The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1809-02-14 00:00:00

Hon. Ezra Brattle Esq.
[No. 11, — Vol. LIV.]
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1809.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
A few Pieces of Elegant FRENCH CAMBRICK, — For sale by JOHN F. PARrott. Also, Exchange on New-York. February 7, 1809.
New Sweet Flour. EDWARD PARRY, Has just received, 150 Bbls. Superfine FLOUR of an excellent quality, made particularly for private use — which are for sale at his store in Market-Street.
For sale by WILLIAM HILL, No. 7, Merchants Row — A fresh supply of Spanish CIGARS, warranted of the first quality, per quantity, box or retail — Also, 30 chests of a superior quality Souchong TEA, Bales of Upland COTTON, Tierces of RICE, and other articles in the West India line, as usual, per Wholesale or Retail. Portsmouth, February 7.
Barrett & Shattuck, No. 51, Hanover-Street, Boston — CONTINUE to dye & finish of Warrented Colours. Broad-Cloth, Cambric, Sattin, Lustrine; Crape, Shag, Plush, silk & cotton Velvets, Worsted-Cords, Camel's hair Shawls — Also, Ladies' Sattin, Lustrine, Cambric, Calico & Muslin Gowns, Hosiery & Gloves, Lace Veils, Gentlemen's Coats, Pantaloon and Vests, cleaned and dyed at short notice and small expense. Goods received at the store of NATHAN B. FOLSOM, Portsmouth, forwarded and returned to the same place without additional expense. N.B. Persons sending Cloths or Garments of any kind are desired to have them accompanied with a pattern of the colour they wish them made, (as in many colours there are a variety of shades) also to enclose them in paper describing on the outside the contents, colour to be made, and owner's name. Portsmouth, August 1, 1808. (6m.)
WHEATON'S ITCH OINTMENT, A Medicine which will certainly cure the Itch, without having in it anything either dangerous or disagreeable. — One box cures a person, and there need be no washing after the use of it, as the skin is generally left clean and smooth — For sale at the Bookstore of CHARLES TAPPAN — Also, for sale at above, A few Tickets and Quarters in Dixville Road Lottery, which commences drawing in Boston this day — highest prize 10,000 dollars in cash, and no deduction. 24th January, 1809. P.S. — BOOKS in every branch of literature, sold at low as at any store in town.
ODE ON Spain, Commerce & Freedom, by Robert Treat Paine, Jr. — just received and for sale at C PIERCE'S Bookstore, price 9d. Portsmouth, Feb. 7.
COW. FOR sale an excellent COW and CALF, enquire of the Printers, February 7, 1809.
STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. PUBLIC Notice is hereby given, that the Selectmen of ELLSWORTH, in behalf of said town, have petitioned the General Court, representing, that the inhabitants of said Ellsworth are but few in number, and live remote from each other, in such a manner, it is very burdensome to the inhabitants to make and keep passable the roads in said town. They therefore pray, that a tax of two cents on each acre of land in said Ellsworth, public rights excepted, for the term of two years, for the sole purpose of making and repairing Roads and Bridges in said town. ORDERED, that the petitioners be heard upon their petition before the General Court on the first Tuesday of their next session, and that the petitioners cause that the substance of the petition and order of Court thereon, be published three weeks successively in the New Hampshire Gazette, the last publication of which, to be six weeks prior to said day of hearing, that any person or persons may then appear and show cause, if any they have, why the prayer thereof may not be granted. Attest, JOHN A. HARPER, Clerk of the Senate, Concord, Dec. 9th, 1808.
State of New Hampshire, Hillsborough ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the town of BRADFORD, in the county of Hillsborough, who have not paid their highway, school, town, and county taxes for the year 1808 — that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the twentieth day of April next, so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the house of Ebenezer Cressy's, in said town at ten of the clock, in the forenoon on said day. County tax 2 c. Town tax 2 c. School tax 1 c. Highway tax 1 c. No. of acres 4271 2 406 197 88 24 4. 3360 1 540 253 116 32 4. 4100 0 150 73 33 9 0. 3 67 105 52 23 6 3. STEPHEN HOYT jun. Collector. Bradford, Jan. 18th, 1809.
Political Miscellany.
Raising the Embargo. By the last advices from Europe, we observe that neither England nor France have repealed their restrictions on the American commerce. Should they continue until the next meeting of Congress (last Monday in May) we have every reason to believe that the government of the U States will retaliate upon them in their own form. It is anticipated that the American government will also issue "Orders and Decrees," in the form of Letters of Marque and Reprisal, against those powers who have trampled upon our neutral rights, and destroyed our commercial privileges. Indeed a motion to this effect has already been introduced in Congress, by Mr. Nicholas, of Maryland. This will be conformed to the strictest rules of office. These powers have issued decrees which go to the capture of all American shipping, and America has an undoubted right to retaliate upon them in the same manner. The American people will display to the tyrants of Europe additional proofs of their enterprise and bravery — They will arm their vessels, regain possession of the ocean and like the bold tars in '75, manfully fight their way. "For the sons of Columbia shall never be slaves, While the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls its waves." [Chronicle.]
For the purpose of stirring up the people to rebel, the Boston Tory papers were, immediately, on receiving the law for enforcing the embargo, dressed in mourning: — a large black Coffin was pictured out in their columns, on which was written "LIBERTY Æ 32," and ranged in due order as pall bearers, appeared the names of Lloyd, Goodrich, White, Bayard, Pickering and Hillhouse. This looks ominous, for if American Liberty be ever brought to the grave, such men will unquestionably have had the chief agency in accomplishing it. So anxious are some people to see our liberty entombed, that without waiting till their malice can have given it a mortal stab, they would fain present us at once with their file leaders in the act of burying it alive!
A consolation — If the wealthy rob us of our liberties, by deceptions practised on the weak, the strong will rob them in turn with compound interest, and most of them now licking their chops for high honors and titles as the fruits of a revolution, will lick the dust in the foolish attempt, and the nobles of nature, in arms will become their noble masters. [Detector.]
The horrors of anarchy and usurpation. Is it possible, that the people can be so far duped by a small number of disappointed ambitious men, and profligate newspapers, as to yield up their dear and indisputable rights to such men, as are now urging, under the mask of patriotism, a violation of all the sacred ties in society; and persuading you that you should place more confidence in the government of G. Brittan than in the government of your own choice? What can these doctrines lead to, less than civil war, of the most sanguinary kind? Every man of reflection well knows that nine millions of people must decide a question of such infinite importance when equally divided, with mutual horror. [Ibid.]
The federal movements at New York drew out the republicans of the city and county, and on one of the public squares the whole assembly unanimously "pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor" to support the government in its laws, and in its dignified struggle for the preservation of our independence.
AN ADDRESS To the PEOPLE of New England. BY ALGERNON SIDNEY. [CONTINUED.]
It is time to return to the main subject. — Confidence the most durable, as well as the most rational, is derived from a series of wise and useful actions. In the ordinary walks of life we do not readily believe that the agent who for years has served us with zeal, integrity, and ability, has in a particular instance evidenced a want of wisdom, and we listen with more caution to those charges which implicate his integrity. If on a comparison of Mr. Jefferson's administration with those of his predecessors, we find that his efforts have been as useful to his country as theirs, justice and liberality will demand for him your confidence. If they are found to exceed the efforts of others, justice will require you to add to confidence, gratitude. Let us proceed to the comparison. The facts which will be stated cannot
be controverted, and you will decide who has the highest claim to your confidence.
THE THREE ADMINISTRATIONS.
Under the Washington administration. The national debt was funded, and six per cent interest paid on one third, three per cent on one third, and one third was deferred, and the national bank was established. The duty on foreign goods was levied.
The Adams administration. The interest on the six per cent and three per cent was paid, but the deferred drew no interest. It was continued. A duty was laid on salt. The excise on carriages, snuffs, refined sugar, and domestic distilled spirits was levied. Aid and encouragement were given to commerce. There was an embargo. The savages were humbled and peace restored to our frontiers.
The Jefferson administration. The deferred stock drew an interest of six per cent. which has been paid, and also the interest of the three per cent, and the old six per cent. It was continued and an additional duty laid on eight cents per bushel. It was continued. All excise taxes were abolished. The same, and still greater aid and encouragement were given to commerce. There is an embargo. The peace of our frontiers was preserved, and a friendly intercourse with the savages cherished. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation.
The same encouragement and aid were continued. There was an embargo. The peace of our frontiers was preserved, and a friendly intercourse with the savages cherished. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation.
The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation. The northern posts were gained, and the limits fixed between Spain and this nation.
Tribute was sent to Algiers. Several sums of money were borrowed, nor could it be avoided as the government was just formed. Treaties to aid our commerce were formed with England, Spain, Algiers. He gained redress for the injuries sustained by our merchants. The native right to 410,880 acres of the national domain was extinguished.
The native right to 150,000 acres of the national domain was extinguished. The sedition and alien laws were passed. The stamp duty was levied. The land tax was paid. In consequence of the war office being destroyed by fire on the day of the increase of arms and artillery cannot be stated.
The average national expense was five millions three hundred and twenty two thousand and five hundred and ten dollars and twenty two cents per annum. The national debt was increased three millions three hundred and ninety four thousand and three hundred and seventeen dollars and forty two cents. This administration left in the treasury one million seven hundred and ninety four thousand and forty four dollars.
The average national expense has been four millions sixty three thousand and three hundred and twenty two dollars and fifty seven cents per annum. The national debt has been diminished thirty three millions six hundred thousand dollars, of its principal.
There are now in the treasury sixteen millions of dollars. The average national expense was five millions three hundred and twenty two thousand and five hundred and ten dollars and twenty two cents per annum. The national debt was increased three millions three hundred and ninety four thousand and three hundred and seventeen dollars and forty two cents. This administration left in the treasury one million seven hundred and ninety four thousand and forty four dollars.
The average national expense has been four millions sixty three thousand and three hundred and twenty two dollars and fifty seven cents per annum. The national debt has been diminished thirty three millions six hundred thousand dollars, of its principal. There are now in the treasury sixteen millions of dollars.
The average national expense was five millions three hundred and twenty two thousand and five hundred and ten dollars and twenty two cents per annum. The national debt was increased three millions three hundred and ninety four thousand and three hundred and seventeen dollars and forty two cents. This administration left in the treasury one million seven hundred and ninety four thousand and forty four dollars.
The average national expense has been four millions sixty three thousand and three hundred and twenty two dollars and fifty seven cents per annum. The national debt has been diminished thirty three millions six hundred thousand dollars, of its principal. There are now in the treasury sixteen millions of dollars.
This view of the different administrations will convince every unprejudiced mind of the justice of the claim of confidence which I make in behalf of the national government. But I go further, and demand your gratitude. The opposition claim the credit of furnishing the funds for this administration. So far as the internal taxes have contributed, I admit their claim and yield every advantage they can desire, but they have been answered, and I repeat it, that the right of levying an impost, and the power to regulate commerce, were the most powerful reasons that induced the constitution; and the impost was levied by universal consent, two years before that difference of opinion which produced the present parties. Neither party can justly claim the credit of the measure, but, if either can, it justly belongs to the republican party, for it was proposed in Congress by the republican President elect, on the eighth day of April 1789. (Debates in Congress, volume first, page 13.)
The purchase of Louisiana has passed the ordeal of severe party censure, yet the history of ancient and modern times, does not record an act of higher political wisdom. It cost fifteen millions of dollars, of which three millions and three quarters, went to the relief of our merchants. The right to collect our present duties for thirty years at the port of New Orleans would fall in market for more than the whole purchase money. To this is to be added the value of at least 200,000,000 acres of productive, well situated lands; immense public property in the City and Island of New Orleans; inexhaustible supplies of lead and other precious metals; the revenues collected at Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New York on goods sent over the mountains or by the northern waters, to the people of these countries for consumption, and all the future benefits of that internal trade, which is now deserving attention, and will become of more importance to our merchants, than the whole foreign commerce of the small kingdoms in Europe. In a political view the advantages derived from this purchase transcend the conceptions of the boldest calculator.
It has excluded the intrigues of Europe from our western frontier; and secured the people of West Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, and Mississippi, in a free and uninterrupted passage to and from the ocean, which was essential to their existence. — It has bridled the savages of the West, and deprived them of the aids without which they cannot maintain war with this nation. It has prevented our citizens from migrating to a foreign power, in numbers not less than thirty thousand annually, and saved us from all the evils of a foreign nation on our western frontier.
Next to seas, impassable mountains and impenetrable marshes are the best boundaries between nations. None can be worse than navigable rivers, where the citizens of different nations encounter daily, and almost unavoidable collision. Is there a man who wishes that Bonaparte held Louisiana, or New Orleans, and that he should settle his disbanded veterans on the banks of the Mississippi?
If the country west of that river be too remote and extensive to remain always under, or a member of this nation, the inhabitants some centuries hence will withdraw and set up for themselves, as a son bids adieu to the house of his father, and establishes for himself a family; and like the son, they will carry with them our principles, our love of liberty, our habits and manners, an affectionate recollection of past scenes and an attachment to this nation only.
Finally, it has relieved all our citizens west of the Alleghany from being taxed by a foreign power in their neighborhood, and secured to our merchants the freight of that extensive country and a profit on its products. A freight which in thirty years will require as much tonnage as is now owned in this nation. This country can never come in competition with any interests in New England, but it comes into a direct competition with all the states south of the Delaware, and particularly those south of the Potomack; and the planters and farmers of those states, as well as the states themselves, may feel the effects of this competition and rivalry. To New England it will be a mine of wealth — would to God that our other frontier was as well secured, and much I fear that before that event happens, this nation will not enjoy, at any one time, any considerable period of tranquility and happiness.
This purchase forms one ground on which I contend that the republican administration has paid superior attention to commerce; and however it may be thought at this day, the period is not remote when our merchants will acknowledge that they owe a quarter or a third of their prosperity to this act. Other evidences in support of my claim, will be developed in the sequel.
The government is charged with artfully shaping the course of national affairs, so as to undermine commerce. The leading republicans are charged with an insidious design to overturn it and introduce the fancied system of China; and the southern and western people are charged generally with a hatred to commerce. Sorry I am to say that these charges have taken deep root in the minds of many of you, who I know to be honest, and who will never surrender the rights of civil liberty. It shall be my endeavour to remove this belief, and to shew you by proofs irrefutable, that the charges are unfounded, or at least not supported by a single fact.
Before a whole section will be agitated, before a political revolution will be effected, before the happiness, independence, and honor of our country will be offered on the altar of any foreign despot, and before the hardy sons of New England will tarnish their laurels, and become the despoilers of their own happiness, they ought to require some clear proof of the fact, from a source, pure and unsuspected. They ought not to rely on the harangues of electioneering cabals, nor the effusions of pensioned printers. The proof belongs to the assailants, yet it will not be produced; and ought not the inference to be, that it does not exist? The only evidence ever offered is,
1st. Occasional remarks in Congress and elsewhere injurious to commerce. 2nd. The President's recommendation to remove the discriminating duties. 3d. The embargo. As to the first, that they have existed is too true. They have arisen from the irritations produced by the remarks of your friends, from a want of that knowledge of the intimate connection between the great interests of the nation, which all public men ought to possess, and from the heated imaginations of theorists. But in deciding this point, you will judge from the ad-

of your government, and not from their individual effusions. For government can no more be answerable for them than you can for those denunciations against government; those threats of rebellion and separation which manifest a hatred to a part of the nation, and destroy the hard earned fame of New England.
It is not true that the western and southern states have a hatred to commerce, the term ought at least to be softened down to aversion; and in my belief the difference of character arises solely from the difference of condition and situation.
But I will admit the charge in its highest latitude. What follows? Shall we establish a separate government? By no means! This imaginary evil which produces collisions of opinion, is the very basis of your wealth and happiness. You have to choose between opinions occasionally offered against your interest, and expressions offensive to you as men, and the reduction of your commercial importance, and your personal prosperity. Man follows the employment most congenial to his feelings, and he naturally supports what he follows. You must either enjoy all the benefits of your commerce, with these personal and hostile effusions, or you must induce the people of these sections to acquire a fondness for it, in which case they will not only speak of it with an affectionate regard, but they will become your competitors and rivals. Do you wish to sacrifice this important interest to a smile or a bow? Do you wish to encourage that sentiment which yields you more personal respect at the loss of your wealth and happiness? These people have the products to export, the bottoms to grow the hemp, the forests to furnish the timber, and every other thing to contribute to the establishment of an extensive commerce. If you think that your capital, or your superior nautical skill will overpower them, you deceive yourselves. They know that your capital, from ideal, has become solid in less than twenty years; and the energies of their minds, and the perseverance of their labors, will not be inferior to yours, if you once enkindle this passion in their bosoms.
Their aversion to commerce is your palladium, and their effusions of a splenetic cast, are but a small tribute to which we submit for our enjoyments. Let us go on quietly, yield support to the government, cultivate the best understanding with every part of the nation, spread our capital through the western forests, select there every place for a ship yard, inspire their people with confidence, and with a knowledge of the benefits of our intercourse, improve our schools, send annually into the nation, fifty thousand well informed active citizens, and extend the faculties of transacting business into every corner of New England; and although from our geographical position, our direct influence must be small, our indirect influence will give us our just weight in the nation. You ought not to forget that direct influence is solely charged with the duty of making the nation happy, while indirect influence enjoys every national benefit without any responsibility.
2d. The recommendation of the executive to remove the discriminating duties. For the purpose of settling the point in discussion, it is immaterial whether the removal of this discrimination would have injured or benefited commerce. It is due to the President, however, to remark, that by many eminent merchants it was thought to be useful. But certain it is that the amotion of the discrimination, was, by the executive, designed to aid our merchants; and when they were known to be generally averse to it, the measure was abandoned without even a discussion in Congress. This abandonment proves a respectful attention to their opinions, as well as a regard to their interests and feelings.
3d. The embargo. The causes which led to this measure have already been developed. The manner in which it was laid, and its extension to our products, our commerce and our manufactures, as well as to our shipping, clearly demonstrated that its design was to produce a national benefit, not to injure the commercial, or any other interest. Had it been limited to our shipping, my mind would have told me to bid adieu to national tranquility and happiness.
You have been told that your sufferings are superior to those of the other parts of the nation.
The public acts of the different states, constitute the best evidence of the extent of the evils experienced in the present state of the country. Evils, which you will constantly bear in mind, derive their origin from the lawless tyranny of foreign powers.
In all the agricultural states the collection of debts has been suspended, by direct law, by delay, replevin, or by a refusal of the courts to render judgment; or bills are now pending before their legislatures for this purpose. You well know the evils which flow from a suspension of justice. You know that it will take years to restore private confidence, and that every consumer or purchaser on credit, in the mean time must give an increased price, equal to an insurance against a similar evil. Would these measures be adopted under less evils than you have experienced? With you the course of justice has not been impeded, nor is it contemplated. Yet neither the bell of the auctioneer, nor the drum of the sheriff, have called you to witness the sacrifice of a citizen's property; nor are your jails crowded with the unfortunate.
It is said that an embargo as a measure of coercion is too ridiculous to allow you to believe in the integrity of those who maintain it. I do not pledge myself for the success of the experiment; nor can my opinion be of any importance. But its efficiency is believed by many of our most enlightened and virtuous citizens; and the belief originated with the federalists.
On the 22d of June, 1789, Colonel Wadsworth, of Connecticut, an eminent merchant and a distinguished federalist, declared in Congress, while speaking of the means of forcing Great Britain to render justice to our commerce, that "his first object would be to interdict the trade which supplied the British dependencies with the necessaries of life. He was bold to say that New Scotia, the settlement founded by Britain, to rival the United States, could not exist without such aid; her West India settlements would also feel the want of our commerce, the whole body of her colonies would be clamorous to regain the advantages thus suspended, and compel the mother country to adopt measures for their and our mutual convenience and interest: this he apprehended would be good policy and every how warrantable." (Debates, Vol. 2, page 9, 17 & 18).
On the 12th of March, 1794, Judge Sedgwick, whose character you all know, offered in Congress, resolutions to raise 15,000 men, and to empower the President to lay an embargo. These grew out of the injuries offered by Great Britain. In his speech on this occasion, he remarked, "The reasons on which this idea of an embargo were founded, are that Great Britain cannot supply her West Indies, except from the United States; if this is in any degree true in peaceful times, how much more forcibly must it operate now. They have a considerable military force there to feed; in truth, without supplies from this country they must inevitably abandon a project, with them a favorite one, the conquest of the French West Indies: in this situation of affairs he believed it would be found proper to put into the hands of the President a power to lay this embargo, and in a moment to prevent all supplies going to the West Indies." With these views, as well as to secure our commerce from depredations, President Washington laid an embargo. You will now decide whether to maintain this opinion is an evidence of insincerity and of a want of integrity.
I deny the charge that government has artfully shaped the course of national affairs. It has labored assiduously, and with no mean talent, to preserve and increase the general prosperity, and to advance every interest in the nation. When the present party came into power, they found the people shackled with the very laws and taxes which would be essential for their support in case of interdicting foreign commerce—an alien law to send off foreign merchants—a sedition law to awe our merchants and others into silence; and three classes of internal taxes, with every necessary officer to enforce them. If they had contemplated the destruction of foreign commerce, they would not have repealed these laws, all the odium of these measures belonged to the preceding administration.
The difference between creating and continuing a tax is too apparent to escape the most superficial politician; and the idea of levying the necessary revenue on importations, when our foreign commerce is annihilated, is too contemptible to be entertained by a parish constable.
The act of government in repealing all internal taxes, and relying solely for revenue on our foreign commerce, furnishes the highest evidence possible of their determination to grant to that commerce every aid and support in their power.
The embargo must necessarily be temporary; it cannot endure for any considerable period; and government will seize upon the first favorable moment to produce a change of measures. Do you believe the farming interest design to raise their produce to perish? Do the states contemplate destroying the basis of private confidence, by preventing for any considerable time the regular course of justice? Do they devise the ruin of the middle and lower classes, by an accumulation of interest? Do the government design to operate without revenue or to procure it solely by loans? Do they expect that the people will come willingly and put on the livery of slaves, by renewing the excises which they lately tore from them so indignantly? Or is your executive prepared, in imitation of good king Codrus, to put spurs to the horse of state, and leap into the gulph.
If the principles of our nature teach us to regard and foster our own interests, and the interests of those who are nearest and dearest to us, if we have a right to infer from the situation of men what objects engross their highest solicitude and most vigilant attention—then I may say that there are a greater number of distinguished citizens, now in power, who entertain all the mercantile sympathies, and feel the deepest interest in our commercial prosperity, than have at any other time belonged to the government.
The venerable Clinton resides in the first commercial city in the nation; his real estate in that city constitutes a principal part of his wealth; and the value of that property depends principally on the activity and success of commerce.
The Secretary of War has for years been interested in navigation; most of his connections and friends have depended upon it for support; and he mourns the loss of a beloved son, who was in the carrying trade.
The Secretary of the Navy is the son of a distinguished merchant; his father-in-law, his brother, and all his kindred are now merchants; no family in America is, or has been in more extensive commerce; and a considerable part of his income is derived from insurance stock.
Can these gentlemen hate commerce? Or will they suppose measures designed to effect its ruin? No man can throw an equal portion of commercial feeling in any former administration.
The duties of the Secretary of the Treasury naturally lead him to cherish this interest; unless he prefers the odium of devising new and inconvenient taxes to the facilities of deriving our revenues in the present manner—unless he wishes to exchange his fame for the execration of the people.
But I am prepared to answer the natural reply of the bigoted partisan. "It is not against these men that I level my denunciation.—It is against your President and his successor." Patience! You shall have an answer, and such an one, that if you regard truth, shall seal your lips in silence. If the strength of your prejudices will not allow you to acknowledge its sufficiency, the exercise of your discretion will induce you not to combat it. It shall not be a gasconade of words, or sentences artfully combined to decoy your judgment by the sweetness of their cadence, or the smoothness of their periods. The subject does not require this, nor do these powers belong to me. I cannot adorn any subject with the flowers of oratory, nor dress it in the attire of literary eloquence. It shall be plain truth in a home spun dress—but not the worse for that.
I ask the opposition for the evidence of Mr. Jefferson's dislike to commerce. Is it found in his messages, in his Notes on Virginia, in his conduct as a foreign minister, as Secretary of State, as Vice-President, or President? No! In every instance where that subject has come before him, it is treated in a manner which bespeaks a high regard for its protection and prosperity, and deep science in the mystery.
It was he who opened the markets of France to our fishermen.
It was he who laid the foundation, to extend our commerce up the Mediterranean.
It was he who nobly and ably maintained the modern law of nations—that free ships make free goods; and never yielded the point till, in the opinion of Washington, founded on the state of the nation, it had become necessary.
It was he who always maintained the rights of our seamen, and resisted the right of search and impressment, as injurious to our citizens, and derogatory to our flag.
It was he, who in his correspondence with the British and French ministers, vindicated our rights of commerce, in a manner which excited the admiration of Europe, and forced applause from his opponents.
It was he, who, with others on the 30th of April 1784, reported to Congress a resolution, requiring the states to enable Congress to limit the transportation of American products to American bottoms for fifteen years.
It is he, who now maintains, as he ever has, that the interests of this nation require a navigation act, which shall limit the exportation of American products to American bottoms; and not as his enemies unjustly charge, to confine it to foreign bottoms. An act which the state of this nation, with some exceptions and provisions, imperiously demands.
It was he, who in 1793, with other distinguished republicans of the south, offered to two mercantile members from New England, to aid, with their whole influence, the passage of such navigation act. This fact is now susceptible of proof.
It was he, on whom, by the activity of Mr. Goodhue, of Massachusetts, was devolved the duty of making a general report on our commerce, and suggesting the mode by which it could be secured and increased. An activity founded on the belief that his views were more liberal and less tinctured with preferences than those of another secretary.
It was he, who reported to Congress, on this subject, on the 16th day of December, 1793. This report furnishes of itself, conclusive proof of his regard for commerce, and of his opinion, that the highest interests of this nation require that it should be maintained, cherished, and protected.
In it he says, "our commerce is certainly of a character so entitle it to favor in most countries. The commodities we offer are either necessaries of life, or materials for manufacture, or convenient subjects of revenue: and we take in ex-
change, either manufactures, when they have received the last finish of art and industry, or mere luxuries."
"Free commerce and navigation are not to be given in exchange for restrictions or vexations: nor are they likely to produce a relaxation of them."
"Our navigation involves still higher considerations. As a branch of industry it is valuable: but as a resource of defence essential."
"Its value as a branch of industry is enhanced by the dependence of so many branches on it. In times of general peace it multiplies competitors for employment in transportation, and so keeps that at its proper level; and in times of war, that is to say, when those nations who may be our principal carriers, shall be at war with each other, if we have not within ourselves the means of transportation, our produce must be exposed in belligerent vessels, at the increased expense of war freight, and insurance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on our hands."
"But it is as a resource for defence, that our navigation will admit neither neglect nor forbearance. The position and circumstances of the United States, leave them nothing to fear on their land-board, and nothing to desire beyond their present rights. But on their sea-board, they are open to injury, and they have there too, a commerce which must be protected. This can be only done by possessing a respectable body of citizen-seamen, and of artists and establishments in readiness for ship-building."
"If particular nations grasp at undue shares, (of commerce) and more especially, if they seize on the means of the United States, to convert them into aliment for their own strength, and withdraw them entirely from the support of those to whom they belong, defensive and protecting measures become necessary on the part of the nation whose marine resources are thus invaded, or it will be disarmed of its defence: its productions will lie at the mercy of the nation which has possessed itself exclusively of the means of carrying them, and its politics may be influenced by those who command its commerce. The carriage of our own commodities, if once established in another channel, cannot be resumed the moment we may desire. If we lose the seamen and artists whom it now occupies, we lose the present means of marine defence, and time will be requisite to raise up others, when disgrace or loss shall bring home to our feelings, the error of having abandoned them. The materials for maintaining our due share of navigation, are ours in abundance." (Pages 15, 16, 17)
He then proceeds to recommend discriminating duties, and a navigation act which shall secure to our citizens against each nation, the same rights of navigation as each nation secures to her subjects; and speaking of the restrictions of Great Britain on our commerce, he says, they have effected a loss "to us of near forty thousand tons of shipping." "This involves a proportionate loss of seamen, shipwrights, and ship-building, and is too serious a loss to admit forbearance of some effectual remedy."
Once more—
It was he, who, as will be proved before this address is closed, has been more liberal in his expenditure in aid of commerce than any other Executive.
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
National Legislature.
TENTH CONGRESS—SECOND SESSION. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JAN. 30. PREPARATION FOR WAR.
On motion of Mr D R Williams the unfinished business (the 50,000 volunteers bill) was ordered to lie on the table.
And the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr Mason in the chair, on the resolution submitted by Mr Nicholas a few days ago in the following words:
Resolved, That the opinion of this House that the U S ought not to delay beyond the day of
to repeal the embargo laws, and to resume, maintain and defend the navigation of the high seas against any nation or nations having in force edicts, orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U States.
Mr Milnor moved for a division of the resolution, so as to take the question first on repealing the embargo, and moved to fill the blank with the fourth day of March.
Mr Randolph said he had risen for the same purpose as the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and he submitted to the committee whether, if the embargo laws were to be repealed, it should not be done with all possible speed.
Mr Nicholas, who had been absent, when the subject was taken up, wished to modify his resolution. This being considered out of order, Mr Nicholas moved to amend the resolution under consideration by striking out the whole of it after the word "Resolved" and inserting the following:
Resolved, as the opinion of this House, that the U States ought not to delay beyond the day of
to resume, maintain and defend the navigation of the high seas; and that provision ought to be made by law for repealing on the day of
the several embargo laws, and for authorizing at the same time LETTERS OF MARQUE AND REPRISAL against Great Britain and France—provided, on that day their orders or edicts, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States shall be in force—or against either
of those nations having in force such orders or edicts.
The house agreed to strike out the substance of the first resolution.
A division of the substitute offered by Mr Nicholas, was called for so as to take the question first on the question of repealing the embargo laws.
TUESDAY, JAN. 31.
The house resumed the discussion of Mr Nicholas's proposition—and the motion pending, when the house yesterday adjourned, was debated till five o'clock, when the house adjourned without taking the question.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 1.
The house resolved itself into a committee on the unfinished business (the resolution of Mr Nicholas)—Mr Mason in the chair.
Mr Bacon contended for the propriety of leaving to the next Congress (to meet in May) a question of war; because they would be more competent to decide agreeably to the then present and preceding state of things. How far he should or should not then justify such a measure, he could not now determine. War might or might not appear then the only or most proper alternative. Again; he objected to such a postponement of the period for hostility, because it would be throwing the game into the hands of our adversaries, by telling them that we were now determined to go to war, but that it would be several months hence before we should begin its execution. This would be not only putting the adversary into a state of preparation, but also would raise up their national metal and stir up their pride beyond what they otherwise would be prompted to.
He then objected to the resolution on the principle of "reciprocals" inhibited in it. He disputed on the meaning of reciprocals. Reciprocals, in a national view, meant to strike on an enemy in order to indemnify for an injury, and of its own nature, implied a sudden repulsion; but herein, a notice too distant for indemnity or for sudden opposition was implied. The very object intended would be defeated by such a declaration of our intention, whilst few internal benefits could be derived. If, therefore, he could agree to the measure, he should object to the period for its execution.
On motion, the committee rose; and on the speakers assuming the chair—
Mr Dawson rose, and moved that on the committee of the whole obtaining leave to sit again be postponed indefinitely. His principle reason urged for this motion was that a gentleman had said much respecting our state of national defence, and as no efficient defence was yet effected, and that as every gentleman who had spoken had more or less declared that England would view this measure in the situation of a declaration of war, he should wish to be prepared for war before it was to be declared or made. An efficient national defence was undoubtedly a pre-requisite to the measure so bold; when the defensive system was matured and in effect, then he would vote for the repeal of the embargo, but until that time, when war was the inevitable result, he never could.
Mr Durell made a few observations on Mr Dawson's motion, in objection, when a motion for adjournment prevailed. So that the question to be argued on Thursday will be for the indefinite postponement of the resolution which has been arguing for a few days past.
THURSDAY, FEB. 2.
Repeal of the Embargo, &c.
The speaker declared the motion pending (for indefinite postponement) when the house yesterday adjourned, to be out of order.
The house then again resolved itself into a committee on Mr Nicholas's resolution for repealing the embargo and issuing letters of marque and reprisal, on the day of
The question was pending on filling the blank with the first day of June, the fourth of March, or the 15th of February. After a debate for about three hours, the question of filling the blank with the most distant day, the first day of June, was NEGATIVED—Ayes 73—Noes 40.
And the committee then rose, on motion of Mr Randolph, without taking any other question, 58 to 56, and obtained leave to sit again. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, FEB. 3.
The following resolution was proposed in committee of the whole house, on the motions made by Mr Nicholas and Mr Bacon, for a repeal of the embargo, and the maintenance of the neutral rights of the United States on the high seas.
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law, for repealing on the fourth day of March the several embargo laws; and for authorizing at the same time, letters of marque and reprisal against Great Britain and France: Provided, on that day their orders or edicts, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States shall be in force; or against either of those nations having in force such orders or edicts.
The following amendment to the above resolution was proposed by Mr. Randolph, as a substitute for the words in italics.
"The merchant vessels of the United States, owned wholly by a citizen or citizens of the United States, to arm and defend themselves against any armed vessels falling under the British or French flags, so long as their illegal orders and decrees shall remain unrevoked."
SATURDAY, FEB. 4.
A report was received from the secretary of state, designating the registered seamen who are naturalized citizens, &c. in conformity with a resolution offered by Mr. Dana—Ordered to be printed.
Repeal of the Embargo, &c.
The house again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on Mr. Nicholas's resolution.
The question pending being on Mr. Randolph's motion to amend it—
Messrs. Key and Milnor supported it;—And Mr. D. R. Williams opposed it.
And the committee rose without deciding the question and obtained leave to sit again.
After the committee rose, Mr. Durell moved in the house, two resolutions: one proposing that the United States consider captures under the French decrees and British orders, as a declaration of war, and the other authorizing the President, in such event, to recall our Ministers from the offending Powers.
The House of Representatives of the U. States were, occupied on Monday in the consideration of the second branch of Mr. Nicholas's Resolution, which authorizes the granting of Letters of Marque and Reprisal,—but adjourned without coming to any decision.

True Spirit of '76!
At a Meeting of the Republican Citizens of the City and County of New York, on the 18th Jan. for the purpose of expressing their sentiments on the measures of the General Government;—The following Resolutions were passed Unanimously.
WHEREAS it is the indispensable duty of good and patriotic citizens to afford their firm support to a virtuous government and to their country's cause, and considering that we should not permit our sentiments and feelings to be misrepresented, and thus by producing a belief that we are dissatisfied with, or disapprove the measures of the administration of the General Government, encourage hostile powers to persevere in their aggressions, we do therefore
Resolved, That we continue to repose full confidence in the patriotism and talents of the President, Vice President and the republican majority in both houses of Congress of the United States. That viewing without partiality and with equal indignation the hostile acts of both the belligerent powers, we entirely approve of the embargo and a rigid enforcement thereof, and believe that while it affords an opportunity to the aggressors, peaceably to discontinue their violations of our rights, its immediate tendency has been to preserve American property, to vindicate the freedom and protect the persons of our mariners, and while we lament that the violence and injustice of foreign nations have rendered it a necessary measure, we decidedly rejoice that it meets our hearty approbation.
Resolved, That we will support the Government of the United States in its present honorable struggle to maintain the national dignity and independence; together with the commercial rights of our country for which we pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
Resolved, That we view with becoming indignation the repeated acts that have been committed to evade and violate the embargo laws of the United States; that we expressly consider the violators of those laws as public enemies, and that we will use our best exertions to support, and enforce those laws, and to detect and expose the infamous violators thereof—and we do earnestly recommend to the friends of our national rights and independence throughout the U. States, particularly those residing in the counties on our frontiers, or bordering on the sea coast, to form associations for the same laudable purpose.
And much as we respect the just liberty of the press—Resolved, That those public prints which in a contest between our country and European governments, have manifested a foreign partiality, endeavoured to weaken the confidence of the people in our administration, and by encouraging hostile states to persevere in their aggressions have prolonged our difficulties, and endangered the peace of our country, deserve our severest reprobation.
Resolved, That in our opinion the conduct of the party opposing the measures of the present administration, is calculated to involve us in a war with the belligerent powers, inasmuch as it tends to exhibit us as a people divided, even on questions involving our national independence, and to induce a belief that there exists in our country a party which will force our government to abandon the honorable ground it has taken, thereby encouraging them to persist in measures which leave us no alternative but War, or a surrender of our national independence.
Resolved, That the unremitting efforts of our government to preserve peace, is conformable to the true interests of the United States, and the dictates of humanity, but the just propositions made to France and England having been by both rejected, we prefer an honorable War, in defence of our rights, rather than submission to their tyrannical decrees and orders.
Resolved, That in our opinion, war with all its concomitant horrors will not be destitute of a measure of benefit to our country, inasmuch as it will excite into action the latent energies and resources of the nation as it regards the establishment of domestic manufactures and thereby render us more independent of foreign supplies. That by thus destroying the interest of foreign merchants, agents and foreign emigrants, to resort hither to sell a comparatively small amount of our own materials manufactured and charged with an immense amount for foreign labour, they will not have the opportunity or inducement to intermeddle with the internal concerns of our government. Hence the greatest source of that rancorous party spirit which has too long been a scourge and disgrace to the nation, will be annihilated.
Resolved, That war should we be constrained to engage in it, will have the effect to rid our country of the many foreign emigrants and domestic traitors who infest our seaport towns, and who use their utmost endeavors to alienate the people from their government with the hope of rendering both subservient to the views of their employers.
Resolved, That our republican brethren in the respective counties in this state, be and they are hereby respectfully requested, to assemble and express their opinions of the measures of government, in regard to the belligerent powers.
Resolved, That it be recommended to all the printers in the United States, who possess sufficient patriotism and liberality, to publish the proceedings of this meeting in their respective papers.
Resolved, That the chair appoint nine of our republican fellow citizens to be a corresponding committee, to communicate with our republican friends in this and other of the United States on the interesting concerns of our country, and that they continue in session until the next general meeting of the republicans of this city, when the further pleasure of such meeting shall be taken thereupon.
The chairman in pursuance of the above powers has appointed the following persons to constitute the corresponding committee. HENRY RUTGERS, WILLIAM FEW, TUNIS WORTMAN, JONAS HUMBERT, SAMUEL LAWRENCE, JOHN HAFF, JOHN BINGHAM, JOHN MILLS, ABRAHAM BLOODGOOD. It was at the request of a great number of republican citizens, that Col. Rutgers consented to serve as a member of the Corresponding Committee. HENRY RUTGERS, Chairman. WILLIAM FEW, Secretary.
Dovermouth.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1809.
To our SUPPLEMENTARY SHEET we refer our readers for an ample exposition of the low arts of British Diplomacy, and an honorable display of American candor and liberality, contrasted with the prevaricating subtleties and short-sighted views of a venal courtier and a besotted king.
Measures of the Government.
Certain men have taken it into their heads, that the administration is alarmed; that there is a division of sentiment among republicans as to the course to be pursued in the present exigency. But those rumors are as baseless as they are vile. There is no division, other than what naturally springs up in the amicable discussions which arise from an anxiety cherished for the general welfare. Let us view for an instant, the course contemplated by the government; for recollections of the past have their usefulness on occasions like the present.
The embargo was laid on to preserve our ships and merchandise: it was, also, thought by some, that it might operate as a measure of coercion.
It did save our property; but the evasions of the law, and the Spanish revolution, prevented its effects as a coercive act.
On the meeting of Congress, it was determined to repeal it. But, as a repeal, without a resort to arms, and a resort to arms without being prepared for war, would have been submission in the one case, and folly and weakness in the other, it was determined to put the nation into a state of defence, and to keep on the embargo till that object was effected.
The keeping on the embargo till we were prepared for war, could only be for a very short time; but short as the time might be, it became necessary and proper to enforce the embargo while it lasted, upon the principle that government is bound by oath to enforce the laws as long as they are laws.
Accordingly Mr. Giles's embargo law, founded upon Mr. Gallatin's representations, was enacted, and the Congress went on to arm and prepare for hostile measures. The only question of difference was, What mode of defence shall we adopt? Shall it be naval, military, or fortifications? One, the other, or all three? The examination of these questions necessarily consumed some time. There was no difference of opinion, (except in one or two solitary cases) about the embargo's coming off: the administration designed to raise it, but they did not want to leave the country stark naked, without the means of resisting a foreign invading enemy.
The only alarm or confusion that has been excited, was occasioned by Mr. Quincy and men of his sect. They threw obstructions at every step, in the way of the administration. If the embargo was to be enforced during its short continuance, it was domestic tyranny; if the navy was to be put on a respectable footing, it was squandering public money, it was to oppress the citizens; if an army of volunteers was to be raised, it was for the purpose of establishing a military despotism. Such was the language of opposition, in and out of Congress. The majority could not get along, without sitting up all night and risking their health and lives.
These measures of government were plain and unequivocal:
1st. An embargo to save our property, 2d. Enforcement of the embargo till we were armed—and, 3d. Repeal of the embargo so soon as we were prepared to maintain our rights if again attacked in their exercise.
Some contrariety of opinion has subsisted as to the mode of resistance—
1st. Whether we should make formal war, by declaration; or, 2d. Arm our merchant vessels—let them go out; if they are attacked, let them repel the assailant, and then bring in the whole force of the nation to their support.
Men may very honestly differ on these points; but there never would have been any difficulty at all, if it had not been for the contrivances of the Essex Junto.
The alarmists have their object. They wish to provoke rebellion, to introduce anarchy, and thus destroy our republican form of government. [Monitor.
The fame of Iceland for bails, must yield to the rising reputation of the Essex Junto. At Newburyport a section of that faction have very gravely resolved that they will use lawful means to oppose the laws. [Ibid.
From the Eastern Argus. AMERICANS!
READ AND PONDER.
Your Country is in danger!—Foreign Foes and Internal Traitors conspire its destruction; a British junta at Boston aided by their emissaries all over the country, are using their utmost endeavors to separate the Union, and thereby kindle the flame of discord and Civil War!—Are you ready? have you counted the cost? Consider I beseech you. If you love your Country; if the name of American Independence is not odious to you, it is high time you should rally round your Government, and declare to the world you will defend it to the last. America has enemies from without; Britain and France are determined, if they can, to bring us into a war, each wishing us to join their party—to prevent this, the Law laying an Embargo was the only substitute.—But by far the most dangerous enemies are in our very bosom; to excite a spirit of Rebellion and opposition to Government, to create internal dissensions, hireling press have omitted no art; however base, no falsehood however scandalous; witness the infamous manner of publishing Canning's Letter; the story of the Two Millions, which has been officially proved to be an infamous lie; the invitations to insurrection; the coffins, the mourning borders; the parade of ships dragged through the streets; the town-meeting resolutions and petitions against the measures of Government, are intended only as so many incentives, to raise a spirit of insurrection and disobedience to the Laws—depend on it an enemy hath done this—British gold, and the ambition of men above the daily pursuits of civil life.
who would wish to raise on the ruins of America, a puppet-work Aristocracy, hath done it.—FREEMEN!—Remember the advice of WASHINGTON, to "frown indignantly on the first dawning of every attempt to separate one portion of the Union from the other." That revered Patriot, with a foresight equal to prophecy foretold the doings of the present day;—the Tories of '75 yet lurk within our borders, and Treason stalks abroad!—Fellow-Citizens, you are deceived by designing men, men who fought against you in '75; men who have abused and vilified your government; men who, many of them, profess to be friends to Religion, yet in their conduct violate its precepts, which enjoin submission to the powers that be, and denounce destruction on those who resist. The time is fast approaching, when the line must be drawn between the enemies and the friends of America;—beware on which side you place yourselves. I beseech you, fellow-citizens, by the love you bear to Liberty and your Country; I conjure you by the love of your fathers, kindred and posterity, to consider the consequences of a Civil War; devastation and destruction follow in its train, bloodshed and ruin are its attendants, and despotism its end.
THE WARNING VOICE.
Patriotic Nominations.
His Excellency JOHN LANGDON will be supported as candidate for Governor, for the year 1809.
The Hon. SAMUEL BELL will be supported as Counsellor for Hillsborough.
ELIJAH HALL, Esq. as Counsellor for Rockingham.
RICHARD DAME, Esq. as Counsellor for Strafford.
AMASA ALLEN, Esq. as Counsellor for Cheshire.
WILLIAM TARTLON, Esq. as Counsellor for Grafton and Coos.
In District No 1. Dr. JOSIAH BARTELT, of Stratham, will be supported as candidate for Senator.
In District No 4. JOHN BRADLEY, Esq. of Concord, will be supported.
In District No 5. BEARD PLUMER, Esq. of Milton, will be supported.
In District No 6. NATHANIEL SHANNON, Esq. of Moultonborough, will be supported.
In District No 8. JOSHUA DARLING, Esq. of Henikere, will be supported.
COMMUNICATION.
THE pioneers of the Federal party have withdrawn the veil by which their operations were so long concealed from the public; and have exhibited Judge SMITH as candidate for the office of governor at the ensuing election. In announcing this nomination, they are aware of the scrutiny to which their motives will be exposed. They are aware that the People of this State will be astounded at the attempt to displace a worthy and faithful public officer, who has grown grey in their service; and against whose administration not a whisper of complaint has ever been made; they are conscious that no charge whatever can be brought against Governor LANGDON;—that since he has filled the chair, the State has enjoyed an uninterrupted tranquility; that no refuge of political persecution is visible in his gubernatorial path;—that his whole conduct as Chief Magistrate has been irreproachable;—and that his political enemies have been compelled to bear testimony to his magnanimity.—The managers in this business, therefore, seeing that Governor LANGDON is pure, upright and honest, and that they can find no act of mal-administration wherewith to charge him, endeavour to eliminate him through the Government of the United States; alleging that he has been instrumental in procuring the acquiescence of New-Hampshire in the Embargo Laws. But before these political scene shifters, who play with an effect so wonderfully monotonous on their favorite bum-stum the Embargo, persuade us to quit the track we are now in, to dance after them and their candidate, they must have the goodness to declare into what mazes they intend to lead us. On this subject they have heretofore been silent. If those federal gentlemen who abuse the Embargo to aid the election of Judge SMITH, will tell us what measure would be better adapted to meet the exigencies of our political relations during the last year, we may be enabled from such data to estimate the merits of the two candidates.—If a farmer when travelling should be accosted by one who told him he was in the wrong road, would he not instinctively ask his informant to direct him right?
Let those who assert that Governor LANGDON and his friends are doing wrong; come forward with the plans of Judge SMITH and his friends, for administering the government of the State: that the People may fairly determine "which of the two to choose." The paths of the Republicans are the "PATHS OF PEACE." Let the Federalists beware that they lead not the People into the broad road of destruction to their liberties;—to ruin and slavery. Let them beware that they lead not the People into a road invested by Robbers on one hand, or tax-gatherers on the other. Let them beware of raising a riot in our tempest-tossed National Bark; and of compelling the officers to pursue a course among shoals and quicksands. Let them consider that where the empire of the Law ends, that of the sword begins. Let them reflect that the lessons of political immorality which they are daily promulgating, will if duly inculcated produce a state of society, the existence of which every Patriot must deplore! STRAFFORD.
THE WEATHER.
Finding the Meteorological account of the Weather published in our last Gazette, was pleasingly received by our readers; we have obtained a further statement of the extreme cold of the last ten days, viz.—On the 4th inst, the mercury stood at sunrise at 6 above zero or 0, which is 26 degrees below a freezing point. On the 5th and 6th it stood at 20 degrees above 0—On the 7th at ten a.m. above 0—On the 8th at six above 0—On the 9th at two below 0—On the 11th at five below 0—On the 12th at seven below 0—On the 13th at 12 above 0—We are credibly informed there has not been a long a series of uninterrupted extreme cold weather, for more than twenty-three years.
Blockade of Boston!
ALIAS TORY LIES—TO EXCITE REBELLION. The following note from Col. BOYS will be found in what elimination the noisy, turbulent Junta in Boston, is to be held, and what credit is to be attached to any of their assertions. The officer commanding Fort Independence deems it his duty to inform the inhabitants of Boston and Charlestown, that he had been instructed by the Secretary of War, to obey the requests of the Collector of the port of Boston and Charlestown, or of his officers duly authorized to carry into effect the Embargo Laws. that he is called upon to stop only such vessels as may attempt to depart from the harbor CONTRARY TO LAW, that the orders were given to the officer of the day at Fort Independence, and are now in force conformably to said instructions.
Orders were also given to respect the clearance of Mr. Lovell, as LAWFUL, which orders have been obeyed; and further that no vessel whatever has in fact been detained or prevented from sailing by the castle.
JNO. P. BOYD, Col. 4th Reg. Inf. C. M. D.
An association of the most outrageous nature is forming by the Tories of Newburyport. One of their resolutions adopted at a late meeting is as follows—We request the reader to ponder upon it.
"Every Subscriber shall within ten days if possible, from the time of subscribing, be provided with a good musket, bayonet, belt and scabbard, cartridge box, and twenty-four rounds of ball cartridges, suited to his musket, and shall keep the same in some safe and convenient place in his dwelling house."
What is this for? The object is plain as day light. It is to assist a base and unnatural rebellion—to massacre every man who dares to support his government! But let it be remembered—Republicans too have "muskets"—they too have "bayonets," and "belts" and "scabbards" and "cartridge boxes" and "ball cartridges" and they too know how to use them. The blood be upon your own heads! [National Register.
NOTICE.
THE REPUBLICANS of the County of York, are respectfully informed that in consequence of the weather, the meeting which was to have been held at Doughty's falls, on the 6th inst. will be held on the 23d inst. at the same place, at 10 o'clock A.M. at Hoss's tavern. A general attendance of the republican friends of our National Union from every town in the county, is expected at this alarming crisis of our public affairs.
THE POOR]—It is a distressing time to poor people, in this town, for wood and necessaries; and although we believe the Overseers have been unwearied in their exertions to relieve objects in distress, yet we have every reason to expect there are very many distressed families who are real objects of charity, that have not made their sufferings known. We therefore do hope that the hearts of the rich may be still further opened to distribute of their abundance for the relief of the necessitous. And we would suggest the propriety of a quantity of Indian meal, rye, and flour being purchased, and baked into loaves of 4, 5 & 6 pounds each, and put into the hands of some benevolent persons to distribute. This plan would most assuredly be much better than giving the poor money to lay out at their discretion—and we are happy to hear that a subscription paper for the above benevolent purpose will be opened this day at the Bookstore of Mr. C. PIERCE, where every one who is disposed to add their mite towards relieving the distresses of the poor, the needy, the destitute and the friendless are requested to call or send their benevolent assistance.—"The poor ye always have with you, and when ye will ye may do them good"
State of New-Hampshire, Rockingham ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to non-resident owners of land in KINGSTON, in said county, who have not paid their taxes for the year A.D. 1808; that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber on or before the 3d Monday of April next, so much of their lands as will pay the same with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the house of Joseph Lovring, inn-holder, in said Kingston, at ten of the clock, in the forenoon on said day.
Table with 7 columns: Description, Acres, County tax, Town tax, Highway tax, School tax, School fund. Lists land owners and tax details for Kingston.
The Governor and Council have appointed Thursday the 13th day of April next, to be observed as a day of public humiliation, fasting, and prayer, throughout the State.
The following Resolution was passed by the Governor and Council during their present session.
It having pleased Almighty God to remove from this life the Hon. JOSEPH BADGER, Counsellor for the county of Strafford:—It is hereby resolved that his Excellency the Governor, the members of the Council and the Secretary, wear black crape on the left arm, for one month, in testimony of their respect for his memory, and regret for his loss;—and that the Secretary be directed to address a Letter to Mrs. Badger, widow of the deceased, expressive of their sympathy with her, and the family, under this affliction, bereavement.
Taken by Execution.
And to be sold at Auction THIS DAY, at Store No. 2, in Merchant's Row. To satisfy an Execution for 1400 dollars, and several smaller ones.
A LARGE assortment of Merchandise, consisting of Broad-Cloths, Coatings, Duffels, Calicoes, Stockings, Cambric Mullins, silk Gloves, Moccasins, Shawls, Hats, a number elegant Laces, Velvets, Nankeens, &c. Conditions, part Cash, and part at a credit of 60 and 120 days on approved notes. Sale at 10 o'clock. A. EWEN, Auctioneer.
February 14, 1809.
Auction on Thursday Next, 12 o'clock, in front of the Subscriber's Store.
The residue of TEAS, not sold on Saturday—consisting of Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Souchong and Bohea, all of the first quality—Also, a few bags of COFFEE—and some other articles. Feb. 14. S. LARKIN, Auctioneer.
ITCH OINTMENT.
CELEBRATED Itch Ointment, which cures the Itch in a few days with safety, certainty and ease,—price ONLY 42 cents. This ointment is very agreeable in smell, leaves the skin smooth and beautiful, and there is no occasion of waiting it off after using; for sale at C. PIERCE's Store. Portsmouth, Feb. 14. 1809
THE subscribers being appointed by the Hon. Nathaniel Rogers, Esq. Judge of probate of Wills &c for the county of Rockingham—a committee to receive, examine and adjust all the claims of the creditors to the Estate of JOHN KINNAIR, late of Newcastle, mariner, deceased, represented insolvent—do hereby give notice that six months are allowed to said creditors to bring in and prove their respective claims, and that we shall attend that service at the dwelling house of George Bell inn-holder in said Newcastle, on the first Mondays of March May and July, ensuing, from three to six o'clock in the afternoon, on each of said days.
FOXWELL CURTIS, Committee. GEORGE BELL, New Castle, February 7, 1809.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE subscribers hereby give public notice that they have been duly appointed Executors to the last Will and Testament of SAMUEL BOYES, late of Londonderry in the county of Rockingham and State of New Hampshire, husbandman, deceased and have taken upon themselves that trust, and as such they request all persons having any demand against the estate of said deceased, to bring in the same, and those indebted to said estate to make immediate payment to HUGH BOYES. WILLIAM BOYES. Londonderry, February 3, 1809.
Table with 7 columns: Description, Acres, County tax, Town tax, Highway tax, School tax, School fund. Lists land owners and tax details for Kingston.
OLIVER WELCH, Collector of Kingston.
Kingston, February 9th, 1809.

Miscellaneous Repository.
For the N. H. GAZETTE. Messrs. Printers, If you think the following lines, which were composed by a young Lady, aged sixteen years, of North Hampton, worthy a place in your paper, please to insert them.
ACROSTIC. If eav'n, smil'd propitious on our happy state, In giving her, a patriot so great, So deaf to fashion, so resign'd to fate. E ndow'd with virtue's of superiour kind, X enophon's bravery, and Newton's mind; C ontroul'd by virtue's ever-living laws; E ncouraging Religion's perfect cause. L ustrous indeed his nobleness of thought; L ike Franklin, with each pow'r of judgment franght; E v'ry to his great soul ne'er found a way; N or rage, nor malice gain the smallest sway; C areful his People's happiness to guard, Y t trusts in Heav'n to have his just reward. J ust views of DEITY, in him presides, O n the bright wing's of soaring Faith he rides; H eav'n directs upon his sight: He sees the throng, N ation's of Saints begin with praise the song. L o! on this world his pompous glory shines, A s though were open'd all Golconda's mines; N ature for him did ev'ry effort yield; G reat in the Cabinet, and in the Field. D uring the fierce enemy to brave, O r shed his blood, his country's peace to save, N ay full with pleasure to a Freeman's grave.
Procrastination is the thief of time, and time is precious when a NATION is at stake.
NEW GOODS.
Just received by the late arrivals at Boston, and now opening at DRAPER'S CHEAP CASH STORE, a very extensive and elegant assortment of Fashionable, Fancy and Staple PIECE GOODS, adapted to the present and approaching season.
AMONG WHICH ARE A n elegant variety } MUS- lins of colored worked, Bruf- fels, figured leno, seed mull, } LINS. diagonal, vinced and lace Black, dove, pink, } Canton Crapes. light, buff and lilac } Hats & Bonnets. Fashionable } Beaver & Straw } An elegant assortment of extra long } Kid Gloves and habit White Satin, best quality; double white Sarfnets; white cotton lace Armlets; lace Gloves and Mitts. A great variety of Thread and cotton Laces and Footings; Ladies lace cotton HOSE, a new article. A great variety comprising all colours, Silk Velvets and Plushes.
London Chintzes; 2 trunks low priced Calicoes; Plaid Ginghams and chambray Muslins; 7-8, 4-4 and 6-4 colored and black Cambricks; Plaid and plain silk chambray Muslins. A variety of elegant, Patch Furnitures; low priced do.; 6-4 twill'd cotton Shawls; 6-4 damask silk ditto; white cambric pocket Hkfs. remarkable cheap; linen ditto very fine; Ladies figured Turban and Neck Handkfs.; Linen Cambricks; Irish Linens; Dimities; Cotton Diapers; Ladies and gen- tlemen's cotton and worsted Hosiery. Scarlet, purple, brown, } Bombazets. dove, fawn and black } Fawn, purple, } Tabby Velvets olive & black } 1 case 3-4, 7-8 and 4-4 British cotton Shirtings; 4-4, 5-4 & 6-4 Oil Cloths. London Superfine } black, blue, brown } Broad Cloths. and corbeau } Superfine double } milled black, } Cassimeres. blue and drab } Fawn, dark green } Pelise CLOTHS. and brown } Scarlet, fawn } Pelise Flannels. and dark green } Dark green Cassimeres; pur- ple and black glass Buttons; Gentlemen's fashionable Toiletent and other waistcoats; Real superfine drab Kersey; low priced do.; Silver'd Cords and Satinettis.
Velvets and Thicksets; silk and cotton UMBRELLAS. a very large and complete assortment of Men's Hats, from 1 to 7 dol- lars; a large supply of Baizes; Flannels; Bockings; Plains; Coatings; Fearnoughts, Kersey; Sarges; and low priced Broad Cloths; Rose Blankets, from 6 to 11-4. Elt, bear, black Janet and mock fable MUFFS and TIPPETS.
Fine Baftas and Sannabs, suitable for shirt- ing; and a large supply of low priced India Cottons, &c. &c. Just Received, 500 yds. of Providence BED TICKING, which will be sold very cheap. To be had as above, 2 and 3 threaded Factory Cotton Yarn. Portsmouth, October 18, 1808.
For Sale or to be Let, A large two story HOUSE at the South part of this town, in Gates Street. For Terms—Apply to Charles B. Grace, at his Shop near Liberty-bridge.
For Sale or to be Let, A large two story HOUSE at the South part of this town, in Gates Street. For Terms—Apply to Charles B. Grace, at his Shop near Liberty-bridge.
FLAX-SEED.
Cash given for Flax-Seed at No 15 Merchants Row, by Abel & R. Harris.
Copartnership Dissolved.
THE Copartnership of NORRIS and SAWYER, was dissolved by mutual agreement on the 6th inst.—All persons having demands against the said firm, are requested to present them for settlement—and all indebted, to make immediate payment to Charles Norris.
Exeter, Jan'y 3 10, 1809. CHARLES NORRIS, JOHN SAWYER.
C. NORRIS respectfully informs his friends and the public that he continues to carry on the PRINTING, Bookbinding & Bookselling business, on the most reasonable terms, at the building lately improved by Nor- ris & Sawyer, where he solicits a continuance of favours.
State of New Hampshire, Coos ff.
PUBLIC Notice is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in STRATFORD, in said county, who have not paid their town, school-house, highway, school, and county taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes, with incidental charges, will be sold at public Vendue at the dwelling-house of PELATIAH NICHOLS, in said Stratford, on Monday the third day of April next, at 10 o'clock A. M. on said day, unless prevented by previous payment to me the subscriber. N. B. The delinquents are as follows, with the several taxes annexed.
   Original proprietors Names. Disposn. Number of Ac. Town tax. School tax. Highway tax. County tax.     Capt. Moses Averill 1 63 50 9 22 5   2 53 200 24 60 44   3 101 200 12 30 22   4 136 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 19 19 4   Perry Averill 1 50 9 22 22 5   2 59 200 24 60 44   3 137 200 12 30 22   4 194 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 19 19 4   Capt. Samuel Beers 2 1 200 24 60 44   Undivided 50 7 19 19 4   Capt. Nathan Booth 2 82 200 24 60 44   3 56 200 12 30 22   4 103 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 19 19 4   George Boyd, Esq. 1 37 50 9 22 5   2 52 200 24 60 44   3 65 200 12 30 22   4 195 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 19 19 4   Samuel Beard 2 34 200 24 60 44   3 175 200 12 30 22   4 8 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 19 19 4   Joseph Barlow 3 77 200 12 30 22   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Jabez Baldwin 3 192 200 12 30 22   4 165 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Heth Baldwin 4 153 100 3 7 5   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Nehemiah Curtiss 2 31 200 24 60 44   3 182 200 12 30 22   4 125 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   George Crague 1 38 50 9 22 5   2 110 200 24 60 44   3 57 200 12 30 22   4 49 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Stephen Curtiss jr. 1 68 50 9 22 5   2 95 200 24 60 44   3 185 200 12 30 22   4 104 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Samuel Curtiss 3 132 200 12 30 22   4 208 200 6 15 11   Stephen Curtiss 1 10 24 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Daniel Fowl, Esq. 2 183 200 24 60 44   3 130 200 12 30 22   4 34 200 6 15 11   Col. Benja. Hinman 3 70 200 12 30 22   4 166 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Elijah Hinman 1 14 25 4 11 2   2 120 100 12 30 22   3 92 200 12 30 22   4 156 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Capt. Truman Hinman 3 39 200 12 30 22   4 29 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Aaron Hinman 3 123 200 12 30 22   4 74 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Joseph Holbrook 2 119 200 24 60 44   3 97 200 12 30 22   4 26 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Joseph Holbrook jr. 2 200 24 60 44 14   3 178 200 12 30 22   4 188 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Richard Hart 3 96 200 12 30 22   4 133 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   John Holbrook jr. 1 39 50 9 22 5   2 198 200 24 60 44   3 138 200 12 30 22   4 27 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Capt. Agur Judson 4 151 200 6 15 11   Agur Judson jr. 4 196 200 6 15 11   David Judson 4 23 200 6 15 11   Capt. Daniel Judson 2 148 200 24 60 44   3 201 200 12 30 22   4 163 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Daniel Judson jr. 2 172 85 10 26 18   3 15 200 12 30 22   4 162 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   William King 2 181 200 24 60 44   3 32 200 12 30 22   4 55 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   Judah Kellogue 1 50 9 22 22 5   2 84 200 24 60 44   3 44 200 12 30 22   4 134 200 6 15 11   Undivided 50 7 18 18 3   George Lewis 2 83 200 24 60 44   3 29 200 12 30 22  
   C.M. C.M. C.M. C.M. C.M.     Carrie Lewis 4 186 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Reynold Marvin, Esq. 1 34 50 9   2 150 100 18   3 130 100 6   Stephen Sherman 1 86 50 9   2 180 200 12   3 38 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Agur Tomlinson, Esq. 4 19 50 9   Jacob Sheaves jr. 1 12 29 5   2 174 60 7   3 167 200 12   4 20 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   William Thompson 3 16 200 12   4 14 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Capt. Joseph Tomlinson 1 49 9 22   2 111 200 24   3 19 200 12   4 137 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Stephen Tomlinson 1 35 50 9   Undivided 50 7 18   Beach Tomlinson 2 89 200 24   3 179 200 12   4 74 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Rev. Ezariah Whitmore 2 147 200 24   3 113 200 12   4 24 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Capt. Josiah Willard 2 62 200 24   3 80 200 12   4 105 200 6   Thomas Woolster gd 1 40 50 9   2 30 200 24   3 86 200 12   4 135 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Thomas Woolster jr. 2 109 100 12   3 12 100 6   4 71 100 3   Undivided 25 3 9   Joseph Woolster gd 2 98 200 24   3 64 200 12   4 177 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Moses Welch 4 6 50 9   Joseph Wells 2 197 50 9   3 115 200 12   4 152 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Stephen Sherman 3 102 200 12   4 25 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Benjamin Parker 2 68 200 24   4 46 200 6   Undivided 50 7 18   Moses Little 2 117 200 24   3 149

British Villany Exposed!!
We this day lay before our readers the insidious letter of Mr. Canning, which has been published by the British faction in this country, to divide the people of the United States from their government...
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. I communicate to Congress certain letters which passed between the British secretary of state Mr. Canning, and Mr. Pinkney our minister plenipotentiary at London.
TH: JEFFERSON. Jan. 17, 1809.
Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison.
LONDON, Sept. 24, 1808. SIR,—I am now enabled to transmit to you a copy of Mr. Canning's answer, received only last night, to my note of the 23d of August.
into his letter, but which I had not supposed it necessary to mention in detail in my dispatches. I shall not detain Mr. Atwater with a view to this reply; but will take care to forward a copy of it by an early conveyance.
Mr. CANNING to Mr. PINKNEY, accompanying his letter of September 24, 1808. FOREIGN OFFICE, September 23, 1808.
SIR,—In laying before the king, your letter of the 23d of August, and in communicating to you the accompanying answer, which I have received his majesty's commands to return to it—I confess I feel some little embarrassment from the repeated references which your letter contains, to what has passed between us in conversation.
It was for that reason principally, that after hearing, with the most respectful attention, all that you had to state to me verbally, upon the subject of the present overture, I felt myself under the necessity of requiring, as "indispensable," a written communication upon the subject.
The principal points on which the suggestions brought forward by you in personal conference, appear to me to have differed in some degree from the proposal now stated by you in writing as:—two—the first, that in conversation the proposal itself was not distinctly stated as an overture authorized by your government—the second, that the beneficial consequences likely to result to this country from the acceptance of that proposal were "pursued" through more ample "illustrations."
In the first of our conferences, I understood you to say little more on the authority of your government, than that you were instructed to remonstrate against the orders in council of the 7th of January, and 11th of November 1807—but to add, as from yourself, an expression of your own conviction, that if these orders were repealed, the President of the U. S. would suspend the embargo with respect to Great Britain.
Upon the consequences of such a suspension of the embargo, while it would still continue to be enforced against France, you expatiated largely—still speaking, however, (as I understood) your own individual sentiments. It was suggested by you, that America would, in that case, probably arm her merchant ships against the aggressions of France—an expedient, to which, you observed, it would be perfectly idle to resort against Great Britain.
violates the established usages of war and the rights of neutral states." There was, indeed, one point, upon which I was particularly anxious to receive precise information, and upon which, from your candor and frankness, I was fortunate enough to obtain it. The connecting together in your proposed overture, the suspension of the embargo, and the repeal of the orders in council—as well those of November, as the preceding one of the 7th of January, might appear to imply that the embargo had been the immediate consequence of those orders, and I was, therefore, desirous to ascertain whether, in fact, the orders in council of November, had been known to the government of the U. S. previous to the message of the President proposing the embargo—as to be a moving consideration to that message.
Such, Sir, is, according to the best of my recollection, correctly the substance of what has passed between us at our several interviews previous to the presentation of your official letter; and such I have represented to have been the substance of what passed on those several occasions, in the reports of our conferences which it has been my duty to make to the king.
If, in this recapitulation, there is any thing mistaken or any thing omitted, you will do me the justice to believe the error unintentional; and you may rely on my readiness to let it right. I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, your most obedient, humble Servant, GEORGE CANNING. (Signed) William Pinkney, Esq. &c. &c. &c. Great Cumberland Place, Sept. 24, 1808.
SIR—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your answer to my official note of the 23d of last month, relative to the British orders in Council of January and November, 1807, together with a statement of the substance of what has passed between us at our several interviews previous to the presentation of that note. I shall lose no time in transmitting to my government copies of both these papers, upon the last of which I will take the liberty, in the course of a few days to trouble you with some observations. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, Sir, your most obedient servant. WILLIAM PINKNEY. The right hon. George Canning, Esq. &c. London October 11, 1808.
SIR,—I have the honor to transmit enclosed a copy of my reply to Mr. Canning's letter to me of the 23d of last month, accompanying his official answer of the same date to my note of the 23d of August. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. WILLIAM PINKNEY. Hon. James Madison, Esq. &c. TO MR. CANNING. Great Cumberland Place, Oct. 10, 1808.
SIR. IF my reply to the letter which you did me the honor to address to me on the 23d of last month, should be of greater length than the occasion may be thought to require, you will, I am sure, impute it to its real cause, an earnest desire on my part, arising from a feeling of sincere respect for you, that the statement which I am to give of facts deemed by you to be important, should be full as well as accurate. I will not fatigue you, Sir, with assurances, that no person could be less disposed than I am, to find fault with the object of your letter, which appears to be to guard against all misrepresentation of "what has passed in our last interviews, beyond what you find recorded in my note." You have told me, that I have personally, no concern in that object, and I did not require to be told that my government has as little. I understand, indeed, that the circumstance, which has suggested a peculiar motive for this proceeding, was one of those newspaper misrepresentations which every day produces where the press is free, which find no credit and beget no consequence, and for which it is greatly to be feared your expedient will provide no remedy. Of my conduct, when that circumstance occurred, in giving you uncollected proofs that I had transmitted to Mr. Secretary Madison, a faithful report of our conferences, mistaken by public rumor, or private conjecture, it is not necessary for me to speak; for you have yourself done justice to it.
The motive, to which I am indebted for the honor of your letter, appears to have been instrumental in producing another effect equally unexceptionable. But you will allow me to say, that until the receipt of that letter, I had not been apprized by the slightest intimation that it was in any degree owing to such a cause that you declined, on the part of his majesty's government, after too conferences in which I had been suffered, if not encouraged, to unfold myself individually, as well as officially, at great length, and with perfect frankness, to give an answer to my verbal overture.
At our first interview (on the 29th of June) verbal communication was not countenanced, but commenced. For after I had made myself understood as to the purpose for which the interview had been requested, you asked me if I thought of taking a more formal course, but immediately added that you presumed I did not; so that the course I had adopted was well suited to the occasion. My reply was in substance, that the freedom of conversation was better adapted to our subject, and more likely to conduct us to an advantageous conclusion, than the constraint of a formal written intercourse, and that I had not intended to present a note. At the second interview (on the 22d July) it did not occur to me that I had any reason to conclude, and certainly I did not conclude that verbal communication had not continued to be acceptable as a preparatory course; and it was not until the third interview (29th July,) it was rejected as
inadmissible. But even then I was not told, and had not the smallest suspicion, that this rejection was to be ascribed, either wholly or partially to the motive which your letter has since announced to me. That this motive had, nevertheless, all the influence now imputed to it, I am perfectly confident, and take notice of it only because as I have not mentioned it to my government in my official account of our conferences, I can no otherwise justify the omission either to it or to you, than by showing that I had in truth no knowledge of the fact when that account was transmitted.
I may take occasion to set forth in the present letter, the import of all that can be material of our several conversations according to my recollection of them; but there are some points on which I ought to pay a more particular attention, because you have thought them entitled to it; although I should myself, perhaps, have been inclined to think they had lost much of their importance by the presentation of my note, and the receipt of your written answer; both of which are perfectly intelligible, upon these points at least, without the aid of the conferences that preceded them.
You observe, that "the principal points, in which the suggestions, brought forward by me in personal conference, appear to you to have differed in some degree from the proposal stated by me in writing, are two; the first, that in conversation the proposal itself was not distinctly stated as an overture authorized by my government; the second, that the beneficial consequences, likely to result to this country from the acceptance of that proposal, were "pursued" through more ample "illustrations."
With regard to the first of these supposed differences, I feel persuaded, Sir, that upon further recollection, it will occur to you, that, at our first conference, I told you explicitly that the substance of what I then suggested, that is to say, that your orders being repealed as to us, we would suspend the embargo as to Great Britain, was from my government; but that the manner of conducting and illustrating the subject, upon which I had no precise orders, was my own, I even repeated to you the words of my instructions as they were upon my memory; and I did not understand, either then or afterwards, that there was any doubt as to their existence or their sufficiency, or any desire to have a more exact and formal communication of them while the result of our discussions was distant and uncertain. I said undoubtedly that I had been directed to require the revocation of the British orders in council; but I said also that, although the government of the United States, still supposed itself to be authorized to expect their repeal upon the ground of right as it existed from the first, (a subject, however, which I informed you I did not wish at that time to agitate,) I was notwithstanding empowered to give you the above mentioned assurances, which would as I presumed, hold out inducements to Great Britain, as well on the score of policy as on that of justice, to fulfil that expectation. I should scarcely have undertaken to offer such assurances as from myself, or upon my own "conviction," that the president would act in conformity with them. And I should still less (if that were possible) have ventured to ask of you that you would make them, in that form, the subject of repeated conferences, and even of reference to others, as placing the question of a recantation or continuance of the orders in council, upon new grounds of prudence and equity.
It is merely intended (as I doubt not it is) to say that I did not make, or declare my intention to make my overture in writing, before I had endeavoured to prepare for it by personal explanations such a reception as I felt it deserved, and before I could ascertain what shape it would be most proper to give to it, or how it would be met by this government, nothing can be more correct.
It was my sincere wish that my proposal, which I believed to be advantageous to Great Britain, as well as honorable to the United States, should be accepted; and accordingly I preferred a mode of proceeding which, while it was calculated to avoid unprofitable discussions, upon topics of some delicacy and great difficulty, would furnish opportunities for frank and friendly communication upon all the bearings of my proposal, and lead to the result at which I aimed, if that result should be practicable, in such way as, upon mature reflection, and after a liberal interchange of sentiments, should be found to be most for the honor of our respective governments. These views were laid before you without reserve, and seemed to be approved; and I confess to you Sir, that when I was afterwards informed that, if I would obtain an answer to my overture, I must make it in writings and that I must not look for any previous intimation of the nature of that answer, I did not allow myself any longer to anticipate with much confidence such an issue as I desired.
The second difference which your letter supposes to exist between my note and verbal suggestions, cannot, I think, in any view be very material. I will say something upon it, however.
My note declares that if I forbear to pursue certain ideas through all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is because our personal conferences, as well as the obvious nature of the ideas themselves, render it unnecessary. This implies undoubtedly, that more had been said in our conferences explanatory of these ideas, than is to be found in the note itself; and that implication can scarcely be otherwise than true, if I "expatiated largely" as you very justly say I did, "upon the consequences of a suspension of the embargo as to Great Britain, while it still continued to be enforced against France."

The general idea to which the note refers is that justice and interest conspired to recommend that you should take advantage of my proposal. The particular positions are, that if your orders and our embargo should be rescinded in the manner suggested, our commercial intercourse would be immediately revived; that, if France followed your example and retracted her decrees, the avowed purpose of your orders would be accomplished; that, if France refused to retract, the American embargo, continuing as to her, would occupy the place of your orders, and perform it themselves, without any of the disadvantages inseparable from such a system.
It is certain that in our conversations I endeavoured to prove that these general and particular notions were founded in truth, by a variety of arguments, thrown out in a very desultory way, with more zeal than precision, and with that entire freedom which unlimited confidence in your candor, and a firm opinion that the views of my government would derive new titles to respect from a full examination, were calculated to produce.
I should not deal ingeniously with you, sir, if I were to pretend that I think myself able to recapitulate these disjointed arguments as they were actually delivered. And I am quite sure I that shall consult your gratification, as well as my own credit, by declining such an undertaking. But I think I can state, in a condensed form, what I intended you should understand; and I presume that what I did say was not very wide of my real impressions.
Upon the footing on which my overture would place the justice of the British orders, I did not go into much detail, at any one of the three interviews mentioned in your letter. But, combining my unconnected and occasional observations on that point as they were made at different times, and more especially as they were afterwards given and enlarged upon when I had the honor to see you on the 26th of August (of which, however, it is proper to say I have only a very scanty memorandum) their import will not, perhaps, be found to be much if at all mistaken in such parts of the following statement as relate to that branch of the subject.
I meant to suggest, then, that upon your own principles it would be extremely difficult to decline my proposal, that your orders inculcate, as the duty of neutral nations, resistance to the maritime decrees of France, as overturning the public law of the world, and professedly rely upon that duty, and an imputed abandonment of it, for their inducement and their justification; that, of these orders, that of the 7th of January 1807, (of which the subsequent orders of November are said, in your official reply to my note of the 23d of August, to be only an extension, "an extension in operation not in principle") was promulgated and carried into effect a few weeks only after the Berlin decree had made its appearance, when the American government could not possibly know that such a decree existed, when there had been no attempt to enforce it, and when it had become probable that it would not be enforced at all to the prejudice of neutral rights, that the other orders were issued, before the American government, with reference to any practical violation of its rights, by an attempt to execute the Berlin decree, in a sense different from the stipulations of the treaty subsisting between the United States and France, and from the explanations given to general Armstrong by the French minister of marine, and afterwards impliedly confirmed by general Cham-pagny, as well as by a correspondent practice, had any sufficient opportunity of opposing that decree otherwise than it did oppose it; that your orders, thus proceeding upon an assumed acquiescence not existing in fact, retaliated prematurely, and retaliated a thousand fold, through the rights of the United States, wrongs rather threatened than felt, which you were not authorised to presume the United States would not themselves repeal, as their honor and their interests required; that orders, so issued, were, to say the least of them, an unreasonable interposition between the injuring and the injured party, in a way the most fatal to the latter; that by taking justice into your own hands, before you were entitled to do so, at the expence of every thing like neutral rights and even at the expence of other rights, justify the objects of yet greater sensibility, and by inflicting upon neutral nations, or rather upon the United States, the only neutral nation, injuries infinitely more severe and extensive than it was in the power of France to inflict, you embarrassed and confounded, and rendered impracticable, that very reliance which you demanded of us; that my proposal destroyed all imaginable motives for continuing, whatever might have been the motives for adopting this new scheme of warfare; that it enabled you to withdraw, with dignity and even with advantage, what should not have come between France and us; that its necessary tendency was to place us at issue with that power, or, in other words, in the precise situation in which you have maintained we ought to be placed, if it should persist in its obnoxious edicts; that the continuance of our embargo, so modified, would be at least equivalent to your orders; for that, in their most efficient state, your orders could do no more, as regards the United States, than cut off their trade with France and the countries connected with her; and that our embargo, remaining as to France and those countries, would do exactly the same; that if the two courses were barely, or even nearly upon a level, in point of expediency, Great Britain ought to be forward to adopt that which was consistent with the rights and respect to the feelings of others; that my proposal, however, had powerful recommendations which the orders in council had not; that it would re-establish without the hazard of any disadvantage, before new habits had rendered it difficult if not impossible, a traffic which nourished your most essential manufactures, and various other important sources of your prosperity; that it would not only restore a connection, valuable in all its views, but prepare the way for the return of mutual kindness, for adjustments greatly
to be desired, and in a word for all those consequences which follow in the train of magnanimity and conciliation, associated with prudence and justice.
Among the observations intended to illustrate my opinion of the certain, probable, and possible effects of the concurrent acts which my proposal had in view, were those to which you allude in the 6th paragraph of your letter. Having stated that renewed commercial intercourse between Great Britain and the United States, would be the first effect, I remarked, in the progress of the conversation, that the edicts of France could not prevent that intercourse, even if France should adhere to them, although Great Britain, by her superior naval means, might be able to prevent the converse of it; that the power of France upon the seas was in no degree adequate to such a purpose, and if it were otherwise, that it was not to be supposed that the United States, resuming their lawful commerce with this country, after a recital of the British orders in council, would take no measures against systematic interruptions of that commerce by force and violence, if such should be attempted.
If when I was honored with the different interviews before mentioned, I had been able to conjecture the nature of the arguments which were to have an influence against my proposal, as I now find them stated in your answer to my note, I should probably have ventured to suggest, in addition to the remarks actually submitted to your consideration, that if "the blockade of the European continent," by France and the powers subservient to or in combination with her, to which your orders as "a temperate but determined retaliation," were opposed, has been "raised even before it had been well established," and if "that system," so opposed, "of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, has been broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible," there seems scarcely to be left, in your own view of the subject, any intelligible justification for perseverance in such of the retaliatory measures of Great Britain, as operate through the acknowledged rights of a power confessedly no party to that combination and ready to fulfil her fair neutral obligations, if you will suffer her to do so. Under such circumstances, to abandon what is admitted to have lost its only legitimate object, is not "concession;" it is simple justice. To France, indeed, it might be concession. But it is not France, it is the government of America, neither subservient to France, nor combined with France, a third party, whose rights and interests your orders deeply affect, without any adequate necessity according to your own shewing, that requires their recall; and that too upon terms which cannot but promote the declared purposes of these orders, if any remain to be promoted. I say "without any adequate necessity according to your own shewing;" for I am persuaded, sir, you do not mean to tell us, as upon a hasty perusal of your answer to my note might be imagined, that those rights and interests are to be set at nought, left "a doubt should remain to distant times of the determination and the ability of Great Britain to have continued her resistance," or that your orders may, indefinitely, give a new law to the ocean, left the motive to their repeal should be mistaken by your enemy. If this might indeed be so, you will perhaps permit me to say that highly as we may be disposed to prize the firm attitude and vast means of your country at this eventful moment, it would possibly suggest to some minds a reluctant doubt on the subject of your observation "that the strength and power of Great Britain are not for herself only, but for the world."
I might also have been led to intimate that my proposal could apparently lose nothing by admitting that "by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, without any hostile intention, the American embargo did come in aid of "the before mentioned" blockade of the European continent, precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectually have contributed to its success." Yet I should probably have thought myself bound to remind you that, whatever may be the truth of this speculation, the same embargo withheld our tonnage and our productions from that communication with the colonies of your enemies and with the European continent, which you had asserted your right to prevent; which as a direct communication (with the continent) you had in fact prohibited; which, even through British ports or in other qualified forms, you had professed to tolerate, not as that which could be claimed, but as an indulgence that could at any time be withdrawn; which, as a traffic for the United States to engage in, you had at least discouraged not only by checks and difficulties in the way of its prosecution, but by manifesting your intentions to mould it into all the shapes which the belligerent state or other peculiar policy of Great Britain might require, and subject it to the exclusive jurisdiction of her municipal code, armed with all the prerogatives of that universal law to which nations are accustomed to look for the rights of neutral commerce.
In giving an account of our second conference you say "that, though not stating myself to be authorised by my government formerly to offer the suspension of the embargo as an immediate consequence of the repeal of the orders in council, yet I did profess my readiness to take upon myself to make that offer, provided that you would give me before hand an unofficial assurance that, coupled with that offer, so made the demand of the repeal of the orders would be favorably received; that you, of course declined to give any such previous assurance; but as I appeared to attach great importance to this suggestion, and you were led to think that a compliance with it might relieve me from a difficulty in executing the instructions of my government, you consented to take a few days to consider of it, and to reserve your definitive answer until you should see me again." You then observe that you "never doubted in your own mind, as to the inexpediency and impropriety of encouraging me to take an unauthorized step, by an unofficial promise that it should be well received." I am sure you did not, sir; but I must take the liberty to say that I am equally sure that I never thought of asking you to give me encouragement to take an unauthorized step of any kind. I am, indeed, truly mortified, that my conduct has appeared to you in that light, and I should not be readily consoled, if I did not reflect that in condescending to listen, even for a moment, to what must have struck you as an irregularity, as vain and nugatory in its purpose as reprehensible in its principle, you must at least have given me credit for good intentions, and for a strong desire, sincerely felt although erroneously obeyed, that our countries should find themselves in that relative position which suits the interests and tends to the happiness of both.
When I professed a readiness to make my proposal in writing, it was, as you state, provisionally; but I did not intimate that I was acting without authority, nor did I comprehend that such was, as I now know it to have been, your impression. The provisional nature of my offer arose out of circumstances, and was afterwards pressed upon conviction that, if it was meant to adopt the views of the president, nothing more could be necessary. I understood you to be desirous of ascertaining whether I was empowered and disposed, with a view to a final arrangement, to present, what I had suggested, as a written form, as an overture originating with my government? I said, of course, that, every thing being first matured, a note should be presented, but that I would with your permission, take a little time to consider of the manner and terms. I did not at that time suppose that we were conversing about a written proposal, which was to be made only to be rejected, or even for the purpose of deliberation, and consequently, in professing my willingness to make it as soon as we were prepared for it, I presumed that I had done all that you had desired. And I was confirmed in this opinion, not only by your saying nothing, as I supposed to the contrary, but by your requesting me, as I was about to leave the room to employ myself, before the next interview, upon a note as we had been talking of, and then retracting that request by observing, that I would doubtless desire to know what were your ideas and intentions
on the subject of it, with which I was given to understand I should be made acquainted at another conference.
At the third interview, after speaking of a transaction upon the Lakes, of which your traders complained, and of another occurrence in the bay of Passamaquoddy, you observed, that you had thought long and anxiously upon what I had suggested to you;—that the subject had at first struck you as being much more simple than upon careful examination it had been found to be; that, in the actual state of the world it behoved both you and me to move in this affair with every possible degree of circumspection; that, without some explicit proposal on my part in writing, upon which the British government could deliberate and act, nothing could be done; and, finally, that you must leave me to consult my own discretion whether I would make such a proposal.
It appeared to me that if this determination should be persisted in, my overture was not likely to be successful, and I urged, accordingly, the propriety of going on in a course which would lead us to a better issue. That course was, that we should understand one another as to our respective views, and that a concise note, which I had in fact prepared since the last meeting, should then be presented and acted upon. You informed me that my wish in this particular, could not be acceded to; that, if I presented a note you must be left at perfect liberty to decide upon what it proposed; that you could not give me even an intimation of the probable consequences of it; and, in a word, that you would neither invite nor discourage such a proceeding. You added that there were some points belonging to the subject, which it would be proper to discuss in writing; one of which was the connection between our embargo and your orders of November, supposed to be implied by my proposal. I remarked that, with an actual result in view, and with a will to arrive at that result without delay, it could not be advisable to entangle ourselves in a written correspondence, undefined as to its scope and duration, upon topics on which we were not likely to agree; and that, if I were to frame my note, with a knowledge that it was to provoke argument, instead of leading at this crisis to a salutary change in the state of the world, you must be conscious that I too must argue. And where would this end? To what wholesome consequence would it conduct us? At the close of the interview I observed that, as the footing, upon which the subject was now placed, made delay of no importance, I should take time to prepare such farther proceeding as the occasion required.
On the 26th of August I had the honor to see you again, and after entering more at large, than I had before believed to be proper into a consideration of the effect of my proposal on the equity of your adhering to your orders in council, and after reading to you parts of my instructions, I delivered an official note in which the proposal was made in the form required.
Something was said at this interview of the affair of the Chesapeake, and the President's proclamation, which it is not, I presume, necessary to repeat. It will be sufficient to state that you asked me what was to be done with these subjects? and that my reply was, that they had no connection with the present—but that I could say with confidence, that my government had every disposition to attend to them, with a view to such an adjustment as would be honorable to both parties. I did not suppose that it was expected, for you did not intimate such an expectation, that renewed negotiation upon these points should, as well as the repeal, upon terms of your orders in council, be invited by a formal overture from the government of America.
I will not trouble you with many observations more.
You state in your letter that "there was one point upon which you were particularly anxious to receive precise information, and upon which, from my candor and frankness, you were fortunate enough to obtain it." This was, "whether in fact the orders in council of November, had been known to the government of the U States previous to the message of the President proposing the embargo, so as to be a moving consideration to that message." I quote this passage, principally, that I may recall to your recollection, that my suggestions, upon the subject of it were not made officially, or as being authorised or furnished by any communication from my government, or in answer to any direct enquiries on your part. They were very briefly made, near the close as I think, on our third interview, in consequence of your intimation intended perhaps to amount to an enquiry, that my proposal implied, that the embargo had been produced by the orders of November; to which you added that this could not be admitted, and (as I comprehended what you said) that it even required to be made the subject of some notice or discussion in writing, as intimately connected with my proposal, if it should be brought forward in that shape; and I understood you to assign this as one of the reasons why a written overture was indispensable. In replying to that intimation, and the remarks which followed it, I professed to speak, as I did in fact speak, from general information only, and disclaimed, as it was my duty to do, all authority to say more, upon the nature and origin of the embargo than I had sometime before communicated to you, in obedience to the orders of the president. The purpose of my observations was chiefly to show that there was no inducement for embarking in formal discussions upon this point;—and I assured you it was not in my power, either as respected instructions from my government or knowledge of facts, to do so. My opinion was, and I spoke accordingly, that it was one of those questions which might be left completely at rest, without the least injury to the wisdom or the justice of our conclusions, upon the great object of our conferences. There could be no objection, however, to my giving you on this head such conjectural information as I was able. On the contrary by fully disclosing to you my own materials for forming an opinion upon it, you would be enabled more distinctly to see that I could take no part in any discussion which you might propose to apply to it, and I could not but be assured, that any anxiety you might feel to obtain a knowledge of the facts in question, sprang from consideration which had every claim to my respect; for I knew that your mind was far above the reach of prejudices which would ascribe the American embargo to participation in the councils or views of your adversary, or of any foreign power whatever.
My suggestions were to the following effect; that I believed that no copy of your orders of Nov. had arrived in the U. S. at the date of the President's message; that a recent change in the conduct of France to our prejudice did appear to be known—that intelligence had been received, and a belief entertained, of your intention to adopt some further measure, as a measure of retaliation against France, by which our commerce and our rights would be affected; that there was, reason to conclude, that you had actually adopted such a measure; that (as I collected from American newspapers) this had appeared from private letters, and the newspapers of this country, received in the U. S. some days before the message of the President, and probably known to the government; that in a word, various information concurred to show that our trade was likely to be assailed by the combined efforts of both the belligerent parties; and that the embargo was a measure of wise and peaceful precaution, adopted under this view of reasonably anticipated peril.
You observe, in another part of your letter, "that you have always rather wished to refer the argumentative discussion of the subject of the orders in council to the official correspondence, which you have more than once been taught to expect me to open upon it." If I should object to any part of this statement, of which the substance is undoubtedly correct, it would be to the words "more than once." Your wish has always appeared to be such as you now represent it, and you had reason to expect I would commence a written discussion of the orders of November, soon after their publication. I had told you that I should do so, and you had said that there could be no objection to it. But you were afterwards informed that, upon reflection, I had determined to leave the subject where it was until I should know the pleasure of my government.
The orders had been officially communicated, not to
me but to Mr. Madison, through the British minister at Washington. It seemed therefore, to be proper (unless my instructions should make it otherwise) that the view, which the government of the U. S. took of them should find its way to you thro' the same channel; and accordingly, the letters of Mr. Madison, to which I have referred in my note of the 23d of August, did open, as great length, a discussion, which I could have no inducement to shun, although I did not continue to think myself authorized to commence it.
It only remains to add, that your share in our several conversations was, what you represent it to have been, not considerable, and that your manner, although reserved, was, as it always is, perfectly friendly.
I need not say that, in this letter, written under the influence of sincere concern that the proposal I had the honor to lay before you has been unsuccessful, any thing is to be found which you could wish to be otherwise than it is, I shall be the first to regret, that I have not been able to do justice to my own feelings and intentions. I have the honor to be,
With the highest consideration, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, WILLIAM PINKNEY.
Mrs. Editor:—The following extract from General Smith's speech in Congress, contains in a small compass, exactly the kind of information that is most wanted in the country. The farmers of New-England devote to little time to acquiring a just idea of the station of the British government, that they are easily misled by the falsehoods and misrepresentations circulated by the British faction. To counteract these, authentic abstracts of the speeches of responsible men, particularly in Congress, should be frequently offered to their perusal. The people certainly need only correct information to enable them to act rightly. [Detecter.]
British Tribute.
"It will be recollected, that I have already stated, that none of the products of the United States can be carried to the continent of Europe, without being subject to capture by British cruisers, unless they shall first be carried to, and landed in Great Britain , and there pay a transit duty, or TRIBUTE ; of course, all articles, the produce of the United States are subject to that tribute on their way to the continent, so far as they consume the same. On the following articles those duties or tributes attach, viz.—American produce:—
Indigo , 45 cents per lb.— Pitch , 95 per bbl.— Tar , 95 per bbl.— Turpentine , 78 per cwt.— Rice , 45 per cwt.— Tobacco , 3 dolls. per cwt.— Cotton , 16 cents per lb.— Timber, staves and lumber , a prohibitory duty .— Aloes , 2-22 cts. Corn , 15 cts. per bushel.— Wheat , 28 cts per bushel.— Flour , 2 dolls. per barrel.— Fish , 90 cents cwt.— Pork , 6 dolls. 86 cents per bbl.— Beef , 3 dls 33 cents per bbl.
What amount would cargoes of some of these articles pay of tribute? A ship carrying 100 bags of cotton, would pay about 50,000 dollars, being nearly the first cost of the cargo in S. Carolina; to which add merchants' commissions, and other charges of port, of about 2,000 more.
A cargo of 400 bds. of Tobacco, each hhd. 1000 lb will pay, 11,100 dolls. A cargo of 3000 bbls. flour, will pay 6,650 dolls.
A cargo of fish, carried by a ship of 300 tons, will pay 4000 dollars.
From the Washington Monitor. THE CRISIS.
Although a government may sometimes be justifiable in making a sacrifice at the altar of peace, still a gallant people will always prefer an appeal to arms, to a continuance of peace, unless it can be preserved on honorable terms.
The injuries and insults which we have received from Great Britain, during the last three years, are too well known to render a detail of them necessary. Suffice it to observe that she has committed depredations on our commerce, impressed several thousands of our seamen, blockaded our ports, and murdered our citizens.
The President has attempted in vain to obtain reparation. The documents recently laid before Congress shew that instead of offering to us "indemnity for the past and security for the future," the Cabinet of St. James has not only rejected the olive branch, but has made an insidious appeal from the government to the people of the U. States, with a view to involve us in all the horrors of a civil war.
Every reflecting person must therefore be convinced that we have nothing to expect from the justice of a piratical king and nation. Our only alternative then is submission or resistance . The high opinion which I entertain of the patriotism and valor of my fellow citizens, will not permit me for a moment to doubt that they will prefer the latter, and be ready at the call of their government to risk their lives and their fortunes in defence of the Liberties and Independence of their Country. Although it cannot be doubted that our national legislature partake of the feelings and sentiments of their constituents, it is to be regretted that more efficient measures have not yet been adopted by that honorable body.
Impressed with a belief that a war between this country and England is inevitable, the writer of this respectfully submits to the consideration of those, in whose hands are placed the destiny of the Republic—the following Questions:—
1. Would it not be advisable to station an army, of at least 20,000 men on the frontiers of the British provinces in this country, with a view to act offensively or defensively, as circumstances may require? 2. Ought not the whole of our public vessels to be immediately manned and equipped for active service, and stationed at such places as are most vulnerable? 3. Would it not be advisable to seize all British property which may be found in this country, with a view to secure indemnity to such of our citizens as have suffered, or may suffer by the piratical orders of the British cabinet? 4. Would it not be advisable to authorize the President to cause all BRITISH SUBJECTS who reside among us, to give security for their good behaviour, or in case of refusal to banish them from the Republic?
Americans—You are not in a common crisis—your ancient tyrant is about to make another attempt to enslave you—arouse, then, fellow citizens, and rally around the constituted authorities of your country, and be prepared, when called upon, to flee forward and vindicate her rights and avenge her wrongs. FRANKLIN.