The Freeman's journal, or, New-Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth, N.H.), 1776-07-27 00:00:00

Adm. Patch the flaxer
Screener's Journal
New Hampshire Gazette
O R
New-Hampshire Gazette.
[ Vol. I. ]
SATURDAY, July 27, 1776.
[ No. 10. ]
In Postlethwayt's Dictionary, under the word Flax, are the following directions, for the management of that useful plant.
WE shall give a short account of the method practised by the Flanders flax-dresser, who was some time ago introduced into Scotland by the trustees, upon public encouragement, in order to instruct us in their way of preparing their soil, sowing of flax-seed, raising, pulling, watering, and dressing their flax, and compare it with our own.—According to the Flanders method, the best soil for fine flax is the tender & mellow black mould, or any light soil, mixed with loam & a little sand, that will not bind with any sudden drought. The lower the ground lies, and the flatter it is, the better, provided it be dry enough to be sown in the proper season: It should be fallowed at least two winters and a summer. The first plowing should be as deep as the soil will admit of, and thereafter plowed with an ebb furrow, so often as the appearance of weeds makes it necessary. In October or November, before the ground is to be sown (or rather in October in the preceding year, after the first plowing, if they have then dung enough, because the summer plowing thereafter destroys the weeds that rise with the dung) it ought to be well dunged and as well dressed at sowing as garden mould; and three bushels Winchester measure of good seed, is sufficient to sow one acre of ground thus prepared; more is too much to be sown on one acre, because our soil is not prepared as it ought to be: The effect of which is, if our seed be good, all comes up and one half of it is under growth; this unripe lint is rotten in the watering, before the rest is ready, and the whole is spoiled by it.
In ground prepared as before directed, the weeds are so very few, that one hand will clean as much lint ground of weeds in a day, as eight can do in the ordinary way; & this is a considerable article of expence saved.
When flax thus prepared is fully ripe, and not till then, he pulls it; and if any unripe stalks appear, he carefully separates them from the rest, and waters them by themselves. When his lint is pulled, he ties it up in small bundles, or sheaves, no bigger than one can grasp about with his two hands, and ties them up loosely with a few stalks of itself, a little below the seed, and then sets them up on one end, two and two, like shocks of corn, in the air and sun, until it be well dried, and then strips the seed boll from it as we do. He then ties two and two of his sheaves together, the seed end of the one always to the root end of the other. Wherever he can find flat lying ground, under level to any running water, there he
digs his ponds for watering his lint, as large as the ground will allow, and near to three feet in depth: When his ponds are filled from the rivulet with water, he puts in his lint until his pond is full, but does not sink it. The reason why he ties the seed end of one sheaf to the root end of the other, is, that the roots being heavier, would sink in the water, and the seed end would be entirely out of the water; but, when thus ballanced the lint being much of the same specific gravity with the water, it is just immersed, and no more, and never comes near the ground or the mud. He turns it in the water every day, and if the water is very hot, twice in a day. He tries when it is enough watered, by breaking a few stalks; and if the boon breaks freely, and parts easily with the flax, then he takes it out, and carries it to a clear running stream, & washes it very well from all its filth and nastiness, and then spreads it upon the grass (very thin) as we do.
If the water appears to be very much discolored in the pond before his lint is sufficiently made, he lets off the water, washes his lint, and then fills his pond from the running brook, and puts it in again until it be enough done. When his first parcel is laid on the grass, he puts another in the same pond, and continues to water his lint, so long as the season is warm enough. He turns his lint on the grass once a day, and keeps it on the grass so long as the dews fall, which gives the lint a fine colour, without hurting it, and makes the yarn spun of it wash and empty easily, without wasting or weakening it; and the cloth made of it comes soon to a fine colour, without being thinned in the least.
So much of his lint as he intends for his best seed, he builds up in a stack, like corn, with the bolls upon it, and strips it at sowing time; and, in the month of May thereafter, puts into the water, and follows the same method with that watered in the Autumn. So much of his lint as remains on his hands undressed after the middle of March, when the dews begin to fall, he lays out again upon the grass for a good colour, and always takes up his lint from the grass in dry weather, and about mid-day.
N. B. Care must be taken in rainy weather, that the lint receives no damage by rotting on the grass, but gentle showers are as good as dews.
Our present general way is to sow our lint on any ground, which puts us to a great expence to weed it. We sow it thick (as we must do in ordinary ground) whereby one half of it is ripe before the other is rea-
dy; and thus the unripe seed, being mixed with the full ripe, spoils the whole, and the unripe lint is rotten in the water before the other is ready.
In the West of Scotland, where the finest spinning is, the people are riveted in a most pernicious conceit, that unripe lint makes the finest flax; & therefore pull all their lint when the blossom falls. This kind of lint heckles away to almost nothing, and is indeed in appearance very fine; but then it has no substance, and the yarn spun of it is always weak and ouzy; it wastes much in the washing, and cloth made of it grows as thin as a cobweb in the bleaching, before it be brought to a full colour.
PHILADELPHIA, July 6. Extract of a letter from the Camp at Sorrel, 13th June, 1776.
“On the eighth instant a detachment of about sixteen hundred men, under the command of General Thompson, left the mouth of Nicolette, in order to surprise the enemy at Three Rivers. The design was to have attacked the town before day; but some unforeseen accidents retarded him, so that it was quite light before he got near the town. An advanced boat discovered the party on their march; gave the alarm, and was fired upon by the riflemen, who drove her off into the stream. This happened a little before sunrise; and as all prospect of succeeding by surprise was then over, the General determined to make the attack, ordered the drums to beat, to put the best face upon the matter, and intimidate the enemy. In this manner the march continued till they came within the reach of the vessels, some of which were anchored along the shore for about a mile, or a mile and a half above the town, when a brisk cannonade began from them, but without effect, or occasioning the least disorder among the troops, who bore it with as good a countenance as the best veterans in the world could have done. Col. Maxwell who led the first division, seeing, however, that in proceeding by the road he would be exposed to a very galling fire from all the vessels, seventeen in number, turned a little to the left, in order to cross what appeared to be a point of woods, and by which it seemed as if we could gain the height of the town, where the firing from the vessels would be ineffectual. This point turned out to be a very thick swamp of great extent, & which took up three hours or more to get through; every step to the knee, and very often a great deal higher. This was very unfavourable to us, for it was impossible for men to march through it without being broken, & a good deal of confusion. And as the enemy were ready for us at the farther side, there was neither time nor ground to form them properly. The consequence was, as you may judge, that we had the worst of it.”
“The General's original plan was to have attacked before day at four separate places; For the remainder see last page.”

TO THE PUBLIC.
Clangorque virum strepitusque tubarum, in bello justo, societatis sanctas audibunt habenas.
DEAR COUNTRYMEN,
IF I may be any longer permitted, amidst the clash of arms and the din of war, to point out to you the cause of that calamity, I shall in the following letters define and set forth, the fatal consequences of submitting to legislative impositions of others, as likewise the essential difference, between assent to a law by stipulation; and that by representation, which are toto celo different; the latter being founded in liberty, but the former in slavery.
When we go from bodies politick to private persons, and see one man rise up & tell another, he will give him law, we have a perfect idea, of a wanton capricious arbitrary power, which says— stat pro ratione voluntas —my will is my law. An innocent person conquered by another, (the strong man arm'd) and submitting to his law, we pitie, and detest his antagonist and conqueror; but a man voluntarily giving or bartering away his freedom, we despise and abhor.— If I offer a man my purse, he is at liberty to accept of it, but if he demands it, he is a robber, and as my blood is an unjust forfeiture to him, if he takes it when I refuse to surrender to him my property, to him is a just forfeiture to me in the defence of it.—What has here been said of private persons, is equally applicable to public societies; to collective, or bodies politick. The consequence of all this, is, that where representation is impracticable, treaty should supply it's place, amicably negotiated between different legislators of the same state, seperately & voluntarily enacting laws, for the mutual good, at the mutual request of each other, which I term a mutual requisition of law; of the reasonableness of which requisition, the party requested to be sole judge, that right being absolutely essential to liberty, of which more hereafter in my next letter.— How different this from an arbitrary imposition of law by one equal upon another? for which there is no more right or reason, than Cain had to slay Abel, for being either more or less righteous than himself, (when neither was by any tye in nature or by compact amenable to the other, for his conduct whether good or bad, save only in the reparation of injuries, which belongs to the right of self defence) over whom he had no other authority, than the strength and violence of his arm.
The general reason alledg'd for Cain's slaying Abel, is that his Maker accepted the sacrifice of the latter, and rejected his, for this cause, that the former was a less righteous man express'd or implied in these words—If thou doest well, shall thou not be accepted? and if thou doest not well, sin lieth at thy door.—But we no where learn, I think, Cain's particular injustice or inferiority in rectitude to the other, prior to the murder, if there was any eminently aim'd at, tho' undoubtedly, there were too many special instances of his iniquity. Perhaps Cain, added to other crimes and enormities, unrighteously lay a tax upon his brother, who was more just and charitable to himself, and to others in it's example and consequences, than to pay it; and this, as well as the preference given to his sacrifice, might lead to the first murder ever committed in the world.— A shocking reason, indeed, for one brother to kill another for not complying with his arbitrary tax.—Thus might my overborne right, and the Herculean Club, give law to the globe. Horrendum factu! Cain might likewise (from the lust of power and dominion) have an inclination to bind his brother, in all cases whatever,
without his consent, tho' in the nature and reason of things, he had no such right, in any case whatever.—And now, what better reason could there be, for the different success of their sacrifices, than the selfish and unjust encroachment of Cain, and the manly resolute and righteous refusal of Abel, to pay obedience to the tyrannical acts of his brother's arbitrary, legislative, or law-giving humour, will and temper?
But to pass from an imaginary supposition, to a real fact, and a most melancholly truth, to which, the hypothetick example, but too well applies, in illustration of it, I mean, the exorbitant and unrighteous claim of Great Britain, or rather of the British ministry, and ministerial parliament, over the Colonies, now the Free & Independent States of America.—And shall the sacrifices or prayers, of our cruel oppressors, (who come arm'd with fire and sword, to waste and destroy our country, robbing us of our lives, exposing to the greatest danger and distress, men, women and children, and cowardly butchering even the helpless and unarm'd,) shall, I say, their prayers, or I should have said, their mockery and derision of true religion, in their public declarations or proclamations, uncharitably reflecting hypocrisy, on our most sincere devotion to and worship of the God of Israel, be accepted; or shall that devotion, prevail over their impiety and profaneness, to asswage their malice, and confound their devices, against both church and state.—Now my dear countrymen, let us return to the more immediate subject of this letter, and in a very few words conclude.
How much more amiable and preferable is a mutual requisition of law, between different legislatures of the same dominions, than a monopoly of law by one legislature, and a presumptive assumption of legislation over the rest, when they can't unite in the same legislative body? otherwise the liberty of one, must fall a sacrifice to the tyranny of the other, unless they part & take a final leave of each other, which is now become the necessary and infallible event, in point of friendship between Great Britain and America, (owing to the folly and wickedness of the fatal measures pursued by the ministry) but when in point of enmity, they will part, and when hostilities will cease, GOD only knows.
ORTHODOXUS.
N. B. The Author has been reproached with having lamely imitated the celebrated Dr. Price, in these letters. He can only say, that he never has read that author; that these letters are a continuation of the Irish Draper's letters from Elysium to Vespasia or America, under a different name, in the Massachusetts Spy, in the years 1774 and 75, to which letters he refers the reader, (if he is willing to be at the pains of such enquiry) they being closely connected with the present epistles, where he may find the same doctrine advanced. In short both those and these letters are in manuscript, almost as old as the stamp act, the train of thought contain'd in them, commencing from that unhappy period, excepting what has grown out of later occurrences, particularly the transactions of this and the former year. If I am so happy as to fall in sentiment with any ingenious author, I am far from running a parallel, between the execution of his performance & mine; but would make this use of it, that where a man of great abilities, and extensive learning and knowledge, concurs in opinion in any point, with a man of less abilities, learning and knowledge, it mutually corroborates the doctrine advanced by either, and I think, in a higher degree, than where men of equal capacity, and similar improvements in lite-
rature, without any previous acquaintance with each others ideas, agree in sentiment. What Dr. Price has wrote I know not; but my quotations from Mr. Greenvil Sharp, and from Aristides, shew that I'm not singular in my tenets, tho' these authors occur'd to me, long after having formed my opinion; which I mention, not from the vanity of having discovered or invented the doctrine refer'd to, without their assistance, but to confirm and establish the truth of it, by concurrent, unbiass'd, and impartial opinions.
CHARLESTOWN, (S. Carolina.) May 31.
On Tuesday Afternoon, in a violent thunder-storm, the colony brig. Comet, lying in the harbour, was struck with lightening; whereby her mainmast was shivered, and one of the sailors on board killed.
On Saturday night, between 10 and 11 o'clock, a remarkable large ball of fire was seen here: It moved with great velocity from N. W. to S. E. and emitted a number of sparks, resembling the stars from a sky-rocket. It was visible for about a minute, and on its disappearing a rumbling noise, resembling distant thunder, was heard for near five minutes after.
Extract of a letter from Savannah River, dated May 13. 1776.
"All the Creek chiefs that were expected are down and well disposed; I hope we shall be able to keep them quiet. I have seen letters from the Cherokees as late as the 7th inst. The middle and lower towns seem to remember the good talks at Fort Charlotte, and say, that if the over-hills are for mischief with the white people, the great ridge of mountains shall divide them, for they will have no hand in it. Henry Stewart, Captains Colbert and Gist are in the over-hills; they came up the Mississippi from the Chickasaw landing, with a large supply of ammunition, were attacked by the Northward Indians, who killed three or four of the Indians, and took or destroyed a part of the powder."
WILLIAMSBURG, (Virginia) July 5.
By a gentleman from Halifax, in North Carolina, we are informed that General Clinton in attempting to come into Charlestown Harbour, the 17th of last month, was overtaken by a violent storm, which drove ashore a thirty six gun frigate, and eight transports with Soldiers, who it is said were chiefly lost. He had this intelligence from an officer from Cape Fear, who said that General Moore had received it by express, in consequence of which, four regiments under marching orders for Charlestown, and Col. Mullenberg's Virginia battalion, had been countermanded.
Lord Dunmore sent a flag some few days ago from Gwin's Island, with a letter for General Lewis, wherein he proposes an exchange of Prisoners, and tells the General, that if he has not a sufficient number of our People, that he shall give him credit for the overplus, and pay him as soon as he can; General Lewis, we hear, answered his Lordship's very witty and ingenious proposal as it deserved.
N E W-Y O R K, July 8.
Yesterday 7 seamen belonging to the Kingsworth Transport, of 700 Tons, were brought to Town from Long Island, having deserted the ship the Night before: They say the Number of Soldiers with the Fleet is about 8500, who are all encamped; and that many of the Seamen intended to desert the Fleet when an Opportunity presented.
A sloop of 12 six pounders, belonging to the fleet from Halifax, lying in the Kills, near Mr. Decker's Ferry, was almost torn to pieces last Wednesday morning, by a party under the command of General Herd, from the opposite shore, with two 18 pounders. The crew soon abandoned the sloop, and we suppose she is rendered entirely unfit for any further service.
Last Wednesday night the Capt. of a transport and four of his men, were taken at the Narrows, and brought to town: They were looking for a boat that had gone adrift, and going too near the shore were taken by the Riflemen.

NEW-YORK, July 18.
On Sunday afternoon a barge from the fleet, appear'd in our bay, with a white flag, which was there met by the General's barge with several gentlemen of the army on board.—The flag was sent from Lord Howe, with a letter to his Excellency General Washington. But as the letter was improperly directed, it was not received, though much solicited by the officer, who, we hear, said it contained nothing of a hostile nature—that Lord Howe came over possessed of unlimited power, and was much concerned he had not arrived a few days sooner, which would have effected a reconciliation, &c. However it seems his unlimited power did not extend even to the necessary preliminaries of a negotiation—an acknowledgment of the right of persons to whom he came, to treat with him.
Indeed the Idea of coming over to propose a plan of reconciliation, is in every view absurd and ridiculous, for as the colonies never invaded the rights of Britain, and only defended their own, there was no occasion at all for negotiation. The moment Great-Britain receded from her unjust claims, the war was at an end.
The very proposition therefore, of a negotiation, was a proof that Great-Britain persisted in her encroachments on the rights of the colonies, and was in itself an act of a hostile nature.
On Tuesday another flag from the fleet appeared and was met as before, when a letter was again offered, but for the same reason as the former rejected.
A gentleman from Virginia says, that General LEE had sent there for some troops, who were on their march for Carolina, when another express arrived, ordering them not to march, and by all accounts the fleet has met with much damage at Carolina, but the particulars we have not yet heard.
We hear from Poughkeepsie, that 23 persons disaffected to our common cause, endeavouring to disarm the friends of liberty, have been taken up by order of the committee of that place, who have ordered them to Ridgefield goal.
Extract of a letter from Newbern, June 24.
"The fleet, about 40 sail in all, lying off Charlestown bar, a few nights after their arrival there, attempted landing in a very heavy shower of rain, and very dark, on Sullivan's Island, but a regiment called the Raccoon regiment, being stationed there soon put them to flight. I this morning saw a letter from the Adjutant of the second regiment, dated at the boundary-house, the 15th inst. that says the enemy have totally lost three of their largest ships, crossing Charlestown Bar, two of 40 and one of 50 guns, and that 25 more of the fleet had got in over the bay. My Nephew is just returned from the West-Indies with two vessels I sent to his care, with a fine cargo of powder, arms, &c."
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, July 16.
"A letter from North-Carolina of a late date says, by the disaster the fleet has received at Charlestown, your vessels may go safe."
BOSTON, July 25, 1776.
Thursday last, pursuant to the order of the Hon. Council was proclaimed from the balcony of the state-house in this town, the DECLARATION of the AMERICAN CONGRESS , absolving the UNITED COLONIES from their allegiance to the British Crown, and declaring them FREE & INDEPENDENT STATES . The bells in town were rung on the occasion; and undissimulated festivity cheered and brightened every face.
On the same evening the King's arms, and every sign with any resemblance of it, whether lion, and crown, pestle and mortar and crown, heart and crown, &c. together with every sign that belonged to a tory was taken down, and the latter made a general conflagration of in King-Street.
Last Lord's day arrived here, in a schooner in 26 days from Martinico, Capt. Silviere, with Wine, Rum, Sugar Molasses, Coffee, &c.
Last Sunday a ship of 200 Tons, commanded by James Arnout, was sent into this harbour by Commodore Hopkins, in the George ship of war, taken in Nantasket road. She has on board 1600 Barrels of Pork, 400 Firkins of Butter, some Oatmeal, &c.
Extract of a letter from New-York, July 18.
"Letters from Philadelphia, by yesterday's post inform that a 50 gun ship and two smaller (a letter in town says forties) were lost, attempting to cross Charlestown bar—that the transports received much damage in attempting to land men on Sullivan's point: and that a regiment of ours stationed there, called the Raccoon regiment, repulsed them bravely. The riflemen on Burget point (opposite Staten-Island) killed an officer, and wounded two men, whereof one is since dead, at an almost incredible distance a few days ago: The ministerialists are horribly afraid of the shirt-men."
On the 29th ult. PATRICK HENRY, Esq; was chosen Governor of Virginia, and a committee was appointed to acquaint him therewith.
The 18th inst. the Tyrannicide privateer, commanded by John Fisk, carried into Salem, an armed Schooner of 8 carriage and 12 swivel guns, and 30 men, which he took off George's banks about 3 weeks ago, after an obstinate engagement, of three glasses.
NEWBURY-PORT July 19.
This morning departed this life after a long tedious illness, the Rev. Jonathan Parsons, in the 71st year of his age, and in the 31st of his ministry in the Presbyterian church in this town.
PORTSMOUTH, July 27, 1776.
ON the 8th of July instant, died at Crown-Point, in the prime of his days, Captain Richard Shortridge of this town. His conduct through life entitled him to the character of a good citizen and soldier, and his death is sincerely lamented by every lover of his country. He has left to mourn his loss, a sorrowful widow and seven children. At the same place died Mr. Benjamin Trussell, son of Mr. Richard Trussell, of this town.
Mrs. Trefethern, wife of Mr. George Trefethern.
Mrs. Griffith, wife of Mr. Nathaniel Sheafe Griffith.
Mr. Nathaniel Muchmore.
A Child of Mr. Nathaniel Dennett.
Last Week arrived at Casco-Bay, Sion Martindale , late commander of the brig Washington, fitted out by Congress—He was taken the 3d of December last, and sent home to England, and there received his Majesty's pardon for crimes never committed;—from thence he was sent to Halifax, there taken up, confined in close prison, and treated in the most rascally manner for 5 Weeks. The 19th June last with 13 others, broke jail, and the next day six of them were re-taken.—Capt. Martindale, Lieut. Turner, Lieut. William S. Coot, of Peterburg, Lieut. Childs, one Bridge, and one John Brown of Boston, arriv'd safe at Casco-Bay.
The following is extracted from the ST.
JAMES'S CHRONICLE of March 23, 1776.
"We have authority to assure the public, that the extract of a pretended genuine letter from the Earl of Chatham, dated Hayes, March 9th, 1776, printed in the Public Advertiser, and from thence reprinted in the London Packet, Lloyd's Evening-Post, and Baldwin's London Journal of Friday March 22d, is totally without foundation, and in every respect a gross and scandalous imposition on the world."
[New York Packet. Sundry articles must be deferr'd for want of room.]
Colony of New-Hampshire, Rockingham ss.
NOTICE is hereby given to all concern'd that the maritime court for the colony aforesaid, will be held at the state-house in Portsmouth, on Thursday the 22d day of August, at ten o'clock A. M. to try the justice of the capture of the ship, named the Prince George, her cargo and appurtenances of the burthen of about 200 tons, lately commanded by Richard Emms, against which a libel is filed before me, (the said ship being bro't into the port of Piscataqua) in behalf of the officers and soldiers belonging to the matross company, stationed at Fort Washington, under the command of Capt. Titus Salter, in the service of the said colony. The owner of said ship, or any person concerned may appear and shew cause (if any they have,) why the said ship, her cargo and appurtenances should not be condemned and distributed as the law directs.
At the court aforesaid, will be tried the justice of the capture or seizure of a certain quantity or number of masts, yards, & bowsprits, and a lighter or hulk, used in lading mast-ships, which are said to be British property, taken between high & low water mark in Piscataqua river, in the colony aforesaid; against both libels are filed before me in behalf of the colony aforesaid, and any persons concerned may appear and shew cause (if any they have,) why the same masts, yards, bowsprits and lighter should not be condemned. J. BRACKETT, Judge of said court. 10—12
TO BE LETT
A LARGE commodious BRICK HOUSE in York, that has been for many years improv'd as a Tavern, countenanced and encouraged by the judges and officers of the courts, and well situated for the reception of travellers.—Any person inclining to hire said house may treat with Nathaniel Sparhawk, Esq; of Kittery, and meet with due encouragement. 10—12
THE Select-men hereby notify the public that a Smoak-house is erected at the Great Swamp, where it is expected all persons coming from places infected with the Small Pox will stop to be properly smoaked and cleaned from infection, and that no traveller coming from any infected place will presume to enter this town by any other way. Portsmouth July 24, 1776. 10—12
A BAY MARE, with a black main and tail, was left at the Globe Tavern, on the Plains in this town; the person who left her has not since been heard of—The owner is desired to call for said mare, and pay the charge of keeping and advertizing her. 10—12
Colony of New-Hampshire, Rockingham, ss. LIBELS being filed before me, against the ship named Susannah , burthen about one hundred and eighty tons, her cargo and appurtenances, commanded by John Frazer.—Also against the Schooner named the Rainbow , about thirty tons burthen, her cargo and appurtenances, commanded by John M'Monagle, which vessels are said to have been improved in carrying supplies to the fleet and army employed against the united colonies, and brought into the county of Rockingham. This notice is given agreeable to the laws of the colony, that the maritime court erected to try and condemn all vessels found infesting the Sea-Coasts of America, and brought into the county of Rockingham, will be held at the court-house in Portsmouth, on Tuesday the sixth day of August, 1776, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, to try the justice of the said Captures, that all persons concerned may appear and shew cause, if any they have, why the said vessels, their cargoes and appurtenances should not be condemned. JOSHUA BRACKETT Judge of said Court. Portsmouth July 11, 1776.
N. B. All Claimants are by law to file their claims before the judge five days before trial. 8—10
Colony of Massachusetts-Bay. NOTICE is hereby given to all persons interested in Lot No. 8, in the second division of the Stated Commons in York aforesaid, that Samuel Shaw has petitioned to have his seven shares in said lot that lies in common, to be divided, and set off to him to hold in severality.
So likewise notice is given to those interested in lot No. 6, in the same 2d division, that Samuel Freethy has petitioned to have his 13 shares in the said lot No. 6, which lies in common to be provided and set off to him, to hold in severality, of both which this notice is given to the end that if any person has ought to say why the prayer of the said petitioners should not be granted they may be heard touching the same, at the superior court to be held in Boston (or Braintree) in the county of Suffolk, on the last Tuesday of August next, to which time the consideration of said petitions are refer'd.
By order of the Justices of the Superior Court at York, June 23, 1776. 8—11

POET'S CORNER.
At length, with generous indignation fir'd, By freedom's noblest principles inspir'd, The Continental spirit blazes high, And claims its right of Independency! VIRGINIA hail! thou venerable state! In arms and councils still acknowledg'd great! When lost BRITANIA in an evil hour * First try'd the steps of arbitrary pow'r, Thy foresight then the Continent alarm'd, Thy gallant temper ev'ry bosom warm'd.— And now, when Britain's mercenary bands Bombard our cities, desolate our lands, (Our pray'rs unanswer'd & our tears in vain,) While foreign cut-throats crowd th' enfan- guin'd plain; [flame, Thy glowing virtue caught the gl'rious And first renounc'd the cruel Tyrants name! With just disdain, and most becoming pride Further dependence on the CROWN deny'd! Whilst Freedom's voice can in these wilds be heard VIRGINIA's patriots shall be still rever'd. PENNSYLVANIENSIS.
* Time of the Stamp Act.
Continued from the first page.
two attacks by the opposite ends of the main street, and two attacks by the cross street; each division consisting of three hundred men A reserve of two hundred and fifty was to remain ready for the support of any of the others. I am almost persuaded, that had we arrived in time to have put this in execution would have succeeded, notwithstanding the great superiority of the enemy in point of numbers; but the morning and the swamp, as I told you before, broke in upon this plan. No new one was formed, nor indeed had the General it in his power to form one, for one of the divisions was separated from the rest in passing the swamp, nor did the General know where they were till the firing began from them. All he could then do was to order them to be supported. This was done for some time with effect, the enemy having broke and given way for some distance; but being supported in their turn, they drove our people back, who bore, in a soldier like manner, a very heavy fire from the musketry, and two pieces of field artillery, sometimes loaded with grape and sometimes with round shot. We were, however, after repeated attacks, obliged to give way the enemy scarcely pursuing us.
"Our loss is inconsiderable as to numbers. But, alas, not so as to men, General Thompson being among the prisoners. Though we had the worst of it, I hope we have made some impression on the minds of our enemies. They allow we behaved well; and it will not tell amiss that twelve hundred Americans attacked, under every disadvantage, four thousand British troops, obliged them at first to give way, and when beat back, made a retreat of forty-five miles with the loss of about one hundred and fifty men."
Copy of a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Campbell to General Howe.
SIR, Boston June 19, 1776.
"I am sorry to inform you that it has been my unfortunate lot to have fallen into the hands of the Americans, in the middle of Boston harbour; but when the circumstances which have occasioned this disaster are understood, I flatter myself no reflection will arise to myself or my officers on account of it. On the 16th of June the George and Annabella transports, with two Companies of the seventy first regiment of Highlanders, made the land off Cape-Ann, after a passage of 7 weeks from Scotland, during the course of which we had not opportunity of speaking to a single vessel that could give us the smallest information of the British troops having evacuated Boston. On the 17th, at day-light, we found ourselves opposite to the harbour's mouth of Boston; but from contrary winds, it was necessary to make several tacks to reach it. Four schooners which we took to be pilots, or armed vessels in the service of his Ma-
jesty (but which we afterwards found to be four American privateers of eight carriage guns, twelve swivels, and forty men each) were bearing down upon us at four o'clock in the morning, at half an hour thereafter two of them engaged us, and about eleven o'clock the other two were close along side. The George transport, on board of which was major Menzies and myself, with one hundred and eight of the second battallion, the adjutant, the Quarter-master, two lieutenants, and five volunteers were passengers, having only six pieces of cannon to oppose them. And the Annabella, on board of which was Capt. M'Kenzie, together with two subalterns, two volunteers, and eighty-two private men of the first battallion, had only two swivels for her defence. Under such circumstances I thought it expedient for the Annabella to keep a head of the George that our Artillery might be used with more effect and less obstruction. Two of the privateers having stationed themselves upon our larboard quarter, and two upon our starboard quarter,—a tolerable cannonading ensued which, with few intermissions, lasted till four o'clock in the evening, when the enemy bore away and anchored in Plymouth harbour. Our loss upon this occasion was only three men mortally wounded on board the George; one killed and one slightly wounded on board the Annabella. As my orders were for the port of Boston, I thought it my duty, at this happy crisis, to push forward into the harbour, not doubting I should receive protection from a fort or some ship of force stationed there for the security of our fleet."
"Towards the close of the evening we perceived the four schooners that were engaged with us in the morning, joined by the brig defence of 16 carriage guns, twenty swivels, and one hundred and seventy men, and a schooner of eight carriage guns, twelve swivels and forty men, got under way and made towards us. As we stood up for Nantasket road, an American battery opened upon us, which was the first serious proof we had that there could scarcely be many friends of ours at Boston; and we were too far embayed to retreat, especially as the wind had died away, and the flood not half expended. After each of the vessels having twice run aground, we anchored at George's Island, and prepared for action, but the Annabella, by some misfortune, got aground so far astern of the George, we could expect but a feeble support from her musketry. About eleven o'clock four of the schooners anchored right upon our bow, and one right astern of us; the armed brig took her station on our starboard side, at the distance of two hundred yards, and hailed us to strike the British flag. Although the Mate of our ship, and every sailor on board (the Captain only excepted) refused positively to fight any longer, I have the pleasure to inform you that there was not an officer, non-commissioned officer, or private man of the seventy-first, but what stood to their quarters with a ready and chearful obedience. On our refusing to strike the British Flag, the action was renewed with a good deal of warmth on both sides, and it was our misfortune, after the sharp combat of an hour and an half, to have expended every shot that we had for our artillery. Under such circumstances, hemmed in as we were with six privateers, in the middle of an enemy's harbour, beset with a dead calm, without the power of escaping, or even the most distant hope of relief, I thought it became my duty not to sacrifice the lives of gallant men wantonly in the arduous attempt of an evident impossibility. In this unfortunate affair Major Menzies and seven private soldiers were killed; the quarter-master and twelve private soldiers wounded. The major was buried with the honors of war at Boston."
"Since our captivity I have the honor to acquaint you, that we have experienced the utmost civility and good treatment from the people of power at Boston; insomuch, Sir, that I should do injustice to the feelings of generosity, did I not make this particular information with pleasure and satisfaction— I
have now to request of you, that so soon as the distracted state of this unfortunate controversy will admit, you will be pleased to take an early opportunity of settling a cartel for myself and officers.—I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, Lieut. Col. of the 2d Bat. 71st Regt." General Howe.
"P. S. On my arrival at Boston I found that Capt. Maxwell, with the Light Infantry of the 71st battallion of the 71st regiment, had the misfortune to fall into the hands of some other privateers, and was carried into Marblehead the 10th inst. Capt. Campbell, with the grenadiers of the 2d battallion, who was ignorant as we were of the evacuation of Boston, stood into the mouth of the harbour, and was surrounded and taken by eight privateers this forenoon."
"In case a cartel is established, the following return is, as near as I can effect, the number of officers, non-commissioned officers, and private men of the 71st regiment, who are prisoners of war at and in the neighbourhood of Boston."
"The George Transport, Lieut. Col. Archibald Campbell; Lieut. and Adjutant Archibald Campbell; Lieut. Archibald Balneaves; Lieut. Hugh Campbell; Quarter-master William Ogilvie; Surgeon's Mate David Burns; Patrick M'Dougal, Volunteer and acting Serjeant-Major; James Flint, Volunteer; Dugald Campbell, ditto; Donald M'Bane; John Wilson; 3 Serjeants, 4 Corporals, 2 Drummers, 90 Private men."
"The Annabella transport. Capt. George M'Kinzie; Lieut. Colin M'Kinzie; Ensign Peter Frazer; Mr. M'Kenzie and Alexander M'Tavish, Volunteers; 4 Serjeants, 4 Corporals, 2 Drummers, 81 private men."
"Lord Howe Transport. Capt. Lawrence Campbell; Lieut. Robert Duncan; Lieut. Archibald M'Lean; Lieut. Lewis Colhoun; Duncan Campbell, Volunteer; 4 Serjeants, 4 Corporals, 2 Drummers, 96 private men."
"Ann Transport. Capt. Hamilton Maxwell; Lieut. Charles Campbell; Lieut. Fraser; Lieut. —; 4 Serjeants, 4 Corporals, 2 Drummers, 96 private men."
ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regt."
Colony of New-Hampshire, Rockingham ss.
A LIBEL is filed before me, in behalf of the United Colonies, and of the Officers, Marines and Mariners of the continental armed vessels, Hancock, Lee, and Lynch, against the Brigantine named the Elizabeth, about 140 tons burthen, commanded by Peter Ramsey; retaken and brought into the Port of Piscataquana in the County of Rockingham, which vessel is said, to have been taken from Richard Hart of Portsmouth, Merchant, late owner thereof, by some armed vessels belonging to the British fleet, and detained in their possession more than 96 hours, and was at the time of her recapture, carrying her cargo to and for the use of the fleet & army employed against the United American Colonies.
For the trial of this recapture, the Court maritime for said colony, will be held at the court-house in Portsmouth on Tuesday the 20th day of August 1776, at 10 o'clock A. M. of which this notice is given pursuant to the law of said colony, that the owner of the vessel retaken as aforesaid, or any persons concerned in vessel or cargo, may appear and shew cause, if any they have, why the said vessel, with her cargo and appurtenances, should not be condemned.
JOSHUA BRACKETT Judge of said Court. Portsmouth July 12, 1776.
N. B. Persons claiming the whole, or any part, either as owners, or captors of any vessel taken & libelled must by law file their claims before the Judge of said court, five days before the day of trial. And all Libels against any vessel taken and brought into this colony before the 3d of July inst. must be filed within 20 days from that time, or such claimants, or libellants will be barred from exhibiting such claims or libels after the periods aforesaid.