The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1809-05-09 00:00:00

Hon. Ezra Bartlett, Esq.
[No. 23.—VOL. LIV.]
TUESDAY, MAY 9, 1809.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED FOR THE PROPRIETORS, —PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Laws of the U. States.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
AN ACT
Making appropriation, for the support of the military establishment, and of the navy of the U. States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and nine.
BE IT ENACTED, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for defraying the expense of the military establishment of the United States for the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, for the Indian department, and for the expense of fortifications, arsenals, magazines and armories the following sums be, and the same are hereby appropriated, that is to say: For the pay of the army of the United States, eight hundred and sixty-eight thousand two hundred and forty dollars:
For forage, sixty-four thousand six hundred and twenty-four dollars:
For subsistence, six hundred and forty one thousand two hundred and twenty-eight dollars and thirty five cents:
For clothing, two hundred and ninety-three thousand two hundred and sixty-four dollars:
For bounties and premiums, fifteen thousand dollars:
For the medical and hospital departments, forty five thousand dollars:
For camp equipage, fuel, tools and transportation, two hundred and seventy thousand dollars:
For ordnance, seventy five thousand dollars:
For purchasing horses, saddles and bridles for the light dragoons, and for the light artillery, fifty-one thousand seven hundred and twenty dollars:
For forage for the horses for the regiment of light artillery, ten thousand eight hundred dollars:
For fortifications, arsenals, magazines and armories, two hundred and nineteen thousand and thirty four dollars and seventy five cents:
For purchasing maps, plans, books and instruments, two thousand five hundred dollars:
For contingencies, fifty thousand dollars:
For the salary of clerks employed in the military agent's offices and in the office of inspector of the army, three thousand five hundred dollars:
For the Indian department, one hundred & twenty five thousand six hundred dollars:
For the purpose of paying James Powell, late collector of Savannah, the amount of monies advanced by him to Solomon Ellis, contractor for supplying rations to the troops of the U. States in the state of Georgia, including a commission of two per centum to the collector, twenty-seven thousand six hundred and twenty one dollars and eight cents:
For the purpose of paying Ferdinand Phinizy, late contractor for supplying the troops in Georgia, a balance due to him as admitted by the comptroller of the treasury, on the twenty fourth of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine, one thousand three hundred and ninety three dollars and thirty nine cents:
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That for defraying the expenses of the navy of the U. States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, the following sums, including therein the sum of four hundred thousand dollars, already appropriated, by an act, entitled "an act authorizing the employment of an additional naval force," the following sums be, and the same are hereby respectively appropriated, that is to say:
For the pay and subsistence of the officers, and pay of the seamen, one million three hundred and twenty three thousand and seventy dollars:
For provisions, five hundred and sixty seven thousand seven hundred and sixty five dollars:
For medicines, instruments and hospital stores, thirty five thousand dollars:
For repairs of vessels, four hundred and forty five thousand dollars:
For freight, store rent, commissions to agents, and other contingent expenses, one hundred and fifty thousand dollars:
For pay and subsistence of the marine corps including provisions for those on shore, and forage for the staff, one hundred and thirty five thousand six hundred and forty seven dollars and sixty cents:
For clothing for the same, thirty two thousand nine hundred and thirty three dollars and eight cents:
For military stores for the same, one thousand three hundred and fifty four dollars:
For medicines, medical services, hospital stores, and all other expenses on account of the sick belonging to the marine corps, two thousand dollars:
For quarter master and barrack master's stores, for officer's traveling expenses armories and carpenter's bills, fuel, premiums for enlistment, musical instruments, bounty to music, and other contingent expenses of the marine corps, fourteen thousand one hundred and twenty five dollars:
For the expenses of navy yard, comprising dock and other improvements, pay of superintendents, storekeepers, clerks and laborers, sixty thousand dollars:
For ordnance and small arms, one hundred and fifty thousand dollars:
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the several sums, specifically appropriated by this act, shall be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN MILLEDGE,
President of the Senate pro tempore.
March 3, 1809.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Boston Liberality of Sentiment.
At a late ordination dinner in Boston, the following was one of a set of toasts drunk by the dining clergymen—"The Spanish clergy, now militant, may they soon be triumphant!" The clergymen of Boston have long had the character of being extremely liberal; but we did not expect to hear them toasting the holy fathers of the inquisition. The wall of partition between papists and protestants being now broken down by clerical hands, we expect at the next ordination to have a volunteer for the Pope. When we compare this liberality with their late prayers against Pagan superstition, Mahometan delusion, and popish idolatry; and when we read of the hanging of witches, quakers, and baptists for non-conformity, by the ancestors of these same Boston clergymen, we are astonished at the rapid progress of catholicism which must soon embrace the whole world in one communion, protestants, papists, Brahmins, Jews, Mahometans, and pagans of all descriptions. What wonderful times we live in! New England clergymen toasting the inquisition. [Suffolk Gazette.]
From the Trenton True American. Religious and Political Scraps.
"Gather up the Fragments."
In England alone are eighteen thousand clergymen of the established church, supported by the public, but totally independent of the people. The great body of these clergymen are among the most dissolute and depraved of all mankind—wallowing in all kinds of wickedness, and drinking in iniquity like water. Many of them never preach or perform public service themselves—but do all that is done by a deputy or curate; while the largest proportion read prayers and perhaps a discourse on Sunday and spend all the week at horse races and fox chases, at the theatre, at the card table, at routs, assemblies, revels, debaucheries, &c. &c. Truly did a faithful divine say that such a body of clergy "deserve extirpation from the face of the earth."
"According to the royal census of Spain (says a late writer) taken in the year 1801, there were in that country 2,434,772 male inhabitants between the ages of fifteen and sixty; of these 152,285 were regular and secular clergy, making about one for every fifteen men in the country." One fifteenth of a community clergymen! Clergymen, too, without either learning or piety, liberality or honesty! Covetous of the fleece, but careless of the flock—pretending to be preachers of religion, while they practice all kinds and degrees of in-ignorant, bigotted, intolerant and cruel—obscene, bestial, and impious—"earthly, sensual and devilish!" Such is a faint picture of the clergy of Spain, whose chastisement by the hand of Providence, awakens such sympathy in the bosoms of many, even professors of the pure doctrines of christianity; Can any nation, hood winked, deluded, plundered, and tyrannized over by such and so numerous a priesthood, change for the worse?
It is surprising that when the dreadful effects of church establishments are so evident in Europe, there should be found an American who would barter the liberty wherewith God has made us free for similar corrupt and corrupting institutions. Yet I have heard men, professedly pious and apparently devout, who have declared their preference of an established sect, to that freedom of opinion and that equality of rights in religious matters which all denominations enjoy in this happy clime. And I cannot doubt that the body of the New England clergy, who have on many late occasions evinced such a deadly hostility to the principles of our excellent government, are actuated by a desire to overthrow our republican system, that a monarchy may be reared on its ruins, that the church may be wedded to the state, and that they may "make a gain of Godliness." If it were not so, why, instead of breaking unto their hearers the bread of life, do they administer to them their political nostrums? Why instead of leading their flocks to the fountains of living waters, do they head them at town meetings and elections? Why instead of preaching peace on earth and good will to men, do they hurl their anathemas at the rulers of the people and at the people who respect and support their rulers? Why, instead of imitating the meek and humble deportment of Jesus Christ, are they ever striving to be uppermost in political struggles and loudest in party broils? Why, in short instead of devoting all their time and all their talents to spiritual concerns, are both talents and time almost wholly engrossed by temporal affairs.
It was well said, by an excellent writer—"religion is of such a nature that it will not bear to be breathed upon by the state; the breath of the state always pollutes it. It is a plant which flourishes more in the shade of poverty and obscurity, than in the sunshine of worldly prosperity. A good king cannot render religion greater service than an equally pious poor man renders it. Worldly power, worldly honor, and worldly riches, enervate, enfeeble and corrupt it." EUSEBIUS.
It is not a little singular that the federalists, who have lately been strenuous advocates for fortifications, never took any efficient measures to fortify our ports and harbors when they were in power? It is believed that the republican administration has done more for this purpose in the last year, than the federalists did the whole time they were in power. Nay more. On the first day of March last, in the Senate of the United States, a clause of a bill to appropriate one million of dollars for fortifications was opposed by every federalist in that body.
IMPORTANT Political Retrospect.
FROM THE BOSTON PATRIOT. THE INADMISSIBLE PRINCIPLES OF THE King of England's Proclamation of Oct. 22, 1807—CONSIDERED, BY THE LATE PRESIDENT ADAMS.
Quincy, January 9, 1809.
SIR,—In my letter of the 26th of December it was remarked that the Proclamation for pressing seamen from our merchant ships had not been sufficiently considered. Some of the reasons for that opinion will be found in the following commentaries, which were written for private amusement, within a few days after the appearance in public of this TEXT.
"The proclamation of the King of Great Britain, requiring the return of his subjects, the seamen especially, from foreign countries, to aid in this hour of peculiar danger, in defence of their own."
"But it being an acknowledged principle, that every nation has a right to the service of its subjects in time of war, that proclamation could not furnish the slightest ground for an embargo."
This partial description has a tendency to deceive many, and no doubt has deceived thousands. It is concealing the asp in a basket of figs. The dangerous, alarming and fatal part of the proclamation is kept carefully out of sight. Proclamations of one kind are of immemorial usage; but the present one is the first of the kind. Proclamations of the first kind, issued usually in the beginning of a war, are in effect but simple invitations to subjects, who happen to be abroad, to return home. To deny the right of the king to issue them, would be as unreasonable as to deny his right to send a card of invitation to one of his subjects to dine with him on St. George's day. But in neither case is the subject bound by law to accept the invitation. As it is natural to every human mind to sympathize with its native country when in distress or danger, it is well known that considerable numbers of British commonly return home from various foreign countries, in consequence of these invitations by proclamation. The British ambassadors, consuls, agents, governors and other officers give the proclamations a general circulation, stimulate the people to return, and contrive many means to encourage and facilitate their passages. All this is very well; all this is within the rules of modesty, decency, law and justice; no reasonable man will object to it. But none of these proclamations, till this last, ever asserted a right to take British subjects, by force, from the ships of foreign nations, any more than from the cities and provinces of foreign nations. On the other hand, it is equally clear, that British subjects in foreign countries are under no indispensable obligation of religion, morality, law or policy, to return in compliance with such proclamations. No penalty is annexed by English laws to any neglect; no, nor to any direct or formal disobedience. Hundreds, in fact, do neglect and disobey the proclamations to one who complies with them. Thousands who have formed establishments and settled families, or become naturalized, or made contracts, or enlisted on board merchant ships, or even ships of war in foreign countries, pay no regard to these orders or invitations of their former sovereign. Indeed, all who have become naturalized in foreign countries, or entered into contracts of any kind, public or private, with governments or merchants, or farmers or manufacturers, have no right to return until they have fulfilled their covenants and obligations. The President of the United States has as legal authority to issue similar proclamations, and they would be as much respected by American citizens, all over the globe. But every American would say his compliance was voluntary, and none, whose engagements abroad were incompatible, would obey. But "it is an acknowledged principle, that every nation has a right to the service of its subjects in time of war." By whom is this principle acknowledged? By no man, I believe, in the unlimited sense in which it is here asserted. With certain qualifications and restrictions it may be admitted. Within the realm and his own dominions the King has a right to the service of his subjects, at sea and on land, by voluntary enlistments, and to send them abroad on foreign voyages, expeditions and enterprizes—but it would be difficult to prove the right of any executive authority of a free people to compel free subjects into service by conscriptions or impressments, like galley-slaves, at the point of the bayonet, or before the mouths of field artillery. Extreme cases and imperious necessity, it is said, have no law; but such extremities and necessity must be very obvious to the whole nation, or free men will not comply. Impressments, of seamen from British merchantmen in port or at sea, are no better than the conscriptions of soldiers by Napoleon or Lewis XIV. who set him the example. So much for that part of the proclamation, which the text produces to public view. Now for the other part, which it has artfully concealed.
The King not only commands his subjects to return, but he commands the officers of his navy to search the merchant ships of neutrals, (meaning Americans, for it is not applicable to any others,) not intended to be applied to any others,) and impress all British seamen they find on board, without any regard to any allegations of naturalization; without any regard to any certificates of citizenship; without regard to any contracts, covenants or connections they have formed with captains or owners; and without regard to any marriages, families or children they may have in America. And in what principle or law is this founded? Is there any law of God to support it? Is there any law of nature to justify it? Is there any law of England to authorise it? Certainly not. The laws of England have no binding force on board American ships, more than the laws of China or Japan. The laws of the United States alone, of which the law of nations is a part, have dominion over our merchant ships. In what law then is it grounded? In the law of nations? It is a counterfeit foisted into that law, by this arbitrary, fraudulent proclamation, for the first time. Such a title, as Impressment of Seamen , was never found in any code of laws, since the first canoe was launched into the sea; not even in that of England. Whoever claims a right must produce a law to support it. But this proclamation attempts to transfer a pretended right of impressing seamen from their own ships, which in truth is only an enormous abuse, to the impressment of seamen from foreign nations, foreign ships and foreign subjects. The horror of this gross attempt, this affront to our understandings as well as feelings; this contempt of our natural and national resentment of injuries, as well as of our sympathies with fellow-citizens and fellow-creatures, suffering the vilest oppression under inhumanity and cruelty, could never have appeared in the world, had not the spirits of Lord Bute and Lord George Germaine risen again at St. James's.
It is in vain for the Britons to say, these men are the King's subjects.—How are they the King's subjects? By British laws. And what are British laws to us, on the high seas? No more than the laws of Otaheite. We Americans must say they are our fellow-citizens by our laws. They have sworn allegiance to the United States. We have admitted them to all the rights and privileges of American citizens, and by this admission have contracted with them to support and defend them in the enjoyment of all such rights. Our laws acknowledge no divine right of Kings, greater than those of subjects, or any indefeasible duty of subjects more than that of kings, to obedience. These remnants of feudal tyranny and ecclesiastical superstition, have been long since exploded in America. The King claims them to make them slaves. The President of the United States claims them, as it is his duty to do, by his office and his oath, not to enslave them, but to protect them and preserve them free.—Our laws are as good as British laws. Our citizens have as good a right to protection as British subjects, and our government is as much bound to afford it. What is the impressment of seamen? It is no better than what the civilians call Plagiat , a crime punishable with death by all civilized nations, as one of the most audacious and punishable offences against society. It was so considered among the Hebrews.—"He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." Exodus 21. 17. "If a man be found stealing any of his brethren, then that thief shall die."
Deuteronomy 24. 7. The laws of Athens, like those of the Hebrews, condemned the plagiary or man-stealer to death; and the laws of Rome pronounced the same judgment against the same outrage. But to descend from the Hebrews, Greeks & Romans to the British. What is the impressment of seamen in England, by their own laws, in their own ports, from their own ships within the four seas, or any where on the high seas? It is said to be an usage. So were ship-money and benevolences in the reign of Charles the first, and arguments were urged by his courtiers, to prove their legality, as plausible and conclusive as any that have been produced by Judge Foller, in favor of impressment. It is at best but an abuse, subsisting only by toleration and connivance, like the practice in Holland of kidnapping men for settlers, or servants in Batavia. It is in direct contradiction and violation of every principle of English liberty. It is a direct violation of Magna Charta and the fifty five confirmations of it in Parliament, and a bold defiance of all the ecclesiastical execrations against the violators of it. It is in direct violation of all their other statutes, bills and petitions of right, as well as the Habeas Corpus act. It deprives free subjects of their liberty, property, and often of their lives, without alledging or pretending any accusation against them of any crime or fault. It deprives them of the trial by jury and subjects them to scourges and death, by martial law and the judgment of courts martial. It is a kind of civil war, made upon innocent and unoffending subjects. It is said that in a general impressment, like that of Admiral Keppell, it cost the nation, in cutters, luggers, press gangs, and it might have been added, in Nanny-houses and rendezvous of debauchery and corruption, an hundred pounds for every man they obtained. The practice is not avowed or acknowledged by the nation. No Parliament ever dared to legitimate or sanction it. No court of law ever dared to give a judgment in favor of it. No judge or lawyer that ever I heard of, till Foller, ever ventured to give a private opinion to encourage it.
THURLOW, when he was Chancellor, hazarded a saying to a committee of the city of London, that the practice of impressment of seamen was legal; but the committee answered him respectfully, but firmly, though in the presence of the King in Council—"We acknowledge the high authority of your Lordship's opinion, but we must declare that we are of a very different opinion;" and their answer appeared to be applauded by the nation. Press-gangs are continually opposed and resisted at sea, by the sailors, whenever they have the means or the least hope of escaping. Navy officers and men are sometimes killed, and there is no inquisition for their blood. As little noise as possible is made about it. It is known to be justifiable homicide to take the life of an assailant in the necessary defence of a man's liberty. There is not a jury in England who would find a verdict of murder or manslaughter against any sailor, on land or at sea, who should kill any one of a press-gang in the necessary defence of his liberty from impressment. Press-gangs on shore are often resisted by the people, fired on, some of them wounded, sometimes killed. Yet no inquisition is made for this. The practice is held in abhorrence by the men-of-war's-men themselves. The boatswain of the Rose frigate , after the acquittal of the four Irish sailors, who were prosecuted in a special Court of Admiralty at Boston, for killing a gallant and amiable officer, Lieutenant Panton, said, "This is a kind of work in which I have been almost constantly engaged for twenty years, i. e. in fighting, with honest sailors, to deprive them of their liberty; I always suspected that I ought to be hanged for it, but now I know it." Since I have alluded to this case, it may not be amiss to recollect some other circumstances of it.
A press-gang from the Rose , commanded by Lieutenant Panton, with a Midshipman and a number of ordinary seamen, visited and searched a merchant-ship from Marblehead, belonging to Mr. Hooper, at sea. The Lieutenant enquired if any English, Irish or Scotchmen were on board? Not satisfied with the answer he received, he prepared to search the ship

from stem to stern. At last he found four Irishmen retired and concealed in the forepeak.—With swords and pistols he immediately laid siege to the enclosure and summoned the men to surrender. Corbett, who had the cool intrepidity of a Nelson, reasoned, remonstrated and laid down the law with the precision of a Mansfield.—“I know who you are. You are the Lieutenant of a man of war, come with a press-gang to deprive me of my liberty. You have no right to impress me. I have retreated from you as far as I can; I can go no farther. I and my companions are determined to stand upon our defence. Stand off.” The sailors within and without employed their usual language to each other, and a Midshipman, in the confusion, fired a pistol into the forepeak and broke an arm of one of the four. Corbett, who stood at the entrance, was engaged in a contest of menaces and defiance with the Lieutenant.—He repeated what he had before said, and marking a line with a harpoon in the salt, with which the ship was loaded, said, “You are determined to deprive me of my liberty, and I am determined to defend it. If you step over that line, I shall consider it as a proof that you are determined to impress me, and by the eternal God of Heaven, you are a dead man.” “Aye, my lad,” said the Lieutenant, “I have seen many a brave fellow, before now.” Taking his snuff-box out of his pocket, and taking a pinch of snuff, he very deliberately stepped over the line and attempted to seize Corbett. The latter, drawing back his arm, and driving his harpoon with all his force, cut off the carotid artery and jugular vein, and laid the Lieut. dead at his feet.—The Rose sent a reinforcement to the press-gang; broke down the bulk-head, and seized the four Irishmen, and brought them to trial for piracy and murder. The Court consisted of Governor Bernard, Governor Wentworth, Chief Justice Hutchinson, Judge Achmuty, Commodore Hood himself, who then commanded all the ships of war on the station, now a peer of the British Empire, and twelve or fifteen others, counsellors of Massachusetts, New-Hampshire and Rhode-Island. After the trial, the President, Governor Bernard, pronounced the judgment of the Court, that the action of the prisoners was justifiable homicide, and in this opinion the whole Court was unanimous. The sailor who was wounded in the arm, brought an action against the Midshipman, and Commodore Hood himself interposed and made compensation to the sailor, to his satisfaction, after which the action was withdrawn.—Such was the impressment of seamen, as it stood, by law, before our revolution. The author of my text, then, carries his courtly complaisance to the English government, farther than the Governors Bernard and Hutchinson, and even than Lord Hood carried it, when we were a part of the British empire. He thinks, that, as every nation has a right to the service of its subjects, in time of war, the proclamation of the King of Great Britain, commanding his naval officers to practise such impressments, on board, not the vessels of his own subjects, but, of the United States, a foreign nation, could not furnish the slightest ground for an Embargo! It is not necessary for me to say, that any thing could furnish a sufficient ground for an embargo, for any long time; this, I leave to the responsibility of our President, Senators and Representatives in Congress. But, I say, with confidence, that it furnished a sufficient ground for a declaration of war. Not the murder of Peirce, nor all the murders, on board the Chesapeake, nor all the other injuries and insults, we have received from foreign nations, atrocious as they have been, can be of such dangerous, lasting and pernicious consequence to this country, as this proclamation, if we have servility enough to submit to it.
What would the author of my text have advised? Would he counsel the President to stipulate, in a treaty with Great Britain, that his navy officers should forever hereafter have a right to visit all American Merchant ships, and impress from them all English, Scotch and Irish Seamen? Will he be so good as to explain the distinction between ships of war and merchant ships? Are not merchant ships under the jurisdiction and intitled to the protection of the laws of their country upon the high seas, as much as ships of war? Is not a merchant ship as much the territory of the United States, as a ship of war?—Would the author of my text advise the President and Congress to acquiesce, in silence, under this proclamation, and permit it to be executed forever hereafter? Would not such a tame and silent acquiescence, as effectually yield the point, and establish the practice, if not the law, as an express stipulation in a solemn treaty? If the United States had as powerful a navy as Great Britain, and Great Britain as feeble a force at sea, as ours, would he advise
the President, either to concede the principle, by treaty, or acquiesce in it, in silence? Does the circumstance of great power or great weakness make any alteration in the principle or the right? Should the Capt. or crew of an American merchantman, resist a British press-gang on the high seas, and in defence of their liberty, kill the commander, and all under him, and then make their escape, and after returning to Salem, be prosecuted, would the writer of my text, as a judge or a juror, give his judgment for finding them guilty of murder or piracy? Although the Embargo was made the watchword, in our late elections, the votes, in our greatest nurseries of seamen, for example, in Salem, in Marblehead, in Barnstable, Sandwich and other places on Cape Cod, in Nantucket and the Vineyard and other places, seemed to shew, that our seamen preferred to be embargoed, rather than go to sea to be impressed.
No doubt, it will be said, that we have nothing to do with the question in England, concerning the legality or illegality of impressments. This, as long as they confine the law and the practice to their own country, to their own ships, and their own seamen, is readily acknowledged. We shall leave them to justify their own usage, whether it is a mere abuse, or a legitimate custom, to their own consciences, to their own sense of equity, humanity or policy. But when they arrogate a right, and presume in fact to transfer their usurpation to foreign nations, or rather to Americans, whom they presume to distinguish from all other foreign nations, it becomes the interest, the right, and the indispensable duty of our Government to enquire into the nefarious nature of it in England, in order to expose the greater turpitude of it when transferred to us, as well as to oppose and resist it to the utmost of their power, and it is equally the duty of the people to support their government in such opposition to the last extremity. Permit me now to enquire, what will be the effects of an established law and practice of British impressments of seamen, from American ships, upon the commerce, the navigation and the peace of the United States, and, above all, upon the hearts and minds of our seamen.
In considering those innumerable dangers, from winds and seas, rocks and shoals, to which all ships are exposed, in their voyages, the owner and master must fit down together, in order to determine the number of seamen necessary for the voyage. They must calculate the chances of impressment, and engage a supernumerary list of sailors, that they may be able to spare as many, as the British lieutenant shall please to take, and have enough left, to secure the safety of the ship and cargo; and, above all, the lives of the master and crew.—They know not how many British ships of war they may meet, nor how many sailors the conscience of each lieutenant may allow him to impress. For the lieutenant is to be judge, jury, sheriff and gaoler, to every seaman in American vessels. He is to try many important questions of law and of fact. Whether the sailor is a native of America; whether he has been lawfully naturalized in America. Whether he is an Englishman, Scotchman or Irishman. Whether he emigrated to America before the revolution, or since? Indeed, no evidence is to be admitted of any naturalization by our laws, in any of the states, since the revolution, if before. In truth, the doctrine of the inherent and indefeasible duty of allegiance is asserted, so peremptorily, in the proclamation, that the lieutenant may think it his duty to impress every man, who was born in the British dominions. It may be the opinion of this learned judge, that the connection between the king and subject is so sacred and divine, that allegiance cannot be dissolved by any treaty the king has made, or even by any act of parliament. And this pious sentiment may subject us all to impressments, at once. —This, however, en passant.
The lieutenant is to order the captain of the merchantman to lay before him a list of his crew; he is then to command the crew to be ordered or summoned, or mustered to pass in review before him. A tribunal ought to be erected. The lieutenant is to be the judge, possessed of greater authority than the Chief Justice of any of our States, or even than the Chief Justice of the United States. The midshipman is to be clerk, and the boatswain sheriff or marshal. And who are these lieutenants? Commonly very young gentlemen, the younger sons of wealthy families, who have procured their commissions to give them an honorable living, instead of putting them apprentices to trade, merchandise, law, physic or divinity; their education, their experience, their manners, their principles, are so well known, that I shall say nothing of them. Lord Keppel said, that he knew the maxim of British seamen to be, “to do no right & receive no wrong.”
The principles of the officers, I believe to be somewhat better; but in this, they all seem to agree, officers and men, and their present ministry seem to be of the same opinion, that the world was made for the British nation and that all nature and nations were created for the dignity and omnipotence of the British navy.
It is impossible to figure to ourselves, in imagination, this solemn tribunal and venerable judge, without smiling, till the humiliation of our country comes into our thoughts and interrupts the sense of ridicule by the tears of grief or vengeance.
High on a splendid seat, which far outshone “Hanley’s gilt tub, or Fleetwood’s Irish throne.”
The Lieutenant examines the countenance, the gait and air of every seaman. Like the sage of old, commands him to speak, “that he may know him.” He pronounces his accent and dialect to be that of the Scotch, Irish, West Country, Yorkshire, Welsh, Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, or Sark. Many native Americans are the descendants of emigrants from all these countries, and retain a tincture of the language and pronunciation of their fathers and grandfathers. These will be decided to be the king’s subjects. Many will be found to be emigrants, or the descendants of emigrants, from Germany, Holland, Sweden, France, Spain, Portugal or Italy. These will be adjudged by the Lieutenant to be native Americans.
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
BRITISH OUTRAGE.
“The English have done us no wrong,” say Messrs. Pickering & Co.
Fellow-Citizens—Read again and again the subjoined narrative of facts, made and attested to by Isaac Oakley. Pause, ponder and consider; not upon an idle tale—nor upon a party production; but upon a real subject. A fellow-citizen of yours; a native of your own country, present here among you, a living evidence of the truth of what he asserts—while in the honest pursuit of a livelihood, and to support an aged mother, dragged with savage barbarity from an American vessel and thrust on board of a British ship of war—there doomed for three years and more to all the agonies of mind, and pains of body, which fell tyranny, with all her powers, capable of inflicting, or the human being capable of bearing.
Consider, fellow-citizens: that the Secretary of the United States has officially stated, that nearly 5000 of your fellow-citizens have been impressed, and now are actually on board British ships of war; and as many thousands more are in the same condition, of whom no official account has been received, deprived of country, friends and relations—bending under the lash of their marine marauders. With these facts glaring in your face, will your feelings as Americans and as christians, permit you to join the cry raised by traitors, that “the British have done us no wrong?” Are you ready to follow up this cry by denouncing your government, exciting division, resisting the execution of the laws, and promoting insurrection and rebellion. For the honor of my country, I will not believe that party spirit has so far benumbed your patriotism, and suppressed the dictates of christianity.
February 3, 1809 Green County, ss.
Isaac Oakley being duly sworn, depose and saith, that he was born and brought up in the county of Westchester, in the state of New-York—that he commenced a seafaring life at the age of twenty three years, and sailed from the city of New-York on board of the Indostan, Lewis, master, an American ship, bound to Port-au-Prince, in the West-Indies. That he continued to pursue the occupation of a sailor on board of American vessels until the spring of 1804. On the 17th day of April, he was on board of the Henrietta-Charlotte bound from New-York to Hamburg, Ripley, master, and from on board said last mentioned ship he was impressed, and forcibly dragged on board of a British ship, called the Prince of Wales, a ninety gun ship.—That while on board of the British ship, he was severely treated, and was twice severely flogged for not agreeing to sign the enlistment roll of the ship. That he was continued on board of the last mentioned ship for about two years and a half, when he improved an opportunity which offered, of making his escape, by swimming ashore; but was the same day retaken and conducted by a guard on board the said ship, when a court martial was formed for his trial—a trial took place, in which he urged that he was an American citizen, but to no effect; he was sentenced to receive FIVE HUNDRED LASHES! fifty lashes being the ten ships of the fleet, which sentence, was carried into execution, on Christmas day, in the year 1807, in the following manner—he was placed in a boat, both arms and legs pinned and fixed in one position, and was rowed from one vessel to another, receiving at each fifty lashes; after which he was taken to the hospital, where he continued for ten weeks, four of which he continued in one position; laying with his face downwards. That after his recovery, he was conducted on board of the same ship, where he continued about six months; when another opportunity presented to make his escape, which he successfully improved, and fortunately reached the port of New-York, in the ship Hiram, from Liverpool, Jones, commander, on the 25th of December last past; and that he is now with a brother of his in the village of Catskill. And this deponent further saith, that after he was dragged on board of the said British ship, the protection which he had and had shewn, was forcibly taken from him, and torn up before his face, they swearing at the same time the dam’d Yankees were all transports; that Irishmen would become Yankees in three weeks, and that they would serve our colors the same as they had the protection of this deponent. And this deponent further saith, that he has a mother living, three brothers and three sisters, all residing in this state.
ISAAC OAKLEY.
Sworn this 3d day of Feb. 1809, before me, John Blanchard, Justice of Peace.
[Albany Reg.]
Latest Foreign NEWS.
On Saturday evening, 29th ult. arrived at Boston, the British ship Dykes, Capt. Hutchinson, 40 days from Liverpool, bringing London papers to March 18.
No positive information had reached England of hostilities having actually taken place between Austria and France; although the papers contain new and reiterated assurances, that the event must take place, and that the declaration of War and Proclamation to the armies were ready for publication.
MARCH 16. This morning arrived a mail from Gottenburgh, with intelligence to the 7th inst. The King of Sweden seems unalterable in his determination to prosecute the war.
It is now affirmed with some degree of confidence that Bonaparte has sent the Royal Family of Spain to South America, and that they are actually on board the squadron which lately escaped from L’Orient. This step would certainly be a masterpiece of policy, if they can be prevailed on to act in subservience to the projects of Bonaparte. The presence of their lawful monarch would probably reconcile the different parties which reign in South America, and unite them under one head: but whether Bonaparte could long preserve his influence in a place which his armies cannot reach, is at least a very doubtful point. By great address and a conciliating spirit, Great Britain might succeed in establishing an ascendancy in that quarter, which might ultimately prove the most valuable of all foreign connections.
MARCH 17.
We have received Paris papers to the 7th inst. The tone in which almost every article of intelligence from Vienna is given, indicates, every day, more strongly approaching hostilities between France and Austria. We select a few of these warlike notices, which almost uniformly bespeak the determinations of Napoleon. The following are from the Monitor:
“A letter from Vienna, dated the 11th ult. contains the following passage: “A pamphlet is sold here, containing all the documents given by Cevallos, concerning the abdication of the King of Spain; it was at first published secretly at four florins; now it is sold publicly, and costs only one florin 40 kreutzers. Such writings are not permitted to be sold till a decisive part is taken respecting those of whom they treat.”
It is confidently stated that government is in possession of the declaration of war, by Austria against France. A vessel arrived at Dover, from Holland in three days, the passengers by which positively state that war had actually been declared by Austria against France.
The public and private accounts from Holland lead us to think that hostilities have actually commenced between France and Austria. It is even mentioned in some communications that the first blow has been struck by the troops of the former. The particulars of this most interesting event are not described, but the fact was generally credited at Rotterdam, on the 14th inst. Bonaparte was still at Paris, but was making preparations to set out for the army, the operations of which he was to direct in person. ‘Russia,’ adds one of these letters, is evidently becoming less attached to France, and has already considerably relaxed in her exertion, in favor of that power.
STOCKHOLM, MARCH 6.
It was announced at Change publicly on Saturday last, that the treaty of commerce between England and this country had been signed, and that this place was to become a free port.
The King’s intended tour has been postponed for the present.
MARCH 18.
The House of Commons came to two more divisions last night, upon the subject of the charges against the Duke of York.
The first division was on Sir T. Turton’s amendment, which was rejected by a majority of 199.
The second division was on Mr. Percivall’s second resolution of acquitting the Duke of personal corruption or connivance. This resolution was carried by a majority of eighty two. The number of members who divided on this second resolution was greater than that which divided on Sir Thomas Turton’s amendment. Of 474 members present, 296 divided against the resolution of acquittal—a proportion less than 3 to 2.—The discussion, however, is not yet finished—Mr. Bragge Bathurst moves his resolution on Monday, which is in substance “that the House had observed with the deepest regret that there had existed a connection the most immoral and unbecoming; and that it had given rise to an interference in official matters which had a tendency to give colour of authority to transactions the most criminal.”
There were reports at the House of Commons last night, that as soon as the second resolution of the chancellor of the exchequer was disposed of, his Royal Highness would resign. We do not believe it. Besides, the Chancellor hinted that after the resolution was disposed of he meant to propose an address for continuing the Duke in the command of the army.
The escape of the fleet which had been so long weather bound at Oporto, and which crossed the Bar on the 23d ult. is a matter of consolation, considering the menaced condition of that country. The property on board is estimated at the value of 400,000l. and insurances have been done at Lloyd’s to that amount.—There are from 8 to 10,000 pipes of wine in the fleet.
LONDON, MARCH 14.
“War between Austria and France is represented as certain; I shall not, however, believe it, till I see a blow struck. Russia is also said to be changing her politics. What principally gives rise to this, is the arrival of a Russian messenger here.”
The arrival of a French fleet in the W. Indies, is confirmed. We have seen letters which state the fact. And Capt. Holmes, arrived at Philadelphia, says three 74’s and 6 frigates have arrived at the Saints, Guadaloupe.
[N. Y. Gazette.]
An Antigua paper of the 4th ult. says—“The Swagger has been sent here by the Admiral, with an order for provisions to be forwarded by him off the Saints where he now is with his squadron, blockading three French ships of the line and four frigates lately arrived in these seas.”
[We know that about the last of Feb. 3 ships of the line and four frigates made their escape from L’Orient.—The above must be the same.]
BY THE MAILS.
WASHINGTON, April 26. Thomas Fitzsimons, President of the Chamber of commerce at Philadelphia, to the secretary of state.
PHILADELPHIA, April 23d, 1809.
Sir—The proclamation of the president of the United States, published here yesterday has necessarily engaged the attention of the merchants of this city, and I am particularly requested by a respectable number of them to ask from you an explanation on a point in it considered as very important. That is, whether the 10th of June refers to the departure of vessels from the United States, or to their arrival in Great Britain or its dependencies.
Without presuming to hazard an opinion upon that point, it may not be improper to remark, that if the latter shall be declared to be its true intent and meaning, the advantages to the U. States will be incalculable. As respects expeditions to India, it may be observed, that if vessels do not fail before the 10th of June, they must encounter all the delays and dangers of the adverse monsoons, and as it respects the export of articles, the growth or produce of the United States, the advantages are too obvious to require enumeration.
Under a firm persuasion that it is the desire of the president to give all proper facility to the commerce of the U. States, the merchants of this city, with this question to be submitted to the president as soon as your convenience will permit, and that you will be pleased to favor me with his determination thereon.
I am with great respect, (Signed) THS. FITZSIMONS, President of the Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce.
Department of State, April 26, 1809.
Sir—Your letter of the 23d inst. I have received, and I have the honor of stating to you, that in pursuance of the statute, commonly called the non-intercourse act, the president having by his proclamation merely declared the revocation on the 10th of June, of the British orders, has left the fact subject to the operation of the law thereon.
In answer however to the question particularly propounded by you, it with propriety may be added, that the day stated in the proclamation, viz. the 10th of June, refers to the arrival of vessels in G. Britain and its dependencies and in the U. States, leaving the time and manner of their clearances to the discretion of the owners, as far as law and usage may justify.
I have the honor to be, &c (Signed) R. SMITH, Thomas Fitzsimons, esq. President of the chamber of commerce—Philadelphia.
From the National Regis.
EMBARGO.
If there is such a thing as principle in the breasts of the opposers of government; if the blush of shame can be raised upon their cheeks, their tongues must now cease to clamor, and their lips be closed in everlasting silence. THE BRITISH ORDERS OF COUNCIL ARE REPEALED, AND COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE IS RESTORED BETWEEN THE U. STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN. This is the effect of the EMBARGO. This proves the wisdom of that much abused but most salutary measure, and abashes the restless dilatorians of New England. Now let those short sighted politicians who could not comprehend the utility of a temporary restriction of our commerce, acknowledge their own blindness, and the superior discernment of the great statesman who stood at the head of this mighty people. How often was it echoed that England despised our embargo; nay, was even benefitted by it! How often were the contrary sentiments of wiser individuals laughed to scorn! Yet this same “weak,” this “wretched,” this “cowardly” measure has brought our haughty foe to terms, and done what the longest protracted negotiation never could have done. It is in vain to deny that we owe this great event to the embargo. To what else can we attribute it? When the British ministry dispatched their special messenger, they supposed the embargo in full force; they were acquainted with the rigorous mode in which congress at the commencement of their session determined to enforce it.
Believing that we were irrevocably resolved upon an honorable defence of our rights, unwilling thro’ mere obstinacy to sacrifice a commerce so important to them, dreading serious difficulties from their own enraged citizens, and defeated in their Spanish designs, they have abandoned the untenable ground of waring against the whole world, and are at length willing to become the ostensible friends of America. Let us for a moment suppose that the counsel of the federal leaders had been followed, that the impertinent interference of the Massachusetts Legislature had been regarded, in what situation should we now be? We were told by the opposition that the orders in council were justifiable, and that we ought to acquiesce in them! According to this advice we would now have been merely trading under these oppressive regulations, and basely paying tribute to an insulting tyrant! From what disgrace and irremediable ruin has the firmness of administration preserved us!—Thankful should we be that they listened to the dictates of their own wisdom before the clamor of traitors.
The same proposal which England has now made to us was rejected by her with haughtiness when made by President Jefferson last year! What but the embargo and her Spanish disasters can have wrought this auspicious change? It proves what Republicans have always maintained, that the government of Great Britain regards might as right, and never does justice unless it imports with her own interests.—Those interests have been affected by our resistance to her unhallowed edicts; the persevered in her iniquity by the encouragement of her partisans in this country, vainly believing that the threats of an internal, desperate faction would overawe the American rulers. She found herself deceived and has now solicited our friendship, which a few months since she proudly spurned. For this glad revolution in our foreign concerns, we must look under heaven to an upright and enlightened administration. As to “French Influence,” even Doctor Park will not dare longer to use this bug-bear.
EDWARD TIFIN, of Ohio, has resigned his seat in the Senate of the United States.

Portsmouth. TUESDAY, MAY 9, 1809. FOREIGN ARTICLES. The following came from Halifax, under the date of April 27. "The ship Maryford, arrived yesterday in 31 days from Liverpool, and brought London papers to March 23, inclusive." "The Duke of York, finding popular prejudice ran hard against him, has waited on his Majesty, and resigned the office of Commander in Chief, which was accepted. Sir David Dundas holds the office for the present, as locum tenens to Sir David Baird—although it is rather supposed that the office will in a short time be put into the hands of Commissioners; as now the case with the Command in Chief of the Navy." "The reports that Austria will be at war with France, gather strength; though no act of hostility appears to have taken place. Russia still uncertain, keeps aloof; although not friendly to England, she can hardly be said to be at war with her. Unless the fate of Turkey turns the scale, she may still continue "in doubt to act or rest"—Whether to support the German Powers, or suffer the French again to trample on them." It is said Government will send reinforcements to the South of Spain. If Austria comes forward, they may be of use there." "Bonaparte was said to be still at Paris." Extracts of a letter from Cadiz, dated Feb. 11, received at New York. "On the 5th inst. an English frigate arrived here from Lisbon, having under her convoy 11 transports with 2800 men on board; who it is said will not be landed here, but at Ysla, and proceed from thence to Seville, where there are 7 or 800 more, making in all about three thousand; supposed to be the amount of the whole British force on the Continent."
ROYAL LOVE LETTERS. The following love letters from his Royal Highness the Duke of York, otherwise known by the name of the Dunkirk Hero, to his chere amie Mrs. Clarke, are only a part of the correspondence which long continued between them! The Duke, it seems, after squandering upon his mistress twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, drawn from the treasury and labor of impoverished millions, began to think it prudent to be more sparing in his allowances. This produced a rupture. Mrs. Clarke informed a member of the House of Commons of some particulars which involved the Duke's reputation as Commander in Chief of the British forces. The House instituted an enquiry into the subject, and it appears from the evidence, that this Mrs. Clarke has long had the false of Commissioners in the army and that the military forces of G. B. have been for months under the command of a common prostitute, who has had the disposal of the officers; and he who could give her most money, has been promoted. This is British honor and glory. This the immaculate government which Tories delight to extol! From such corruption may Heaven preserve America. The Duke of York has addressed a letter to the Speaker of the Commons acknowledging the disgraceful connection, but denying the greater offences with which he charged him. The following are among his letters addressed to Mrs. Clarke, which has been made public. [Eggs.] "WORKING, Aug. 4th, 1809. "How can I express sufficiently to my sweetest, my darling life, the delight which her darling, pretty letter gave me! or how much I feel all the kind things she says to me! I can only say millions and millions of thanks to my dearest Angel! My heart is so fully sensible of your affection, that upon it depends my life. I am however quite hurt that my life did not go to Lewes races. It was kind of her to think of me on the occasion: but I trust she knows me too well not to be convinced that I cannot bear the idea of adding to her the sacrifices, which I am so sensible she has made to me—News, my Angel, cannot separate me from hence, and she who leads here in the family has such a tiresome sameness about it, that it is quite provoking. Except Lord Chesterfield's family there is not a single person here, of note, which contributes to the Tedium. Dr. O'Mara called upon me, and he wishes to preach before Royalty. I shall endeavor to favor him in this respect. What a time it is since we parted! How impatiently do I look forward to next Wednesday, when I shall clasp my angel in my arms! In the mean time God bless you my dear life! I must now close or I shall lose post—Adieu my dear Love, and believe me ever yours and yours as long as I breathe. "I."
"SANDGATE, Aug. 24th. "How can I sufficiently express the thanks of my heart to my angel for the assurance of her love! Oh! my Angel, there never was a woman adored as you are. Every hour convinces me that my happiness depends upon you. With what impatience do I look forward till to-morrow, the moment I shall clasp her I love to my heart! Clavering is mistaken, my Angel, that any new regiments are to be raised; only the second battalions to be completed. You had better tell him so! Ten thousand thanks for the handkerchiefs! How much I prize them when I think of the dear hands that made them! I have nothing new to communicate to you. I find every thing here in a fine state of order. Yesterday I was reviewing the troops and examining the coast here—I have a fine view of the French camp at Calais. Yesterday I first reviewed the 14th light dragoons. The troops were in high spirits and in excellent order; and then I went to Braburn Lee, where I reviewed some regiments of militia. I am now setting out for Hastings, along the coast. Adieu, till the day after to-morrow, and be assured, my dearest Angel, till the last hour of my life I shall be yours, and yours on."
This and the other letters excited, in almost every part of the House, a most extraordinary burst of laughter and merriment. The money in dispute, between the U. States and the state of Pennsylvania, in Olenbaad's case , was paid by the state on Wednesday last.
(CIRCULAR.) HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. War Department, April 29th, 1809. SIR, I am directed by the President of the United States to inform your Excellency that the detachment of 3,956 Militia, made in pursuance of a communication to your Excellency from this Department, bearing date the 2d of November, 1808, is no longer required to be held in readiness for actual service. In the orders which your Excellency will give for discharging the troops from that service, it is requested by the President, that his thanks may be presented to those Corps whose patriotism has induced them to volunteer their services to the United States. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Your Excellency's obt. serv't. W. EUSTIS. Secretary for the Department of War.
Let our brave seamen read with gratitude the excellent defence of their rights made by the Ex-President Adams. It is impossible for any true American to read it without the strongest emotions. So clear is the right of the seaman to defend himself against impressment, so futile is the claim of the nation which ventures on the injury, and so daring is the insolence which opposes the convictions of mankind, that forever this point must remain inconceivable upon the records of our world, that the impressment of Seamen is a vile abuse of power, to be tolerated by no government, that can deserve the name of giving protection, and claiming allegiance. Such eloquence of the soul, such irresistible conviction, such grateful emotions seldom seize the souls of men, as unite in the bare reading of this excellent composition, and oblige us to write it upon our hearts. [Effes Register.]
A CASE IN POINT. The federalists pretend to take to themselves all the credit of effecting a settlement of our differences with Britain. They attribute it to that pitiful howling which was kept up at Washington, by the minority in congress, who were for succumbing to Great Britain, and for yielding implicitly to her decrees. They say it was also caused by the whining and canting, and the puling lamentations of the eastern states, who were so afraid of being starved in the midst of plenty in their own land, that they bravely joined not to fight the enemy, but if possible to force their own country to a disgraceful submission—And yet these drivellers pretend to say, that their cowardice has brought Britain to terms. Marry! but it reminds me of a tale with which my old nurse amused my infancy, and which in her name I will relate to those "old boys" who compose "all the talents" of this fighting party.—They are respectfully requested to make the application. A FABLE. A Horse and an Ass were once jogging on quietly together, when they were all at once startled by the roaring of a Lion. "Zooks" cried the Ass, "but this is a pretty fellow! We have got into; this same Lion is a most tremendous passionate old fellow. I know him by his roar, we had better submit at once, perhaps he'll let us off for a rip in our flank, or a bite of our buttocks." "Not I," replied the Horse, "as long as I have this good hoof, I'll submit to no Lion in the world. Let us but stand by one another, and I warrant we'll give him some trouble."—The Lion now approached. The Horse put himself on the defensive—but the Ass cringed down and fell to braying most piteously: nay, we are even told he gave the horse two or three fly blows , to gain the favor of the Lion. The horse however made no ado, but wheeling round, gave the lion such a hearty kick in the ribs, as laid him sprawling, and then trotted quietly on his way. The Ass got up as soon as he could and jogged on hard after him, and when out of danger, "sblood," cried he, "how I peppered him!" "You," said the horse indignantly, "you peppered him! What do you mean, brawling poltroon that you are?" "Mean!" replies the Ass—"Why that it was me who conquered the Lion—Damsel, did not you bear how I brayed!"—[N. Y. Aurora.]
The following extract from the Columbian Centinel will prove what really have been the effects of the Embargo in the dominions of the proud islanders: it will aid other circumstances in showing to what we must attribute the happy revival of commerce and that amicable settlement of all our difficulties which is in near prospect. [Eggs.] The blessed effects of Ministerial blunders. We perceive by items in Lord Grenville's speech in the House of Lords, that the Orders in Council, besides their injustice, have decreased the Commerce of England in one year, fourteen millions pounds sterling! nearly sixty millions of dollars—have caused a loss from two to three pounds per quarter, to rise to twenty-four and twenty-five pounds sterling, and reduced the stock in Ireland to low, that unless a supply arrives before May, they will lose this year's crop of flax, and stop the linen manufactures by which one million of people will be thrown out of employ. To show their dependence on us for flaxseed, it is stated that America supplies above four fifths of this article. The annual exports of Cotton and Woolen goods have decreased one half. Upwards of thirty thousand manufacturers are driven from their employment. The article of Cotton, so essential to their manufacturing interest, has maintained three fourths its usual price—and the whole amount of revenue for the above and many other factories have been made by the Orders in Council, has been only the pitiful sum of thirteen thousand pounds; a great portion of which has been the proceeds of American vessels seized at sea. Added to the calamities which England has suffered, her colonies, by a suspension of the American trade, have felt a depression of one half in the price of their produce, while they have paid an advance on the necessaries of life from America of three hundred per cent. Nor does her Lordship see any object for which these Orders were designed, but "to render the country and commerce of America a mere colonial monopoly of Great Britain, and to bring her back to her original vassalage."
THE PUBLIC are cautioned against taking Bills of the Pittsfield Bank—as they are again cried down—down—down!
MARRIED. In this town, Capt. James Oake to Mrs. Mehitable Parker—Mr. Timothy Rowe to Miss Susan Sheafe—Mr. William Hall to Miss Margaret Norie.
At the quaker meeting-house in Dover, on Wednesday last, Isaac Washburn to Anna Whittier.
DIED. In Bedford, N. H. Capt. Thomas Boyes, aged 82. At Sanborntown, Mr. Joshua March, formerly of Newburyport. In Atleborough, Mr. John Shepard, aged 105—Mrs. Merriam Cobb, aged 92. In Hanover, Rev. John Smith, D. D. aged 57.
TO BE LET AND ENTERED ON IMMEDIATELY. The Mansion HOUSE of the late John Penhallow, Esq.—A very convenient House & pleasant situation—Enquire of DANIEL AUSTIN, or H. G. B. PENHALLOW. Portsmouth, May 9th, 1809.
TAKE NOTICE. IN consequence of an application to me, made by the proprietors of the Washington Mining Company, to call a meeting of the proprietors, in Kittery, at the dwelling house of Alexander Rice, Esq.; therefore the proprietors aforesaid are hereby notified to meet at the dwelling house aforesaid, on the first Tuesday in June next, at three of the clock, in the afternoon of said day, then and there—First to choose a Moderator, a Clerk, Treasurer, and five Directors, and generally to act and do any thing legally for the good of said proprietors. WILLIAM FROST, Clerk. York, May 4th, 1809.
FOR THE N. H. GAZETTE. IT has been truly said that by the proclamation of the President "the principal props of Federalism are laid prostrate in the dust;" it may be added that the federal editors and writers are floundering in their own filth. The agonies of the "Federal Republican;" the petulant ravings of the "Evening Post;" the jesuitical cant of the "Palladium;" the abortive attempts at reason and argument of the "Reporter;" and the futile struggles of the "Centinel;" to get once more on "American ground," are most conspicuous;—while the "ineffable Oracle" responds in plaintive echoes, and imitates the feeble efforts of its coadjutors to defile every meritorious Republican.
Amongst the adventurous knights of the quill , who have sallied forth to extricate the "ineffable Oracle" is one Cimon a special pleader . We read of a Cimon in the records of ancient times, who for his stupidity was called Coeloceros , or, the Idiot . His modern Cimon must be in a similar predicament, or he must calculate on the idiocy of his readers.
In June 1807, a most flagrant insult was offered the United States, by the attack of the British ship Leopard , on the frigate Chesapeake . The President immediately pursuant to the injunctions of a statute law, issued a proclamation prohibiting all British ships of war from our waters. In December following Mr. Rose arrived, for the ostensible purpose of making reparation; but before he would disclose the terms thereof, demanded that the President should rescind his proclamation: to this demand a prompt refusal was very properly accompanied, however with an offer that the act of reparation (if accepted) and the abrogation of the proclamation should bear contemporaneous dates. So reasonable a proposition was refused, and the British envoy departed. —The proclamation still remains in force. British ships of war are still prohibited the waters of the United States. Yet satisfactory atonement has been made by the British Government for the outrage on the Chesapeake . —So much for the Chesapeake point . In November 1807, the British government issued certain Orders in Council. To prevent their operation on our trade, the American government laid an Embargo. So soon as the President of the United States was clothed with proper authority for that purpose, he offered to Great Britain, to raise the embargo as to her, if she would rescind her orders as to the United States. This liberal proposal was refused in a most insulting manner, marked with farcical insolence. No further overtures have been made, but a more hostile attitude is taken by the United States. Now, Great Britain sends a special messenger to the United States, and offers to rescind her Orders of Council if we will raise our Embargo and restore the trade of the two countries on a mutual ground of reciprocity and good understanding.—So much for the Orders in Council . So much for the Embargo. The American Government has not yielded an inch of ground to Great Britain. A LOOKER ON.
We would remind our Federal Christian admirers of a monarchical form of government, that the pious Duke of York , whose love letters to a woman of ill fame have of late graced the public papers of England and America, in addition to his being Commander in Chief of the forces of that kingdom, is also BISHOP of Osnaburgh! Here then is a specimen of that church and state piety , which to many of our Clergymen are striving to introduce. WOLVES! WOLVES! [Detector.]
Dispatches were received at Norfolk on the 26th of April, by mail, from Washington, to be forwarded by His Britannic Majesty's ship Rosamond , Capt. Walker, and this morning she went to sea with a fair wind. The welcome intelligence of an adjustment of differences between the two nations, will reach England in all probability in about 25 days.
It is conjectured that before April had ended, 1000 vessels had sailed from the United States, which put at sea 200,000 tons of shipping, and 10,000 of our Seamen, and that in the present month that number will be doubled. A brig from Marietta passed the Rapids of Ohio on the 24th Feb. and the ship Pennsylvania was to be launched at Eyre's yard, Kensington, Penn. on the 26th April.
The reports of Deaths are, in the week ending April 17, at Baltimore 20, 14 adults and 6 children. In Philadelphia on 15th, 13, 27 adults and 16 children. In New York on 27th ult. 24, 14 adults and 10 children. The season has been uncommonly backward and there are few appearances of Spring. [Salem Register.]
BERKSHIRE BANK BILLS. THE public are cautioned against taking Bills of the Pittsfield Bank—as they are again cried down—down—down!
MARRIED. In this town, Capt. James Oake to Mrs. Mehitable Parker—Mr. Timothy Rowe to Miss Susan Sheafe—Mr. William Hall to Miss Margaret Norie.
At the quaker meeting-house in Dover, on Wednesday last, Isaac Washburn to Anna Whittier.
DIED. In Bedford, N. H. Capt. Thomas Boyes, aged 82. At Sanborntown, Mr. Joshua March, formerly of Newburyport. In Atleborough, Mr. John Shepard, aged 105—Mrs. Merriam Cobb, aged 92. In Hanover, Rev. John Smith, D. D. aged 57.
TO BE LET AND ENTERED ON IMMEDIATELY. The Mansion HOUSE of the late John Penhallow, Esq.—A very convenient House & pleasant situation—Enquire of DANIEL AUSTIN, or H. G. B. PENHALLOW. Portsmouth, May 9th, 1809.
Secretary's Office, Concord. March 4, 1809. THE Sheriffs of the respective Counties, and the town clerks throughout the State, will please to take notice that the Certificates of votes given on this day for State Officers, must be returned to the Secretary's Office on or before Wednesday the 17th of May next; and that they must be in this form:— "At a town meeting, legally notified and held in the town of _____, on the _____ day of _____ in the year _____, the following Votes were given in, [then fill up the blank by an accurate statement of the votes] which votes have been declared in open town meeting; and we now certify the foregoing to be a correct return." The Certificates must be signed by the town Clerk and by the Selectmen attending the meeting. PHILIP CARRIGAIN, Sec'y.
Fresh Goods. JAMES RUNDLET, Respectfully informs his customers and the public, that he has just received an assortment of Spring & Summer GOODS, Among which are the following—Viz.
  3-4 & 4-4 fancy plaid Ginghams;  Washington Cords;    Fine hair Cords;  Men's and youth's beaver Hats;    White, black & colored 4-4 and 6-4 Cambricks;  Bandanna and China Handkerchiefs;    Twill'd ditto;  Fancy silk Hdkfs;    Calicoes and Chintzes;  Silk Shawls, some very rich;    Patch Furnitures;  Cotton, worsted and silk Hdkf, of almost every description;    3-4 and 4-4 British Shitting Cottons;  Ladies white, black, and colored long and short silk Gloves, English and French;    9-8 Sheetings ditto;  Pic nic Gloves and Mitts;    3-4 & 6-4 Dimities;  Cotton Armlets;    a great variety of Plain & fancy Muffins, of almost every description;  Lace ditto;    Cotton and thread Laces & Edgings;  Velveteens & Thicksets;    Black patent Lace and Lace Veiling;  Russells, Moreens, Durant's, Calamancoes and Bombazetts;    Cotton and silk Umbrellas;  India Calicoes;    Parasols;  Ditto Checks;    Silk Chambrays;  Fashionable gilt coat Buttons;    Cotton ditto;  Sewing Silks and Twists;    Irish Linens;  Brown Hollands;    French Cambricks;  Oil Cloths;    India Cottons;  Pins, Tapes, Bobbins, Button Moulds, Sewing Cottons;    Diapers and Damasks 3-4 to 10-4 wide;  cotton Yarns;    Damask table Cloths, Hucabucks, Towels, Cotton damask table Cloths;  Providence Bed Ticking; Ribbons, Ferrers, Binding, &c. &c.    Florence Lustrings;  Black Crapes;    Modos, Satins and Sarinets;  Black Cypress;    Fine Straw Bonnets;  Cypress Handkerchiefs;    India Nankeens;  Irishables;    Blue ditto;  Black and white Millinets;    Superfine blk. blue, corbeau and drab Broad Cloths;  Carpeting and Carpeting;    Superfine black and drab Cassimeres;  Suspenders;    Princes Cord Vesting, Middling and low priced Cloths and Cassimeres;  Fans;    Patent buff Nankeens  Silver Thimbles, &c. &c.    Cotton Cassimeres;     Grandurettes and Florentines.   
All of which will be sold at reduced prices for Cash, or on a liberal credit, by wholesale and retail. May 9.
State of New Hampshire, Cheshire ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of SULLIVAN, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their land as will pay said taxes together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Capt. Elijah Osgood, innholder in said Sullivan, on the first Monday of July next, at one o'clock, P. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
   Wt. per acre Value per acre Value per acre Value per acre Value per acre Value per acre     High way tax 12 44 88 22 1   School tax 1 2 2 2 35   County tax 1 2 2 2 35   Town tax 1 2 2 2 35   Value land 1 2 2 2 35   Wild land 1 2 2 2 35   Producting 1 2 2 2 35   Wooling 1 2 2 2 35   Newing 1 2 2 2 35  
William Farrar, 2 1 5 30 60 63 4 63 100 Mason & French, 1 12 44 88 22 1 22 35 ICHABOD KEITH, Collector. Sullivan, April 14, 1809.
A HOUSE to Let, IN Washington-street, nearly opposite Capt. Henry Tredick's, convenient for one or two families.—For particulars apply to Capt. JOSEPH CUTTS, of Kittery, or PETER WILLSON, of Portsmouth. May 9.
Seasoned PLANK and TIMBER—Wanted. ANY person desirous of contracting to supply the whole or part of the undermentioned Materials, will send in their proposals to the subscriber in writing, stating the lowest price they will furnish said Materials, deliverable in Boston, or at the Navy-Yard at Charleston.—The Materials required must be of the best quality, free from sap, and of the dimensions stated, after being worked.—Security will be required for the performance of the contract. Boston, April 29, 1809. The Plank and Timber wanted, is as follows:— 15 pieces white oak Timber for beams, sided 16 inches, moulded 14 1/2 inches From 30 to 14 do do do do 14 do 11 do 40 ft. long 15 do yellow pine do do 16 do 14 1/2 do to curve 6 14 do do do do 14 do 11 do 11 inches 120 white oak Knees, body 5 to 6 feet long, sided 8 inches, arm 4 feet long, sided 8 inches 112 do do 5 to 6 do do 7 do do 7 do 2 do do 20 do do 18 do do 18 do 2 do do 20 do do 12 do do 12 do 2 white oak pieces 16 feet long, 18 inches square: 15 do do 40 to 60 feet long, 8 by 10 inches, for wales. 350 feet in length, white oak timber, 12 inches square, 40 to 50 feet long, for water ways. 600 do do 8 by 5 Scantling, 5 to 6 feet long; 1800 do do 5 by 4 1/2 do 8 to 9 do 600 do do 7 by 4 1/2 do 5 to 6 to 6 do 1700 do do 4 by 4 do 8 to 9 do 5000 feet of 4 inch yellow pine Plank, 40 to 60 feet long, 10 inches wide; 5000 do 3 do do do 40 to 50 do 10 do 700 do 4 do white oak do 40 to 50 do 12 do 5000 do 3 do do do 35 to 40 do 12 do
AUCTION,—THIS DAY, 12 o'clock, at No. 11, Merchant's Row. 20 quarter Casks of SHERRY WINE, of superior quality. May 9. S. LARKIN, Auctioneer.
THOMAS S. BOWLES, Respectfully informs his friends and the public in general that he continues to carry on the
MATHEMATICAL, Optical, Surveying and Gauging Instruments making business in its various branches, at his shop nearly opposite Mr. C. Peirce's Book Store Daniel Street; where he offers for sale Sextants, Quadrants, Telescopes, Spy Glasses and Compasses of every description, also Callipers, Gauging Rods, Watt Sicks, Board and Timber Rules, by the doz. or retail, as cheap as can be bought in New England, according to their different qualities. N. B. Every article in the above branch, thoroughly and carefully repaired and cleaned in the best manner.
All kinds of turned work done, of Steel, Iron, Brass, Ivory, Wood &c. Portsmouth, May 9, 1809.
NOTICE is hereby given to the proprietors of PORTSMOUTH ACADEMY, that the Trustees have this day voted an assessment of Thirty Dollars on each share, payable within fourteen days from the date. SAMUEL ELLIOT, Treasurer. May 6th, 1809.
THE subscriber has commenced keeping a morning School for the instruction of Young Ladies in Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, &c.—he will continue to give Lessons in vocal Music in evenings as usual—Those who wish to attend on either, will please to call on him at his House in Pitts-street. AMOS BLANCHARD. Portsmouth, May 9, 1809.
MEDICAL. THE Fellows of the New-Hampshire Medical Society, are informed, that the annual meeting of said Society will be held at the house of Benjamin Leavitt, innholder in Exeter, on the last Wednesday of May instant, at 10 o'clock A. M. L. SPALDING, Secretary. Portsmouth, May 9, 1809.
10 Hhds. RUM OF a good quality as any in Market, for sale per Hhd. or Bbl—and a few Quintals Cod FISH fit for country use—Apply to the Store of J. MELCHER, in Market Street. May 9.
For SALE by Elisha Hill jun. 200 Bbls. BEEF and PORK; 300 boxes mould CANDLES. —ALSO— RUM; Sugar; Molasses; TEAS; Cotton, and Rice. Portsmouth, May 9.
H. & A. LADD, No. 14, Merchant's Row, Have for Sale, 150 M. merchantable Pine Boads, 50 M. Southern Pine TIMBER, suitable for the English market. 12 Hhds. SUGAR; No. 1 PORK; Refuse Beef; a few tons Pot-Attes, and 2 second band Anchors, 4 & 700. —Also— 68 casks first quality cut Nails and Brads, a supply of which will be kept constantly on hand at the Boston Factory prices. TO BE LET, Store No. 10 Merchant's Row, with the wharf adjoining, also Two dwelling Houses and two Stores in Ladd-street—Enquire as above. May 9.
Seasoned PLANK and TIMBER—Wanted. ANY person desirous of contracting to supply the whole or part of the undermentioned Materials, will send in their proposals to the subscriber in writing, stating the lowest price they will furnish said Materials, deliverable in Boston, or at the Navy-Yard at Charleston.—The Materials required must be of the best quality, free from sap, and of the dimensions stated, after being worked.—Security will be required for the performance of the contract. Boston, April 29, 1809. The Plank and Timber wanted, is as follows:— 15 pieces white oak Timber for beams, sided 16 inches, moulded 14 1/2 inches From 30 to 14 do do do do 14 do 11 do 40 ft. long 15 do yellow pine do do 16 do 14 1/2 do to curve 6 14 do do do do 14 do 11 do 11 inches 120 white oak Knees, body 5 to 6 feet long, sided 8 inches, arm 4 feet long, sided 8 inches 112 do do 5 to 6 do do 7 do do 7 do 2 do do 20 do do 18 do do 18 do 2 do do 20 do do 12 do do 12 do 2 white oak pieces 16 feet long, 18 inches square: 15 do do 40 to 60 to 60 feet long, 8 by 10 inches, for wales. 350 feet in length, white oak timber, 12 inches square, 40 to 50 feet long, for water ways. 600 do do 8 by 5 Scantling, 5 to 6 feet long; 1800 do do 5 by 4 1/2 do 8 to 9 do 600 do do 7 by 4 1/2 do 6 to 6 do 1700 do do 4 by 4 do 8 to 9 do 5000 feet of 4 inch yellow pine Plank, 40 to 60 feet long, 10 inches wide; 5000 do 3 do do do 40 to 50 do 10 do 700 do 4 do white oak do 40 to 50 do 12 do 5000 do 3 do do do 35 to 40 do 12 do