The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-03-29 00:00:00

AMERICAN ELOQUENCE.
SPEECH OF MR. GILES,
DELIVERED IN THE SENATE, OF THE UNITED STATES, FEB. 13, 1809.
In support of the following Resolution, moved by him on the 8th of the same month:
RESOLVED, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports & harbours of the United States be repealed on the 4th of March next, except as to Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with these nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the United States, the growth, produce, or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them.
MR. PRESIDENT
In times of great publick trial and difficulty, when a proposition deeply affecting the character and the interests of the nation is presented for adoption, an indispensable obligation is imposed upon its author to state the considerations upon which it is founded. Under this impression, I shall now proceed to make as full and as frank a development of my inducements in moving the present resolution, as may consist with the ordinary limits of discussion.
It is a circumstance greatly to be regretted, Sir, that as our dangers and difficulties are increasing and pressing upon us, our divisions of opinion respecting the proper course to be pursued in relation to them, appear to be increasing in the same proportion. This probably arises, in a great degree, from the unfortunate state of mind, produced by collisions in argument. Gentlemen are in the habit of bending their whole thoughts upon the discovery not only of arguments for fortifying their own opinions, but for repelling the different opinions of their friends. If this habit of reflection could be removed—If each gentleman could prevail upon himself to give full weight to the arguments, to respect more the opinions and motives of his friends, and to doubt more the infallibility of his own, it is scarcely possible to believe that when an union of interests is admitted by all, but that some point of union in the measures to promote those interests, might be found and agreed upon. And may we not be permitted to hope, Sir, when the fatal consequences of divisions are so obvious to all, that the urgency of our difficulties will produce this course of reflection?—Amidst all these difficulties, it is fortunate, however, that there is one point in which we are all united. That is resistance to foreign aggressions. It is true that no vote upon that point, specifically, has yet been taken in this house; but in the other house it has, after much discussion and great deliberation, and the result was as near unanimity as could be expected upon any occasion involving so many considerations. The only points of difference now to be adjusted and compromised, relate to the extent of that resistance, and the mode of its application.
The resolution I have had the honor to submit, is brought forward solely in reference to those points, and is dictated by that spirit of concession and conciliation, which I have taken the liberty of recommending to others, and which, in my judgement, is imperiously demanded by the present critical situation of our affairs.
I am fully sensible, Mr. President, of the high responsibility incurred by moving the present resolution; and I also know, that when nothing is left us but a choice of difficulties, it is much easier to criticise any expedient that may be chosen, than to devise and present a better for consideration. But, Sir, it should be recollected, that merely to criticise or find fault, when no expedient is left us altogether free from objection, is the most subordinate office that genius can perform, and at the same time it is the least honourable for the individual, and the most unprofitable to the nation and to the people. I make this observation, not with a view of deterring gentlemen from bringing forward any fair objections to the resolution under consideration, but merely to remind them that I shall consider the task unaccomplished until they
present some substitute better calculated to save the honour & protect the interests of the nation; and when this is done, I will readily pay them the tribute of superior wisdom, and unite with them with the most fervent devotion.
The resolution before you, Sir, is not the one of my choice, nor the one by which I could wish that my responsibility could be tested. It is the offspring of conciliation and of great concession on my part. I feel, Sir, in common with my fellow citizens, a great repugnance to war. I think the dreadful resort should only be made in a case of self-defence. I protest against war merely for the purpose of conquest, or aggrandizement, but in my opinion, war is amply justified by the existing crisis.
In my judgement, if the publick sentiment could be brought to support them, wisdom would dictate the combined measures of embargo, non intercourse and war. I have no doubt but that their combined influence would be the most efficacious in meeting and subduing the crisis; but, Sir, very few gentlemen, I believe, have brought their minds up to this state of urgency; and perhaps, in the present state of the publick mind, distracted and drawn by various delusions, as it is from the real source of our injuries, the experiment might be deemed a rash one: even if it would be obtained. I have, however, Sir, much confidence in the good sense and patriotism of the people, and in the efficacy of these measures, that I will briefly state their probable effects for the consideration of the people, and I am the more disposed to do so, because I believe the time is not past, but is fast approaching, when the whole energy of the nation must be called forth, to save what we have left of our honour, independence and dearest interests. These would be the obvious effects of the combined influence of the measures suggested. Embargo would deprive our real enemy of many of our productions, which I believe to be indispensable to his prosperity in many respects. Non-Intercourse would deprive him of our market for his surplus manufactures, an operation not less injurious to him than the other, whilst war could be made to retort upon him some of the evils of his own injustice. I would present nothing of value to him on the ocean, to whet his cupidity, and stimulate him to a perseverance in the war. I would front him on the ocean with empty destructive ships, brave and hardy defenders of them, and rusty iron guns. If he achieved a conquest, it would be a conquest of hard knocks, whilst there should be nothing of value to gratify, his cupidity or compensate his own losses.
I would at the same time seize upon his colonial possessions upon this continent. If the whole energy of the nation could be brought to act vigorously in this way, I will venture to predict, that within six months Great Britain would be brought to value our friendship as much as she would deprecate our enmity. But, Sir, while I would apply the scourge with one hand, with all the severity which the active energy of the whole nation could inflict, I would with sincerity and good faith, hold out the olive branch with the other; my demands should be moderate, and within the limits of justice. And believe me, Mr. President, Great Britain would soon learn how to make a choice. Whilst, Sir, you would expose nothing of value to her, she would necessarily present to your spoliations a rich commerce, a commerce which the very object of her orders were intended to enlarge, and which she considers as almost indispensable to her national existence. Permit me at the same time to express an opinion that the whole British navy would be very far from affording a competent protection, to this wide spread commerce. With respect to prejudices against the Embargo, I would remark, that considering the zeal, ability and artifices, which have been employed to excite them, particularly in one section of the union, it is a matter of surprise that the people have submitted to the privations, which have been delusively ascribed to that measure, with no greater discontents than have been manifested by them; and the experiment has rather confirmed, than lessened my opinion of the patriotism of the people; but still per-
haps so many prejudices have been excited, as to justify some relaxation in that respect. In that case, however, letters of marque and reprisal, and the invasion of Canada, ought, in my judgement, to have been substituted; war would then have been resorted to in a less efficient form, and the people, upon the experiment, I have no doubt, would regret the sacrifice; but the house of representatives has thought proper to reject that proposition, and the one now offered, seems to be the next best calculated to save the honour and perfect the rights and interests of the nation.
I have never relied so much on the coercive effects of the embargo singly as some gentlemen have done; and I have at all times been of opinion, that preparations for more efficient measures should have been made to come in aid of, or substitute for the embargo, whenever it should be ascertained that it had failed of its coercive objects—I was, notwithstanding willing at the commencement of the present session to persevere in the system, until the events which I anticipated should take place in Spain, and become known in Great Britain, and until the early proceedings of congress should also be known there. It appeared to me, that if a relaxation on the part of Great Britain, should not be coerced by the influence of these events combined, upon their first impression in Great Britain, all hope of a relaxation from the embargo alone would then be at an end, and that no other alternative would be left us, but war.—My sincere love of peace, and the little remaining hope of avoiding war, induced me at that time sternly to set my face against the repeal of the embargo; but I then thought, and still think, that at some period of this session, some other measures ought to be resorted to, either with or without the embargo. That period is now arrived, submission cannot for a moment be taken into consideration. The decisive course of measures which I conceived was imperiously demanded by the existing circumstances of the country, are still more strongly called for by the contents of Mr. Canning's letter of the 22d of November last, to Mr. Pinkney. This letter I have heard represented as wholly unimportant. I view its contents in a very different light. I deem them highly important. They go to take away my last hope of peace. They go to satisfy my mind, that we have now no alternative, but war. Submission is out of the question. Permit me to read an extract or two from that letter, upon which my opinion is founded. They will be found in pages 13, 14, of the last printed message of the president.
"The purpose of that letter, is not to renew the discussion upon the subject of your proposal, but merely to clear any misunderstanding which had existed between us in the course of that discussion. I cannot conclude it, however, without advertting very shortly to that part of your letter, in which you argued that the failure of France, in the attempt to realize her gigantic project of the annihilation of the commerce of this country, removes all pretext for the continuance of the retaliatory system of Great Britain."
Again—"If the foundation of the retaliating system of Great Britain was, (as we contend it to have been) originally just, that system will be justifiably continued in force, not so long only, as the decrees which produced it are mischievously operative, but until they are unequivocally abandoned, and if it be thus consistent with justice to persevere in that system, it is surely no mean motive of policy for such perseverance, that a premature departure from it while the enemy's original provocation remains un-repealed, might lead to false conclusions, as to the efficacy of the decrees of France, and might hold out a dangerous temptation to that power to resort to the same system on any future occasion."
Here we find Mr. Canning although in a tone somewhat different, not only confirming his rejection of the just and honourable overture made by Mr. Pinkney, for the revocation of the hostile orders, &c. contained in his letter to Mr. Pinkney of the 23d of September preceding, but we find him introducing the subject apparently for the purpose of preventing any similar overture under any
circumstance; and expressly declaring that the orders shall continue in force not only so long as the French decrees shall be mischievously operative, but until they shall be unequivocally abandoned, and leaves a strong inference on my mind, that they are not to be abandoned on any terms; and, I believe, are intended to become the permanent law of the land. If this point were clearly ascertained, surely all America would eagerly unite in the war. But, Sir, I shall have occasion, again, in the course of the observations I propose to make, to remark further upon the contents of this letter. Although this resolution is not the one of my choice, and is, as gentlemen must now see, several points below the ground, which in my judgement the best interest of the nation would authorize and require us to take, yet I will state some of the effects, which I presume will flow from it, and which, under all circumstances, are the best that can now be obtained. It will put the destructive influence of the orders of council to the test of practical experiment, and thus settle for us the question of peace or war. It will be a resumption of our commerce with all nations except the belligerents having in force against us hostile orders or edicts, whilst it will be a continual protest against them. It will manifest our attention to the wishes and interest of our eastern friends, who will not be satisfied of the destructive effects of the orders in council upon their commerce, by any inferences drawn from the obvious meaning of those orders, but insist upon a practical experiment upon them. Their vessels may be put in motion, and trade to all countries where they can trade without compromising their own and their country's honour. It will demonstrate the necessity of putting the nation into a better state of defence, whilst it will postpone for a time, the resort to war; in my judgement, the ultimate and only resort, now left us against belligerent aggressions. It affords the last chance for preserving peace. It will leave no chasm in our protest against the belligerent orders and edicts, and thus far save us from the disgrace of submission.
I am bound in charity to presume, Mr. President, that gentlemen must differ essentially with me in opinion respecting the causes of war, or it is not possible that we should differ so much as to the propriety and necessity of resorting to it. I therefore propose to state with openness and candour the real causes of our sufferings, the real causes of war. These may principally be summed up in the monstrous and extravagant claim set up by Great Britain to the despotism of the ocean.—The despotism claimed upon the land by France, although equally reprehensible, is less injurious to us. It is felt, no doubt, with great severity by those nations whose situation has subjected them to its influence—but it has pleased a kind and beneficent providence to place us beyond the sphere of its destructive influence, whilst the impotency of France upon the ocean, relieves us from any great and serious injuries from her upon that element.
Great Britain has assumed the principle of the conquest of the ocean, and as a reward of that conquest, asserts and maintains the right to carry on herself the commerce of the world, or to prescribe rules for conducting it by other nations, and thus render it subservient to her own views, and her own interest. This claim of exclusive dominion upon the ocean by Great Britain, is hostility against the rights of all other nations upon that element. It is in fact war against all nations having equal rights with herself to navigate the ocean. It compels all other nations either to surrender to Great Britain the monopoly of the commerce of the world, or to submit to such rules as she shall prescribe for conducting it. This extravagant notion was conceived by the British jurist as early as the commencement of the French revolution, and since the destruction of the French fleet at Toulon, the government has made several attempts to introduce it into practice, sometimes with more, sometimes with less restraint or disguise. It is impossible for me to refer to all the instances of this kind, I must, therefore,

turn the recollection of the senate generally to the various orders issued since that time restraining neutral commerce, in utter contempt of all publick law, and acknowledged neutral rights—During the latter part of Mr. Pitt's administration this doctrine had become popular, and it was resolved to put it into practice. It was however deemed proper to prepare the world for the reception of the monstrous pretension; accordingly a pamphlet was written as the precursor of the system proposed to be introduced for the government of the commercial world. I pay but little respect to pamphlets in general, and should not now, but the pamphlet alluded to has always been represented as written under the direction of the then British ministry, and intended to prepare the world for this new system of commercial warfare; and in this point of view it is entitled to the most serious consideration, and the rather, as the course of policy recommended by it, has since been strictly pursued by the British ministry, and they have even extended the system since, beyond the utmost limit prescribed in that work.
The pamphlet alluded to, is entitled "War in Disguise." I beg to call the attention of the senate to two or three short paragraphs therein.—they will be found in pages eight and nine.
"Have we then lost the triumphant means of such effectual warfare: or have the ancient fields of victory been neglected?
"Niethersuch a misfortune, nor such folly, can be alleged. Never was our maritime superiority more decisive than in the last and present war. We are still the unresisted masters of every sea; and the open intercourse of our enemies with their colonies, was never so completely precluded."
Here the pretention of the unresisted masters of the ocean is explicitly assumed, and it can hardly be necessary to remark, that the whole policy recommended in the book, is founded upon that assumed principle. Again, in the pages 183, 184, in considering the prudence of applying the proposed remedy in regard to the colonial trade, I find these expressions:
"The sum of all these opposing considerations seems to be this, "we may provoke a quarrel with the neutral powers." I propose, therefore, briefly to consider, first, the degree of this danger; and next, whether the evils of such a quarrel, if certain, would be greater than those to which we at present submit.
"It is certain that should his majesty's government think fit to recall the indulgent instruction, that has been so much abused, and revert to the rule of the war of 1756, with such modifications only as can be safely allowed, great clamours would immediately arise in the neutral countries. The neutralizing agents, deprived of a large portion of their fraudulent gains, would exclaim aloud against the measure; and even such merchants as have carried on the colonial trade on their own account, would not be well satisfied to find their field of commerce materially narrowed by the assertion of our belligerent rights.
"The neutral governments therefore, would no doubt, complain and remonstrate; "but would they, if firmly, though temperately resisted, push the controversy into a quarrel?" Would they maintain their pretensions to the trade in question, at the expence of a war with Great-Britain? I firmly believe they would not."
These passages serve to shew, that the principle was assumed with a full knowledge of its destructive influence to neutral rights.
The next, or the Fox administration, seemed to think there was some hazard and delicacy in making this unprovoked attack upon the rights of all nations, and seemed to entertain some doubts of the practicability of the profligate system: but they were compelled by the infatuated jurists of the day, to make some essay towards carrying it into effect: witness their orders of January 7, 1807, interdicting neutrals from going from one port to another port of their enemy. This extraordinary order too, was issued only seven days after signing a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States. But, sir, this partial compliance with the publick sentiment could not retain them in office. The little respect they retained for neutral rights, and their timid doubts, were amongst the causes which drove them from office, to make way for
an energetick administration. One totally destitute of all respect for publick law, and for neutral rights. Destitute of all the scruples and obligations of justice. I propose to give a short sketch of the history of this energetick administration:
1st. As its operations have affected other nations:
2dly. As they have affected the United States.
Let us see the consequences which have resulted, and which are likely to result from this energy, originating in folly and in pride. Stimulated to its ends in utter disregard of every principle of justice and of publick law, and directed to unattainable objects. Permit me, sir, in this exposition to pay some attention to dates. They will serve to illustrate some of my ideas. The change of ministry took place either in the month of January or February, 1807. Preparations for executing this lawless system of energy were made with great activity, and in the month of August following, they were made to burst upon the head of an unsuspecting and unoffending friend.
TO BE CONTINUED.
TRIBUTE OF RESPECT.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The following Address was delivered to the Hon. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq. by the committee appointed by the Citizens of Washington, previous to his leaving the City.
To THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq.
SIR,
THE citizens of Washington, cannot forego the last opportunity, which may, perhaps ever occur, to bid you a respectful and affectionate farewell. As members of the great and flourishing nation, over which you have so illustriously presided, your virtues, talents, and services command their esteem, admiration and gratitude. Embarked in the fate of this solitary repubick of the world, they have, in common with their fellow citizens, rejoiced in its prosperous and sympathised in its adverse fortunes, as involving every thing dear to freemen. They have marked with exultation the firm column of its glory, laid on imperishable foundations, arising as a monument of the reign of principle in this quarter of the globe. To you they have been instructed to ascribe the memorable act, which, by declaring a gallant people free and independent, in a tone that appalled tyranny, instilled those sentiments and principles, which, inspiring every virtue, and urging every sacrifice, led them to triumph and empire.
We have since beheld you, with parental solicitude, and with a vigilance that never sleeps, watching over the fairest offspring of liberty, and by your unremitted labours, in upholding, explaining and vindicating our system of government, rendering it the object of love at home, and respect abroad.
It would be a pleasing task for us, as citizens of the United States, to fill up & extend the outlines we have sketched. But it is, as citizens of the national metropolis, that we now appear before you. In addition to every patriotick feeling that can warm our breasts, we have still further inducements to open our hearts to you on this proud, yet painful occasion.
The world knows you as a philosopher and philanthropist; the American people know you as a patriot and statesman;—we know you, in addition to all this, as a man. And however your talents have extorted our respect, there is not one among us, whose predominant feelings at this moment is not that of affection for the mild and endearing virtues that have made every one here your friend, and you his. We should be lost to gratitude, did we not acknowledge that it is to you we owe much, very much of that harmony of intercourse and tolerance of opinion, which characterise our state of society—of that improvement, which amidst unpropitious circumstances has progressed with sure and steady steps, and, above all, of that spirit of enterprise, which your beneficence and liberality have invariably aided, and which promises in a few years to render this place the fairest seat of wealth and science.
Deeply as we feel your retirement, we approve, nay applaud it. Personal considerations aside, it was to be expected from the friend and protector of republican institutions, that he would follow, and by his co-operation, strengthen the example of the illustrious hero of the revolution.
May you in the retirement, to which you go, be happy! As your fellow citizens will still look towards you with interest and pray for your felicity, so will you find it impossible to lose sight of the arduous scenes through which we have passed, as well as those in store for our country. Your heart will still beat with patriotism, and the energies of your mind continue to be engaged on national objects. In your retreat, may every anxious thought be softened by the mild and tender occupations of private life! Happy, thrice happy retreat! Where patriotism and philosophy, friendship and affection, will animate, direct and soften the purest feelings of the heart! With a grateful nation, we pray that you may be happy, and if the just Being, that presides over the universe, insure to you but a portion of that felicity you have conferred on others, our prayers will be fulfilled!
ROBERT BRENT, Chairman. NICHOLAS KING, Secretary.
TO THE CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON.
I receive with peculiar gratification the affectionate address of the citizens of Washington, & in the patriotick sentiments it expresses, I see the true character of the national metropolis. The station which we occupy among the nations of the earth is honourable, but awful. Trusted with the destinies of this solitary repubick of the world, the only monument of human rights and the sole depository of the sacred fire of freedom and self-government, from hence it is to be lighted up in other regions of the earth, if other regions of the earth shall ever become susceptible of its genial influence. All mankind ought then, with us, to rejoice in its prosperous, and sympathise in its adverse fortunes, as involving every thing dear to man. And to what sacrifices of interest or convenience, ought not these considerations to animate us. To what compromises of opinion and inclination, to maintain harmony and union among ourselves, and to preserve from all danger this hollowed ark of human hope and happiness! That differences of opinion should arise among men, on politics, on religion, and on every other topic of human enquiry, and that these should be freely expressed in a country where all our faculties are free, is to be expected. But these valuable privileges are much perverted when permitted to disturb the harmony of social intercourse, and to lessen the tolerance of opinion. To the honour of society here, is has been characterised by a just and generous liberality, and an indulgence of those affections which, without regard to political creeds, constitute the happiness of life. That the improvement of this city must proceed with sure and steady steps, follows from its many obvious advantages, and from the enterprizing spirit of its inhabitants, which promises to render it the fairest seat of wealth and science.
It is very gratifying to me that the general course of my administration is approved by my fellow-citizens, and particularly that the motives of my retirement are satisfactory. I part with the powers entrusted to me by my country, as with a burthen of heavy bearing: but it is with sincere regret that I part with the society in which I have lived here. It has been the source of much happiness to me during my residence at the seat of government, and I owe it much for its kind dispositions. I shall ever feel a high interest in the prosperity of the city, and an affectionate attachment to its inhabitants.
TH: JEFFERSON.
March 4, 1809.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
SPAIN.
MADRID, DEC. 7, 1808.
PROCLAMATION OF BUONAPARTE.
SPANIARDS— YOU have been blinded by perfidious men. They have seduced you to take up arms, and drawn you into a foolish and senseless warfare. Is there one among you on reflecting for a moment upon what has passed who will not soon be convinced that you have been the tools of the eternal enemies of the Continent, and who rejoice to see and shed the blood of the Spanish and the blood of the French? What will be the result of a protracted campaign? An unfinished war in the kingdom; and a long anxiety as to the fate of your property and your lives.
In less than a month you have been delivered up to all the anguish of a popular faction.
The defeat of your armies has been an affair of some marches only. I have entered into Madrid. The rights of war will authorize me to give a terrible example, and to wash in your blood the outrages against me and my nation. I have only listened to forgiveness.
Those men only that are inventors of all our evils shall be punished. I will soon chase from the Peninsula the English army who have been sent to Spain, not for your aid, but to influence you with a false confidence and to mislead you. I have told you in my proclamation of the 2d June, that I would be your regenerator.
To the rights that have been ceded to me by the Princes of the last dynasty you have added to me the right of conquest. Nothing will change my disposition. I will approve of what have been your generous efforts.
I would tell you that your enemies have not consulted your interest; they have distimulated to you the true state of things. Spaniards, your destiny is in your own hands. Throw away the poison that the English have scattered among you, that your king may be certain of your love and confidence, and you shall be greater and happier than you ever have been. All those who oppose your prosperity and your grandeur, I have destroyed, and, have broken the shackles which weighed down the people. I have given you a liberal constitution, in the room of an absolute Monarchy. I give you one temperate and suitable to your habits. It depends on you to say whether that constitution shall be your law.
But if all my efforts are ineffectual, and if I find you unworthy of my confidence, I will treat you only as provinces conquered, and place my brother on another throne. I will put the crown of Spain on my own head. I will be respected even by the worst, for God has given me the power and the disposition necessary to surmount all obstacles.
In our Imperial Camp, at Madrid, 7th December, 1808.
NAPOLEON.
THE SEVENTEENTH BULLETIN OF THE FRENCH GRAND ARMY.
Is dated Madrid 10th Dec. and mentions a few skirmishes on the road to Saragossa and
Valencia, between the Duke of Istria and the Patriots. The defeat of the Spanish army at Tudela, & at Celaya, and abandonment by its generals. The Officers and privates, were reduced to 6000 men on the 6th of December. On the 8th at midnight, a Spanish corps, protecting the escape of the army, was closely pursued and 1000 prisoners taken; the remainder dispersed in the mountains of Cuenea. On the 28th of Nov. the Town of Rosas was summoned to surrender, but no answer was returned.
EIGHTEENTH BULLETIN,
Is dated Madrid the 12th Dec.—This Bulletin commences with a severe phillippick against the central Junta, and against the characters of Florida Blanca and Florenzo Calyo, calling the latter a humble Grocer of Saragossa, who in a few months had acquired the title of Excellency, and one Tilley, formerly condemned to the galleys for theft, younger brother of the noted Cuzman who acted a celebrated part under Robespierre, in the reign of terror. These men are said to govern exclusively, the Junta.
On the 11th, the general of division Lasalle in pursuit of the enemy, had arrived at Talavera-de-la-Reina, where the English had remained in triumph 10 days before, announcing their intention of succouring the capital. A frightful spectacle presented itself to the eyes of the French. A dead body dressed in the uniform of a Spanish General, was suspended on a Galloy, pierced with a thousand balls. It was General Don Benito St. Juan, whom the soldiers in their terror and to cover with pretext their cowardice, had thus disgracefully sacrificed. They stopped at Talavera only to take breath and torture their unfortunate general, who, during a whole day gave employment to their atrocious barbarity. Talavera is a beautiful town, situated in a valley on the Tagus, and in a fertile country.
His majesty had appointed the Polish Col. Konopka, a Commandant of the Legion of honour.
NINETEENTH BULLETIN,
Is dated Madrid, Dec. 18th, it mentions the surrender of the fortress of Rosas, on the 6th of December, with its garrison, consisting of 2000 men, who were made prisoners—That six British ships of the line in the harbour had it not in their power to save the garrison. The Italian troops distinguished themselves during the siege. The Spanish troops continue to disperse in every quarter, and the new levies are daily compelled to return to their homes.—The month of December resembled the spring, and the Emperor during this delightful season, remains in the country about a league from Madrid,
PARIS, DEC. 26.
A Decree of the Emperor Napoleon dated at the camp at Madrid, the 12th Dec. prohibits the alienation of different branches of taxes, and orders the holders of rights and titles to such impositions, to pay the same into the royal treasury.
Another decree of the same date, abolishes throughout Spain all Judiciary tribunals of the Lords. No other but the royal jurisdiction now remains.
An article dated Vienna, Dec. 5th states that the French ambassador at that Court had celebrated in the most splendid manner the anniversary of the coronation of his sovereign, and of the battle of Austerlitz, in a banquet, to which were invited all the members of the Diplomatick Body, from friendly and allied Countries, as well as strangers of distinction. Among the guests was Count Metternick, the Austrian ambassador for France.
At a sitting of the Municipal Body of Madrid, the 9th of Dec. the Corregidor presented a most bombastical address to His Imperial and Royal Majesty, imploring in the most abject and servile manner, the protection of the Conqueror Napoleon, for the citizens of Madrid generally—also his Imperial pardon for all the inhabitants of the city and country, who had born arms against the French.
His Majesty answered, that their condition would be prosperous and happy, if the inhabitants adhered with good faith to the Constitution, and acknowledged with sincerity Don Joseph Napoleon the First for their lawful King; but on the contrary case, Spain should become a province of France.
Then follows a Decree of his Majesty, dated the 12th Dec. at the Imperial Camp at Madrid, consisting of 20 Articles, the object of which is principally to relieve the poorer classes of Society from burthensome taxes, and personal services. The 1st and 2d Articles, abolish the taxes called servage and colonate Cleves. The Ci-devant Serfs, as well as the other inhabitants of said duchy, are to enjoy civil rights in all their plenitude.
Article 3d abolishes the Duty of Domesticity; the duty of Manumission, and Enfranchisement; the Montuary Duty; the Corvees; Manual; Transports, and all other personal services, &c.
BY THE MAIL.
COLUMBIA.
WASHINGTON, MARCH 16.
On the departure of the Union American advices had been received in London only to the 10th of November. From the impression made by these advices, it appears manifest that the eager desire of the nation that the Embargo should be removed, had given to hope all the characteristics of a well founded expectation. The most trifling circumstances, bearing this colour, are seized, emblazoned, and distorted.
The agreement to consider Mr. Chittenden's motion for a repeal of the Embargo, though a mere matter of form, is hailed as

the certain forerunner of the repeal itself, and the prostration of Mr. Jefferson's influence. These things prove, whatever may be said to the contrary, that the embargo had begun to be felt as no mean measures of coercion; and the late order in council may fairly be considered as the effect of the embargo; unless, indeed, the ministry, anticipating the passage of the non-intercourse law, seized the occasion to manifest an appearance of friend-ship, which they know would cost them nothing.
GEORGIA.
SAVANNAH, MARCH 7.
A riot occurred on Sunday afternoon, between some of the U. States troops quartered here, and a party of sailors. From what we can learn, the former were the aggressors; though the fracas appears to have originated from several trifling squabbles which have taken place within a week or two past. On Sunday, however, they appeared in considerable numbers, armed with bludgeons and knives—a contest ensued, and much mischief would have been done had it not been for the timely interference of the civil authority aided by the volunteer corps, who speedily put a stop to their proceedings, and restored the quietness of the city. Several of the soldiers and sailors were wounded; but none that we have heard of are in danger. About thirty or forty of the rioters were committed to gaol the same afternoon, and were yesterday examined before the county judges when all were liberated except five of the principals, who were remanded to prison, for trial at the next Superior Court.
SOUTH-CAROLINA.
CHARLESTON, MARCH 7.
The volunteers of the 5th and 7th Brigades, who have offered their services at the call of the President of the United States, embarked yesterday morning for Fort Johnson, under the command of Col. FISHBURNE and Majors WARD and WYMAN. They are encamped near that fortress for 5 days to acquire a knowledge of camp duty. Capt. EDDES' troops went round by land. The different companies mustered very strong, and had a very military and handsome appearance. General WILKINSON left this city yesterday for Fort Johnson. On embarking he was saluted from Fort Mepchick. We understand he will sail this morning for New Orleans in the Hornet sloop-of-war.
MARYLAND.
BALTIMORE, MARCH 17.
We have had the pleasure of an interview with Mr. Purviance, from whom we learn that he entertains the strongest apprehensions relative to the fate of the immense mercantile capital that is about to be committed to the ocean by the partial repeal of the embargo. From his observations abroad, and all the information he has been able to collect, he fears that a wide spread ruin will be the consequence. Never has there, perhaps, been a season which there existed higher inducements to prudence and circumspection. Mr. Purviance left M. Champagny at Paris, latter end of November, whence he was about to follow the emperor.
Balt. Amer.
RHODE-ISLAND.
PROVIDENCE, MARCH 25, 1809.
THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE Met by adjournment in this town on Tuesday last. On the next day, the committee, on the affairs of the Gloucester Bank, appointed at the last session, made a report. We were not present, but have learnt, that the report, and letters produced, developed a systematic scheme of swindling, pursued by the managers of this institution, seldom, if ever equalled. The Assembly deliberated on the subject with closed doors, on Wednesday afternoon, and voted to sit again in conclave yesterday forenoon; but at the meeting in the morning, it was proposed that the injunction of secrecy be taken off, and no further proceedings had with closed doors, which was voted. Afterwards appeared that nothing had been done by the Assembly while in secret session. In the afternoon the subject was again taken up and discussed; and at length referred to the next session. Five hundred copies of the report, &c. were ordered to be printed. The Assembly will try petitions this day.
Phenix.
MISCELLANY.
PRESIDENT ADAMS'S LETTER.
Office of the Anti-Monarchist, March 20, 1809.
The following is an Extract from a Letter of the late President of the United States, the venerable PATRIOT, JOHN ADAMS, addressed to DANIEL WRIGHT, and ERASMUS LYMAN, Esquires, of Northampton (Mass.) in answer to a letter, dated March 3, 1809, which they addressed to him, at the desire of the Republicans of that town requesting him to express his opinion respecting the present circumstances of the nation, with regard to foreign powers, & domestic parties—Mr. Adams' letter was dated Quincy, March 13, and has the postmark of the Quincy post-office, and franked by Mr. Adams. The original is left at the post-office, for the inspection of those who may wish to see it.
"QUINCY, March 13, 1809. "GENTLEMEN: "I have received your very civil letter of the 3d of this month, with emotion very similar to those which I felt many years ago. "I have now neither power nor influence to do anything for my country, to assist her in any present distresses, or guard her against future calamities. Nothing now remains to me but the right of private judgment, and
that I exercise freely, and communicate my sentiments as freely to those who wish to know them.
"I am, totus viribus , [with my whole strength] against any Division of the Union, by the North River or by Delaware River, or by the Potomack, or any other River, or by any chain of Mountains. I am for maintaining the INDEPENDENCE of the Nation, at all events.
"I am no advocate for Mr. GORE'S DECLARATION OF WAR against France. Knowing, as I do, from personal experience, the mutually friendly dispositions between the People of France and the People of America, Bonaparte out of the question, I should be very sorry to see them converted into ill will, and our old English prejudice revived. Lasting injuries and misfortunes would arise to this country from such a change.
"I am averse also to a war with England, and wish to maintain our Neutrality as long as possible, without conceding important Principles. If either of the belligerent Powers force us into a War, I am for fighting that power, whichever it may be.
"I always consider the whole nation as my children: but they have almost all been un-dutiful to me. You two gentlemen, are almost the only ones out of my own house, who have for a long time, and I thank you for it, expressed a filial affection for
JOHN ADAMS."
The above letter of the venerable revolutionary Patriot, JOHN ADAMS, ought to be preserved as a lasting evidence of his unshaken patriotism. Superior to the calumnies of the day, he looks with the penetrating eye of a statesman into futurity. Receiving the dangers which may befall his country from faction, from foreign attachments, and from wars, he warns his countrymen against the excesses into which they may be plunged by designing men.
The points established by this letter are important, and deserving the serious attention of all friends to American Independence. It appears.
 1st. That, like his great predecessor, Washington, he is OPPOSED to a division of the states.  2d. That he is OPPOSED to a declaration of War against France, as recommended by Mr. Gore to the Legislature of this State, at the late session.  3d. That he is OPPOSED to the doings of the Legislature of this Commonwealth, at the late session, inasmuch as Mr. GORE'S WAR REPORT has been accepted and approved of by that body. 
4th. That in accordance with the views of the present administration, he is for maintaining the "rights and independence of this country, at all events," and wishes to avoid war with both England and France, as long as possible, without sacrificing the essential interests of the nation.
Let not the people of Massachusetts be hurried into excesses by the intemperate proceedings of the State Legislature, who have declared the "LAWS OF THE UNION;" not binding recommended a War with France, and endeavored to prove, that there is a difference of interests between the people of New-England, & the people of the Southern States. Let Massachusetts rather listen to the counsels of the first revolutionary statesman and patriot. Let her regard the warning voice of a man grown grey in the service of his country; of one who, aloof from party politics, can view the passing scenes with impartiality. The Romans had great respect for the counsels of the aged. Let us imitate their example, and hearken to the advice of this venerable man, whose virtue is truly Roman.
NEWPORT:
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 29, 1809.
REPUBLICANS, TAKE NOTICE. THE Republican Citizens of this town are particularly invited to meet at the STATE-HOUSE, TO-MORROW Evening, at early candle-light, on business of importance. A general and punctual attendance is requested. March 29.
We have this day commenced the publication of Mr. GILES, Speech in the Senate of the United States. The arguments adduced are forcible and conclusive, and we seriously recommend it to the attentive perusal of every friend of his country. Owing to its length we shall be necessitated to continue it in several papers.
The Hon. JOHN Q. ADAMS, and the Hon. WILLIAM EUSTIS, passed through this town, on Saturday last. Mr. ADAMS, was on his way to Boston, and Mr. EUSTIS to the seat of government.
THE EMBARGO
HAS afforded a pretext for the exercise of a flood of ingenious labours against our Republican Administration. This measure, it has been solemnly declared by the enemies of American independence, was intended to be perpetual. And they modestly assumed the same declaration, as an argument to prove the hostility of government to the prosperity of commerce. How now does the declaration stand? The Embargo has ceased. Are they, then, not convicted either of weak judgment or false prophesy & corrupt motives. False prophesy, from whatever cause, has almost become a concomitant appendage to the political characters of that class of politicians. It would, indeed, be sorrowful, if they should so conduct as eventually to merit the epitaph, which was once found written on
the tomb stone of an unhappy individual, who unfortunately had not, in the course of a long life, been very remarkable for the most scrupulous veracity.
Here's old Jonny Beverly lying in dust, Or lying old Jonny, choose which ye trust. To say he lies dead can do him no harm, For we all know old Jonny lied all his life long.
How striking the contrast between those monarchical dispositions; or those pernicious, peevish and fretful tempers, (for there ought to be a discrimination in this respect,) which have carped at, and reprobated the Embargo, during its continuance, and which, by the bye, are not much better satisfied now it is removed; how striking the contrast between such, and those generous, patient, magnanimous and patriotic minds, which have borne up under its pressure and privations, with a becoming dignity and forbearance. How different the reflections derived to each respectively, from its discontinuance? Can it be needful to point them out in order to evince that diversity? Will not the natural exercise of every mind sufficiently suggest them?
"The gall'd jade winces."
THE Boston Major, the big bull of Federalism, already begins to snarl at the venerable patriot, Mr. ADAMS. In his last Centinel , this redoubtable editor blazes forth with an elaborate and pompous epistle to his readers, in which he informs us that the republican prints, during Mr. ADAMS' administration, were continually heaping abuse upon him and his measures, [meaning, we suppose, the exposure of the errors of his administration, brought on by the infamous counsels of HAMILTON, PICKERING, and other worthies of the day.] Mr. ADAMS is denounced by the Major, and his denunciation, must indeed be dreadful!—How can this unhappy man quietly repose him on his pillow under this awful disfranchisement!—will not his midnight dreams haunt him to despair—and will not a guilty conscience, in the gloomy hour of dissolution, rack him with torment. This perhaps might be his fate, could the enemies of our country, the dear friends and partisans of Britain, direct it. But happily it is otherwise. Mr. ADAMS has, in a magnanimous and honourable manner, come forward in support of those principles, which we believe he is fully convinced, were best calculated to secure the liberty and independence of our country.
When we consider the political state of our country, assailed on all sides by a faction, who have long been aiming a deadly blow at the vitals of liberty, and who have grasped at the temporary embarrassment of our government to favour their nefarious designs, we think it a meed truly honorable to our cause, that we find advocates even among those, who were foremost in the ranks of opposition. In Massachusetts, where the rage of faction, encouraged by the shameful conduct of the majority of their state legislature, seemed to bear the greatest sway, we have seen men of discriminating talents, of property and influence, come forward in support of the measure of our republican system. Mr. ADAMS, who has been already mentioned, the Hon. JOHN Q. ADAMS, son of the former gentleman, the Hon. WILLIAM GRAY, of Salem, and some of the most respectable merchants of Boston, have acknowledged the measures of Mr. JEFFERSON's administration were judicious, and the only ones which were likely to secure our independence and safety. The voluntary acknowledgement of a few such individuals, ought to have more weight than the falling off of thousands, who are governed by no other principle than gain, and who have been deceived by the false colouring of their enemies.
LATEST FROM SPAIN.
Cadiz dates to the 1st of Feb. and Seville dates to the 27th of Jan. have reached New-York via Havana.
The last Seville Gazette, which is the official paper of the Government in Old Spain, contains an account of a victory obtained by the patriots at Sarragossa. Jan. 21, and this was published at the Havana in an Extra Paper on the 8th of March, our latest date thence.
On the 21st of December the French experienced a repulse before the walls of Sarragossa. On the 22d it was invited to surrender on good terms; but refused. From that time to the 21st of Jan. we have no account of occurrences near this city; but it evidently held out, and on the 21st gained an important victory. The account of this triumph of the just cause is minute. The names of the officers who distinguished themselves, and of officers killed and wounded, is given. The French before Sarragossa, are said to have been entirely dispersed, leaving on the field 4000 killed, and as many wounded. The Spaniards recovered much booty, and acquired a great quantity of military stores, &c. The Spaniards followed the fugitive French troops of this army harassing them in their retreat.
There is, beside the above, a report of the defeat of the French, by ROMANA, near Segovia, not far from Madrid. The report is dated Murcia, a remote place, Jan. 12. We presume if it had been true, an authentick and detailed account would have appeared in the Seville Gazette prior to Jan. 27th.
A letter from the Havana March 8, says, Upon the whole I do not like the information received from Spain, although many do, who believe that country will soon be cleared of the monster of Europe and his armies. Besides the official accounts, the rumours are, that the Spaniards were concentrating their forces, and hoped to make general head against the French; that, however, the British had been roughly handled, and were retreating to the coast; that the Junta was at Seville but was expected to remove to Cadiz; that BONAPARTE marched from Madrid, Dec. 28.
against the British and Romana, and that the Spanish Governor who surrendered Madrid, was considered a traitor."
That venerable Patriot, Count FLORIDA BLANCA, President of the Supreme Council, died at Seville, Dec. 30.
MARRIED,
At Middletown, R. I. on Monday evening last, the Rev. Mr. Eddy, Mr. JOHN PECKHAM to Miss Lydia BROWN, daughter of Mr. Gideon BROWN of that place.
At Narragansett, Mr. JOHN SIMMONS to Mrs. MATILDA CASTLE, daughter of Capt. Philip Castle.
In Boston, on Sunday morning last, by the Rev. Dr. Eliot, Mr. SAMUEL G. SNELLING, printer, to Miss SUSAN ALLEY.
DIED,
In this town, on Monday last, of the hooping cough, a son of Mr. GEORGE ROBINSON, aged 12 months.
Yesterday, Mrs. PHEBE MURPHY, the amiable consort of Capt. John Murphy, of this town; who had exactly completed her 29th year. In her was united every virtue—the best of wives—the tender mother the affectionate and sincere friend—and the most benevolent of her sex. She has left four small children to survive their irreparable loss; and a circle of numerous friends and relations to mourn her premature fate. Her funeral will be on Friday next, which the relations and friends are requested to attend.
MARINE LIST.
PORT OF NEWPORT.
Entered—sch. William, Clark, Boston; do. Mount Vernon, Shore, do; do. Caroline, Whitewell, Newbern; sloop Halcyon, Walden, New-York; sloop Golden, Age, Perry, do; do. Maria, Comstock, do.
Cleared—Ship George Washington, Gardner, Lisbon; do. Columbia, Winslow, St. Bartholomew's; brig Fame, Burroughs Cadiz; do. German Peggy, Gorton, Havana; do. Brandywine, Davis, do; do. Factor, Brownell, Philadelphia; sloop Halcyon, Walden, New-York; do. Huntress, Earl, do; do. Henry, Barlow, Boston.
NATHANIEL DEARBORN, BOOKSELLER and LIBRARIAN;
HAS received Many additions to his Bookstore and Circulating Library, of such works as cannot fail to please the publick. The Regulations of his Library will be strictly adhered to.
His Spring Assortment of HOUSE PAPERS and BORDERS , will be very shortly received; which, with his present stock, will consist of the most elegant Patterns, at the most reasonable prices of any in the State.
Mr. D. receives his Papers from one of the best Manufactories in the Union, and no other person in Newport has any of his patterns.
Also for sale as above,
A few sets of a new and elegant folio edition of the EMBARGO LAWS, in two volumes—aiming at two important purposes; first, to perpetuate in remembrance the passing of our political jordan; 2d, to expel the disagreeable sensations it has excited, with the pleasing Games of Backgammon, Chess, Checkers, or Draughts—price 7 dols. 50 cts. a set.
BOOK BINDING
Executed in a handsome style, on Reasonable terms. Blank Books made to any pattern, with Spring Backs. Old Books re-bound. March 22.
GREEN BURROUGHS,
Has for sale, at his store, near Mr. BANNISTER's wharf, and opposite Mr. TOWNSEND's Coffee-House,
SUNDRY articles of Ship Chandlery, Hard Ware, and W. I. Goods—among which are the following articles, viz.
 Cordage, Spun yarn, Marlin, Housing, Belaying, Log Lines, Latchet Lines, Deep Sea Lines and Leds, Fishing Lines and Hooks, of different kinds; Oars, Handspikes, Mast Hoops, Hanks, Chalk, Oakum, old Junk, Tar, Rosin, Sheathing Paper, Sole Leather, Hammers, Gimblets, a general assortment Spikes and Nails; a variety of Cooper's, Carpenter's and Cordwainer's Tools; various kinds of Locks; Knives and Forks, iron Ladles and Skimmers, large and small iron Spoons, mettle do.; iron Pots, Kettles, Bake-Pans, Skillets, Spiders, Gridles, Potato-Boilers, Cast and wrought Handirons, cart Boxes, waggon and chaise do.; new Pewter and Earthen Ware; Pails, Kegs, Bowls, Piggins, Barrels, half Barrels, Mortars, Writing and Wrapping Paper, Log do. Letter do.; first and second quality of Lime, by the cask, Log-wood, Redwood, Fustick, Copperas, Allum, Lampblack, Glue, Indigo, Rice, Pepper, hard Soap, Candles, cotton Wick, Paint-Brushes, Whitewash do.; Salt Fish, by the quintal; Sugar, Coffee, Flour, white Beans, Bar Iron, Cast and Scrap do. old Copper, Brass, Lead, Pewter, case and quart Bottle, &c. &c. 
N. B. Cash, or any the above Articles given for old Junk, Wrought, Scrap and Cast Iron, Copper, Brass, Lead and Pewter, cotton and linen Rags and old Canvas, and junk Bottles. March. 22.
FIVE CENTS REWARD!
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, on the 25th of December last, an indented mulatto Boy, named THOMAS COYHIS, aged between 18 and 19 years; is about 4 feet 10 inches high. Had on when he went away, a felt hat, a short kersey grey outside jacket, a blue nankin sleeved jacket, in lieu of a waistcoat, a striped flannel shirt, a pair of grey fulled cloth trowsers, black yarn stockings, and an old pair of shoes. He carried away no clothing except what he wore. Whoever will take up said Runaway, and return him to me, the subscriber, shall receive the above reward, and no charges paid. Masters of vessels and others are hereby forbidden carrying away, trusting or concealing said Runaway, on penalty of the law.
ENOCH CRANDALL.
Charlestown, March 20, 1809. [29]

SELECTED POETRY.
EXTRACT
From "Love and Satire" a small volume of poetical correspondence, between a young Lady and Gentleman, lately published in London.
TO ELIZA, WITH A DOVE.
ACCEPT, dear maid, the most delightful bird. That ever Venus to her chariot bound: By Love adopted and by peace prefer'd, For meekness valued, and for faith renown'd.
A Bird, in which such rare perfections meet, Alone is worthy to be count'st thine: His beauty, fair one, is like your's complete, And his fidelity resembles mine.
JULIUS.
TO JULIUS, WITH A GOOSE.
Swain, I accept your all accomplish'd Dove, With rapture listen to his plaintive moan, And vow with constancy the bird to love, Whose beauty thus reminds me of my own.
I cannot prove my gratitude too soon, For such a mark of tenderness conferr'd; So, song for song be thine, and boon for boon, Kindness for kindness, swain, and bird for bird.
Lo, the best fowl that Lincoln can produce, My choice has singled from a useful group; Accept, sweet Bird, from me, as great a Goose, As e'er was fatten'd in a poulterer's coop.
Your verse the merit of the Dove displays; The compliments I pay my bird are few; Yet 'tis, methinks, no niggard share of praise, To say how strongly he resembles you.
ELIZA.
AMUSING MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ANTHOLOGY.
Original Letters, from an American Traveller in Europe, to his friends in this country.
LETTER SECOND.
Rome, Nov. 16, 1804.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
YOU well know, that I came to Europe with as few prejudices for or against any particular sect of christians as most men, and that I was (and indeed I still am) disposed to believe, that there are honest and virtuous men of all persuasions. It must be admitted, that all such, however opposed in articles of faith or modes of worship, are equally entitled to our charity.
Still this charity does not forbid us to examine and expose the follies or absurdities, which may have crept into their creed or practice. On the contrary our duty, as men and christians, requires, that we should, as far as may be in our power, counteract and oppose with becoming candour those errors and abuses, that impede the reception and usefulness of the religion we profess. Both of us had formed some opinion of the absurdity of Catholic superstition, but I assure you, that I found it a very imperfect one. No writer, however severe, has hitherto, nor, in my estimation, ever can do, any thing like justice to the subject. Dr. Moore and others have exerted all the powers of wit to render the notions and practices of the Catholicks ridiculous; but one half of the time, spent in simple narration without the aid of satire, would have produced more effect, and would have saved them the opprobrium of being suspected to be opposers of christianity itself.
To point out the errors, or to ridicule the absurd superstitions, which have debased the worship of the present system of religion is certainly not only consistent with a thorough belief of that system, but is perhaps a duty, which that belief requires; but one should be extremely careful, lest in the zeal of reformation, a weapon should be afforded to the opponents of religion itself.
To the Catholicks, I think we owe no apology for the exposure of their failings. The bigotted intolerance and persecutions, which have marked the footsteps of the followers of popery, from the burning of John Huss, to the massacre of St. Bartholomew, give them but feeble claims on the liberality of Protestants; and the evident contempt for all other Christians, which is still to be perceived at Rome, notwithstanding all their humiliations, give us a fair right to examine the ground of their imaginary claim to superiority.
I shall devote the present letter to the narration of such facts as have fallen within my own observation only, relative to the superstitious opinions and observances, and pious frauds, existing in Italy at the present moment.
The doctrine of indulgences is familiar to you. The pretended origin is the power given to St. Peter, and which the papists contend has descended like a heirloom, or like the mantle of Elijah upon his regular anointed successors in the apostolick chair. Where this power resided, when there were two rival popes, anathematizing each other, and waging war with the arm of flesh for the good of the apostolick church, we are not told. I suppose, at such a moment, it must be considered, as the freehold sometimes is in our law, in Abeyance, ready to grace the temples of the victor.
At Milan, and in all the great cities of Italy, you still find inscriptions in the churches in which the sale of indulgences is publicly advertised. The following I insert as a specimen. It is an exact copy of one of these advertisements, in Italian.
Indulgenza plenaria tutti i giorni della settimana.
And for the benefit of the more learned it is usually also translated into Latin.
Indulgentia plenaria et aliae non plenariae quotidianae.
As I understand it in plain English, they daily grant permissions, either general or more limited, to commit offences.
There are other churches, which have the exclusive right of praying souls out of purgatory. They also advertise this privilege, one of which I also transmit to you.
D. O. M. Defunctorum animae in movem dies in requiem eternam deprecantur.
"The souls of the dead during nine days are prayed into eternal rest."
This privilege however is very rare, and is confined only to such churches as are pre-eminently blessed by possessing some relick, or by having been founded by some distinguished saint. In such cases you always find a bull of the pope sculptured on marble, granting this favour by virtue of his apostolick authority.
I forget, whether I mentioned to you the church of St. Saviour, at the church of the holy handkerchief at Turin. This building is one of the most magnificent in Italy. It is wholly lined with polished black marble, which, combined with the artificial darkness, which it is contrived to produce, impresses the firmest minds with awe, and disposes the lightest to devotion.
This edifice was erected to enclose the holy handkerchief, with which our Saviour is fabled to have wiped his face, as he was bearing the cross to the place of execution. A writer upon this subject remarks, that he has found seven different churches, all of which claim the honour of possessing this valuable relick; but he gives the preference to the claims of the church at Turin, because it has fourteen bulls in its favour. The veneration in which this relick is held is astonishing. A citizen of Turin thinks it one of the most solid foundations of its superiority over its sister cities, and the sovereigns of Sardinia and Piedmont annually assisted at the ceremony of exhibiting this wonderful handkerchief to the people.
The cathedral at Milan, whose noble architecture really merits the admiration of the world, also shuts up one of these precious deposits, a real nail of the cross. It is enclosed with vast splendour in a vase in this church, and they make an annual procession, at which it is exhibited to the people, and upon which occasion the archbishop and clergy attend, and high mass is performed. St. Charles Borromeo, a distinguished saint, who deposited this sacred nail, and who instituted this solemn festival and procession, has contrived to multiply this relick by numerous copies in wood and painting, and the devout Catholics bring their chaplets and other sacred things, that they may acquire a new value by being shaken in the same box with the holy nail.
Our Lady of Loreto, and the Casa Santa, are not wholly unknown to you. These sacred relicks and the church which inclosed them, once the objects of the devotion of princes, and to which they frequently made pilgrimages, were endowed with a magnificence worthy of these wealthy bigots. They were plundered by the French during the revolution, but Buonaparte, since his conversion from Mahometanism to Catholicism, having restored the image of the Virgin, these relicks are again the objects of superstitious veneration. The history of Casa Santa, as related by these credulous votaries, is indeed ridiculous, and if I had not been an eye-witness of the splendour with which it is surrounded, and of the awe and holy veneration in which it is still held, I should have withheld my belief of the existence of such blind credulity. The Casa Santa, or holy house, is the building in which it is pretended, that the Virgin Mary was born, and in which she received the Annunciation. After the death of our Saviour and of the Virgin, it was taken up by angels, and transported to Dalmatia, but not satisfied with the reception they met with there, they removed it to Italy where after two or three other changes of situation, it was finally fixed on the top of a hill almost inaccessible, in the village of Loreto. When, or at what period of the Christian era, it first became the object of religious respect, seems to be unsettled; but it is certain, that in process of time, popes and literary men, all affected to credit the legend, and vast sums have accordingly been expended by the holy see, in rendering Loreto a superb place, calculated to excite the awe of the superstitious vulgar.
The holy house has been surrounded modernly by a rich case, or shell, of the marble of Carrara, the finest in Italy. The style of architecture of this case is Corinthian, and its course elegant: the statues and bas reliefs, which surround it, are superb. The monks, who shewed you, pretend, that originally the marble case was close to the sacred house; but that, as if conscious of its own baseness, it has started off, and it certainly stands now at a very respectful distance.
The house itself is more than thirty feet long, twenty feet wide, and many in height; the whole is placed in a most magnificent church, in which all the pomp of popery has been displayed. The inside of the holy house is perfectly naked and exposed to the eye, so that you can discover its original construction; it is built of small stones, laid in the form, and about the size of large bricks. My guide gravely assured me, that the building had no foundation; and, to convince me of it, he took out of the wall one of the loose stones, which proved, as he thought, that the edifice was supported wholly by supernatural power. The image of the Virgin, which the French have lately restored, without the treasure which was plundered with it, is said to have been the workmanship of St. Luke, whom these honest zealots declare was both a painter and sculptor. I confess I do not think this statue any proof of his high attainments in sculpture. It is made, they tell you, of the cedar of Lebanon; but whether from its extreme age, or from the natural colour of the wood, I cannot say, but it has now acquired the hue of ebony. We were carried into the Sancta Sanctorum of this building, and were shewn the very fire place at which the Virgin used to sit. I assure you these things are told with a zeal and unaffected simplicity, which leave no doubts of the sincerity of the relators. It was with difficulty we could pass along the streets of Loreto, so teemed and interrupted were we by the sellers of chaplets and rosaries, which, having been carried into the holy house, are thought to have acquired peculiar value. In Loreto, as in all the zealous Roman Catholic towns, you are waylaid by hosts of beggars, who subsist wholly by Mendicity; and I have uniformly remarked, that superstition and misery are twin sisters, who are never separated.
(Letter 2d, continued in our next.)
MEDLY.
CURIOUS ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
NOTWITHSTANDING the dissolute character of Allefrando, it appears that he, on some occasions administered justice, not only with impartiality but with ability. On this head Amintore, relates an anecdote worth repeating. A rich old citizen of Bergamo, had lent to one of his countrymen at Florence 400 crowns, which he advanced without any person, being present and without requiring a written acknowledgement. When the stipulated time had elapsed. The creditor required his money; but the borrower, well apprised that no proof could be brought against him, positively denied that he had ever received it. After many fruitless attempts to recover it, the lender was advised to resort to the Duke, who would find some method of doing him justice. Allefrando accordingly ordered both parties before him, and hearing the assertion of one and the positive denial of the other, he turned to the creditor saying: "Is it possible then friend, that you could have lent your money when no one was present?" "There was no one indeed," replied the creditor; "I counted out the money to him on a post." "Go bring the post then, this instant," said the Duke; "and I will make it confess the truth." The creditor, though astonished on receiving such an order, hastened to obey, having first received a secret caution from the Duke not to be very speedy in his return. In the mean time, the Duke employed himself in ransacking the business of his other suitors: until, at length turning again to the borrower—"This man," says he, "stays a long time with his post." "It is so heavy, sir," replied the other, "that he could not yet have brought it." Again Allefrando left him and returning some time afterwards, carelessly exclaimed, "What kind of men are they that lend their money without evidence; was there no one present but the post?" "No indeed, sir," replied the knave. "The post is a good witness then," said the Duke "and shall make you pay the man his money."
THE FLATTERER.
Of all the various characters among mankind, no one is more degrading to human nature than a flatterer. Flattery is not only odious to veracity, but it proves a want of true sense, a want of esteem for those whom it was intended to please, and a deficiency of delicate sentiment. Even the wild uncultivated ab-
original is a stranger to dissembled thought. His tongue is governed by the genuine dictates of sincerity. But can we compare the mind brightened with the genial glow of knowledge, to the rude child of nature? In fact, the latter boasts pre-eminence. He soars aloft on wings of truth, looks down with scorn, and upbraids the civilized world for flattery, which puts sensibility to the blush, and shocks even the harsher feelings of unpolished men. When the influence of a sycophant, like the fatal charms of a siren's voice, deludes fair innocence, virtue recoils and turns abhorrent from the rueful scene.
It is necessary for every member of society to possess the art of pleasing, as it not only unites thought with thought, but tunes the mind to notes of love, sympathy, and friendship. But alas! shall the enchanting smiles of a parasite allure the daughter of virtue, and blight her opening blossoms. Forbid it, ye genii, the guardian protectors of fair innocence!
When we see the rose of beauty torn from the bosom of candour, by the fatal hand, of a sycophant, and all the delicacies of female worth offered up as a sacrifice at the altar of savage barbarity, can the manly feelings of the independent soul cease to vibrate with the warmest touches of pity! Blush, frightful monster, at thy vileness! thy crime is of blackest hue, and tells the world that treachery of soul is thine. Thy deadly venom taints the blended streams of mutual love, dissolves the ties of amity, and poisons all the endearing affections that conspire to render man agreeable to man. Virtue will not hold society with such traitors, base, degenerate, as thou art. She dreads thy near approach, and shrinks with horror at thy ghastly look.
Learn, ye fair, to dispise the alluring voice of the flatterer. His breath will blast the bloom of loveliest charms. When once by flattery caught, your drooping beauty weeps, virtue drops a tear of regret and innocence shall mourn the loss of worth.
APHORISMS.
There is a dignity and elevation in virtue, which overawes the most daring profligate.
It is possible to do good and not be virtuous; for some may be great in his actions and little in his heart.
Man is formed by misfortunes; virtue is active in diversity.
REAL ESTATE, AT AUCTION.
THE following Estates, will be sold at Publick Auction, on WEDNESDAY, the 12th of April, at 11 o'clock A. M. if not sold before at private sale, viz.
A large Lot of Land, Dwelling House thereon standing, situated on the Hill in Newport, lately improved by Mr. H. DEXTER.
Also, Four large Buildings Lots in front of said House. Also, one Lot of Land, at the South part of the Town—Also, one half of a lot of Land and House thereon, standing on Thames Street, next North of Capt. EDWARD EASTON's—improved by Mr. FREEBORN COGGESHALL.
Also, on THURSDAY, the 20th April, at 11 o'clock, A. M. a large Lot and House thereon, Standing on Thames Street, next North of William Ellery, Esq. and directly opposite Liberty Tree, now improved by SILAS DEAN.
Also, one other Lot of Land with a Store and Stable thereon, standing on Poffler Street.
Also, one other Large Building Lot, next North of Silas Dean. Also, on TUESDAY, the 25th April, at 11 o'clock, A. M. a small Farm in Tiverton, containing about sixty acres, being part of the Farm, called the White Wine Farm, about one Mile from the Stone Bridge, in Said Tiverton. A plat of said Land can be seen by calling on Silas Dean.
If the weather should not be fair on the above days, the sale will be on the first fair day after. Conditions made known at the sales.
Also, at private sale—40 bbls. Pork. S. DEAN, Auctioneer. Newport, March 22, 1809.
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
DESERTED on Saturday evening, the eighteenth instant, the following men, privates in my company—Stationed on Rose-Island, Harbour of Newport.
JAMES HELTON, born in Portsmouth, State of New Hampshire, 23 years of age, 5 feet 7 and a quarter inches high, light complexion, dark eyes, and dark hair, had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry pantaloons, uniform vest and hat, and several articles of infantry summer clothing.
GEORGE ALEXANDER, born in Lowas, Eng. 21 years of age 5 feet 9 inches high, light complexion, light eyes and light hair. Had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry uniform vest and pantaloons, and several articles of infantry summer clothing.
JAMES HARLAN, born in Philadelphia, State of Pennsylvania, 23 years of age, 5 feet 10 and an half inches high, dark complexion, dark eyes and dark hair had on and carried away with him, a Sailor's round blue jacket, infantry uniform pantaloons, and several articles of infantry summer Clothing.
Whoever will apprehend the above named Deserters and deliver them to me, or to the commanding officer of any military post in the U. States, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges, or 10 dollars for either of them. W. C. BAEN. Capt. in 4th U. S. Regt. Infy. Rose Island, March 19, 1809.
ORATION.
LATELY published, and for sale at the Office, of the Rhode-Island Republican, Mill-street.
An Oration delivered on the Fourth of July, 1808, before the Hycarpedian Society, by I. B. PIERCE.—Price 20 cents. March 21, 1809.
TO BE LET.
THE Dwelling-House and garden, in Spring-Street, occupied by the late John Baniater, Esq.—For further particulars and terms, apply at the house. March 22.
For NORFOLK, Virg.
THE fast-sailing sloop CON-NECTICUT, JOSHUA APPLEBY, master, 70 tons burthen, will sail on the 28th inst. For Freight or Passage apply to BENJAMIN WIGHTMAN, HENRY Y. CRANSTON, or the master on board, at Newmtn's wharf. March 22.
For CHARLESTON, S. C.
THE brig HERCULES COURTEY, JAMES B. PHILLIPS, master, to sail in all this month. For Freight or Passage, apply to the master on board. March 22.
JASON SPRAGUE,
Offers for sale, at his Store, in Washington-Street, No. 4,
100 bbls. fresh superfine Alexandria and New-York Flour, by the barrel or larger quantity; 2000 wt. Cabin Bread; 60 barrels pickled Cod; dry Codfish by the quintal or larger quantity; Pork; Beef; Rice by the tierce; loaf, powdered and brown Sugar; Souchong and Bohea Teas; Coffee; Molasses; West-India, New-England and Cherry Rum; Wine, Brandy and Gin, by the barrel or less quantity; Ginger, Allspice, Pepper, Cinnamon, Soap, Candles, Starch, negro-head, pigtail and leaf Tobacco; Segars by the thousand or less quantity; Men's and Women's Shoes; Boots; writing and wrapping Paper; merchantable and clear pine Lumber; Hog-head Shooks, Oars; black and bright Varnish; Rosin; a few barrels gurry Oil. Also, a small quantity of Flax.
Which Articles may be had on reasonable terms, for Cash or approved credit, and the smallest favours gratefully received. Newport, March, 21, 1809.
SIMPSON & BARKER,
Offer for sale, At the Brick Market. 40 bbls. mess Pork, and 20 bbls. mess Beef. March 22.
JAMES WESTGATE, BAKER,
No. 195, Thames-Street, Offers for sale 100 bbls. excellent Ship Bread. Groceries of all kinds, Crackers and Ginger Bread put up at the shortest notice. Newport, March 23.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS it has been represented in the town of Providence, that I went with my packet to transport the Custom house officers of the district of Newport to Plumb-Beach, (in the west passage) to take possession of the sloop Betsey of Pawtuxet now this is to notify all whom it may concern that the above report is an absolute falsehood circulated by some malicious or evil-disposed person or persons, solely to injure me in my packeting business in said town of Providence, and thereby to deprive me of obtaining an honest livelihood.
JONATHAN HEATH, Master of the Newport Packet, Elesnorz. March 18, 1809.
TO CARPENTERS,
WHEREAS the subscriber is under the necessity of building a school-House immediately—Therefore, those Carpenters who wish to assist in erecting the building and take their pay in Schooling, will please to leave their names at this office.
ELEAZER TREVETT, N. B. Lumber, Stone, &c. wanted for the same. March 22
NOTICE,
IS hereby given, that the subscriber has been appointed, by the Hon'ble Court of Probate for the town of Newport, Administrator on the Estate and Effects of HANNAH M. TURN, late of Newport, deceased; and en bonds as the law in that case direct Therefore persons having any demands on said Estate, are requested to exhibit the same for settlement; and those indebted to the deceased to make immediate payment to
JOHN EARL, Jun. Administrato Newport, March 22, 1809.
FOR SALE,
A DWELLING HOUSE, No. 50, situated on Bridge Street, with a good cellar and Shop adjoining, suitable for a Calmaker; yard, garden, stable, and a good well of water. For further particulars, in of BENJ. HAMMON Newport, March 22, 1809.
TO BE LET,
And possession given the 25th inst. THAT Commodious DWELLING HOUSE in Pelham-street, now occupied by William Thompson, with a Garden, and a excellent well of water in the yard.—For to apply to DANIEL B. VAUGH Newport, March 22, 1809.
TO BE LET,
AND possession given the tenth of next, that large, commodious, well and elegant New Store, now occupied by Mrs. Sarah Sands. For terms and particulars, apply, to the subscriber. PAUL M. MUMFO Newport, March 22.
NEWPORT, R. I.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED ON WEDNESDAY BY W. SIMON'S, No. 15, MILL-STREET.