said high-way, is found insufficient for the purposes therein intended, and said high-way, to this time, in most of the towns through which it is laid, is wholly neglected notwithstanding: Therefore, BE it enacted by the SENATE and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, in GENERAL COURT convened, That the committee appointed by said Act, or that may be appointed, to direct and see that the same is done, be, and they are hereby authorized and impowered, after due notice in writing, given by them, or either one of them, to the selectmen of the respective towns or parishes, to open and make passable said high-way, agreeably to said act, and the place where the same is to be opened; and a reasonable time allowed them after such warning, for their doing the same, and they still neglecting or refusing in whole or in part, the committee or any one of said committee, shall forthwith cause the high-way to be effectually made and done, by procuring labour and materials therefor, and his or their account of the expences so laid out, shall be laid before the Court of General Sessions of the Peace in the county where such expenditures have been applied, and such account being adjusted and allowed of by said Court, and apportioned to the respective towns or parishes, they are hereby impowered and directed, to grant out a warrant of distress, directed to the Sheriff, or his deputy, to levy and collect of the money, goods, or cattle of the Selectmen of such town or parish respectively, the sum or sums apportioned to them as aforesaid; and in case of said warrant's being returned without satisfaction, the Court shall grant out an alias in like manner, against the inhabitants of such delinquent town or parish, with the additional cost of such return; which sum or sums of money so levied and collected, shall be paid to the committee, or either of them, who shall have expended the same as aforesaid, as the Court shall order and direct in said warrant.
And be it further enacted, That the General Court, from time to time, as occasion shall require, may appoint a new committee, either in whole or in part, until said high-way is finished.
And be further enacted, That the Selectmen of the several towns and parishes, through which said high-way is laid, be, and hereby are, impowered to tax the lands of non-resident proprietors in their respective towns and parishes, toward the making passable said high-way, in the same proportion as the lands of like quality, owned by resident proprietors, are taxed; and in case of non-payment, to proceed against the same, in the same manner as by law is directed for collecting taxes from proprietors of common and undivided lands.
MALICE. To be at once merry and malicious, is the sign of corrupt heart, and a mean understanding.
PROCEEDINGS of the Massachusetts Convention. (Continued from our last.)
The 8th sect. was again, read, HON. Mr. SEDGWICK went into a general answer to the objections, which had been started against the powers to be granted to Congress, by this sect. —He shewed the absolute necessity there was that the body which had the security of the whole for their object, should have the necessary means allowed them to effect it—and in order to secure the people against the abuse of this power, the representatives and people, he said, are equally subject to the laws, and can therefore have but one and the same interest—that they never would lay unnecessary burthens, when they themselves must bear a part of them; and from the extent of their objects, their power ought necessarily to be illimitable. Men, says he, rarely do mischief for the sake of being mischievous. With respect to the power in this sect. to raise armies, the hon. gentleman said, although gentlemen had thought it a dangerous power, and would be used for the purpose of tyranny, yet they did not object to the whole of the late army in the field, had they seen fit. He asked if gentlemen could think it possible, that the legislature of the United States should raise an army unnecessarily, which, in a short time, would be under the controul of other persons—for if it was not to be under their controul, what object could they have in raising it. It was, he said, a chimerical idea, to suppose that a country like this, could ever be enslaved. How is an army for that purpose to be obtained? From the freemen of the United States? They certainly, says he, will know to what object it is to be applied. Is it possible, he asked, that an army could be raised for the purpose of enslaving themselves and their brethren; or if raised, whether they could subdue a nation of freemen—who know how to prize liberty, and who have arms in their hands? He said, it was a deception in gentlemen, to say, that this power could be thus used. The hon. gentleman said, that in the Constitution every possible provision against an abuse of power was made—and if gentlemen would candidly investigate for themselves, they would find that the evils they lament cannot ensue therefrom.
Mr. DAWES observed, upon the authority of Congress to raise and support armies, that all the objections which had been made by gentlemen against standing armies, were inapplicable to the present question; which was, that as there must be an authority somewhere, to raise and support armies, whether that authority ought to be in Congress. As Congress are the legislature upon the proposed plan of government, in them only, said he, should be lodged the power under debate. Some gentlemen seem to have confused ideas about standing armies: That the legislature of a country should not have power to raise armies, is a doctrine he never heard before. Charles II. in England, kept in pay an army of five thousand men, and James II. augmented them to thirty thousand. This occasioned a great and just alarm through the nation; and accordingly when William III. came to the throne, it was declared to be unconstitutional to raise or keep a standing army in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature. Most of our own State constitutions have borrowed this language from the English declaration of rights; but none of them restrain their legislatures from raising and supporting armies.—Those who never objected to such an authority in Congress, as vested by the
old Confederation, surely ought not to object to such a power in a Congress, where there is to be a new branch of representation, arising immediately from the people, and which branch alone must originate those very grants that are to maintain the army. When we consider that this branch is to be elected every two years, there is great propriety in its being restrained from making any grants in support of the army for a longer space than that of their own existence. If the election of this popular branch were for seven years, as in England, the same men who would make the first grant, might also the second and third, for the continuance of the army; and such an acquaintance might exist between the representatives in Congress and the leaders of the army, as might be unfavorable to liberty. But the wisdom of the late Convention has avoided this difficulty. The army must expire of itself in two years after it shall be raised, unless renewed by representatives, who at that time will have just come fresh from the body of the people. It will share the same fate as that of a temporary law, which dies at the time mentioned in the act itself, unless revived by some future legislature.
Captain DENCH said, it had been observed, and he was not convinced that the observation was wrong, that the grant of the powers in this sect. would produce a consolidation of the States—and the moment it begins, a dissolution of the State governments commences. If mistaken, he wished to be set right.
P. M.
Dr. TAYLOR asked, why there was to be a federal town, over which Congress is to exercise exclusive legislation?
Hon. Mr. STRONG said, that every gentleman must think, that the election of a federal town was necessary, wherein Congress might remain protected from insult. A few years ago, said the hon. gentleman, Congress had to remove, because they were not protected by the authority of the State in which they were then sitting. He asked, whether this Convention, though convened for but a short period, did not think it was necessary that they should have power to protect themselves from insult—much more so must they think it necessary to provide for Congress, considering they are to be a permanent body.
Hon. Mr. DAVIS (Boston) said, it was necessary that Congress should have a permanent residence: and that it was the intention of Congress under the confederation, to erect a federal town. He asked, would Massachusetts, or any other State, wish to give to New-York, or the States in which Congress shall sit, the power to influence the proceedings of that body which was to act for the benefit of the whole, by leaving them liable to the outrages of the citizens of such States?
Dr. TAYLOR asked, why it need be ten miles square, and whether one mile square would not be sufficient?
Hon. Mr. STRONG said, Congress were not to exercise jurisdiction over a district of ten miles, but one not exceeding ten miles square.
Rev. Mr. STILLMAN said, that whatever was the limits of the district, it would depend on the cession of the legislature of one of the States.
Mr. DENCH said, that he wished farther light on the subject, but that from the words, “We the people,” in the first clause, ordaining this Constitution, he thought it was an actual consolidation of the States—and that, if he was not mistaken, the moment it took place, a dissolution of the State governments will also take place.
Gen. BROOKS (Lincoln) rose, he said, to consider the idea suggested by the gen-
tleman last speaking, that this Constitution would produce a dissolution of the State governments, or a consolidation of the whole; which, in his opinion, he said, was ill founded—or rather a loose idea. In the first place, says he, the Congress under this Constitution cannot be organized without repeated acts of the legislatures of the several States—and therefore, if the creating power is dissolved, the body to be created cannot exist. In the second place, says the General, it is impossible the general government can exist, unless the governments of the several States are for ever existing, as the qualifications of the electors of federal representatives are to be the same as those of the electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.—It was, therefore, he said, impossible, that the State governments should be annihilated by the general government; and it was, he said, strongly implied from that part of the sect. under debate, which gave Congress power to exclusive jurisdiction over the federal town, that they should have exercise over no other place. When we attend to the Constitution, we shall see, says the General, that the powers to be given to Congress amount only to a consolidation of the strength of the union—and that private rights are not consolidated.—The General mentioned the rights which Congress could not infringe; upon and said, that their power to define what was treason was much less than is vested in the legislature of this State, by our own constitution—as it was confined in the 3d sect. of art. III. to levying war, or adhering to, and comforting enemies only.—He mentioned the restraint upon Congress in the punishment of treason, and compared it with the extended powers lodged in the Parliament of Great-Britain, on like crimes; and concluded by observing, that as the United States-guarantee to each State a Republican form of government; the State governments were as effectually secured, as though this Constitution should never be in force.
Hon. Mr. KING said, in reply to the inquiry respecting a Federal town, that there was now no place for Congress to reside in; and that it was necessary that they should have a permanent residence, where to establish proper archives, in which to deposit treaties—state papers—deeds of cession, &c.
Hon. Mr. SINGLETARY said, that all gentlemen had said about a bill of rights to the Constitution, was, that what is written, is written—But he thought we were giving up all power—and that the States will be like towns, in this State—Towns says he, have a right to lay taxes to raise money—and the States possibly may have the same. We have now, says he, a good republican constitution—and we do not want it guaranteed to us—He did not understand what gentlemen meant by Congress guaranteeing a republican form of government—he wished they would not play round the subject with their fine stories, like a fox round a trap but come to it—Why don't they say that Congress will guarantee our State Constitution, he asked.
Gen. THOMPSON said, Congress only meant to guarantee a form of government.
Hon. Mr. KING asked, whether if the present constitution of this State had been guaranteed by the United States, the hon. gentleman from Sutton would not have considered it as a great defect in the proposed Constitution—as it must have precluded the State from making any alterations in it, should they see fit to do, at the time mentioned in the constitution.
[Several other gentlemen spoke, in a desultory conversation, on various parts of the Constitution; in which several articles from the Constitution of this State, and

the Confederation, were read; many questions asked the hon. gentlemen who framed the Constitution, to which answers apparently satisfactory were given.]
L O N D O N, January 2.
The treaty of alliance between England, Holland and Prussia, is in great forwardness, on which subject Sir James Harris has lately held frequent conferences with the States General, and from whose abilities there is little doubt but its conclusion will be equally to the honor and advantage of this country.
Extract of a letter from Paris, Dec. 13.
"France is about, to see what France never saw before, nor Holland ever expected to witness—a colony of heretics, patriotic Duchmen established in a Roman Catholic country. The measure, however, has justice, as well as policy, for its basis. The industry of the Dutch is famous even to a proverb; and—setting every other object aside—ample employment will they find for that industry in the promotion of our fisheries, and in the advancement of our marine. At present, the only point in agitation, is, where shall they be established?—The environs of Cherburgh have been repeatedly proposed; as have also those of St. Valery, and of Crotay, on the banks of the river Somme. To all appearance, however, Crotay will be the spot; the whole district of which being the property of the Count d'Artois, which he has generously offered as an asylum to the distressed Hollanders."
"Mr. de Bougainville is every hour expected to set off for London; and the avowed object of his mission from our court is, to examine the British ports and to report, after such examination, whether the disarmaments have been effected conformably to the Convention."
H A L I F A X, (Nova-Scotia) Feb. 8.
The General Assembly have resolved, that a sum not exceeding 400l. be granted for the purpose of hiring a proper house in the neighbourhood of Windsor, for an Academy, and also for paying the salary of President and Professor thereof one year. The Committee in deliberating upon this subject, having duly considered and lamented the wretched state of literature in this province, and having been unavoidably led to contrast it with the state of literature in the neighbouring republics, earnestly recommended to the consideration of the house, to erect such a college or university in this province, to prevent as early as may be, the youth of this country (now panting after knowledge) from rushing into the various seminaries, already established in the United States of America, by which means their attachment to their native country may be in danger of being weakened, and principles imbibed unfriendly to the British constitution.
P R O V I D E N C E, March 6.
In the LOWER HOUSE of ASSEMBLY, of RHODE-ISLAND.
FRIDAY, February 29, 1788. P. M.
Mr. Josslyn [West-Greenwich] made a motion to the following purport:—"That the Constitution for the United States, proposed by the late federal Convention, be submitted to the free-men of the several towns in this State, in town meetings assembled, for their decision; and that the yeas and nays be registered in the several towns, in the same manner as it is now done for the choice of general officers."—This motion was seconded by Mr. Hazard [Charlestown.]
After a pretty lengthy discussion of the propriety of submitting in this way, the vote was finally put—Whether it should be submitted to a Convention, chosen as in the other States—or to the people at large, and was carried against a Convention, by a majority of 28—15 voting for a Convention and 43 for submitting it to the people at large.
In the course of discussing this Question it was observed—that by the proposed Constitution the people were called upon to surrender a part of their liberties; that they were the best judges what part they ought to give up:—That the legislature had no legal right to appoint a Convention to alter the Constitution:—That they were not deputed for that purpose:—That the citizens of some other States, had by the means of appointing Conventions, been decoyed in an adoption of the Constitution, when it was asserted, at least two-thirds of the inhabitants of
some of the States that had agreed to it, were against the Constitution:—That submitting it to every individual free-holder of the State was the only mode by which the true sentiments of the people could be collected.—It was replied—that this mode was without precedent on the face of the earth:—That all the United States, except this, had appointed Conventions; and that we ought to pay some difference to the opinions at least of those in the different States who oppose the new Constitution, if not of those who with it adopted—in not one of which such a motion as this had been made:—That by meeting in Convention the sentiments of the best men in the State would be collected; the different interests would be represented—the merchants might there shew how far it would be advantageous or disadvantageous for their particular interest to have it adopted or rejected:—The farmers—the merchants—might in the same manner be satisfied: All this would be lost by meeting in the different towns, in each of which but one interest, or at most but two, could be considered.
The principal speakers were, for a Convention—Mr. Bradford, Mr. Merchant, Mr. Champlin, Mr. Arnold, and Mr. Bourne:—For referring it to the town-meeting—Mr. Hazard, Mr. Josslyn, and Mr. Comstock.
N E W-Y O R K, March 1.
Yesterday the Right Reverend SAMUEL PROVOST, and the Rev. Dr. JOHN ROGERS, were re-elected Chaplains to Congress—And RICHARD WINNE, Esq. was elected Superintendent of Indian Affairs, for the Southern Department.
Thursday sailed from this port for Canton, in China, the ship Jenny, Capt. Thompson. As the ship passed the Battery, she fired a salute of thirteen guns, which was answered from the same place, by a detachment of artillery. The Jenny is the second ship, which has sailed this season from New-York, on so distant a voyage.
That Americans possess a spirit of commercial enterprize, is evinced by the many adventurous voyages which have been undertaken from several ports in the United States, since the conclusion of the late war. Was America in possession of a firm national government, distant countries would not only behold with veneration the banners of Columbia; but the thunder of her cannon might victoriously resound to the most remote regions of the globe.
March 4. A certain Isaiah Whitchraft, who lived near laketavern, in Gloucester county, New-Jersey, having been confined in Burlington goal for a variety of robberies, broke goal and escaped to his own neighbourhood; The goaler having offered a reward of 40 dollars for apprehending him, William Fowler and Jonathan Smith went to his house to apprehend him. Finding the door shut, they went each to a door; when Fowler attempted to force in, and having got the door partly open, Whitchraft presented a loaded musket to his breast, declaring he would shoot him, if he came any further. Fowler replied, he might if he dared, for that his party would take him, and called out to break open the door; on which Whitchraft delivered up his musket which was loaded with 17 buck-shot, but by address afterwards made his escape. On the Sunday following, the 3d of February, this resolute and brave character, William Fowler, and Smith, his companion, having armed themselves, again attempted to take the thief, having got near to Whitchraft's house, he discovered them, and run off with a musket and tomahawk, in his hands. Fowler and Smith pursued, and after running near half a mile, Fowler was likely to overtake him, and having got within twenty yards of him, Whitchraft turned and presented his gun at Fowler, who told him not to fire, for that he was determined to take him, but would not hurt him, on which Whitchraft swore he would fire, and immediately did, and wounded Fowler in the cheek, the ball having glanced the jaw-bone. Smith instantly fired on Whitchraft, and put a charge of buck-shot through him, who, notwithstanding, got up, and attempted to tomahawk Smith. Whitchraft immediately after fell, and died in about an hour. Future villains may now see, however safe they may think themselves by being armed in the pines, that there are men who will brave the greatest danger to take them. Fowler and Smith surrendered themselves to colonel Hugg, and were bailed.
From the CONNECTICUT COURT.
T H E L A N D H O L D E R, No. 11.
To the Citizens of NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
THOSE who wish to enjoy the blessings of society must be willing to suffer some restraint of personal liberty, and devote some part of their property to the public that the remainder may be secured and protected. The cheapest form of government is not always best; for parsimony though it spends little, generally gains nothing. Neither is that the best government which imposes the least restraint on its subjects; for the benefit of having others restrained, may be greater than the disadvantage of being restrained ourselves. That is the best form of government which returns the greatest number of advantages in proportion to the disadvantages with which it is attended. Measured by this rule, the state of New-Hampshire cannot expect a Constitution preferable to that now proposed for the union: In point of defence it gives you the force of the whole empire, so arranged as to act speedily and in concert, which is an article of the greatest importance to the frontier States. With the present generation of men, national interest is the measure by which war or peace are determined; and when we see the British nation, by a late treaty, paying an enormous annual subsidy to the little principality of Hesse Cassel for the purpose of retaining her in military alliance, it should teach us the necessity of those parts in the Constitution, which enable the efficient force of the whole to be opposed to an invasion of any part.
A national revenue and the manner of collecting it is another very interesting matter, and here the citizens of New-Hampshire have better terms of offered them, than their local situation can ever enable them to demand or enforce. Impost and duties on trade which must be collected in the great importing towns, are the means by which an American revenue will be principally, and perhaps, wholly raised. But a point of your state comes near the sea, and that point so situated that it never can collect commerce, and become an emporium for the whole State—Nineteen parts in twenty of New-Hampshire are greatly inland, so that local situation necessitates you to be an agricultural people; and this is not a hard necessity if you now form such a political connection with the other States, as will entitle you to a just share in that revenue they raise on commerce. New-York, the trading towns on Connecticut river, and Boston, are the sources from which a great part of your foreign supplies will be obtained, and where your produce will be exposed for market.—In all these places an impost is collected, of which, as consumers, you pay a share without deriving any public benefit. You cannot expect any alteration in the private systems of these States, unless effected by the proposed government, neither to remedy the evil can you command trade from the natural channels; but must sit down contented under the burden, if the present hour of deliverance be not accepted. This argument alone, if there were no other, ought to decide you in favour of adoption.
It has been said that you object to the number of inhabitants being a ratio to determine your proportion of the national expense—that your lands are poor but the climate favourable to population which will draw a share of expense beyond your ability to pay. I do not think this objection well founded. Long experience hath taught that the number of industrious inhabitants in any climate is not only the strength, but the wealth of a State, and very justly measures their ability for defraying public expenses, without encroaching on the necessary support of life.—If a great proportion of your lands are barren, you ought likewise to remember another rule of nature; that the population and fertility in any tract of country will be proportioned to each other. Accidental causes for a short time may interrupt the rule, but they cannot be of dangerous continuance. Force may controul in a despotick government, and commerce may interrupt it in an advantageous situation for trade; but from the first of these causes you have no reason to fear, and the last should it happen will increase wealth with numbers.
The fishery is a source of wealth and an object of immense consequence to all the eastern coasts. The jealousy of European nations, ought to teach us its value. So far as you become a navigating people, the fishery should be an ob-
ject of your first attention. It cannot flourish until patronized and protected by the general government. All the interests of navigation and commerce must be protected by the union or come to ruin, and in our present system where is the power to do it. When Americans are debarred the fishery, as will soon be the case unless a remedy is provided, all the eastern shore will become very poor.
Your forests embosom an immense quantity of timber for ship-building and the lumber trade—but of how little value at present you cannot be ignorant, and the value cannot increase until American navigation and commerce are placed on a respectable footing, which no single State can do for itself.—The embarrassments of trade lower the price of your produce which with the distance of transportation almost absorbs the value; and when by a long journey we have arrived at the place of market, even the finest of your grain will not command cash, at that season of the year most convenient for you to transport. Hence arises that scarcity of specie of which you complain. Your interest is intimately connected with that of the most commercial states, and you cannot separate it. When trade is embarrassed the merchant is the first to complain, but the farmer in event bears more than his share of the loss.
Let the citizens of New-Hampshire candidly consider these facts, and they must be convinced that no other State is so much interested in adopting that system of government now under consideration.
A LANDHOLDER.
R E B U S.
If you transpose what ladies wear, 'Twill plainly shew what harlots are; Again if you transpose the same, You'll see an ancient Hebrew name; Change it again, and it will shew What all on earth desire to do; Transpose these letters yet once more, What bad men do you'll then explore.
"YOU paint better than you model," says Geminus to Mallius (once the best painter in Rome) pointing to his children, who were crooked and ill favoured. "Like enough," replied the artist, "I paint in the day-light, but I model, as you call it, in the night."
The Secret of being always easy.
An Italian Bishop struggled through great difficulties without repining, and met with much opposition in the discharge of his Episcopal function, without ever betraying the least impatience. An intimate friend of his, who highly admired those virtues which he thought it impossible to imitate, one day asked the prelate if he could communicate the secret of being always Easy. Yes, replied the old man, I can teach you the secret—it consists in nothing more than in making a right use of my eyes; his friend begged him to explain himself—most willingly, returned the Bishop—in whatever state I am, I first of all look up to Heaven, and remember that my principal business here is to go there: I then look down upon the earth, and call to mind how small a space I shall occupy in it when I come to be interred—I then look abroad in the world, and observe what multitudes there are who are in all respects more unhappy than myself.—Thus I learn where true happiness is placed—where all our cares must end—and how very little reason I have to repine or to complain.
THE subscribers being appointed commissioners by the hon. Judge of Probate, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of Joshua Haines, late of North-Hampton, yeoman, deceased, represented insolvent, and six months being allowed for that purpose, hereby give notice that we will attend said business, at the house of Benjamin Leavet, innholder in said town, on the first Wednesday in April next, and the first Wednesday in the five next ensuing months, from two to six o'clock, P. M.
Joseph Hobbs, } Commissioners. Trist. Redman, } James Batchelder, } North Hampton, March 20.
T O B E S O L D
On reasonable terms, and payment made easy.
One half of a good House situate in Gates' Street, with a good well of water, cellar and garden. For further particulars apply to REUBEN SNELE Portsmouth, March 25.

L O N D O N, December 30.
That there is a probability of the Empress of Russia's concluding an alliance, for the purpose of effecting the Neutral Code, is certain, and there is perhaps little doubt but the French, to avoid greater evils, and because it is more hostile to England than themselves, will come into it. It is certain that the Empress refused to revive the commercial treaty with us, expressly on account of our having yielded the great question of free bottoms making free goods to France, at the moment we denied it to her. This may serve to convince us of the folly of the commercial system, which we entered into with our double neighbour, and which, in this particular at least, was not called for by any necessity.
The King of Cochin China's superb present to the French monarch comes most acceptable. It is a state chair, studded with diamonds and other gems, of excellent workmanship. The Jews say it is worth 100,000.—and his most Christian Majesty cannot value it at less!
We do not know what the number of slaves yearly imported into our West-India plantations, generally, have ever been exactly estimated. In Jamaica they have been, and it appears that the annual imports into that island alone have sometimes exceeded 7000.
KINGSTON, (Jamaica) Dec. 1. Extract of a letter dated 24th of last month, from Mr. Regnaud, a lawyer in the Mountain de Rochelle, in Hispaniola.
"In the night between the 21st and 22d instant, a most dreadful thunder cloud burst over the mansion house at this place, with a tremendous report, and the lightning fell upon the principal rafter; one part of the electric matter ran thro' the ridge-pole, which luckily served as a conductor, by which means it and an angular post of hard wood, which supported it, were shattered to pieces, and above 500 splinters were thrown to several yards distance; the other part of the electric fluid having run along the rafter, took opposite directions. The shock was so violent that the whole mass of this great building tottered; the walls adjoining the principal rafter were entirely thrown down to the very foundation in one heap of rubbish. Mr. Horquigny and I were then in bed, and our bedheads lay in the direction or focus of the lightning; with difficulty we made our escape through thick suffocating clouds of smoke; I was lightly scorched down the back, while my shirt and the gown I had on did not suffer the least visible alteration, and he remained unhurt, though his bedstead was shattered to pieces. But what was my astonishment and joy! that moment a sparkling flame dashed a basin out of my hands, and I perceived it luckily took a direction towards a box of candles, as it were in preference, instead of a box containing 12lbs. of gun-powder: three of the candles were carried and left on an adjoining table three feet high, without the least damage. The cause of this deviation did not appear to me at all surprising, as I thought it might be attributed to metallic earths which were then on the table, and which the force of the lightning actually put into a state of fusion.
"An accident of so alarming a nature, which exhibited many electric phenomena, cannot but accelerate the executor of a project I had long formed, of putting an electric bar of iron to my dwelling-house; and I sincerely wish the inhabitants of this colony may have no need of like disasters to warn them to take timely advantage of the discovery of conductors—a discovery so interesting to mankind, as necessary in this climate, subject to storms of thunder and lightning for nine months in the year."
WILMINGTON, Feb. 27. It is with particular pleasure we inform the public, that his Excellency the President of this State, in order in some measure to ease the people of the weight of taxes, has generously given up to the public the revenue of marriage and tavern licences which were annexed to his office, and supposed to produce several hundred pounds per annum. The salary, which his Excellency still retains, amounts to only 200l. per annum.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 21. By two gentlemen just arrived from the westward, we are informed, that the people were marching with rapidity from all directions to the town of Carlisle in Cumberland county, in order to set at liberty seven or eight gentlemen, who were confined in the goal of that county, for interrupting an attempt to hold a
publick rejoicing on the account of the new Constitution having been adopted by the Convention of this State. Our informants understood that about five thousand men were collecting; they actually met three hundred in one body on the ice, crossing from this side of Susquehannah, but were not informed of the event.
[The above paragraph is extracted from an antifederal paper, and is to be believed accordingly.]
A L E X A N D R I A, Feb. 5. Last week, between the hours of eight and nine o'clock in the evening, two daring villains, on horseback, rode up to the house of Mr. Hunter, shipwright, on the lower end of Fairfax-Street, one of whom dismounted and entered a room in which Mrs. Hunter was sitting with a young child, and asked if her husband was at home? on being answered in the negative, he said it made no difference as he wanted the money, and peremptorily demanded it, when Mrs. Hunter, being much frightened gave a shriek; the villain instantly drew a dagger, threatened if she uttered another word, he would plunge it in her breast.—At the same time the rascal who was mounted, called out, if she hesitated kill the child.—Luckily the maid heard her mistress's scream, and came in a hurry into the room, which so alarmed the villain that he mounted his horse and they both rode off.
E L I Z A B E T H T O W N March 5. A company of men in the State of New-York, have, in violation of the Constitution, and to evade the existing laws, taken a lease of the Mohawk Indians, for 999 years, for 12,000,000 acres of land, at the annual rent of 1250l. The matter had been canvassed before the Legislature, who have deemed the procedure illegal, and the Lessees not entitled to any emolument accruing from it.—They consider it, to all intents and purposes, a purchase which their laws forbid.
B O S T O N, March 21. Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Richmond, Virginia, to his friend in this town, dated Feb. 24, 1788.
"Our Governor has expressed quite different sentiments respecting the new Constitution since its adoption by your State. Although the majority was made, yet the speeches of some of the minority after its adoption has gained more proselytes to federalism here, than if the majority had been much larger, and the Convention had dissolved with any animosity. Our politicians are much pleased with the candour and liberality with which the important matter was discussed; and the little appearance of party discovered by your minority, has caused many worthy characters here to view the matter in quite a different light, and I believe from quite a large majority against the Constitution; we can now boast of at least equal numbers, and the superior excellence of the new plan cannot help forcing conviction on the minds of many more good men—Most of those now opposed to it, are persons whose estates are much involved, by owing large British debts, which they think must be paid when we have a federal head: But as Governor Randolph now speaks in favour of it, and as he has much influence, I am confident that it will not only be adopted, but by a very respectable majority. North-Carolina follows of course."
A letter from General Washington, to a gentleman in this town, acquaints, that from the best information he was able to collect from gentlemen from various parts of the State, there was every prospect of the Constitution being ratified by Virginia.
Sailed from Marblehead, last Saturday, for the Grand Banks, a fleet of nearly 40 sail of fishermen—Success attend them.
From a Baltimore paper, which came inclosed in a letter brought by the last mail, we have extracted the following paragraph.
The British January Packet is arrived at New-York from Falmouth.—The intelligence brought by her is not yet come to hand, the Newspapers from our correspondents being now prohibited coming in the mails. A similar measure, previous to the American revolution, was very severely reprobated and resented throughout the continent, as having a manifest tendency to endanger publick liberty, (as well as greatly to injure individuals) by shutting up the channels of publick information.—The present Post-office administration would do well to reflect on the fate of their predecessors. "Learn to be wise from others harm, And you shall do full well." It is a fact as lamentable as it is no-
torious, that the channel through which the public are made acquainted with the event occurring in the different states is obstructed, and they are consequently deprived of ONE of those privileges which constitutes the blessing of being FREE! By what means, or by whose mismanagement this has been brought to pass, we cannot say—but so it is, that scarcely a news-paper has been received by the Printers in this town, southward of New-Haven, since the commencement of the present year. We do not attribute it to any evil design—we can only say, that it is a serious matter of public notoriety, and with that it lay in our power to remove this curse—for a CURSE it is. The public, therefore, will cease to wonder at the barrenness of the publications in town since the commencement of the present year. The regular channel of information is stopped, and the evil is, or soon will be, most sensibly felt, if an effectual remedy is not speedily applied.—By the mail on Wednesday evening, the Printers in the metropolis received a single paper only, and that too printed in a country town.—How, then, can it be otherwise expected, than that our publications should be esteemed trifling, insignificant, and scarcely worth perusing, seeing that their natural food and only sustenance, which enliven and make them interesting, is denied them? This must surely awaken the people to a sense of the importance of this great privilege, and lead to an inquiry; why this thing is so.
The state of Georgia have appointed a convention, consisting of thirty-three gentlemen from the different counties, to be convened by the executive after nine states have adopted the federal constitution, to take under their consideration the alterations and amendments that are necessary to be made in the constitution of that state.
P O R T S M O U T H, March 26.
The Quakers of Pennsylvania—to their honour be it said—procured the passing of an act in that State, a few years since, for the gradual abolition of slavery:—But, finding that "some commercial persons have, in opposition to the spirit and intention of that law, equip ships, in the port of Philadelphia, for the iniquitous traffick to Africa for slaves—and that others, actuated by the same avaricious motives, have used means of violence and craft to captivate divers of the poor blacks, who were legally entitled to freedom, and transported from thence to the West-Indies, &c. where they have been sold into unconditional slavery"—they lately again addressed the Legislature, in behalf of that unhappy species of men—earnestly requesting, "that they will be pleased to take these affliction cases into mature consideration, and provide a remedy for their discontinuance, by such supplementary amendments and additions to the act aforesaid, as shall be most effectual to restrain the hands of tyranny and oppression—that they may be the happy instruments to deliver the poor that cry, and the fatherless, and him that hath none to help—so that the blessing, promised to the merciful, may rest upon them."
Petitions from 2688 inhabitants of the city and county of Philadelphia, of a similar tenor with that of the Quakers, have also been presented to their Legislature.
Two thousand stand of arms, belonging to the State, were burnt in the Statehouse of South-Carolina—and all the papers belonging to the Senate.
List of votes given in for PRESIDENT from the several towns undermentioned: New-Ipswich, Hon. J. Langdon, Esq. 125
His Excellency President Sullivan, 1 Raby, Hon. J. Langdon, Esq. 32 Weare, Hon. Mr. Langdon, 125 President Sullivan, 3 Hon. Judge Livermore, 1 Mason, Hon. Mr. Langdon, 100 Nottingham-West, ditto 80 Merrimack, ditto 76 President Sullivan, 1 Boscawen, Hon. Mr. Langdon, 115 Temple, ditto, 50 President Sullivan, 5 Wilton, Hon. Mr. Langdon, 100 Hillsborough, ditto, 30 Derryfield, ditto, 50 Epping, President Sullivan, 78 Hon. Mr. Langdon, 1 Joshua Atherton, Esq. 7 Deerfield, Hon. Mr. Langdon, 43 President Sullivan, 35 Hampton, Hon. Mr. Langdon, 105 Hon. Judge Bartlett, 1 Haverhill, Plymouth, and Rumney, unanimous for the Hon. Mr. Langdon.
Proceedings of a Brigade Court-Martial, convened at Rochester, on the 25th day of February, 1788; by Order of Brigadier General Thomas Bartlet, on the trial of Ensign Silas Dame, of the eleventh company, in the 2d regiment of militia.
Present, Capt. Thomas Shannon, President members. company. regiment. Capt. Isaac Watson, 1st 2d Lt. John Knowles, 11th 2d Lt. Andrew Wentworth, 4th 2d Lt. William Palmer, 14th 2d Ensign Benja. Odiorne, 7th 2d Ensign Daniel Libbey, 1st 2d Charles Clapham, Judge Advocate.
The members of the Court-Martial and Judge Advocate being sworn, the Judge Advocate produced the orders following, for the sitting of the Court.
B R I G A D E O R D E R S. A BRIGADE Court-Martial, whereof Capt. Thomas Shannon is appointed President, will sit at the house of Mr. Stephen Wentworth, in Rochester, on Monday, the 25th of February inst, at ten o'clock, A. M. for the trial of Ensign Silas Dame, of the eleventh company, in the second regiment of militia; arrested by Col. Wentworth, for repeated disobedience of orders & neglect of duty.
The following gentlemen are appointed members, and will please to attend the Court. Capt. Isaac Watson, Lieut. John Knowles, Lieut. William Palmer, Lieut. Andrew Wentworth, Ensign Benja. Odiorne, Ensign Daniel Libbey, Adjutant and Lieutenant Clapham, of the light-horse, will be pleased to attend as judge advocate. The Court will report their proceedings to the Brigadier as soon as may be. All parties and witnesses will attend at time and place.
Given under my hand, the 9th day of February, 1788.
THOMAS BARTLET, Brig. Gen The Judge Advocate in behalf of the State produced charges preferred against Ensign Silas Dame, of the eleventh company in the second regiment of militia, by Capt. Samuel Nute, of the same company and regiment; which being read, are as follow, viz.
For disobedience of orders and neglect of duty.
Ensign Silas Dame appearing before the court, the charges above recited, were read to him; to which he plead guilty.
The Court then asked Ensign Silas Dame, if he had any thing to offer as a reason, or mitigation of the crime?
To which Ensign Silas Dame answered, No!
The court having considered the nature of the charges exhibited against Ensign Silas Dame, to which he plead guilty; are of opinion that he be cashiered.
THOMAS SHANNON, Capt. President. Attest,
CHARLES CLAPHAM, Judge Advocate. State of New-Hampshire, March 6th, 1788.
The foregoing proceedings of the Brigade Court-Martial, having been presented to the Brigadier-General—he approves of the same. Ensign Dame is accordingly dismissed from his command in the eleventh company of militia, in the second regiment in said State, with the disqualifications prescribed in the militia laws,—and is to be considered as cashiered.
THOMAS BARTLET, Brig. Gen. The several Printers in the State are requested to publish the above in their Papers.
WEEKLY ALMANACK For PORTSMOUTH,—Lat. 43d. 5 N. Mar. 1r. 6.1.F. Sea. 1r. 6.1. Calendar.   26 5 517 2 18 11 17 Rain.  27 5 507 3 9 morn. Snow.  28 5 487 3 59 0 10 Swearing is  29 5 477 4 48 0 56 not honorable  30 5 457 5 37 1 37 Q Apog.  31 5 447 6 24 2 12 Moderate.  Apr 1 5 427 7 8 2 42 All fools. 
NAVAL OFFICE, PORT OF PISCATAQUA, March 26. 1788. E N T E R E D, FROM Schooner Industry, Trefethen, Tobago. Brig Astrea, Salter, C L E A R E D, FOR Schooner Union, White, Demarara.
TO BE SOLD
At Public Vendue, On Tuesday the 20th May next, at 10 o'clock, A. M.
at the Farm in Northumberland of the Jacob Treadwell, deceased, the
Stock & farming Utensils — on said Farm.— Portsmouth, March 24, 1788.
ERRATA. In the list of votes for Senators published in our last, instead of 413, Joseph Cilley, Esq. had but 313.

The RAISING:  A SONG FOR FEDERAL MECHANICKS.  COME Muter, my lads, your me- chanical, tools Your saws and your axes, your ham- mers and rules; Bring your mallets and planns, your le- vel and line, And plenty of pins of American pine:  For our roof we will raise, and our song  still shall be—  A government firm, and our citizens free. II. Come up with the plates, lay them firm on the wall, Like the people at large, they're the ground work of all; Examine them well, and see that they're found, Let no rotten parts in our building be found;  For our roof we will raise, and our song  still shall be—  Our government firm and our citizens  free. III. Now hand up the girders, lay each in his place, Between them the joists must divide all the space; Like assembly-men, these should lie le- vil along; Like girders, our senate prove loyal and strong;  For our roof we will raise and our song  still shall be—  A government firm, over citizens free. IV. The rafters now frame—your king posts and braces, And drive your pins home, to keep all in their places; Let wisdom and strength in the fabrick combine, And your pins be all made of American pine;  For our roof we will raise, and our song  still shall be—  A government firm, over citizens free. V. Our king posts are judges—how upright they stand, Supporting the braces, the laws of the land; The laws of the land, which divide right from wrong, And strengthen the weak, by weakening the strong;  For our roof we will raise, and our song  still shall be—  Laws equal and just, for a people that's  free. VI. Up! Up with the rafters—each frame is a state! How nobly they rise! their span, too, how great! From the north to the south, o'er the whole they extend, And rest on the walls, while the walls they defend!  For our roof we will raise, and our song  still shall be—  Combined in strength, yet as citizens  free. VII. Now enter the purlins and drive your pins through, And see that your joints are drawn home, and all true; The purlins will bind all the rafters to- gether, The strength of the whole shall defy wind and weather;  For our roof we will raise, and our song  still shall be—  United as States, but as citizens free. VIII. Come, raise up the turret—our glory and pride— In the centre it stands, o'er the whole to preside; The sons of Columbia shall view with de- light, Its pillars and arches, and towering height;  Our roof is now rais'd and our song still  shall be—  A federal head, o'er a people still free. IX. Huzza! my brave boys, our work is complete, The world shall admire Columbia's fair seat; Its strength against tempest and time shall be proof, And thousands shall come to dwell under our Roof.  Whilst we drain the deep bowl, our toast  still shall be—  Our government firm, and our citizens  free.
State of New-Hampshire.  NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the townships of New-Chester and Bridgewater, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Wednesday, the thirtieth day of April next, that so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at ten of the clock, before noon, on said day, at the dwelling house of Samuel Worthen, in Bridgewater, unless prevented by previous payment.
   N. D. Q'ty. V. silver. s. d. q. paper. d. q. loan office. s. d. q. county. d. q.     Thomas Packer, Esq. 4 3 100 20 0 10 3 4 1 0 11 3 2 3   16 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   John Tolford, Esq. 28 3 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   29 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   38 1 90 10 5 2 2 5 3 1 2   22 2 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   66 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   24 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   45 3 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   39 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   57 2 100 10 5 2 2 5 3 1 2   7 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   69 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   Hugh Tolford 3 3 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   12 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   William Tolford 5 3 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   Samuel Moore 67 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   13 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   Mark Carr 18 3 9 3 2 3 1 3 1   18 3 91 27 1 1 2 5 2 1 3 2 3   Robert Fletcher 27 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   19 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   James McFarson 32 1 90 12 6 2 2 6 1 3   14 2 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   48 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   Joseph Clark 35 1 90 10 5 2 2 5 3 1 2   10 3 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   Meservy and others. 36 1 59 8 4 1 1 3 5 1 1 1   5 2 71 21 11 1 4 2 1 1 3   10 4 86 12 6 2 2 6 1 3   Joseph Blanchard 42 1 90 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   3 2 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   85 3 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   35 4 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   John Tolford, jun. 40 2 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   80 3 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   91 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   Olando Colby 74 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   85 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   William Parket 49 3 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   John Mills 39 2 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   50 3 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   80 4 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   James White 40 3 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   85 4 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   90 2 100 10 5 2 2 5 3 1 3   Robert White 88 4 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   Capt. Jonas Minct 60 1 90 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   93 2 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   38 3 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   75 4 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   76 3 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   Archabald Dunlap 33 1 90 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   17 1 90 10 5 2 2 5 3 1 2   86 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   31 2 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   15 3 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   46 4 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   34 2 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   6 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   93 4 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   Henry Hall 16 3 100 30 1 4 2 6 1 1 5 2 4   31 4 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   Solly and March 21 1 90 10 5 2 2 5 3 1 2   70 2 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   26 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   30 4 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   Henry Herren 15 2 100 25 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 2 3 2   Lieut. Robert Forsyth 73 1 90 12 6 2 2 6 1 3   74 1 90 12 6 2 2 6 1 3   65 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   88 2 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   John True 18 1 90 10 5 2 2 5 3 1 2   19 1 45 8 4 1 1 3 5 1 1 1   50 2 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   17 3 100 20 10 3 4 1 11 3 2 3   32 4 100 15 8 1 3 8 3 2 1   Christopher Bartlett 43 3 79 16 8 2 3 1 10 2 2 2   Bridgewater, March 17, 1788.   THOMAS LOCK, Constable.  
WE the subscribers appointed commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of SIMEON DEARBORN, late of Wakefield, Esq. deceased, represented insolvent, give notice that we will attend for that purpose at the dwelling house of the widow Dearborn, of said Wakefield, on the third Tuesday of this and the five following months. AVERY HALL, JONATHAN PALMER. Wakefield, March 6, 1788.
ALL Persons who have accounts with the Overseers of the poor, are requested to exhibit them