The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1796-10-01 00:00:00

THE New Hampshire Gazette.
HERE TRUTH IS WELCOME—CANDOUR GUIDES THE WAY.
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE)—PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING BY JOHN MELCHER, PRINTER TO THE STATE, AT HIS OFFICE CORNER OF MARKET STREET, WHERE SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THIS PAPER, ADVERTISEMENTS, AND ARTICLES OF INTELLIGENCE ARE THANKFULLY RECEIVED.
Vol. XL.—Numb. 2079.]
SATURDAY, October 1, 1796.
[9s. pr. Annum.]
Neil M'Intire
HAS FOR SALE, TEN hogheads Bar- badoes and Tobago Rum of an excellent flavor; number tiers Rice; Castile Soap per box; Cotton per bag; Ship Bread; Tar.
Cash and the highest price given for
Flax-Seed.
Portsmouth, Sept. 1, 1796.
TAKE NOTICE.
THOSE that have any demands against the un- derwritten by Note, Bond, Account, or against his Estate in Portsmouth, formerly part of the estate of the late John Moffat, Esq. or in whatever relation any debts may have been contracted by him, or his wife Ca- tharine Elizabeth Roussellet, or by her under the signature of Catharine Elizabeth Moffat, are desired to call for payment, at Dea. Noble's house in Market-Street, where the sub- scriber now resides, as he intends to return in 4 weeks to Demarara, and no debts will be paid in his absence.
N. ROUSSELET.
Portsmouth, Sept. 28, 1796.
TO BE SOLD
A FARM
In Parsonsfield,
SITUATE on the middle road that leads through the town, containing from one hundred and thirty to a hundred and fifty acres, has from 50 to 60 acres under im- provement, will keep ten head of cattle, and 12 or 15 sheep, has a good barn and a small house on it, about 50 apple trees that has been set for 7 years, is well watered and capable of making a good farm; said farm will be sold with the stock, and part of the last year's produce, at the pur- chaser's choice. For further parti- culars inquire of
HENRY WIGGIN,
Newmarket, Sept. 24, 1796.
REMOVED.
Joseph Haven
Has removed to the New Brick Store (middle apartment) on Spring-Hill,
Where he has opened a large assort-
ment of
European and India
GOODS,
For sale at the lowest rate.
Portsmouth, Sept. 15, 1796.
Wants a place
A Journeyman Tinman
one who served his time at the business with a finish'd workman. For further particulars apply to the printer hereof.
Portsmouth, Sept. 14, 1796.
State of New-Hampshire.
Moultonborough.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors or owners of the common and undivided land in said Moultonborough, that at a legal meeting of the proprietors of said Moultonborough, held at the dwell- ing house of the Widow Leavitt, inholder in Hampton, in the coun- ty of Rockingham, on the 31st day of May, 1796, that the sum of eight dollars was voted to be assessed on the common and undivided land belong- ing to each original proprietor's right or share, and that the same hath been assessed and committed to the sub- scriber to collect, and that unless the same be paid to me the subscriber at my dwelling-house in Moultonbo- rough, on or before the 20th day of December next, the money will be levied by sale of so much of the in- terest and property of the proprietor or owner who shall be delinquent therein after the said 20th day of December next, and the same will be advertised for sale accordingly.
NATHAN HOIT.
Moultonborough, Sept. 24, 1796.
Treasury of the United States.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons who are or may be cre- ditors of the United States, for any sums of the Funded Debt, or Stock, bearing a present interest of six per centum per annum.
1st. That pursuant to an Act of Congress passed on the 28th day of April, 1796, entitled an Act in ad- dition to an Act entitled "An Act making further provision for the support of public credit, and for the redemption of the public debt," the said debt or stock will be reimbursed and paid in manner following, to wit. "First, by dividends to be "made on the last days of March, "June and September for the pre- "sent year, and from the year one "thousand seven hundred and nine- "ty seven, to the year one thousand "eight hundred and eighteen inclu- "sive, at the rate of one and one "half per centum upon the original "capital. Secondly, by dividends "to be made on the last day of De- "cember for the present year, and "from the year one thousand seven "hundred and ninety-seven to the "year one thousand eight hundred "and seventeen inclusive, at the rate "of three and one half per centum "upon the original capital; and by "a dividend to be made on the last "day of December, in the year one "thousand eight hundred and eigh- "teen, of such sum, as will be then "adequate, according to the con- "tract, for the final redemption of "the said stock."
2d. All distinction between pay- ments on account of interest and prin- cipal being thus abolished by the es- tablishment of the permanent rule of reimbursement above described, it has become necessary to vary according- ly the powers of attorney for receiv- ing dividends; the public creditors will therefore observe that the follow- ing form is established for all powers of attorney which may be granted after the due promulgation of this notice, viz.
KNOW all Men by these
presents, that I
of
do make, constitute and appoint
of
my true and law-
ful attorney, for me, and in my name,
to receive the dividends which are,
or shall be payable according to law, on the
(here describing the stock) standing in
my name in the books of (here describ-
ing the books of the Treasury or
the Commissioner of Loans, where
the stock is credited) from (here in-
sert the commencement and expira-
tion of time for which the power of
attorney is to continue) with power
also an attorney or attorneys under him,
for that purpose to make and substitute
and to do all lawful acts requisite for ef-
fecting the premises, hereby ratifying and
confirming all that my said Attorney or
his substitute, shall lawfully do, by vir-
tue hereof.
In Witness whereof, I have hereunto set
my hand and seal the
day
of
in the year
of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
ninety six
and in the year of the
Independence of the United States the
twentieth.
GIVEN under my hand at Phila-
delphia, this twentieth day of
July 1796, pursuant to direc-
tions from the Secretary of the
Treasury.
SAMUEL MEREDITH, Treasurer
of the United States.
Portsmouth, Sept. 10, 1796.
Evening Dancing School.
MR. Maurice respec-
fully informs the young ladies
and gentlemen of the town of Port-
mouth, that he proposes, if suitable
encouragement should offer, to open
an Evening School. Conditions, &c.
may be known by applying to Mr.
Maurice.
Portsmouth, Sept. 10, 1796.
State of New-Hampshire.
PUBLIC notice is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of lands in the following towns, viz. Moultonborough for the year 1792; Eaton 1794; Bradford, Epsom, Fitzwilliam, Hillsborough, Packersfield, Newport, Stoddard and Warren for the year 1795; that their lands in said towns are taxed for said years, and the lists thereof left with the subscriber for payment, that unless they pay the same either to him or the collectors thereof, with- in eight weeks from the first publish- ing this advertisement, their lands will be advertised for sale for the pay- ment of the same.
NATHI PARKER, Rec'r N. R. taxes. Exeter, Sept. 10, 1796.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in Springfield, in the county of Chesh- ire, and State of New-Hampshire, that so much of the following lots of land in said town will be sold at pub- lic vendue, at the house of Osgood Taylor, innholder in said town, on on Monday the 14th day of Novem- ber next, at 1 o'clock, P. M. for the payment of the following taxes levied on them, with incidental char- ges, for the year 1795, unless pre- vented by previous payment.
   No. Ac's. d. q.     Capt. D. Livermore, 35 192 6 2   do 36 192 11 1   do 9 75 3 2   John Neil, Esq. 7 192 11 1   Ann Ordway, 7 96 6 2   do 6 96 6 2   do 5 96 6 2   do 9 96 6 2   do 8 96 6 2   Jonathan Pettigill, 6 96 6 2   Capt Mat'w Pettigill 44 192 6 2   Willet Peterson, 43 192 6 2   do 38 192 6 2    NATHANIEL CLARK, Collector. Springfield, Sept. 12, 1796.
THE proprietors of Percy, in the county of Grafton, and State of New-Hampshire, are hereby notified, that at a legal meeting of the proprietors held by adjournment on the 23d day of January 1794, did vote the sum of nine shillings on each proprietors share, or right to be as- sessed and collected for the purpose of completing the road from Northum- berland through said town of Percy, and did at their meeting held by ad- journment on the 31st day of May 1796, appoint me to collect the same, this is therefore to request the delin- quent proprietors to pay the said tax to me at my house in Portsmouth, on or before the 29th day of January next, or so much of their land as will pay the same with incidental charges, will be sold at public auc- tion at the house of Jeremiah Eames, Esq. in Northumberland on said day, at 1 o'clock, P. M.
The original delinquent proprie- tors are, viz. John Hurd, Jacob Treadwell, Joseph Holbrook, John Melcher, Jonathan M. Sewall, Wm. Blunt, Stephen Sumner, Hubartus Neal, Joseph Peverly, Daniel Spauld- win, William Marshall, Caleb Mar- shall, Silas Marshall, Elishalet Day, Moses Davis, Jesse Johnson, Stephen Wells, Jesse Johnson, jr. Jeremiah Eames, Caleb Johnson, Benjamin Currier, James Paul, David Paul, Abner Osgood, William Moulton, Arthur Worster, Joseph Moulton, Caleb Tappan, Nathaniel Healey, George Walton, jr. Jonas C. March, Daniel Humphreys, Thomas M'Don- ough, John Knight, Mark Sand- born, Josiah Bishop, Theodore At- kinson.
THO'S MARTIN, Collector for the proprietors. Portsmouth, Sept. 13, 1796.
TO be sold at public vendue, on Monday the 24th day of Oc- tober next, at 3 o'clock, P. M. at the North Meeting House (so called) in Portsmouth, for delinquent taxes for 1794 and 1795, the following Pews in said house, unless prevented by previous payment of tax and char- ges to
JOSEPH AKERMAN, jr. Collector. Pew No. 15, for 1795, 8 dollars. Pew No. 109 for 1794, 2 dollars, for 1795, 2 dollars. Sept. 30.
Sign of the Golden Tea-Pot.
Cold Weather is coming.
Abraham Isaacs,
HAS JUST RECEIVED
A LARGE quantity
of FEATHERS of a very good quality—Also, a variety of CROCK- ERY and GLASS WARE.—Like- wise, an assortment of Floor, Hearth, Hand, Cloth, and Scrubbing
BRUSHES,
Paint and Tar Brushes, different sizes, all of which he has lately received from Amsterdam.
N. B. A few complete Tea Table sets India China, which he will sell very low—Also, a variety of Smelling Bottles.
Portsmouth, Sept. 14, 1796.
PUBLIC notice is hereby given that there is a bill of twelve dollars on each right of land in the township of Society, in the county of Grafton, committed to me to collect, and un- less the same is paid to me on or be- fore the 17th day of October next, so much of their lands will be sold at public vendue on said day, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, at the house of the Widow Eastman, innholder, as will pay the same with incidental charges, or by agreements till the whole is completed.
JOHN GLOVER, Collector. Society, Sept. 13, 1796.
President's Declination.
To the PEOPLE of the UNI-
TED STATES.
Friends & Fellow-Citizens,
THE period for a new election of a Citizen, to administer the Executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employ- ed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it ap- pears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the num- ber of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolu- tion has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertain- ing to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in with- drawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influ- enced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hi- therto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed & critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of per- sons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer ren- ders the pursuit of inclination incompati- ble with the sentiment of duty, or prop- riety; and am persuaded whatever par- tiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my de- termination to retire.
The impressions with which I first un- dertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiori- ty of my qualifications, experience in my
own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retire- ment is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstan- ces have given peculiar value to my servi- ces, they were temporary, I have the con- solation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not per- mit me to suspend the deep acknowledg- ment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many ho- nors it has conferred upon me, still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the oppor- tunities I have thence enjoyed of manifes- ting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in use- fulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every di- rection, were liable to mislead, amidst ap- pearances sometimes dubious—vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging—in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the es- sential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. —Profoundly penetrated with this i- dea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained—that its administra- tion in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a pre- servation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of re- commending it to the applause, the affec- tion and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehen- sion of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent re- view, some sentiments; which are the re- sult of much reflection of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your fel- icity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sen- timents on a former and not dissimilar occa- sion.
Interwoven, as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recom- mendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the sup- port of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to fore- see that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the bat- teries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should pro- perly estimate the immense value of your national Union, to your collective and in- dividual happiness; that you should cher- ish a cordial, habitual and immovable at- tachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy, and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your af- fections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you, in your national ca- pacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation de- rived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners habits and political

principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together: The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest.—Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the Agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted.—The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home.—The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations;—and what is of inestimable value! they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter.—Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty: In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the UNION as a primary object of Patriotic desire.—Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair & full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations—Northern and Southern—Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.—The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head: they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great-Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the UNION by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience
the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced.—Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But, the constitution which at any time exists, 'till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and right of the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular, deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous project of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles however specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions—that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country—facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion—and remember especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all Governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party division, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual. And sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection.—It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a fa-
cilitated access to the Government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy & the will of one country are subjected to the policy & will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a Monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands an uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming it should consume.
It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country, should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power; by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates—but let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed—the precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious Man ought to respect and to cherish them.—A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice?—And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere Friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote, then as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it sparingly as possible: avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable Wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue: That to have Revenue there must be Taxes; that no Taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measure for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good Faith and Justice towards all Nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all;—Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct: And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.—Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence
to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.—Alas! Is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular Nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded: And that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity, or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contentions. The Nation, prompted by ill will, and resentment sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of Nations has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another, produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubled to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot.—How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to feel danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.—Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations of her friendships, or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected: when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalry, interest, humour or caprice?
'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we now are at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, there-
fore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend to them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate, upon real favours from nation to nation.—'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish—that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations: But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend on me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will be best referred to by your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error: I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government—the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.
G. Washington.
United States, Sept. 17th 1796.

Received by the John Jay, Capt. Woodberry, from London—57 days.
ITALY, July 6.
At Borchetta di Campion, Gen. Menand attacked, and turned the right of Austrian lines of defence, with trailed arms, killed 100, took 200, with 400 tents, and all the baggage. During which, Col. Reco turned the left, killed 200, and made 70 prisoners. We destroyed the works so that a month's fatigue will be required to get it to rights again.
The Grand Duke of Tuscany has informed Gen. Buonaparte, that the arrested Gen. Spannocchi, waits his charges. The Duke seems over-complaisant to the French General, and appears to pray fervently to him.
Latest from the army of the Rhine & Moselle.
PARIS, July 25.
Gen. Moreau, in his dispatches to the Directory, announces the continued success of his army. He informs, that he has concluded an armistice with the Duke of Wurtemberg! that two Plenipos from the same Duke have gone for Paris to negotiate a separate peace; that on the 6th of July, Gen. Ferrino, gained a victory, and drove the Austrians from the valley of Ruche—Gen. Jordy, carried the Posts at Hapslach and Hanfen, made 200 prisoners, and took two pieces cannon; that Gen. Laborde effected at the same time a passage over the Rhine at Hunengen, Kempt, and Brifau; that Gen. Duhem was successful at the springs of Kinche, and made about 200 prisoners; that the right wing of his army, under Gen. Leval attacked and carried all the Austrian posts between Kinche and the Neckar, and drove the enemy to Scramberg. Six cases of cartridges, 40 horses, 200 men (including 9 officers and 30 non-commissioned officers) were taken.
GENEVA.—The French have demanded that all the posts of the Republic be shut to the English.
BRUSSELS, July 5.
From Gen. Jourdon's vast preparations and military dispositions, it should appear that his intention is to form a junction with Moreau's army on the Neckar—a project, which, if successful, will not only cut off the communication between the armies of the Upper and Lower Rhine, but would likewise place them both in a most perilous situation.
STUTTGARD, July 2.
In the affair near Bichofshelm in Suabia, on the 26th ult. the troops of Conde, made 300 French hussar prisoners, whom they afterwards shot, man by man; and on the 28th, the Republicans took 500 of the corps of Conde prisoners, every one of whom they cut to pieces in return.
Last night our minister, M. de Wachter, and two deputies of the states set off for Basle, to conclude, if possible, a separate peace between Wurtemberg and France.
Last night the whole of the militia of Wurtemberg, marched to the black forest, against the troops of Conde, a body of which, being separated from the Austrians, is committing the most enormous excesses. Near Suiz, it is said, a formal engagement has happened between the troops of the Empire and those of Conde. The Hereditary Prince of Wurtemberg is gone to Ferudenstadt to take the necessary measures against those marauders, in person.
ARMY OF ITALY.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Buonaparte, Commander in chief of the Army of Italy, to the Executive Directory. Head-Quarters, at Roverbella, 17th Messidor, (July 6)
Citizens Directors,
Since the commencement of the campaign, we have taken from the enemy, 60 pieces of field artillery, 619 pieces of besieging cannon. Total 679.
I have ordered the inventories to be taken and forwarded to you.
BUONAPARTE.
ARMY OF THE RHINE.
Extract of a letter from Citizen Hauffman, Commissioner of the Government, near the Army of the Rhine and Moselle, to the Executive Directory.
Head-Quarters, at Biehelie, 22nd Messidor, (July 11.)
Citizens Directors,
The division under the command of Generals Defaix and St. Cyr, had a battle with the enemy yesterday on the plain beyond Rastadt, and in the defiles in advance of the Gnersbach. The enemy had sent thither all their forces, our troops have vanquished them, have killed and wounded a great many men, taken 1200 prisoners and one piece of artillery.
The enemy had received considerable reinforcements, and it even seems that they had ordered some of the troops to the Tyrol; notwithstanding this, they have been obliged to fall back, behind Dourlach.
Our troops will not give the enemy a moment's quiet. The Commander in Chief is indefatigable.
Health and respect. HAUSSMAN.
NEW-YORK, Sept. 21.
The possession of Leghorn by the French, has absolutely excluded the English squadron from all the Italian ports, and it will now have no other asylum in these seas, than St. Florent, in Corsica.
As we hear that four English ships of the line and four frigates have arrived from England to Gibraltar, we suppose that the British minister means to reinforce the Mediterranean fleet, for the purpose of attempting some enterprise against the Italian states, who have passed from neutrality to a sort of state of war with Great Britain, by shutting their ports to British vessels.
BOSTON, Sept. 26.
From NEW-YORK, Sept. 19. By Captain Burnham, of the brig Dean, in 49 days from Havre de Grace, French papers have been received from Paris to July 25, by which it appears, that success attends the French armies in Germany. The Duke of Wurtemberg has proposed an ARMISTICE which is acceded to. The fame to the Marquis of Baden, who has sent ministers to Paris to negotiate a PEACE.
The French have imposed on the city of Frankfort, a contribution of 37 millions of florins; about three millions and a half sterling.
PEACE.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Deal, July 16, by the Jenny.
"I have just landed at this place from Havre. There is positive news that the Emperor has acceded to the terms proposed by the French, and that peace will shortly take place."
It appears by the Courier Francaise of July 14, that the Directory, of France, by message to the Council of 500, have communicated their reasons for uniting the three festivals of July 14, August 10, and 9th Thermidor, into one which is to be celebrated on the 9th and 10th Thermidor, July 28, and 29.
Two millions are placed in the hands of the minister of police, one half for secret service money.
Capt. Perry of the General Washington, arrived last Saturday at Philadelphia, spoke the ship Federal George, on the 17th of August, from Lisbon, bound to Boston, the Capt. of which informed, That WAR was declared by FRANCE, against the QUEEN OF PORTUGAL. —On the 27th, spoke the ship Hope, from Salem, for Bourdeaux, out 8 days. (Cent.)
West-India News.
From PORTLAND, Sept. 10.
A letter from the Capt. of a vessel at St. Pierre, Martinico, dated Aug. 19th, to his owner in this town says, "I have this day been at the trial of Capt. Wm. White-well, of Philadelphia, from Surinam for Holland, who was condemned after a trial of ten minutes; but is to receive freight. Here are 18 sail captured of the fleet, bound from Surinam for Holland. The principal part of the remainder are carried into Demerara."
FROM LISBON.
Capt. Gooding, who left that port, Aug. 12, informs, that war between England and Spain was then generally expected—some even reported it to have taken place. The Portuguese were under some apprehensions of an invasion by the French. Capt. O'Brien, in the United States brig Sophia, failed from Lisbon for Algiers, Aug. 8.
SPAIN AND ENGLAND. Extract of a letter from Lisbon, dated Aug. 10, to a respectable gentleman in Marblehead.
"As to politics, it is thought the general Peace of Europe is remote; the Court of Spain has concluded to dispatch a squadron of 16 men of war from Cadiz, (their destination a secret) but to fail in company with Richery's squadron, of 7 sail of the line and 3 frigates: and openly give out, that they mean to protect them, in consequence of which the British Admiral Mann, who was cruising off Cadiz with 5 sail of the line and 3 frigates, prudently retreated to Gibraltar. The result of this business, it is strongly suspected, will be a rupture between England and Spain."
The English have actually taken possession of Monte Christi, a Spanish town in Hispaniola, of considerable importance.
Latest Foreign News.
NEWBURYPORT, Sept. 29.
Last evening arrived in this port, the brig Sally, Capt. ELEANOR JOHNSON, in 50 days from London. Capt. Johnson has kindly favored us with London papers to August 8, several days later than any within our knowledge, from which we extract the most material. The probability of a war between England and Spain, by these papers as well as other sources, appears beyond a doubt. Nor do we expect the period far distant, when hostilities will commence. The joint fleet of French and Spanish have failed from Cadiz.
London, August 4.
The misunderstanding which has for some time past existed between this country and Spain, begins at length to assume a serious and most alarming aspect. The Marquis De las Casas, the Spanish ambassador, presented a note to Lord Grenville on Sunday, which, although not yet officially published by his Majesty's Ministers, is generally considered, in the best informed circles, to contain a declaration of the grounds of complaint of the cabinet of Madrid against the British government. In the extraordinary declaration to which we allude, the Spanish cabinet, it is said, retraces the origin of the coalition, and then proceeds to state the principal circumstances, as well as the different events in
which both nations took an active part during their alliance against France. This statement is followed by an account of several transactions which have taken place before and since the secession of Spain from the coalition, and her late treaty with the French Republic, viz.
1st—The St. Jago prize ship, which the note contends to have been condemned in open contempt of subsisting treaties and legal forms.
2dly—Divers circumstances which attended the capture and evacuation of Toulon, on which occasion the Spanish cabinet asserts, that the British commanders fulfilled none of the terms granted to the inhabitants under the guarantee of the Spanish commanders; and that they carried off several French ships, without allowing the Spanish any part of the prizes.
3dly—The embargo laid on our ports on wood for ship-building, bolt up in the North of Europe on account of the Spanish government, which was left rotting either on board the ships or in warehouses, where it could not be taken care of.
4thly—The embargo laid on the fire-arms purchased in England on Spanish account, and with the consent of our government, after the French had got possession of the Spanish foundries, which fire-arms we obliged to be resold by Spanish agents at a considerable loss.
5thly—The insult offered to his Catholic Majesty, in the person of the Marquis de las Casas, his ambassador, when he had his first audience with Lord Grenville.
6thly—The seizure of the flocks sent to this country by Spanish merchants, which they had bought up on their own account, at the sale of the prizes made by admiral Richery, and which they had sent to England, conformably to the laws of Great Britain.
7thly—The stoppage of several Spanish vessels; the vexatious proceedings daily exercised against them by the commanders of the squadrons of his Britannic Majesty, as well in the Mediterranean as in other seas.
The declaration, it is added, contains many other grounds of complaint equally trifling; and to give due effect to the unreasonable farrago, the Marquis de las Casas has received orders from his court to demand an immediate and categorical answer from the British cabinet; and in case of its not being satisfactory, he is directed to leave the kingdom without delay.
His excellency at present at Bath, whence, it is said, if a satisfactory answer is not given to the manifesto or declaration of the cabinet of Madrid he means to take his departure for Spain, by way of Bristol. Mr. Hammond, one of Lord Grenville's secretaries, set out yesterday for the Continent, with the result of the deliberations of our ministers on the subject. Some say he takes the route of Paris, in which case it is probable his mission is not merely confined to the question of the Spanish demands upon this country.
MARPURG, July 22.
Nothing can equal the rapid march of the French—The Archduke Charles is retreating by Hielbron towards the Danube, behind which he means to make a stand; and Gen. Wartenleben is directing his retrograde movement towards Egria, in Bohemia.
Though the French have laid the heavy contribution of two Millions of Dollars on Frankfort, their general conduct to the Inhabitants hitherto is praiseworthy. Refined moderation seems to be so far the order of the day, that if a child complain of being injured by a Frenchman, the child is believed, and the Republican feverishly punished.
Frontiers of Hesse, July 20.
The French garrison at Frankfort consists of 2,000 men. In the night of the 17th, some disturbances took place, but they were soon quelled.
The army of the Archduke Charles continues to retreat, and is now at Hielbron. A French column has passed the Fulda, and is on its march to Leipzig. The Hereditary territories of the Emperor are now open to the French.
From BERMUDA.
Capt. Seward, who arrived here on Tuesday, 18 days from Bermuda, informs, that they were again firing out privateers there, and several had sailed—an 18 gun ship belonging to the Tuckers, was to sail as soon as manned, that they intend taking all American vessels from Guadalupe, and talked of taking those from Cape-Francois—A new Collector had arrived, and new Governor had been appointed, who was expected out directly, supposed to be in a ship off the island when Capt. S. failed—The wrackers have commissions—Two privateers arrived just before Capt. S. failed, one of which had taken a sloop from Guadalupe bound to Rhode-Island, the men had arrived at Bermuda, sloop was retaken by the French—Heard a prize had arrived, just before sailing.
By the Committee of Health.
Since our last of the 26th inst. no person has died of a Malignant Fever.—There are now five returned sick, of the above disorder, by the Physicians, and one in a state of recovery.
Wednesday evening, Sept. 28.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. MELCHER, As the time approaches for the choice of electors of President and Vice President of the United States, you will oblige a customer, by publishing the following list of gentlemen, as worthy the confidence of the citizens of this State, for that important office.
His Excellency John Taylor Gilman, Hon. TIMOTHY FARRAR, BENJAMIN BELLOWS, EBENEZER THOMPSON, OLIVER PEABODY, BEZALEEL WOODWARD.
PORTSMOUTH, October 1.
Extract of a letter from Charleston, of the 15th September, that may be relied on.
"Our city at this time is as healthy as has been known for many years, the fever has taken off many, but few sick at this time."
The PRESIDENT of the United States, is at Mount Vernon.
A letter from Boston, says, a malignant fever rages in some parts of Boston, which sweeps off numbers daily; the Selectmen are taking every method to prevent its spreading, by removing all the diseased, and those who have been with them, to an island a short distance from the town. The dead are buried wholly by night, to prevent the people's minds from being agitated thereby.
The Queen of Portugal has suspended all intercourse between the subjects of her Kingdom, and the Citizens of the Belgic Republic, until the conclusion of Peace with the Republic of France. It is observable in the decree, that the Queen names "the Republic of France," but in speaking of Holland, the files the government the "States-General of the Low Countries."
Mr. Warne, supercargo of the Sally, from Jacmel, informs, that on the 14th ult. a proclamation issued by the commissioners at the Cape, was publicly read in one of the municipal offices at Jacmel, addressed to the owners and Captains of the French cruisers, to the following purport:—All American vessels taken, destined to an English port in this island, are good prizes; and for your encouragement, they shall be tried free of costs, and after condemnation, you are at liberty to dispose of them in any port, or in any manner you please. (New-York paper.)
Capt. Barney's squadron has returned to the West-Indies. So accounts from sea say.
The Lydia, Blunt, of Portsmouth, 25 days from Virginia, was spoke Aug. 6, lat. 48, 31, long. 24, 15, all well.
On Tuesday last arrived here, the Sch'r Hannah, Capt. Woodward, from St. Bartholomews, 29 days passage, informs there was a current report at that place, that War was declared between Spain and England. Left at Trinidad Aug. 15th, ship Mary, Wm. Rice, master, of this place, well, and expected to sail in 3 or 4 days; also, brig Dove, of Portsmouth, all well—She arrived there from Tobago on 13th. On his passage from St. Bartholomews, in lat. 22, 40, N. long. 69, c. W. fell in with the Severn, an English 44, who overhauled his papers and Crew, and pressed 1 of his men.
Joseph Stoodly of this town, was one of the boats crew that came on board from the Severn, he was well and hearty.—Capt. Woodward used every endeavour to get Stoodly released, offering to swear to his being an American born, and a native of Portsmouth—but they would not release him on no conditions, other than his giving a better man in his place, or bring his protection.
Also informs, that the Scipio, an English 64, is stationed off Brand-Point, to stop all vessels going into Surinam.
Federal Representatives.
The whole number of votes for Federal Representatives, returned to the Secretary's Office, were six thousand four hundred and eighteen, and as follows:—
3210 making a choice.
Jeremiah Smith, 5822 } Abiel Foster, 5667 } William Gordon, 3468 } are Chosen.
Jonathan Freeman, 2206 } Peleg Sprague, 1019 } In Nomination.
Woodbury Langdon 978 John Prentice 947 Thomas Cogswell 800 Nathaniel Peabody 542 John Bellows 491 Joseph Cilley 451 Nathaniel Rogers 447 Timothy Walker 103 James Sheafe 103 Edward S. Livermore 74 Israel Evans 67 Nicholas Gilman 27 James Hill 25 Oliver Peabody 22 Paine Wingate 18 Thomas Thompson 10 Arthur Livermore 9 Aaron Hutchinson 7 Charles Walker 7 William Plummer 5 Nathaniel Gilman 3
MARRIED Mr. MATTHEW S. MARSH, merchant, to Miss SARAH COFFIN MASSEY.
Sunday last departed this life, RICHARD DOWNING, of Newington, Esq. in the 78th year of his age. Soon, after finishing his education at Harvard College, he was elected Representative for that town, which he continued to represent near forty years. For a long time he filled many other public offices with dignity and universal approbation.—Moulded by nature and religion to discharge the relative duties of husband, parent and master, with pleasing facility to himself and to his connexions and domestics, he always performed them with scrupulous punctuality. His moral character was unspotted, his christian profession and faith, sincere, and unshaken to the end. If rectitude of intention, if benevolence of heart, if diffusive munificence and extensive usefulness delineate the prominent features of a good man, few, very few, had a better title to that character. Mark the perfect man, and behold, the upright, for the end of that man is peace!
ANECDOE.
A SAILOR, who had lately returned from a long voyage, went to pay a visit to his brother, who lived in the country. At dinner, while his brother, agreeably to the custom of good christians, was making a short prayer over the pudding, a large dog, at the lower end of the table, lifted his paws and took off a part of the victuals. On which the sailor hitting him a kick, cried, d—n you, have you not manners to wait for the blessing to be asked, before you begin to eat?
ENTRIES at the CUSTOM-HOUSE, District of PORTSMOUTH, N. H.
ENTERED FROM Schooner Polly, Jackson, N. York. Brig Drake, Tiedick, Jamaica. Sch't Hannah, Woodward, Trinidad. CLEARED FOR Brig Columbia, Rollins, West-Indies.
George Wendell
Informs his friends and customers that he has for sale at
Store No. 9, Jaffrey's Row.
In Boro-Street, the following articles, viz.
WEST-India and
New-England Rum per barrel or less quantity.
Sugar per hundred.
4th proof Brandy of good flavor, per barrel or gallon.
Russia and Swedes Iron per ton or less.
Raisins by the Frail.
Rice per cask or hundred.
Good Ship Bread per hundred.
Narragansett Cheese per hundred or less.
A variety of Hadley's Quadrants of an excellent quality.
Best laying Shingles per M.
A few thousand feet Maple Boards, and sundry other articles, which he will sell as low as can be purchased in Portsmouth, for cash or short credit.
Portsmouth, Sept. 30. 1796.
Theatre.
ASSEMBLY-ROOM,
On Wednesday Evening next
Will be presented the much admired
TRAGEDY of
Gustavus Vasa,
Gustavus, By gentlemen of Portsmouth. Cristiern, Trollio, Peterson, Laertes, Arveda, Mrs. Arnold. Anderson, Arnoldus, Sivard, Augusta, Christina, By Ladies. Mariana, Gustava, Miss Arnold.
To which will be added (by desire) the popular FARCE of
Mils in her Teens,
OR THE
Medley of Lovers.
Sir Simon Loveit By gentlemen of Portsmouth. Capt. Loveit, Fribble, Flash, Puff, Jasper, Miss Arnold. Mils Beddy, Tagg, Pit half a dollar, gallery quarter ditto, James Hill
Doors to be open precisely at six,
performance begin precisely at 7.
Tickets to be had of Mrs. Arnold at the Assembly-Room.
October 1.
Fresh Oranges
FOR SALE AT
William Leverett's
Grocery Store, No. 2, Jaffrey's Row, sign of the Golden Bottle.
WITH every other article usually kept in a Grocery Store, all of which will be sold as cheap as can be purchased in Portsmouth.
Cash given for Flax-Seed.
Country produce received in pay the same as cash.
Thanks returned for the most trifling articles, and received back, and cash returned if not approved of.
Oct. 1.
ALL persons indebted to the estate of NICHOLAS CAVERLY, late of Portsmouth, mariner, deceased, are desired to make immediate payment, and those who have accounts unsettled with or demands against said estate are desired to exhibit them to EDMUND COFFIN, Administrator. Portsmouth, Sept. 22, 1796.

IGNORANCE OF LAW IS AN EXCUSE FOR NO MAN.
The subscriber being duly authorized by the Hon. GENERAL COURT to print a second edition of the Laws of the State of New-Hampshire (his first edition having met the approbation of the public) therefore in order that every person who wishes might have an opportunity of procuring a correct copy of the same, in the cheapest manner possible, he has thought it expedient to present to the public
PROPOSALS For Printing the LAWS
of the State of New-Hampshire, The Constitution of the State, and the Constitution of the United States, in one handsome Octavo volume, on the following
CONDITIONS, 1. The whole shall be comprized in one large Octavo volume, to contain all the Laws of the State now in force, those that shall be passed previous to the works being completed; the Constitution of this State, and the Constitution of the United States, with a copious index inserted at the end of the volume. II. The work shall be neatly printed on good Paper with an elegant Type. III. The price to subscribers will be only one dollar & fifty cents, neatly bound and lettered. IV. The money to be paid on delivery of the books. V. The work is committed to Press, and will be finished with convenient speed. JOHN MELCHER, Printer to the State.
To non-subscribers the books will not be sold for less than two dollars. Subscriptions received by the publisher at his Printing-Office and Bookstore corner of Market-Street, Portsmouth, and by various persons with whom subscription papers are lodged. Portsmouth, August 1796.
RANAWAY from the subscriber the 5th day of September, an old negro man, which was sold at public vendue as one of the poor of the town of North-Hampton to the lowest bidder; whoever will return said runaway shall have five cents reward and no charges paid. All persons are cautioned against harboring or trusting said runaway on my account as I will not be answerable for any demand. JOHN HOBBS. North-Hampton, Sept. 12, 1796.
TICKETS.
WHOLE, Half and Quarter Tickets in Dartmouth College Lottery for sale at J. MELCHER'S Printing Office, Portsmouth.
Lands of the United States
Treasury Department, August 3, 1796.
Public Notice is hereby given, IN pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 18th day of May, 1796, entitled, "an act providing for the sale of the Lands of the United States, in the territory north west of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river," that the Quarter Townships of land described in the annexed schedule, lying in the seven ranges of townships which were surveyed in pursuance of an ordinance of Congress, passed on the twentieth day of May, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, will be exposed for sale at PUBLIC VENDUE, at the Merchants' Coffee-House in Philadelphia, on the 4th day of January next, and thenceforward from day to day, until the tenth day of February ensuing, unless the said quarter townships shall be sooner sold, in the manner and on the terms and conditions herein after mentioned: viz.
1st. The said quarter townships shall be sold to the highest bidder, but no sale can be made for less than two dollars per acre of the quantity of land contained in such quarter township. 2d. The highest bidder as before mentioned, must deposit at the time of sale, one twentieth part of the purchase money, in the hands of the Treasurer of the United States, which will be forfeited if a moiety of the sum bid, including the said twentieth part, shall not be paid within thirty days from the time of sale. 3d. Upon payment of a moiety of the purchase money in the manner before mentioned, the purchaser will be entitled to one year's credit for the remaining moiety; and shall receive a certificate describing the quarter township purchased, and declaring the sum paid on account, the balance remaining due, the time when such balance becomes payable, and that the whole Land
therein mentioned will be forfeited, if the said balance is not then paid; but if the said balance shall be duly discharged, by paying the same to the Treasurer of the United States, the purchaser or his assignee or other legal representative, shall be entitled to a patent for the said land, on his producing to the Secretary of State a receipt for such balance, endorsed upon the certificate. But if any purchaser shall make payment of the whole of the purchase money at the time when the payment of the first moiety is directed to be made, he will be entitled to a deduction of ten per centum on the part for which a credit is authorized to be given; and his patent shall be immediately issued.
GIVEN under my hand at Philadelphia, the day and year abovenmentioned. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
SCHEDULE Of Quarter Townships to be sold at Philadelphia, in pursuance of the 6th section of an act of Congress, passed on the 18th day of May, 1796.
Table with 5 columns: No of Range, No of Township, Quarter Townships, Acres, Total number of acres for sale in each Township. It lists various ranges (10, 12, 14, 7, 3, 5, 9, 11, 13, 15) and townships with their respective quarter sections and acreages.
Table with 5 columns: No of Range, No of Township, Quarter Townships, Acres, Total number of acres for sale in each Township. It lists various ranges (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15) and townships with their respective quarter sections and acreages.
NOTE. THE quantities of Lands in the several townships before mentioned, are exclusive of the Sections reserved by the United States. The aggregate quantities in the several townships have been ascertained by actual survey; but the quantities in the quarter townships, have been no otherwise ascertained than by calculation.
Treasury Department, Aug. 3, 1796.
Public notice is hereby given,
IN pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 18th day of May, 1796, entitled, "An act providing for the sale of the lands of the United States, in the Territory north west of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river," that the sections or lots of land described in the annexed schedule, lying in the seven ranges of townships, which were surveyed in pursuance of an ordinance of Congress, passed on the twentieth day of May, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, will be exposed for sale at Public Vendue, in the town of Pittsburgh in Pennsylvania, on the twenty-fourth day of October next, and thenceforward, from day to day until the first day of December ensuing, unless the said lots shall be sooner sold, in the manner, and on the terms and conditions herein after mentioned, to wit:
1st. The said sections or lots shall be sold under the direction of the Governor or Secretary of the Western Territory, and such person as the President of the United States may specially appoint for that purpose. 2d. The said sections or lots shall be sold to the highest bidder, but no sale can be made for less than two dollars per acre of the quantity of land contained in such lot or section. 3d. The highest bidder as before mentioned, must deposit at the time of sale, one twentieth part of the purchase money, in the hands of such person as the President of the United States shall appoint to attend the sales for that purpose, which will be forfeited, if a moiety of the sum bid, including the said twentieth part, shall not be paid within thirty days from the time of sale. 4th. Upon payment of a moiety of the purchase money in the manner before mentioned, the purchaser will be entitled to one year's credit for the remaining moiety; and shall receive from the Governor or Secretary of the Western Territory, and the person who shall be appointed by the President of the United States, to direct the sales, a certificate describing the lot or section purchased, and declaring the sum paid on account, the balance remaining due, the time when such balance becomes payable, and that the whole land therein mentioned, will be forfeited, if the said balance is not then paid; but if the said balance shall be duly discharged, by paying the same to the Treasurer of the United States, the purchaser or his assignee or other legal representative, shall be entitled to a patent for the said lands, on his producing to the Secretary of State a receipt for such balance, endorsed upon the certificate. But if any purchaser shall make payment of the whole of the purchase money, at the time when the payment of the first moiety is directed to be made he will be entitled to a deduction of ten per centum on the part for which a credit is authorized to be given; and his patent shall be immediately issued. Given under my hand at Philadelphia, the day and year abovenmentioned. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
Schedule of sections of townships, or fractional parts of townships, to be sold at Pittsburgh, in pursuance of the 6th section of an act of Congress, passed on the 18th day of May, 1796.
Table with 9 columns: No of Lot, Acres, 100ths, No of Lot, Acres, 100ths, No of Lot, Acres, 100ths. It lists various ranges (1st to 10th) and townships with their respective sections, lot numbers, and acreages.
NOTE. THE quantities of Lands in the several townships before mentioned, are exclusive of the Lots reserved by the United States and also of those formerly sold. The aggregate quantities in the several townships or fractional parts of townships, have been ascertained by actual survey; the quantities in particular lots or sections, have been no otherwise ascertained than by calculation.