The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-07-12 00:00:00

This Excellency James Fenner
THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
No. 17.
NEWPORT, WEDNESDAY, JULY 12, 1809.
Vol. 1.
NEWPORT, R. I.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED ON WEDNESDAYS BY WILLIAM SIMONS, No. 15, MILL-STREET.
TERMS.
The paper is printed once a week, at 2 dollars a year, one half in advance.
Advertisements conspicuously inserted, at the rate of 1 dollar and 50 cents a square, for three weeks—smaller one in the same proportion.
Printing, in all its variety, executed with accuracy and despatch. Orders respectfully solicited.
JAMES MUMFORD,
Sign of the Bee Hive, No. 88, Thames-Street,
HAS just opened a variety of GOODS—among which are—lace and dotted Muslins; Leno do.; white and coloured Cambricks; a complete assortment of corded and plaid Ginghams of the newest fashion; Gentlemen's superfine Vest Patterns; Washington Stripes; Cotton Cassimeres; Cambric Dimities; Calicoes, newest prints; best 9-8 London Prints; Silk Chambrays; variety of cotton Handkerchiefs; ladies' and gentlemen's silk and cotton Hose; black Bombazetts; black Crape; silk Gloves; silk Shawls; cotton do.; silk and cotton Shspenders; Durants, Calimancoes, Russels, Rattinet—and a great variety of other Goods, too numerous to mention in an advertisement.
May 3. [3m.]
New Store.
MARTIN FEARING and RICHARD FAIRMAN, having formed a connexion in the Fancy Dry Goods business, under the Firm of
FEARING & FAIRMAN,
Have taken the Store No. 134, Thames-street, formerly occupied by Messrs. Gardner & Dean, where they offer for Sale, a general and well-chosen Assortment of India, English and French GOODS, on the most reasonable terms.
Newport, June 7, 1809.
Benj. & Solomon G. Weaver,
HATTERS,
TAKE this method to inform their friends and the publick in general, they have REMOVED from No. 90 to No. 91, nearly opposite their old stand, and directly opposite JAMES MUMFORD's dry goods store—where they have just received from New-York, an addition to their former stock, selected by themselves, which makes their assortment of MEN'S, YOUTH'S and CHILDREN'S HATS, as good as was ever offered from any store in Newport, all which they intend to sell as low as can be purchased in this town.
Newport, April 19.
New Granery & Grocery Store.
No 11, Long wharf,
WILL be kept constantly for sale CORN and MEAL, wholesale and retail. Also—Flour, Salt, Molasses, Gin, Rum, Brandy, Sugars, various kinds, Coffee, and Teas, of different qualities.
The above Goods will be sold, wholesale and retail, for cash or approved credit.
Wanted to purchase—a quantity of Corn, for which Cash will be given.
MICHAEL FREEBORN.
Agent for the Progressive Company.
Samuel Sterne & Son,
No. 13, Banister's wharf, Have for sale,
 W. I. and N. E. Rum, by the hhd. or bbl.  Gin, per pipe or bbl.  Brandy, by the bbl.  Molasses, by the hhd.  Teas, by the chest and qr. chest,  Coffee, by the bag,  Loaf and brown Sugar,  Flour, by the bbl.  Chocolate, by the box,  Candles, by do.  Dried Fish, by the quintal;  Dexter and common Lime, by the cask,  Mess and prime Pork and Beef, by the bbl.  White Beans, by the cask or bushel,  Lorrillard's Snuff, in bladders,  2000 wt. excellent old Cheese.  Sailor's Mattresses,  With a general assortment of Groceries, at retail. 
Also—a variety of old notes and accounts, in exchange for cash or country produce. Those who are necessitated to have them, will do well to make immediate application, as what remains on the first of September, will be transferred to other hands, and then they cannot be obtained to so good advantage.
June 28.
Pasturing for Horses.
GOOD Pasturing for Horses, at a short distance from the State-House. Apply to RICHARD BARKER, at the Newport Hotel.
June 28.
SCHEME of the SECOND CLASS of Rhode-Island Coal Lottery.
  15,000 Tickets at 5 Dollars each, are 75,000 Dollars. 1 Prize of 15,000 is 15,000   2 Prizes of 2,500 are 5,000   2 do. - - - 1,000 - - - 2,000   4 do. - - - 500 - - - 2,000   50 do. - - - 100 - - - 5,000   60 do. - - - 50 - - - 3,000   4900 do. - - - 7 - - - 34,000   66,000 
Subject to no deduction, and not two Blanks to a Prize.
Capital Prizes determinable in the following manner:
The first drawn Blank on each day's drawing, except the days on which the Prizes of 500 dollars come out, shall be entitled to 100 dollars each, and the last drawn number on every day to 50 dollars. First blank on the 2d day, entitled to 500 dollars.
  Do. - - - 5th - - - do. - - - 500   Do. - - - 10th - - - do. - - - 1000   Do. - - - 13th - - - do. - - - 500   Do. - - - 13th - - - do. - - - 2,500   Do. - - - 18th - - - do. - - - 500   Do. - - - 20th - - - do. - - - 2,500   Do. - - - 25th - - - do. - - - 15,000   Do. - - - 28th - - - do. - - - 1000 
The two Prizes of 2,400 Dollars each will be drawn as follows: The first drawn blank on the 13th day of drawing, will have the first 500 Tickets from No. 4001 to 4,500 inclusive; and the first drawn blank on the 20th day, will be entitled to the second 500 from No. 10,501 to 11,000 inclusive; but should the first blanks on the 13th and 20th day's drawing, be either of the numbers from No. 4001 to No. 4,500 inclusive, and also from No. 10,501 to No. 11,000 inclusive, then in that case the first drawn blank succeeding (not one of those numbers) shall draw, and be entitled to the respective 500 Tickets.
Five hundred numbers will be considered one day's drawing, and the fortunate blanks determined accordingly. The drawing will commence in September next. Prizes less than 500 dollars will be paid in 30 days; of 500 and 1,000 in 60 days; and the highest Prize in 90 days after the drawing is completed, in current Bank Bills.
BENJAMIN B. MUMFORD. } Managers JAMES PERRY. }
Boston, June 1, 1809.
TICKETS in the above Lottery, may be had of the Managers, of J. C. SHAW, and of L. ROUSMANIERE, at the office of the Newport Mercury.
Newport, July 5, 1809.
Clap & Nichols,
TAILORS,
No. 67, CORNHILL, BOSTON,
HAVE just received an assortment of the best Superfine CLOTHS AND CASSIMERES, consisting of
  7 pieces dark Navy blue, Best Superfine English, French and Dutch BROADCLOTHS.   5 do. black,   5 do. bottle green,   3 do. olive,   2 do. London smoke,   2 do. drabs,   1 do. dark mixed, 
Also, Coatings and Devonshire Kersseys; Black, Blue, Scarlet, White, Fawn and Drab, Superfine Milled and Single CASSIMERES.
Nankeens, Nankeneys cotton Cassimeres; Jeans, white and coloured, for summer Pantaloons;
Black silk Florentines;
Plain and silk Velvets;
White and figured Merselles and Nelson's
Cord, for vestings;
Webb's silk cotton and morocco gilt Suspens-
ders;
Gilt, plated and steel large and small fashion-
able coat Buttons;
Artillery, Engineers, and Navy coat and vest Buttons, by the gross or dozen, warranted not to tarnish.
The above articles are as good as can be found in Boston Market, and will be sold at a fair price.
N. B. Officers in the Army or Navy, can be furnished with Uniform of any description, of the latest modern style, and of the best materials.
Gentlemen of Newport who are in the habit of procuring their Cloths in Boston, are requested to call on CLAP & NICHOLS, were they will find cloths and fashions to suit their fancy. Boston, June 21, 1809.
PLEASE TO TAKE NOTICE.
THE Subscribers respectfully inform their Friends and the publick, that they have entered into Partnership, and taken the well known Stables belonging to Mr THOMAS TOWNSEND, situated in Green-street, where Horses and Carriages for every purpose will be furnished at short notice; particularly Coaches provided with careful and experienced drivers, for parties of pleasure or travellers; and Saddle Horses either for Ladies or Gentlemen; they will also furnish despatch messengers for any direction. Their Stables being well calculated for the business, Horses will be taken in to keep at reasonable rates for long or short periods; and as they are determined to attend well to every part of their business, they hope to merit the favours of the publick. JOHN G. EASTON. WM. E. DRUMMOND.
THE Subscriber from long and intimate knowledge of WM. E. DRUMMOND, and confidence in his Partner, recommends them as worthy the encouragement of the publick. THOMAS TOWNSEND.
Newport, April 19, 1809.
Miscellany.
MR. ADAMS'
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
To the Printers of the Boston Patriot.
SIRS, MR. HAMILTON, in his pamphlet, page 21, speaks of the anterior mission of Messieurs Pinkney, Marshall and Gerry, and says, "it was resolved to make another, and a more solemn experiment in the form of a commission of three."
When I first read this sentence, I am not certain whether it excited most of astonishment, indignation, contempt, or ridicule. By whom was this measure resolved? By President Washington? Certainly not. If it had been he would have nominated the ministers. By the President elect, Mr. Adams? Certainly not. He had not been consulted. His resolutions were not known. By whom, then, was this important resolution taken? By Mr. Hamilton and his privy counsellors. And what had Mr. Hamilton and his privy counsellors to do with the business? And who were his privy counsellors?
Page 22, he says, "the expediency of this step was suggested to Mr. Adams, through a federal channel, a considerable time before he determined to take it. He hesitated whether it could be done, after the rejection of General Pinckney, without national debasement. The doubt was an honourable one." I disclaim and renounce all the honour of this doubt. I never entertained such a doubt for a moment. I might ask the opinion of twenty persons, (for I too "consulted much") in order to discover whether there was any doubt in the publick mind, or any party who were averse to such a measure or had any doubt about it. But I never had any hesitation myself. This passage, like all the rest of this pamphlet, shews that it was written from his mere imagination, from confused rumors, or downright false information.
It is true "the expediency of the step was suggested to Mr. Adams," before he took the step and before he had time to take it; but long after he had determined to take it. The mystery may be revealed. I have no motive, whatever others may have, to conceal or dissemble it.
The morning after my inauguration, Mr. Fisher Ames made me a visit, to take leave. His period in Congress had expired, and the delicacy of his health, the despondency of his disposition, and despair of a re-election from the increase of the opposite party in his district, had induced him to decline to stand a candidate. I was no longer to have the assistance of his council or eloquence, though Mr. Hamilton, continued to enjoy both till his death. Mr. Ames was no doubt one of Mr. Hamilton's privy counsel, when he resolved to send a new commission of three. Mr. Ames, with much gravity and solemnity, advised me to institute a new mission to France. Our affairs with that republick were in an unpleasant and dangerous situation, and the people, in a long recess of congress must have some object on which to fix their contemplations and their hopes. And he recommended Mr. George Cabot, for the northern States to be one of the three, if a commission was to be sent, or alone, if but one was to go.
I answered Mr. Ames, that the subject had almost engrossed my attention for a long time. That I should take every thing into serious consideration and determine nothing suddenly; that I should make deliberate enquiries concerning characters, and maturely consider the qualities and qualifications of candidates, before any thing was finally determined. Mr. Ames departed for Massachusetts.
I had rolled all these things in my own mind long before. The French nation and their government were in a very unbrageous and inflammable disposition. Much delicacy and deliberation were necessary in the choice of characters. Most of the prominent characters in America, were as well known at Paris, as they were at Philadelphia. I had sometimes thought of sending Mr. Madison, and Mr. Hamilton to join Mr. Pinkney in a new Commission. I had thought of Mr. Ames himself, as well as Mr. Cabot, Judge Dana, Mr. Gerry, and many others in the northern, middle, and southern states. I thought much of Mr. Jefferson, but had great doubts whether the constitution would allow me to send the Vice President abroad. The nation at large had assigned him a station, which I doubted whether he had a right to abandon, or I a right to invite him to relinquish, though but for a time.
I had great doubts about re-appointing Mr. Pinckney. He might have been so affected with the horrors he had seen or heard in France, as to have uttered some expressions, which reported by spies to the ruling powers, might have excited prejudices against him, which would insure his second rejection, and that of his colleagues too. But as I knew of no such accusation I could not bear the thought of abandoning him. I had not time to communicate all these reflections to Mr. Ames, and, moreover, I had business of more importance to do. I had long wished to avail myself and the publick of the fine talents and amiable qualities and manners of Mr. Madison. Soon after Mr. Ames left me, I sought and obtained an interview with Mr. Jefferson. With this gentleman I had lived on terms of intimate friendship for five
and twenty years, had acted with him in dangerous times and arduous conflicts, and always found him assiduous, laborious, and as far as I could judge, upright and faithful. Though by this time I differed from him in opinion by the whole horizon concerning the practicability and success of the French revolution, and some other points, I had no reason to think that he differed materially from me with regard to our national constitution. I did not think that the rumbling noise of party calumny ought to discourage me from consulting men whom I knew to be attached to the interest of the nation, and whose experience, genius, learning and travels had eminently qualified them to give advice. I asked Mr. Jefferson what he thought of another trip to Paris, and whether he thought the constitution and the people would be willing to spare him for a short time? Are you determined to send to France? Yes. That is right, said Mr. Jefferson; but without considering whether the constitution will allow it or not, I am so sick of residing in Europe, that I believe I shall never go there again. I replied, I own I have strong doubts whether it would be legal to appoint you; but I believe no man could do the business so well. What do you think of sending Mr. Madison? Do you think he would accept of an appointment? I do not know, said Mr. Jefferson. Washington wanted to appoint him some time ago, and kept the place open for him a long time; but he never could get him to say that he would go. Other characters were considered, and other conversation ensued. We parted as good friends as we had always lived; but we consulted very little together afterwards. Party violence soon rendered it impracticable, or at least useless, and this party violence was excited by Hamilton more than any other man. I will not take leave of Mr. Jefferson in this place, without declaring my opinion that the accusations against him of blind devotion to France; of hostility to England; of hatred to commerce; of partiality and duplicity in his late negotiations with the belligerent powers, are without foundation.
From Mr. Jefferson I went to one of the heads of departments, whom Mr. Washington had appointed, and I had no thoughts of removing. Indeed I had then no objection to any of the secretaries. I asked him what he thought of sending Mr. Madison to France, with or without others? Is it determined to send to France at all? Determined? Nothing is determined till it is executed, smiling. But why not?—I thought it deserved consideration.—So it does; but suppose it determined, what do you think of sending Mr. Madison? Is it determined to send Mr. Madison? No; but it deserves consideration.—Sending Mr. Madison will make dirt work among the passions of our parties in Congress, and out of doors, through the States! Are we forever to be overawed and directed by party passions? All this conversation on my part was with the most perfect civility, good humor and indeed familiarity: But I found it excited a profound gloom and solemn countenance in my companion, which after some time broke out in "Mr. President we are willing to resign." Nothing could have been more unexpected to me than this exclamation.—Nothing was further from my thoughts than to give any pain or uneasiness. I had said nothing that could possibly displease, except pronouncing the name of Madison, I restrained my surprise, however, and only said, I hope no lady will resign: I am satisfied with all the publick officers.
Upon further inquiries of the other heads of departments, and of other persons, I found that party passions had so deep and extensive roots, that I seriously doubted whether the Senate would not negative Mr. Madison, if I should name him.—Rather than expose him to a negative, or a doubtful contest in Senate, I concluded to omit him. If I had nominated Madison, I should have nominated Hamilton with him. The former, I knew, was much esteemed in France: the latter was rather an object of jealousy. But I thought the French would tolerate one for the sake of the other.—And I thought too that the manner of the one would soon wear off the prejudices against him, and probably make him a greater favorite than the other. But having given up Madison, I ought to give up Hamilton too. Who then should I name? I mentioned Mr. Dana and Gerry to the heads of departments and to many leading men in both Houses. They all preferred Mr. Dana. But it was evident enough to me, that neither Dana nor Gerry was their man. Dana was appointed, but refused. I then called the heads of departments together, and proposed Mr. Gerry. All the five voices unanimously were against him. Such inveterate prejudice shocked me. I said nothing, but was determined I would not be the slave of it. I knew the man infinitely better than all of them. He was nominated and approved, and finally saved the peace of the nation; for he alone discovered and furnished the evidence that X. Y. and Z. were employed by Talleyrand; and he alone brought home the direct, formal and official assurances upon which the subsequent commission proceeded, and peace was made.
I considered Mr. Ames' candidate, Mr. Cabot, as deliberately as any of the others, and with as favorable and friendly a disposition towards him as any other, without exception. But I knew his character and connections were as well known in France, as

icularly by Talleyrand, as Mr. Gerry's were; and that there were great objections against the former, and none at all against the latter. It would be therefore inexcusable in me to hazard the success of the mission merely to gratify the passions of a party in America, especially as I knew Mr. Gerry, to say the least, to be full as well qualified by his studies, his experience, and every quality for the service, as the other.
I afterwards nominated Mr. Cabot to be Secretary of the Navy, a station as useful as important, and as honourable as the other, and for which he was eminently qualified. But this he refused.
No man had a greater share in propagating and diffusing these prejudices against Mr. Gerry than Hamilton, whether he had formerly conceived jealousies against him as a rival candidate for the Secretaryship of the Treasury; for Mr. Gerry was a financier, and had been employed for years on the committee on the treasury in the old Congress, and a most indefatigable member too. That committee had laid the foundation for the present system of the treasury, and had organized it almost as well, though they had not the assistance of clerks and other conveniences, as at present. Any man who will look into the journals of the old Congress, may see the organization and the daily labours and reports of that committee, and may form some judgment of the talents and services of Mr. Gerry in that department. I knew that the officers of the treasury in Hamilton's time dreaded to see him rise in the House upon any question of finance, because they said he was a man of so much influence, that they always feared he would discover some error or carry some point against them.—Or whether he feared that Mr. Gerry would be President of the United States before him, I know not. He was not alone, however. His friends among the heads of departments and their correspondents in Boston, New-York and Philadelphia, sympathized with him very cordially in his hatred of Gerry, and of every other man who had laboured and suffered early in the revolution.
This preference of Mr. Gerry to Mr. Cabot was my first mortal offence against my sovereign heads of departments and their disciples in all the States. It never was or has been forgiven me by those who call themselves, or are called by others, "the leading men" among the federalists.
Mr. Hamilton says, page 49, "After the rejection of Mr. Pinckney by the government of France, immediately after the installment of Mr. Adams as President, and long before the measure was taken, I urged a member of Congress, then high in the confidence of the President, to propose to him the immediate appointment of three Commissioners, of whom Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison to be one, to make another attempt to negotiate."
I will relate all that I can recollect relative to this subject. Mr. Tracy of Connecticut, who indeed was always in my confidence, came to me, I believe at the opening of the special session of Congress which I called soon after my inauguration, and produced a long elaborate letter from Mr. Hamilton, containing a whole system of instruction for the conduct of the President, the Senate, and the House of Representatives. I read it very deliberately, and really thought the man was in a delirium. It appeared to me a very extraordinary instance of volunteer empiricism thus to prescribe for a President, Senate, and House of Representatives all desperately sick and in a state of deplorable debility, without being called. And when I maturely considered the contents of the letter, my surprise was increased. I despised and detested the letter too much to take a copy of it, which I now regret. This letter is still in being, and I doubt not many copies of it are extant. I most earnestly request any gentleman who possesses one to publish it. That letter, though it had no influence with me, had so much with both Houses of Congress, as to lay the foundation of the overthrow of the federal party, and of the revolution that followed four years afterwards. I will endeavour to recollect as much of the contents of it as I can, and if I am incorrect in any point, those who possess the letter, can, by the publication of it, easily set all right.
It began by a dissertation on the extraordinarily critical situation of the U. States.
It recommended a new mission to France of three Commissioners, Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison to be one.
It recommended the raising an army of fifty thousand men, ten thousand of them to be cavalry, an army of great importance in so extensive a country, vulnerable at so many points on the frontiers, and so accessible in so many places by sea.
It recommended an alien and sedition law. It recommended an invigoration of the Treasury, by seizing on all the taxable articles not yet taxed by the government.—And lastly,
It recommended a national fast, not only on account of the intrinsic propriety of it, but because we should be very unskilful if we neglect to avail ourselves of the religious feelings of the people in a crisis so difficult and dangerous.—There might be more, but these are all that I now recollect.
Mr. Hamilton's imagination was always haunted by that hideous monster or phantom, so often called a Crisis , and which so often produces imprudent measures.
How it happened that Mr. Hamilton's contemplations coincided so exactly with mine, as to think of Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison for envoy to France, it may be more difficult to explain. But let it be considered that this letter was written long after my conversation with Mr. Jefferson, concerning himself and Mr. Madison, which was the morning after
my inauguration; that I had communicated that conversation to one or more of the heads of departments the same morning. It is probable, therefore, that Mr. Hamilton received hints from some of his correspondents that I had thought of Madison and Hamilton, and that he was not displeased with the idea. I asked one of the heads of departments how he could account for Hamilton's recommending Jefferson or Madison? "Why," said the gentleman, "I suppose Hamilton is weary of his practice, as an attorney, at New-York, and is willing to enter into some other employment." Mr. Hamilton, however, might thank those who had been his warmest friends for his disappointment: for had it not been for their opposition to Madison, I should have appointed him and Hamilton.
The army of fifty thousand men, ten thousand of them to be horse, appeared to me to be one of the wildest extravagances of a Knight-Errant. It proved to me that Mr. Hamilton knew no more of the sentiments and feelings of the people of America, than he did of those of the inhabitants of one of the planets. Such an army without an enemy to combat, would have raised a rebellion in every state in the union. The very idea of the expense of it would have turned President, Senate and House out of doors. I adopted none of these chimeras into my speech, and only recommended the raising of a few regiments of artillery to garrison the fortifications of the most exposed places. Yet such was the influence of Mr. Hamilton in Congress, that, without any recommendation from the President, they passed a bill to raise an army, not a large one, indeed, but enough to overturn the then federal government.
Nor did I adopt his idea of an alien or sedition law. I recommended no such thing in my speech. Congress, however, adopted both these measures. I knew there was need enough of both, and therefore I consented to them. But as they were then considered as war measures, and intended altogether against the advocates of the French, and peace with France, I was apprehensive that a hurricane of clamour would be raised against them, as in truth there was, even more fierce and violent than I had anticipated.
Seizing on all the taxable articles not yet taxed, to support an army of fifty thousand men, at a time when so many tax laws, already enacted, were unexecuted in so many states, and when insurrections and rebellions had already been excited in Pennsylvania, on account of taxes, appeared to me altogether desperate, and altogether delirious.
I wanted no admonition from Mr. Hamilton to institute a national fast. I had determined on this measure long enough before Mr. Hamilton's letter was written. And here let me say, with great sincerity, that I think there is nothing upon this earth more sublime and affecting, than the idea of a great nation all on their knees at once before their God, acknowledging their faults and imploring his blessing and protection, when the prospect before them threatens great danger and calamity. It can scarcely fail to have a favourable effect on their morals in general, or to inspire them with warlike virtues in particular. When most, if not all the religious sects in the nation hold such fasts among themselves, I never could see the force of the objections against making them, on great and extraordinary occasions, national; unless it be the jealousy of the separate states, lest the general government should become too national. Those however, who differ from me, in opinion on this point, have as good a right to their judgment as I have to mine, and I shall submit mine to the general will.
In fine, Mr. Hamilton, in the passage I have been commenting, in this letter, has let out facts, which if he had possessed a grain of common sense, he would have wished should be forever concealed. I should never have revealed or explained them if he, and his partisans, had not compelled me.
JOHN ADAMS. Quincy, May 29th, 1809.
Political Miscellany.
To the EDITOR of the REPUBLICAN.
SIR, When the Embargo and Non-Inter-course policy was the subject of national discussion, the passions of men so mingled themselves in the dispute, that there was too little room for the calm exercise of the judgment and reason. But now that this period of irritation has passed away, Experience , that great tryer of human contrivances, from whose decision there is no appeal, has determined the question in debate, we may be the more willing to attend to statements founded upon facts, which would amply prove the wisdom and efficiency of these measures.—When they were in operation, we were told, by their opposers, that they were worse than futile, embarrassing and distressing to ourselves; and the object of the scorn, derision and contempt of those, upon whom they were intended to operate.
We were told that the power of Britain rested on an imperishable basis, not to be shaken by our attacks—that the ministers and parliament had taken this ground—had pledged themselves in the face of Europe, to maintain their Orders so long as the French decrees continued in force—that the British nation had been accustomed to redeem such pledges—that they had done no more than what their power enabled them to enforce—and had exercised that power with mitigated vigour. The countries which were left open to our trade by their indulgence ought to satisfy us—and the duties and licences levied upon our commerce were to be considered as relaxations of the principle set up by
Britain , of which we might profit were it not for our self denying folly. Calculations were entered into to show, that all our surplus would not supply G. Britain with a week's provision of bread-corn.
But in opposition to this declamation let us listen to facts . Not more than one fifth of the inhabitants of the British island are employed in agriculture—the other four fifths are engaged in manufactures and in trade. An average crop of grain is insufficient for the consumption of the nation—a crop short of an average one occasion a scarcity —and a very short crop a famine .
These positions are fortified by the statements of Mr. Malthus , in his celebrated Essay on Population . This writer is so far from being hostile to the British government, and the order of things under which he lives, that the whole scope and tendency of his work goes to depreciate the effect of political causes upon human misery and happiness, and to attribute them to natural and moral causes independent of systems, of government. In page 197, Vol. 2, of the American edition of his work—he says—"It seems in great measure to have escaped attention, that a nation, which from its extent of territory and population, might necessarily support the greater part of its people on the produce of its own soil, but yet which in average years draws a small portion of its corn from abroad, is in a much more precarious situation, with regard to the constancy of its supplies, than such states as draw almost the whole of their provisions from other countries, supposing England , in average years to want four hundred thousand quarters of wheat. Such a demand will of course be very easily supplied. But a year of deficient crops occurs, and the demand is suddenly two millions of quarters. If the demand had been on an average two millions, it might perhaps have been adequately supplied from the extended agriculture of those countries which are in the habit of exporting corn; but we cannot expect that it can be easily answered thus suddenly; and indeed we know from experience that an unusual demand of this nature, in a nation capable of paying for it, cannot exist, without raising the price of wheat very considerably in all the ports of Europe." Again—Page 265, "That we can readily turn ourselves from an importing to an exporting nation, in the article of corn, I would by no means pretend to say ; but both theory, and the experience of the first half of the last century, warrant us in concluding it practicable; and we cannot but allow that it is worth the experiment, as the permanence of our national prosperity may depend upon it. If we proceed in our present course, let us but for a moment reflect on the probable consequences. We can hardly doubt that in the course of some years, we shall draw from America , and the nations bordering on the Baltic, as much as two millions of quarters of wheat, besides other corn, the support of above two millions of people. If under these circumstances, any commercial discussions, or other dispute, were to arise with those nations, with what a weight of power they would negotiate! Not the whole British navy could offer more convincing argument than the simple threat of shutting all their ports. I am not unaware, that in general we may securely depend upon people's not acting directly contrary to their interest. But this consideration, all powerful as it is, will sometimes yield voluntarily to national indignation , and is sometimes forced to yield to the resentment of a sovereign. It is of sufficient weight in practice when applied to manufactures; ( a Nonimportation Act ,) because a delay in their sale is not of such immediate consequence, and from their smaller bulk they are easily smuggled. But in the case of corn, ( an embargo ,) a delay of three or four months may produce the most complicated misery, and from the great bulk of corn, it will generally be in the power of a sovereign to execute almost completely his resentful purpose. Small commercial states which depend nearly for the whole of their supplies on foreign powers, will always have many friends. They are not of sufficient consequence to excite any general indignation against them, and if they cannot be supplied from one quarter, they will from another. But this is by no means the case with such a country as G. Britain , whose commercial ambition is peculiarly calculated to execute a general jealousy, and in fact has excited it to a very great degree. If our commerce continue increasing for a few years, and our commercial population with it, we shall be laid so bare to the shafts of fortune, that nothing but a miracle can save us from being struck. The periodical returns of such seasons of scarcity, as those which we have of late experienced, I consider as absolutely certain, upon our present importing system: but excluding from the question at present the dreadful distress they occasion, which however no man of humanity can long banish from his mind, I would ask, is it politick, merely with a view to our national greatness, to render ourselves thus dependent upon others for our support, and put in the power of a combination against us, to diminish our population two millions ?"
Z.
For the REPUBLICAN.
THE RETROSPECT CONTINUED.
MR. CANNING and his co-adjutors were fully sensible what an impression the Chesapeake affair had made in this country, and that something was necessary to be done to prevent G. Britain from feeling the consequences of our just resentment. The mission of Mr. Rose was therefore determined on, and Mr. Canning told our ministers in London, who informed their government, that
this mission would no doubt produce satisfaction on both sides.
Mr. Rose arrived on our coast; although the vessel which brought him came within the exception of the President's proclamation, he yet made some difficulties about landing, as if the proclamation had extended to it—This was rather a bad open of the pacific and conciliatory disposition with which he was supposed to have come. This matter however was soon adjusted to the satisfaction of British ministerial pride and haughtiness, and Mr. Rose condescended to honour us with his presence. He was charged to negotiate with regard to the Chesapeake affair only, and was not authorized to settle any thing with regard to impressment. Our ministers in London, we have before seen, were charged expressly not to separate the Chesapeake affair from the subject of impressment; and, we have seen, the British ministry refused to consider them at all together, and thus we were at issue. The British ministry would not yield this point, and Mr. Rose was instructed accordingly; had our government been equally pertinacious, and refused to negotiate with Mr. Rose upon any other terms than it had instructed our ministers to negotiate with Mr. Canning, this chapter of negotiation would have ended before it had well begun, and Mr. Rose's sweet-scented budget have remained unopened. Had our government not have yielded this point, there would have been some more pretence for the clamour which was raised by the opposition soon after. But the partizan of France and the inveterate foe of England yielded this point, and it is very strange that his hostility to Great-Britain has not been assigned as the cause; for by so doing he has made the insincerity and hollow-heartedness of Great-Britain more manifest. This concession on our part evidenced that the administration were disposed to make every concession consistent with the honour of an injured and insulted nation, in order to meet the British government upon the fair and open ground of conciliation. This preliminary thus adjusted, and this stumbling block thus removed out of the way of Mr. Rose, it was to have been expected that he would have disclosed the terms of reparation which he was instructed to offer, together with the conditions (if any) with which they might be clogged. But Mr. Rose, having defeated one of our wings, was now determined to attack us in the centre. One preliminary was to have prevented all negotiation upon this subject; should, however, the American government concede this point, another preliminary was to be raised, which was to have prevented, and which did prevent, all negotiation upon the terms of reparation. Had we have yielded, here also we should have placed ourselves in the situation of suppliants for that, which we demanded; and no doubt the pride of the British ministry would have been soothed in granting, as the boon of mercy, that which should have been the award of justice. But to resume the narrative.—After this first preliminary was settled, Mr. Rose then demanded that the proclamation of the President should be rescinded, and that then we might expect a satisfactory reparation.—Mr. Rose reasoned or rather sophisticated, thus:—His majesty has disavowed the attack on the Chesapeake, has suspended the commander of the Leopard, and has sent me a special envoy to give you satisfaction; this ought to be satisfactory evidence of his majesty's friendly disposition towards you; but his majesty, after such manifestations of such his disposition, must consider a continuance of the President's proclamation, caused by the Chesapeake attack, by which all his majesty's ships of war are denied admittance into your waters, while those of France his enemy are admitted, as manifesting an unfriendly disposition on your part, and as, in fact, an act of hostility which must preclude and render of no effect all further advances of his majesty. To this Mr. Madison in substance replied:—The proclamation of the President of which you complain, although more immediately produced by the late outrage, was not caused solely by it, but by those outrages upon our rights and honour which in one instance produced the murder of a citizen within our waters, and which are enumerated in the preamble of the said proclamation in conjunction with the more flagrant and recent, but not more unjustifiable attack on the Chesapeake. These acts have indeed been disavowed by his majesty, but this is all the reparation we have had, or all the security which has been given us against similar outrages in future; but should his majesty make satisfactory reparation for the Chesapeake affair, he would have no reason to require the repeal of the proclamation until reparation made and satisfaction given for the other outrages therein enumerated, and upon which it is also predicated; much less therefore can he require this repeal before the disclosure of any terms of reparation. Besides, this proclamation should not be considered in the light of hostility, but as a measure of precaution, calculated to preserve the peace within our own waters, a municipal regulation merely, which every nation has a right to adopt, and of which no nation has a right to complain, unless proceeding from a disposition to favour one belligerent at the expense of another. That the proclamation did not proceed from such a disposition, the causes above assigned fully prove. But to remove every obstacle in the way of adjustment upon this delicate affair, the President of the United States will repeal the proclamation, provided you will make an unofficial disclosure of the terms you are instructed to offer, if these terms are satisfactory to him; and, to save the punctilio of honour, the proclamation of repeal shall be dated on the same day with the official note from you which contains the offers of reparation. This, in plain language, was splitting the dif-

ference, an expedient often resorted to in common life, and which is generally successful when both parties are disposed to trade, or anxious to settle their difficulties. But Mr. Rose was determined to stick to the letter which he no doubt well understood was the spirit of his instructions; he therefore rejected this proposition, and refused to make any disclosure of the terms he was instructed to offer, either officially or unofficially, until the proclamation was unqualifiedly withdrawn. As this could not be done consistently with our honour, it was not done; and those who feel as sensibly alive to the honour of their country as to the honour of G. Britain, feel a conscious pride in contemplating the conduct of their own government upon this interesting subject.
Strange, however, to tell, most of those federalists who, at the time of this attack, pledged their lives and fortunes to support their government in such measures as it might think proper to pursue to obtain honourable reparation; and who, in their resolutions, universally approved of the proclamation of the president, and with the like pledges engaged to assist in carrying it into effect; after they had snuffed the Cirean odours which proceeded from this Rose, found their patriotism had evaporated, and were transformed (if not like the companions of Ulysses, after they had drunk of the Cirean cup, into swine) into advocates of G. Britain, and denouncers of the administration and the measures they were thus pledged to support.
It was manifest enough from the manner in which this business was conducted on the part of Mr. Rose, although the professed object of his mission was to make satisfaction for the affair of the Chesapeake, that his real object was to make professions only; and, whilst he saved the British ministry from making due reparation, to furnish their friends in this country with pretexts to extol the friendly disposition of G. Britain, and to denounce their own government as predisposed for hostility. If this is not sufficiently manifest from the conduct of Mr. Rose, and from the termination of his mission, the language of Mr. Canning and of Mr. Rose, in the house of Commons, since the return of the latter, must convince all those of the fact, who are open to conviction.
The following is an extract from the speech of Mr. Canning:—"Those who accused ministers of a disinclination to adopt pacific measures respecting America, must surely have lost sight of the line, temper and manner in which his majesty's government had acted towards America since differences had unfortunately arisen between the two governments. Had they not sent a special mission to explain and apologize for the affair of the Chesapeake; and was not the mere sending of a special mission to such an effect ever deemed a sufficient atonement even by the proudest nations? Yet even there, was not the vessel that carried out the minister compelled to submit to the degrading ceremonial imposed by the embargo? In short, we had rather gone too far, than done too little."
It seems, from this, Mr. Rose was sent over here merely "to explain and apologize for the affair of the Chesapeake," not to make reparation; and that Mr. Canning considered the mere sending such a mission was of itself a "sufficient atonement," even to "the proudest nations." The "ceremonial imposed by the embargo" is a creature of Mr. Canning's own creation; perhaps he had reference to the difficulty which Mr. Rose himself made about the proclamation, of which mention is above made. The declaration of Mr. Canning, that they had "rather gone too far than done too little," demonstrates that there was no intention at the time of Rose's mission, of going any further; and also demonstrates that there must have been something compulsory on our part, which has induced the same ministry to go still further, and to offer us now, by way of atonement, more than Mr. Canning thought the proudest nations would require.
Mr. Rose, jun. in his speech upon the same motion, (the motion of Mr. Whitbread) also said: "that notwithstanding the sole object of his embassy was to make satisfaction, in the affair of the Chesapeake, he found it impracticable to conclude the business without leading to protracted discussions, the nature of which were incompatible with the honour of this country." Here Mr. Rose says his object was to make satisfaction, &c. not reparation; with us the two words were synonymous, but not with the British ministry. An explanation and an apology, Mr. Canning thought was ample satisfaction; but, unfortunately, we claimed the privilege of judging with what we should be satisfied. It is observable that Mr. Rose does not here say, that "he found it impracticable to conclude the business," because the President would not previously repeal his proclamation, but because he could not do it "without leading to protracted discussions, the nature of which were incompatible with the honour of Great Britain." Did Mr. Rose mean to be understood, that the more the conduct of G. Britain was discussed, the more her honour would suffer, and that therefore he declined protracted discussions? But Mr. Rose entered into some discussions, which were brought to a close, by a request on the one side, the granting of which was stated to be indispensable, and by a refusal on the other. What subject remained therefore which Mr. Rose was authorized to discuss, and in the discussion of which he feared so much for the honour of his country? What could it have been but a discussion of the terms that he was authorized to offer, which he knew would be unsatisfactory; and in the discussion of which, the terms offered he was fully sensible would appear as derogatory to the honour of G. Britain, as unsatisfactory to us? But how could the discussion have happened, if Mr. Rose
was instructed not to disclose these terms until the proclamation was repealed, unless the proclamation had been repealed? The information given to the Senate of the U. States by Mr. Giles last winter, as from a private, though partly official, and a highly respectable source, serves to explain this mysterious sentence in the speech of Mr. Rose. Mr. Giles stated that he had been informed in a manner which convinced him of its truth, that the proclamation was not the impediment to further negotiation upon this subject; that Mr. Rose would have been satisfied with the arrangement proposed by Mr. Madison, had Mr. Madison been satisfied to have disgraced his country by acceding to certain terms which Mr. Rose communicated to him through a private channel; but the sentiments of Mr. Madison as expressing those of Jefferson, he soon learned were unpropitious to these wishes, and he therefore broke off the negotiation, representing the refusal to previously rescind the proclamation as the sole difficulty in the way of his proceeding any further.
It is therefore apparent that Mr. Rose did not come here to make reparation, and therefore that the blame which has been attached to our administration as having refused to accept of that reparation which was never offered, is one of those many calumnies which disgrace the opposition, and by means of which they have attempted to raise themselves to power, though upon the ruins of their country's honour and independence.
[To be Continued.]
NEWPORT:
WEDNESDAY, JULY 12, 1809.
From NEW-YORK, July 9.
Capt. LANDERS of the packet Golden Age , from New-York, favoured us with the following account, taken from the Coffee-House book:
"By the brig Paragon , 37 days from Lisbon, and Caroline 39 days from Cadiz, arrived at New-York this day, accounts are brought, that Russia had declared war against France—that Marshall Soult has surrendered his army, near Oporto to the combined Portuguese and British—St. Andero has been taken by the Spaniards. Also, that an action had been fought on the 16th April, on the Tyrol, between the Austrian and French armies. The advanced guard of the former of 35,000 men, was twice repulsed by the latter, being 50,000 strong, under the command of Prince Eugene Beauharnois—when the Archduke John came up with a body of 20,000 reserve, and entirely defeated the French army, with the loss of 20,000 men, killed, wounded and prisoners, chiefly the former, with the whole of the artillery, and baggage. Prince Eugene was wounded."
The above is as we have received it—we are however doubtful of the truth of the whole of the account. That the French army has been defeated, and even captured in Portugal, may seem somewhat likely, as the last accounts from that quarter indicated the probability of such an event. But we are not so much inclined to believe that Russia has declared war against France, as no circumstance whatever can be adduced, why so extraordinary an event should so suddenly occur. With respect to the defeat of the French army in Germany we are very much induced to believe it will turn out like most of the other disasters of the French armies, to wit, the total overthrow, and destruction of the army of their enemy.—Ed. Refub.
BOSTON, JULY 10.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
The following highly pleasing intelligence, was politely handed us by a gentleman from Montreal, where it was received by an arrival in a short passage from England, and immediately published in a hand-bill.
AUSTRIAN SUCCESSES.
FIRST AUSTRIAN BULLETIN.
Dated Head-Quarters, Sacile, April 17.
"On the 10th and the 11th, his Imperial Highness the Archduke John, with the army under his command, entered the territory of Frioule, by Ponteba, Cividale, and Gortz, and, after some opposition, advanced on the 13th to the Tagliamento. The enemy retired across the river, in order to join with the troops in their rear. This junction, which probably took place at Sacile, made the hostile army five divisions strong. In the night of the 14th, his Imperial Highness proceeded with the advanced guard towards Pordenone; the remainder of the army followed at day break."
The enemy's advanced guard was at Pordenone, and his army was posted between that place and Sacile, near Fontana. In this situation an action commenced, which, after a sanguinary contest of two days, terminated entirely to our advantage.—The Vice-King of Italy commanded the French army. The result was so decisive that the enemy could not maintain themselves behind the Livenza, but were obliged to retreat rapidly to the Piave. The prisoners amount already to 6000, among whom are Generals Paze and Brassin.—More are constantly brought in. The loss, in killed and wounded, greatly exceeds this number, and we have taken 16 cannon and 3 eagles."
FROM PORTSMOUTH, N. H. JULY 5, 1809.
"Undoubtedly verbal accounts will have reached Boston, ere this will come to your hands, of a most tragical and distressing event which took place at Fort Constitution (in this harbor) between 4 and 5 o'clock, yesterday afternoon, by the blowing up of two
tiers of Powder and about 30 Cartridges of 6 and 8 pound, making about 300 wt. of powder in the whole, which killed and wounded 14 or 15 Citizens and Soldiers. Seven were killed almost instantly or died within a few hours. The lives of several others are despaired of. Being on the spot a little after the shocking event took place, I minuted the following names among the killed and wounded (some others were missing) viz.
Sergent Albert, Theodore Witham, Reo Gamoth, Samuel Stevens, Gideon Gould, Edmund Hurd, John Ricker, Robert Miller, Peleiah McDaniel, Ephraim Pickering, Esq. of Newington, and a young man by the name of Paul of Kittery; these two latter had just landed to see the fort. John Mithel of New Castle, and two or three others, whose names I could not ascertain. To prevent any exaggerated stories being circulated, I sent you this information; and yours respectfully. C. PEIRCE."
The following Toasts were given by the Artillery Company of this town at the Celebration, on the fourth of July, at Mr Townsend's Hotel:—
1.—The auspicious day we celebrate.— Musick. Hail Columbia. 2.—The Memory of Washington.— Washington's March. 3.—The President of the United States.— President's March. 4.—The Memory of our late Commander.— Dear to us all , let us show our respect for it, by emulating his virtues.— Logan Water , and glasses reversed. 5.—The Governor and State of Rhode-Island.— Rhode-Island March. 6.—The chain of the Union: May it be kept bright, and not a link of it be broken.— Adams and Liberty. 7.—No foreign sympathies or antipathies: "The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave."— Hob Nob. 8.—Agriculture, commerce and manufactures.— Plough Boy. 9.—The Army and military of the United States.— A March. 10.—The heroes of our revolution: Our independence is the best evidence of their services.— Hostin Castle. 11.—The American flag: May it never be dishonoured.— Rise Columbia. 12.—The patriotic Spaniards: Every heart truly American, must beat for them.— A Spanish March. 13.—Publick Virtue: May it effectually resist the influence of party spirit.— Boston March. 14.—Peace: May it be soon restored to a suffering World.— March in the God of Love. 15.—The American Navy: May it become competent to the protection of our Commerce.— A new rigged Ship. 16.—Religion: The surest pledge of morality and patriotism.— Lebanon. 17.—The American Fair: who disdain to smile on a coward or a traitor.— Rural Felicity.
VOLUNTEERS.
By Capt. FRY.—The memory of the deceased members of the Artillery Company. By Lieut. JOHN WOOD.—WALTER CHANNING, Esq.: late an officer, and now an honorary member of this company. By Lieut. Gov. MARTIN.—The Artillery Company of the Town of Newport. After Lieut. Gov. MARTIN had retired. By Capt. FRY.—His Honour the Lieutenant Governor. By CHRISTOPHER POWLES, Esq. a Senator of this State.—The Constitution of the United States.
FROM THE ALBANY REGISTER.
THOMAS PAINE,
So pre-eminently distinguished in the literature as well as the political world, and who has been happily as well as justly termed the Tyrteus of the American revolution, has at length mingled with his kindred dust. The habits of this extraordinary man had latterly been such, as to co-operate with the natural effect of age, in impairing his physical and mental energies. But he nevertheless retained the firmness of his mind to the last moments of his protracted existence, and exhibited in death the same calmness and fortitude which had distinguished his character in many trying emergencies, and painful vicissitudes of life.
As one of the principal founders of the American Republick, the memory of THOMAS PAINE claims our gratitude and veneration. As a philanthropist and the friend of mankind, we cannot forbear to express our admiration of his character. But with all the splendid and profound qualities of his intellect, it is asked, was he not the apostle of infidelity? And with all the attachment which he bore to the cause of America, and the fame of her exploits, was he not the reviler of the first of her heroes and sages? True. But has not the pen of Watson chastised and corrected the errors of his infidelity? And did not the well-earned fame of Washington defy the effect of his mistaken resentment? Every christian believes that the Apology of Watson will outlive the Age of Reason ; and the fame of Washington is far beyond the reach of a wound from any mortal hand.
Let then the grave cover the errors of the vindicator of The Rights of man :—Let the memory of his virtues be cherished by those whom his pen contributed to emancipate:—Let not the ingratitude of a republick be inscribed upon his tomb; and let not malice vindictively disturb the repose of his ashes: For when there shall be left upon earth no remembrance of his errors, future ages shall rejoice in the freedom and happiness derived from the diffusive light and irresistible energy of his mind, as reflected and stamped upon the pages of Common Sense , The Crisis , and The Rights of Man , those everlasting evidences of his greatness, and imperishable monuments of his fame.
The Senate of the U. S. has confirmed the nomination, by the President, of the Hon. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, as Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of St. Petersburg. This nomination is another specimen of Mr. MADISON's Federalism.
A Correspondent enquires, "what is the reason we have not of late received our papers from Boston, as usual," and complains "that we have not seen any from that place, since Friday last." In answer to the question we must observe, that it has been wholly through the politeness of the proprietors of the "Commercial Line," that we have hitherto received papers from a distance of between 70 and 80 miles, on the same day they were published. If the government, whose duty it is to patronize, as far as is consistent, the laudable enterprizes of our citizens, withholds its encouragement in this instance, we need no longer expect any gratuitous favours from such individuals.
In mentioning the election of the Hon. Mr. CHAMPLIN, in our last paper, we should have stated that he was elected without opposition, and not "unanimously."
The U.S. Frigate Chesapeake , capt. HULL, arrived at this port, on Sunday morning. She is bound out again.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
"Political Reflections, No. 4," is received. We regret extremely that want of room obliges us to defer it till our next.
We recognize in the hand writing of "Z." a much valued correspondent. He will accept our warmest thanks.
The length of the "Retrospect," obliges us to defer many articles prepared for this day's paper, but it will amply remunerate an attentive perusal.
MARRI'D.
At Warren, capt. ISRAEL GRANT, to Miss MARY VIALL, both of that town.
At Providence, Mr. STEPHEN W. SNOW, to Miss SYDNONIA BOWERS.
At Boston, Mr. WASHINGTON ALLSTON, to Miss ANN CHANNING, daughter of the late Wm. Channing, Esq. of this town.
DIED.
In this town, Capt. BENJAMIN SHEARMAN, aged 61. He was an honest man and highly respected. Mrs. MARY ANTHONY, aged 69, widow of the late Mr. Elisha Anthony.
At Charlestown, Brooke Court House, (Virginia) NICHOLAS P. TILLINGHAST, Esq. in the 67th year of his age—for many years an inhabitant of this town.
At Fayetteville, (N. C.) JOHN HAY, Esq. an eminent Attorney at law.
MARINE LIST.
PORT OF NEWPORT.
Entered.—Sch. Patty, Havanna, via New-York; do. Venus, Crowell, Bath; do. Sally, Emery, Baco; Sloop Susannah, Childs, Bath; do. Rover, Shearman, do.; do. Henry, Baylow, Frenchman's Bay; do. Olive, Loring, Washington; do. Huntress, Earl, New-York; do. Golden Age, Landers, do.
Cleared.—Spanish Ship Alianza, Bardell, Havanna; Sch. Venus, Bailey, Antigua; Sloop Juliet, Lock, Havanna; do. Express, Wood, New-York; do. Fame, Walden, do.; do. Priscilla, Nickerson, do.
Yesterday morning arrived sch. Portsmouth, Chace, Madeira. Spoke, June 17, lat. 25, 56, lon. 54, sch. Little Ann, from Providence, for Barbadoes. July 3, lat. 28, 5, lon. 64, 30, brig Saunders, from Philadelphia, for Madeira. July 6, lat. 32, 55, lon. 66, 30, brig Dolphin, from New-York for Stockholm. July 7, lat. 39, 57, lon. 66, sch. Dolphin, Fox, from Bristol, Mass. for St. Thomas.
JOHN W. DAVIS,
Has just received and now opening at his Shoe-Store, No. 100, Thames-Street.
An Elegant and well chosen assortment of ladies and gentlemen's SHOES, of the latest patterns, viz:—Ladies English kid Slippers and Ties, different patterns; do. do. spangled Sandals; Ladies French silk quilted Slips and Ties; Ladies, misses and children's black, blue, red, green, yellow, fig and tea coloured morocco Slips and Ties, with and without heels; men's and boy's morocco, and seal-skin Dancing Pumps; men's and boy's calf and seal-skin fine Shoes; Also, black, red, green and yellow morocco Skins, horse-skin, calf-skin and neat-leather Boot Legs, Boot Tops, Skins for binding, Boot Webbing, silk Cord.—Likewise, A handsome assortment of HATS—He keeps constantly employed, a number of experienced workmen in his Manufactory, from which his Shoe-Store is constantly supplied with warranted Boots and Shoes of every description. Measures taken as usual for Boots and Shoes, and made at the shortest notice.
Also—a few pair, of low priced Moroccó Slippers, at fifty cents a pair.
The smallest favors will meet with due attention, and be received with gratitude. All orders from town or country will meet with punctual attendance.
Wanted, Two experienced workmen in the above business.—Also, A lad as an apprentice, 14 or 15 years of age. One from the country would be preferred.
Newport, June 12, 1809.
SALE AT AUCTION.
On THURSDAY, 20th, inst, at 11 o'clock.
(If not previously sold at Private Sale.)
THE HOUSES and LOTS, No. 3 and 4 Thames-street, lately occupied by Mr. THOMAS VOAK.
Conditions made known at the sale. RHODES & CAHOONE, Auctioneers. Newport, July 12.
Negro Head Tobacco.
SAMUEL CARR & SON have for sale, at their store, on Ferry-wharf, Newport,
A quantity of Negro Head TOBACCO, by the keg—warranted of a good quality; if proving otherwise and returned within three weeks, in good order, it will be taken back. If cutting the kegs in two would be more satisfactory to purchasers, they shall be indulged. July 12. [3 m.]

Poetry.
FROM THE (PROV.) AMERICAN.
SPRING.
BENEATH the leafless oak I stood, And listened to the morning blast; The roaring of the distant flood, Told of the storm that now was past.  When from the South advancing slow, A form of beauty caught my eye, I saw her tears in torrents flow, And from her lips burst many a sigh.  'Twas Spring—She view'd with shrinking fear, The frozen stream, the barren plain, The loveless vale and forest drear, Blasted beneath their tyrant's reign.  And off she stop'd and look'd behind, With wistful eye to southern fields, Where vines are round the green oak twind, And every grove its musick yields.  But fate's commands all must obey, And still adjur'd the weeping fair; While every sigh that forc'd its way, Pour'd heavenly fragrance on the air.  And soon she noticed with surprise, That wheresoever her tear drops fell, Straightway the sweetest flowers would rise, And bloom as though by magic spell.  Pleas'd with the sight, she rais'd her eyes, That long were fix'd upon the ground; No tempest foul deform'd the skies, But peace and b. ity smil'd around!  The frozen stream, the barren plain, The joyless vale and forest drear, Had lost the gloom of Winter's reign, And felt the renovated year.  With soft delight the change she view'd, And heard sweet warblers sing their loves; Tripping the dew her course pursued, And bounded light thro' vales and groves.  Nor knew herself to be the power, That cloth'd with joy each hill and dale, Gave health and sweetness to the hour, And all its fragrance to the gale.  CARROL.
AMUSING MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ANTHOLOGY.
Original Letters, from an American Traveller in Europe, to his friends in this country.
LETTER TWELFTH.
Naples, Jan. 2, 1805.
MY DEAR SISTER,
THE country around Naples was originally settled by the Greeks and was known by the ancients under the name of Magna Græcia. Possessing a mild and delightful climate, a volcanick soil, and the most enchanting landscapes, it was always a favourite spot with the Roman Poets, and in the later times of luxury and effeminacy it became the fashionable resort of the rich and voluptuous. Always subject to volcanick eruptions, its bosom inclosing a great variety of metallick substances in a state of chemical change, it has in all ages exhibited phenomena which have either arrested the attention of the philosopher, or contributed to the gratification of the sensualist.
In a great variety of places in this neighbourhood are to be found hot springs, and warm vapours, which the Romans converted to purposes of luxury or health, but which their indolent successors wholly neglect.
About six miles from Naples on the beautiful bay of Baia, stands the ancient town of Pæstum, by corruption now called Puzzuoli. This city was in former times respectable, but by earthquakes and volcanoes the face of Nature has been so changed, that little remains of its ancient splendour. There are still, however, some vast ruins, which project into the ocean, and which are by the vulgar called the Bridge of Caligula, but which the antiquaries have decided to be the remains of the ancient mole, which formed the port. To an American this idea of forming an artificial port is, happily for our country, a strange one. Nature has been so liberal in its indowments of our coast; our harbours are so naturally defended, either by promontories or islands, that we have no necessity to form artificial defences against the ravages of tempests. In the European world, and particularly in the Mediterranean, it is far otherwise. Almost every port in this part of Italy is directly open to the inroads of the ocean, and the inhabitants owe their security to artificial, not to natural boundaries. These moles, the most expensive, are in some instances the most stupendous works of ancient or modern times. It is probable, that the ruins, which they call Caligula's bridge, were a part of the mole of this city, which, in those days, was a very considerable one; but there is a colour for the opinion of the vulgar, as it is conceded, that Caligula did build a bridge in the same direction over the bay of Baia, to connect the city of that name with Puzzuoli, or Pæstum. That weak and wicked monster took a fancy to imitate the naval triumph of Xerxes, and did accordingly construct a bridge of boats from Baia to Pæstum a distance of three miles, over which he passed a splendid triumph for three successive days.
Near Puzzuoli there is also a ruin of a temple of Jupiter Serapis, which from the size and elegance of the pillars must have been a splendid edifice. The remains of an amphitheatre, which are also found in an unquestionable shape, serve to shew how widely and universally the spirit of luxury and dissipation pervaded every part of the Roman dominions. I do not recollect, that I have seen one considerable city, which could not show some relics of an amphitheatre.
Near Baia you are shown some huge and misshapen ruins, which they call the baths of Nero. All this part of the territory of Naples has been so repeatedly convulsed by earthquakes, or covered with the ashes of volcanoes, that it is very difficult to trace with any accuracy the position of ancient edifices. A great variety of compartments and brick arches render it highly probable, that this was really what vulgar tradition has represented it. Entering a low grotto, which was evidently an antique arch, you pursue an artificial passage, which rapidly descends towards these celebrated springs. As soon as you enter, you encounter a hot and suffocating vapour, which the strongest man could not long support. The guides, accustomed to this office, are stripped to the skin, and even in this situation they come out in a state of violent perspiration. I found however that the warm vapour being specifically lighter than the cool atmospheric air ascended to the top of the passage, and that, by passing down with the head near the ground, one would avoid the insupportable heat of the superior vapour. The heat of the water which issues out, is so great, that it will boil eggs in the period of time usually allowed; and after the water had been brought out in a vessel into the open air, it was too hot to permit you to keep your hand
in it for the space of a second. I regret, that I had not a thermometer with me, but I entertain no doubt that it was at the boiling point. What must be the internal state of the earth, which could produce so powerful a heat! And what must be the dangerous state of a country, undermined by such incessant, and violent fires! This spring is however eighteen miles distant from Vesuvius, and the city of Naples intervenes. Either then the awful phenomena of Vesuvius extend under the city of Naples to this spot, or the city has a distinct subterraneous enemy on the side of Baia as well as of Vesuvius. As you return from Baia to Naples, on the bay of Baia, you pass a very considerable mountain called the Monte Nuovo, and which was wholly the product of a volcano in the 16th century. The spot, on which it stands, was a lake, called the Lucrine lake, and the country around it was level and fertile. On a sudden, after the usual presages of thunders and earthquakes, a most awful volcanick eruption took place in a very short space of time threw up sufficient matter to form this mountain. It is a regular, handsome hill. For nearly a century after its formation its dry and arid surface refused sustenance to vegetables; but at present it is covered with verdant shrubbery, and forms one of the brightest ornaments of this enchanting bay.
Advancing still nearer to Naples, you meet with one of the most extraordinary hills in this land of wonders. It is called Solfaterra from the nature of its production, which is sulphur. The whole hill is one vast mass of sulphur and mineral productions. The very surface and the stones are of a bright sulphureous colour. The ground is hollow, and resounds under your feet. From innumerable crevices a sulphureous vapour, of the most fetid nature, is perpetually ascending. Dig a few inches into the ground, and the heat is too intolerable to permit you to keep your hand in it. Silver is instantly discoloured, if placed in any such opening. In some spots smoke and fire ascend in sufficient quantities to enable the workman to prepare the sulphur and the salts, which they collect here.
Without the least human exertion, that I could perceive, except the erection of some stone or brick fires, sulphur, alum, and sal ammoniac, were collected in a perfect state.
This spot is not more than five miles west of Naples. It has been in this state for centuries, and only experiences changes with the phenomena of Vesuvius. It is said, at least, that, during the eruptions of that mountain, Solfaterra emits an unusual quantity of smoke. The fact is too material in the natural history of this volcano to be admitted on slight evidence.
I think, however, I have introduced sufficient sulphureous exhalations for one letter, so I shall defer the further consideration of this warma subject till another occasion.
On the whole, if Naples has not all the rich variety of Rome it has wonders and curiosities of another species, which render it equally interesting. I wish I may succeed in rendering it so to my friends. The prevalence of cloudy weather has prevented my visiting Vesuvius, or Pompeia, and the holidays have equally deprived me of the pleasure of examining the antiquities, collected at Portici. There are more embarrassments in the way of access to the curiosities of Naples, than to those of any part of Europe. You cannot enter a museum or palace, without a special license from the crown, which can only be obtained from some diplomatic character. I owe my permissions to the civility of the British ambassador, our nation having no minister here; but since I have obtained them, the publick places have been closed—This jealousy is, in my opinion, a Spanish trait, this family, you know, being of the royal family of Spain, the present king of Naples being the son of Charles III. the last king of Spain.
(To be continued.)
Green Pea Shells. —A writer in a Philadelphia paper acquaints the publick, that Soup may be made of Green Pea Shells, palatable, wholesome, nourishing and economical. The process consists merely in boiling them, after the peas are taken out, separating the decoccion from them by draining, and thickening and seasoning it in the common way.
Cure for Epileptick Fits. —It is stated in the Aurora that when the fit is coming on, putting a broad piece of metal say a crown piece into the mouth so as to force and keep the jaws open as widely as possible, will prevent the approaching fit; and it is recommended to persons subject to this disorder, to carry a piece of this kind, or one made for the purpose, always in their pockets to have them within reach when the symptoms of the fit appear. Any other metal will answer as well as silver, as it is not any virtue in that, but the distension of the jaws, which affords relief.
NOTICE.
ALL persons having any demands against the Estate of MARY HAZARD, late of Jamestown, in the county of Newport, deceased, are requested to call on us, the subscribers, and receive their demands; and those indebted to said Estate, to make payment to us.
COMFORT CARR, } Executrix. ABIGAIL CARR, } Jamestown, June 28, 1809.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, in August last, an indentured Apprentice to the Baking business, named JOHN FINK, a native of Elsass, in Germany; about 20 years of age; speaks broken English; full faced, and a little pock-broken; dark hair; stout built; and about five feet seven inches high. Any person who will apprehend the said Run-away, and deliver him to the Subscriber, shall have the above reward, and all necessary charges paid.
GODFREY WENWOOD. Newport, June 21, 1809.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice to the Baking business. A smart active Lad about 12 or 13 years of age, who can produce good recommendation, may hear of a situation by applying at the office of the Rhode-Island Republican .
N. B. One from the country would be preferred. May 10.
JASON SPRAGUE,
Offers for sale, at his Store, in Washington-Street, No. 4,
100 bbls. fresh superfine Alexandria and New-York Flour, by the barrel or larger quantity; 2000 wt. Calm Bread; 60 barrels pickled Cod; dry Codfish by the quintal or larger quantity; Pork; Beef; Rice by the tierce; loaf, powdered and brown Sugar; Souchong and Bohea Teas; Coffee; Molasses; West-India, New-England and Cherry Rum; Wine, Brandy and Gin, by the barrel or less quantity; Ginger, Allspice, Pepper, Cinnamon, Soap, Candies, Starch, negro-head, pigtail and leaf Tobacco; Segars by the thousand or less quantity; Men's and Women's Shoes; Boots; writing and wrapping Paper; merchantable and clear pine Lumber; Hogs-head Shooks; Oars; black and bright Varnish; Rosin; a few barrels gurry Oil. Also, a small quantity of Flax.
Which Articles may be had on reasonable terms, for Cash or approved credit, and the smallest favours gratefully received. Newport, March 21, 1809.
SIMPSON & BARKER,
Offer for sale, At the Brick Market 40 bbls. mess Pork.
March 22.
JAMES WESTGATE, BAKER,
No. 195, Thames-Street, Offers for sale, 100 bbls. excellent Ship Bread. Groceries of all kinds, Crackers and Ginger Bread put up at the shortest notice. Newport, March 23.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of WILLIAM BURROUGHS & SON was dissolved on the first day of January last. Those to whom they may be indebted are requested to call immediately and receive their dues; and those indebted to them are desired to make speedy payment. Accounts and notes, the payment of which has been repeatedly called for, will, without discrimination, be put in suit in ten days from date, unless previously settled. WILLIAM BURROUGHS. WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS.
Newport, April 12, 1809.
WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS
Transacts business on his own account, in the store formerly occupied by Wm. Burroughs & Son, 50, Thames-Street.
Wanted immediately—an active young Man. Good recommendations will be required. April 12.
Spring and Summer Goods.
NATHANIEL SWEET & CO. having recently returned from Boston with an assortment of elegant and seasonable Goods, flatter themselves, that with these, together with their former assortment, they cannot fail to please those who may do them the favour to call at No. 109, Thames-street.
N. B. Their goods being purchased on liberal terms, will be sold as low as at any store in Newport. May 24.
ABNER HATHAWAY,
BROAD-STREET,
HAS for sale, many kinds of LUMBER, consisting of Timber, Joist, Boards, and Shingles; Cedar and Pine Clapboards. Also—white oak Plank and round Timber; with a good assortment of birch and maple Bedstead Joist.
Nails and Hollow Ware, of many kinds; cast iron Oven Frames and Doors, on an approved construction. Corn and Potatoes, by the bushel or larger quantity. Newport, April 5.
HENRY Y. CRANSTON & CO.
No. 15, Market-Square,
RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the publick in general, that they have for sale at their Store, the following Goods, which they would dispose of for Cash or approved Credit: viz.—6 hhds. St. Kitts high 2d, 3d, and 4th proof Rum; 10 pipes Gin, of an excellent quality; 8 bags Coffee; 6 kegs Virginia Tobacco; 20 kegs Ginger; 6 chests Souchong Tea; 30 quintals Cod Fish; 1000 lbs. Cordage; 12 dozen Bed Cords; 50 lbs. Sewing Twine; 4 bags Pimento; 300 lbs. Loaf Sugar; 100 reams Brown Paper; 20 do Foolscap do. &c. &c.
Those who are indebted to them by Note or Book Account, are requested to call and settle the same. All Orders from their distant customers will receive punctual attendance. Newport, April 26, 1809.
HENRY Y. CRANSTON, & CO.
No. 15, Market-Square,
HAVE just received for sale—75 bbls. Alexandria superfine and fine Flour, of a superior inspection; and 50 bbls. first quality Ship Bread. May 17.
HENRY Y. CRANSTON & Co.
15, Market-Square,
OFFERS for sale, for cash, or approved credit, on terms every way suited to the times.
11 bbls. Pimento; to half chests Souchong; and 10 do. Hyson Teas, of a superior and approved quality—which Teas, are of the very latest importation. June 28.
PUBLICK HEALTH.
BATHING-HOUSE.
FOR the accommodation of those Ladies and Gentlemen, who wish to partake of the luxury of the Bath, the BATHING-HOUSE will be opened every day, from sunrise until 9 o'clock in the evening, Sundays excepted, when it will be closed at 10 o'clock in the morning. Tickets may be had at the Medicine Store of SAMUEL W. VINSON, and of the Proprietor. Ladies will please to pass in at the door No. 72, Thames-Street. Gentlemen will enter at the east door of the Bathing-House, Pelham-Street. Subscribers will be furnished with Tickets on account of their Shares, as heretofore. Newport, April 19, 1809.
NOTICE
THE MANAGERS of the Newport METHODIST CHAPEL LOTTERY, have determined to commence Drawing said Lottery on the first MONDAY of SEPTEMBER next.
Newport, May 31, 1809.
NEW HOTEL.
THE publick are informed that the subscriber has taken the house formerly occupied by Mr. OLIVER VARRE, north of the State House, in Broad-Street, where Parties and Clubs may be accommodated with private rooms, &c. Suppers prepared on Short notice. Persons may be accommodated with Boarding, and Lodging. All kinds of refreshments provided; and good accommodations for horses, &c.
Pastery and Cake of various kinds, together with Porter, Mead and Beer, constantly at hand.
Families can be supplied with Calves head Soup, dressed turtle fashion, every Friday.
Calves-Feet Jelly kept for sale. Cordials, of various kinds, a constant supply.
As the subscriber has been at considerable trouble and expence in obtaining one of the first Cooks from the city of New-York, he flatters himself he shall receive a portion of the publick patronage. Every attention will be paid to those who may visit his house, where the smallest favour will be gratefully acknowledged by the publick's most obedient servant,
CATO BARKER.
N. B. Horses and Carriages, to let. Newport, May 17, 1809.
TO BE LET,
And immediate possession given.
THAT pleasant and commodious Room, corner of Mill and Thames-Streets, hitherto occupied by the subscriber as an office. It is unquestionably by far the best situation for a publick office, of any in the town—and at small expence, might be fitted for a dry goods store. For terms apply to PAUL M. MUMFORD. May 9.
TO BE SOLD—a Bargain.
THAT well known and valuable Estate of the Subscriber, at present improved as a Chaise maker's Shop, by ELIAS HUNT, adjoining the house of OBADEAH WILLIAMS. Said Shop stands on a convenient Lot for building, and with a small expense may be converted into Dwelling-House.
For terms apply to the Printer, or to the Subscriber, at Troy, Fall River.
JOHN STRATTON.
June 27,
FOR SALE,
THE Dwelling-house, Lot and Out-houses thereon standing, occupied by Capt. Simon Davis—situated in Spring-street, S. E. corner of Mill-street.
Also—the House and Lot at the North part of Easton's point, lately occupied by the Reverend Mr. Bradley.
Likewise—the Masts, Spars, Sails, Rigging, Stores, &c. suitable for a single decked Brig of 110 or 115 tons, or a high or double decked Brig of 120 or 130 tons.—Apply to CONSTANT TABER. Newport, June 7, 1809.
FOR SALE,
THAT pleasant situation South of Brick Market, about 60 feet on Thames-street, extends about 400 feet west, with a small Wharf. There are two large and very commodious Dwelling-Houses, one fronting on Thames-street, No. 197 and 199, with two convenient Shops in front; the other stands west—very well calculated for two families.
Also—a Lot of Land, & the south-east part of the town, containing three quarters of an acre. Good title will be given. JOSEPH ALLEN.
FOR SALE,
THE beautiful and pleasant FARM, improved by the Subscriber, in Middletown.—Also, the House, Garden and Water Lot, situated in Water-street, Bristol; lately improved by Dr. Chillingsworth Foster.—For terms, apply to
CARDER HAZARD.
Middletown, June 6th, 1809.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED, an Apprentice to the House Carpenter's Business. A lad from 14 to 16 years, (producing satisfactory recommendations) would hear of a good situation, on application at this Office.
N. B. One from the country would have the preference. June 7.