Fowle's New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser ([Portsmouth, N.H.]), 1785-02-04 00:00:00

From Doctor Price's Observations, (just published)
Of PUBLIC DEBTS.
(CONTINUED.)
HAD it been inviolably applied to the purpose for which it was intended, there would in the year 1775 have been a surplus in the revenue of more than five millions per ann. but instead of this, we were then encumbered with a debt of 137 millions, carrying an interest of near four and a half millions, and leaving no surplus of any consequence. This debt has been since increased to 280 millions, carrying interest (including expences of management) of nine millions and a half—A monstrous bubble!—and as no effectual measures are likely to be taken (or perhaps can now be taken) for reducing it within the limits of safety, it must, some time or other, produce a dreadful convulsion. Let the United States take warning—Their debts at present are moderate. A sinking fund, guarded * against misapplication, may soon extinguish them, and prove a resource in all events of the greatest importance. Let such a fund be established. Could a sacredness be given it like that of the ark of God among the Jews, it would do the same service.
I must not, however, forget that there is ONE of their debts on which no sinking fund can have any effect; and which it is impossible for them to discharge:—A debt, greater, perhaps, than has been ever due from any country; and which will be deeply felt by their latest posterity.—But it is a debt of GRATITUDE only—Of GRATITUDE to that General, who has been raised up by Providence to make them free and independant, and whose name must shine among the first in the future annals of the benefactors of mankind.
The measure now proposed may preserve America for ever from too great an accumulation of debts; and, consequently, of taxes—an evil which is likely to be the ruin not only of Britain, but of other European States.—But there are measures of yet greater consequence, which I wish ardently to recommend and inculcate.
For the sake of mankind, I wish to see every measure adopted that can have a tendency to preserve PEACE in America; and to make it an open and fair stage for discussion, and the seat of PERFECT LIBERTY.—
Of PEACE, And the Means of perpetuating it.
CIVIL Government is an expedient for collecting the wisdom and the force of a community or confederacy, to preserve its peace and liberty against every hostile invasion, whether from within or from without.—In the latter of these respects, the United States are happily secured; but they are far from being equally happy in the former respect. Having now, in consequence of their successful resistance of the invasion of Britain, united to their remoteness from Europe, no external enemy to fear, they are in danger of fighting with one another.—This is their greatest danger; and providing securities against it is their hardest works. Should they fail in this America, may some time or other be turned into a scene of blood; and instead of being the hope and refuge of the world, may become a terror to it.
* When not thus guarded, public funds become the worst evils, by giving to the rulers of states a command of revenue for the purposes of corruption.
When a dispute arises among individuals in a state, an appeal is made to a court of law; that is, to the wisdom and justice of the state. The court decides. The losing party acquiesces; or if he does not, the power of the state forces him to submission; and thus the effects of contention are suppressed, and peace is maintained. In a way similar to this, peace may be maintained between any number of the confederated states; and I can almost imagine, that it is not impossible but that by some such means universal peace may some time or other be produced, and all war excluded from the world.—Why may we not hope to see this begun in America?—The articles of confederation make considerable advances towards it. When a dispute arises between any of the states, they order an appeal to Congress—an inquiry by Congress—a hearing, and a decision.—But here they stop.—What is most of all necessary is omitted. No provision is made for enforcing the decisions of Congress; and this renders them inefficient and futile. I am by no means qualified to point out the best method of removing this defect. Much must be given up for this purpose, nor is it easy to give up too much. Without all doubt the powers of Congress must be enlarged. In particular, a power must be given it to collect, on certain emergencies, the force of the confederacy, and to employ it in carrying its decisions into execution. A state, against which a decision is made, will yield of course, when it knows that such a force exists, and that it allows no hope from resistance.
By this force I do not mean a STANDING ARMY. God forbid, that standing armies should ever find an establishment in America. They are every where the grand supports of arbitrary power, and the chief causes of the depression of mankind. No wise people will trust their defence out of their own hands, or consent to hold their rights at the mercy of armed slaves. Free states ought to be bodies of armed citizens, well regulated, and well disciplined, and always ready to turn out, when properly called upon to execute the laws, to quell riots, and keep the peace. Such, if I am rightly informed, are the citizens of America. Why then may not CONGRESS be furnished with a power of calling out from the confederated states quotas of militia sufficient to force at once the compliance of any state which may shew an inclination to break the union by resisting its decisions? I am very sensible that it will be difficult to guard such a power against abuse; and, perhaps, better means of answering this end are discoverable. In human affairs, however, the choice generally offered us is, "of two evils to take the least." We choose the restraint of civil government, because a less evil than anarchy; and, in like manner, in the present instance, the danger of the abuse of power, and of its being employed sometimes to inforce wrong decisions, must be submitted to, because a less evil than the misery of intestine wars. Much, however, may be done to lessen this danger. Such regulations as those in the ninth of the articles of confederation will, in a great measure, prevent hasty and impartial decisions. The rotation established by the fifth article will prevent that corruption of character which seldom fails to be produced by the long possession of power; and the right reserved to every state of recalling its delegates when dissatisfied with them, will keep them constantly responsible and cautious.
The observations now made must be extended to money transactions. Congress must be trusted with a power of procuring supplies for defraying the expences of the confederation; of contracting debts, and providing funds for discharging them; and this power must not be ca-
pable of being defeated by the opposition of any minority in the States.
In short, the credit of the United States, their strength, their respectability abroad, their liberty at home, and even their existence, depend on the preservation of a firm political union; and such an union cannot be preserved, without giving all possible weight and energy to the authority of that delegation which constitutes the union.
Would it not be proper to take periodical surveys of the different states, their number of both sexes in every stage of life, their condition, occupations, property, &c.?—Would not such surveys, in conjunction with accurate registers of births, marriages and deaths at all ages, afford much important instruction, by shewing what laws govern human mortality, and what situations, employments, and civil institutions, are most favorable to the health and happiness of mankind?—Would they not keep constantly in view the progress of population in the states, and the increase or decline of their resources?—But more especially, are they not the only means of procuring the necessary information for determining accurately and equitably the proportions of men and money to be contributed by each state for supporting and strengthening the confederation?
Of 'LIBERTY.
THE next point I would insist on, as an object of supreme importance, is the establishment of such a system of perfect liberty, religious as well as civil, in America, as shall render it a country where truth and reason shall have fair play, and the human powers find full scope for exerting themselves, and for shewing how far they can carry human improvement.
The faculties of man have hitherto, in all countries, been more or less cramped by the interference of civil authority in matters of speculation, by tyrannical laws against heresy and schism, and by slavish hierarchies and religious establishments. It is above all things desirable that no such fetters on reason should be admitted into America. I observe, with inexpressible satisfaction, that at present they have no existence there. In this respect the governments of the United States are liberal to a degree that is unparalleled. They have the distinguished honor of being the first states under heaven in which forms of government have been established favorable to universal liberty.—They have been thus distinguished in their infancy. What then will they be in a more advanced state; when time and experience, and the concurring assistance of the wise and virtuous, in every part of the earth, shall have introduced into the new governments, corrections and amendments which will render them still more friendly to liberty, and more the means of promoting human happiness and dignity?—May we not see there the dawning of brighter days on earth, and a new creation rising. But I must check myself. I am in danger of being carried too far by the ardor of my hopes.
The liberty I mean includes in it liberty of conduct in all civil matters—liberty of discussion in all speculative matters—and liberty of conscience in all religious matters.—And it is then perfect, when under no restraint, except when used to injure any one in his person, property, or good name; that is, except when used to destroy itself.
In liberty of discussion, I include the liberty of examining all public measures, and the conduct of all public men; and of writing and publishing on all speculative and doctrinal points. (To be continued.)

Ordinary from his Imperial Majesty to their High Mightinesses, by order from his Court set off at five o'clock yesterday morning for Rotterdam, without taking leave. He is to embark on board a yacht for Brussels; from whence, after a short stay he will proceed to Vienna unless the Emperor himself comes into the Netherlands, which it is positively said he will. It is confirmed beyond a doubt, that the same Courier, by whom the Ambassador received the order from his Imperial Master on Sunday morning, brought also the news, that his imperial Majesty, firmly persisting in his claim to the opening of the Scheldt, in a free navigation to the East and West-Indies, had given orders for a body of 60,000 men to march with all speed, as a reinforcement to his troops in the Netherlands.
On Sunday last, after the extraordinary meeting of their High Mightinesses, a messenger was despatched to their Ambassadors at Paris, with orders to communicate to the French Ministry the information their High Mightinesses had that day received from Vienna, respecting the march of considerable body of Imperial troops towards the Netherlands, and to solicit his Most Christian Majesty's speedy and effectual assistance on this occasion. It is said that they intend applying in like manner immediately to the other Powers who were Guarantees to the Treaty of 1731, particularly to the King of Prussia.
We hear that yesterday two Couriers were despatched by their High Mightinesses, one to Vienna, the other to Brussels, with orders for their Plenipotentiaries to return immediately without taking leave.
L O N D O N, November 5. Extract of a letter from Brussels, dated November 1. "Saturday last the Court received an express from Vienna, with news that a body of 60,000 men had received orders to march with all speed towards these provinces; among them we find are the regiments of Bender Tillyer, Deutzmeister, Prenyt, Migazzi and the regiment of Tuscany Cavalry; four companies of Artillery, with a large train, 40 mortars, and 25 howitzers. The different corps which this army will be composed, are drawn from Upper and Lower Austria, and Hungary, except the regiment of Wurmser Hussars, and the Cuirassiers de Coubourg from Bohemia, which they are unwilling to leave naked, and have even sent orders for the troops cantoned there to hold themselves prepared to march at a moment's warning, and for the Circles to have the horses for the Artillery in readiness. A passage has been already demanded for these 60,000 men of the different Princes through whose territories they must march; and the regiments which were in garrison at Vienna, and who are to join them, began their march the 25th of October. We are farther assured, that the Emperor will immediately set off for this city."
N E W-Y O R K, January 19. There being now in town a sufficient number of representatives in Congress, (consisting of nine States) the Honourable Delegates daily sit in their apartments, in the City-Hall, on the dispatch of national business. Yesterday arrived the French Packet, Le Courier de L'Amerique, Capt. Abaville, from Port L'Orient, in forty-nine days; by which opportunity we are again informed of the departure of the Imperial Ambassador from the Hague, without taking leave; and by letters from L'Orient, dated the 16th of November, to merchants in this city, that they may depend on war having been absolutely declared by the Emperor against the States of Holland.
P O R T S M O U T H, February 4, 1785.
A Correspondent observes—As it will soon be agitated in General Court, to chuse an Impost Officer , that it will be a considerable saving to the State (of at least one hundred and fifty pounds per annum) to continue it in the hands of the Naval Officer .—The fees of the naval-office being at present very handsome, that with a small additional allowance the impost of one sea-port might be collected, and that by a person worthy of public confidence, and now well accustomed to the business.—The multiplying officers, to pay two persons to do the business of one, was formerly a great grievance, and at this day it would be a great clog to trade to wait on different officers, in many cases to pay only a few shillings, and beside being a very unnecessary burthen to a government, already very expensive.
A letter from Rotterdam to a merchant in Dublin says,—"Though the Gazettes have not announced it, you may rely upon it as a fact, that a tripple alliance was concluded the 1st or 3rd of this month at Paris, between these States and the Courts of Berlin and Versailles, whose
the Emperor has already called upon your King in his capacity of Elector, to send his quota of troops to join the others of the circle of Westphalia, under pain of military execution, and the ban, to compose the army which is to assemble in Brabant in March next."
By advices lately received from Europe, we are informed, that the disputes so long subsisting between the Emperor of Germany and the United Provinces, were growing fast to a crisis; and that, before this time, it is more than probable, hostilities have actually taken place between those powers, in which many of the kingdoms of Europe may be under the necessity of taking an active part.
A letter from a gentleman in Amsterdam to his friend in New-York, concludes thus—"The insurance upon Dutch vessels from America to Holland, is twenty per cent."
The present rupture between the Emperor of Germany and the States of Holland, has, it seems, engrossed the attention of all the political writers in Europe: The foreign papers contain little else than paragraphs on that subject.
DIED.] A Child of Capt. David Collumn's, aged 2 Years; a small Child of Rebecka Stevens'.
The Southern Post not arrived at this publication.
** The Printers hereof are under the necessity of presenting their Readers with the Gazette on a smaller Sheet than usual; but will re-enlarge it as soon as a supply of suitable Paper can be obtained.
M A R I N E L I S T.
Port of PISCATAQUA, February 4, 1785. E N T E R E D, Schooner Flying Fish, Clark, from St. John's. Sloop Bever, Lovitt, ditto. C L E A R E D, Sloop Adonis, Long, for St. Vincent's. Sloop Statira, Manning, Barbadoes, Sloop Bever, Lovitt, St. John's. Brig Neptune, Spence, West Indies.
T O B E S O L D.
A VALUABLE FARM, in Middletown, containing about 600 acres of Land, on which may be cut one Year with another 100 or 120 Ton of good E N G L I S H H A Y —and well situated within about a Mile of CABOT's Farm, which was originally Governor Wentworth's large Farm, in Wolfsborough, on the main Road, with Plow Land and pasturing in Proportion to the Cattle, and will be sold with said Farm, if the Purchaser chuses.—The Buildings thereon are as follows, viz. a two Story House, very well finished outside, and part of the inside, 46 Feet long, 36 wide, the Porch 12 Feet square, with a good Well of choice Water, and sundry Brooks running through the Land—The largest Barn is 104 Feet long, 34 wide, 17 Feet Post, judg'd to be the best Barn in the State.—The other Barn is 42 Feet, and 32 and 14 Feet Post—A Corn House 24 by 20, well finished.—There are also a Number of Lots of Land to be sold, near said Farm, containing about 500 Acres.—For further Particulars, enquire of NICHOLAS AUSTIN, in Middletown, who is Owner of the Premises.
N. B. To make it easy to those who wish to purchase, part Pay will be taken in Goods, and reasonable Credit given for the remainder.
A L L Persons indebted to THOMAS H. LEWIS, either by Book or Note, are requested to call and settle with him immediately.—Those who have been long in Arrears will take Notice that this is the last time he shall call upon them in this way, and that unless they comply with the above Request, he is fully determined to put their Accounts into the Hands of an Attorney. KITTERY, Feb. 3. 5—8
W E the SUBSCRIBERS appointed Commissioners to receive and examine the Claims of the several Creditors to the Estate of John Wheelwright, late of Portsmouth, Mariner, deceased represented insolvent, give Notice, that we will attend that Business, at the Post-Office in this Town, on the last Monday of this and the five ensuing Months, from six to eight o'Clock, P. M.
Portsmouth, Jan. 26th. } John Parker, Jacob Treadwell, Jeremiah Libbey.
TO THE HONORABLE NATHANIEL FOLSOM, Esq; one of the Justices of the Peace within and throughout the State of New-Hampshire.
Humbly shews the Subscriber, Owner of more than one sixteenth Part of the Lands within the said State of New-Hampshire, formerly owned by SAMUEL ALLEN, Esq; deceased, and now claimed by his Heirs, that a Meeting of said Heirs is necessary for the Purpose of agreeing on proper Measures for availing themselves of their Right, and taking Possession of their Lands in the said State of New-Hampshire; wherefore he prays your Honor to call a Meeting of the said Heirs of Samuel Allen, Esq; deceased, for the following Purposes, viz.
First, To chuse a Moderator. Second, To chuse a Clerk. Third, To see if the said Heirs will appoint and impower a Committee to quiet such Persons as have settled upon any of said Lands in their own Right, and made Improvements thereon. Fourth, To appoint and impower a Committee to enter into and take Possession of the unimproved Lands belonging to said Heirs, and to prosecute such Persons as may attempt to disturb them in the Improvement thereof. Fifth, To pass a Vote for raising Money to defray the necessary Expence attending the same. Sixth, To agree on Measures for quieting JOHN SULLIVAN, Esq; in his Claim to Lands in Ossipey Gore. Seventh, To appoint and impower a Committee to give Deeds to such Persons as incline to purchase any of the unimproved Lands belonging to said Heirs. Eighth, To pass any other Vote or Votes that may then be thought necessary.
SAMUEL LAUCHLEN.
January the 13th, 1785.
State of New-Hampshire, ss.
PURSUANT to the foregoing application, I do hereby notify the heirs of Samuel Allen, Esq. aforesaid, deceased, to meet at the dwelling-house of Amos Sawyer, inholder in Plastown , in the county of Rockingham in said State, on Wednesday, the 23d day of February next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. then and there to act on the foregoing Articles.
NATH. FOLSOM, Just. Peace.
January 13, 1785.
(Piermont.)
To JOSIAH MOULTON, Clerk of the Proprietors of said Piermont.
W E the Subscribers, owners of more than a sixteenth part of said township, request you to call a meeting of the proprietors of said Piermont, to be held at the house of Capt. John Weeks, inholder in Greenland, on Monday the 7th day of February next, at one o'clock in the afternoon, to act on the following particulars, viz.
1. To chuse a Moderator. 2. That as the dispute between Piermont and Haverbill is now settled, to receive the report of their Agents, who were impowered therefor, and to see what they will vote them as a compensation for all their services.— 3. To see if they will vote part of the common land to defray the cost of the suit with Haverbill, and any other demands that are against them. 4. To see if they will accept the report of the committee chosen at the last meeting, to adjust and settle all accounts and demands against the proprietors, &c. 5. To see if the proprietors will be at the cost of opening a road from the main road out to Warren. 6. To vote to raise such sums of money, as they may judge necessary, and to choose Assessors and Collectors for that purpose, and to agree on any other measures, that they may think will be for the benefit of this propriety. 7. To see if the proprietors will dispose of part or all of Glebe and Society's Land for publick uses or other ways.
JONATHAN MOULTON. RICHARD JENNESS. SIMON JENNESS. JOHN MOULTON.
PURSUANT to the above application, and agreeable to a proprietors vote for calling their meetings, I do hereby notify and warn said proprietors of Piermont, to meet at the time and place aforesaid, for the purposes therein-mentioned.
JOSIAH MOULTON, Pro. Clerk.
BLANKS of every Sort, printed on a new and elegant Type, may be had at this Printing-Office on the shortest Notice.

Messrs PRINTERS,
IT was expected by the merchants and others interested in the trade of this river, that some measures respecting it would have been taken by the Legislature in their last session.—Nothing has been done—the poor manufacturer, the country-trader and the merchant that exports the produce of the State, are all left without any regulation to govern themselves by.—The staple commodity of this State is lumber; on the profits arising from the trade with this article, the support of a very considerable part of the community depends; it is this that principally employs our navigation, and from the returns of this export, arises a considerable revenue to the Government.—As we are now shut out from any carrying trade for other nations, the whole employ of our navigation must be to freight with our own produce; the price we shall obtain at foreign markets, will entirely depend on the quality of our lumber, and the character it has. It ought then to be an object of attention in the Government, that it should be under the strictest regulation.—Lumber cargoes at present are hardly worth exporting, it requires a vessel that will cost from twelve to fourteen hundred pounds, to carry three hundred pounds value in lumber; the insurance and hire of the vessel will nearly eat up the profits of the cargo—add to this the gross imposition in the measurement of the lumber now in fashion, often as much as one sixth part, beside a quantity of refuse, which is totally dead freight: this is a ruinous trade, which requires an immediate remedy from Government—the remedy is easy and simple—make the lumber better, and it will immediately benefit every individual that is concerned in it, from him who first falls the tree to him who ships it—if it is one third better, it will more than double the freight—the surveyors should be independent of the neighbourhood they live in, there is at present a rivalry among them, and he that takes the lumber on the easiest terms to the seller, is very often preferred on that very account.—Every officer whose place it is to do justice between man and man, should be appointed by authority independent of both of them.—It is unnecessary to be more particular on this matter; it is notorious to every dealer in lumber in this river, and the neighbouring State, and even as far as the name of Piscataqua lumber reaches, that the fraud and villainy in this kind of traffick exceeds all bounds, and even men under oath to prevent it, have a considerable share in the iniquity.—How destructive this practice is to the trade and morals of a young State, and the immediate necessity of laws to remedy the evil, I submit it to the consideration of the Legislature, whose attention has been engrossed so much with the settlement of the affairs of a long war, and the regulation of a new Government, that they have not yet found leisure to attend to so necessary business as the trade of the State—excepting the impost of two and half per cent.
For the NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE.
To the Citizens of New-Hampshire.
AS the characters of the various and professed candidates for the chair, seems to be the object of general attention, at present; it is to be wished the late writer, under the signature of the CONSISTENT REPUBLICAN, would pursue the patriotic task he has generously begun, and hold up to public view, the merits and demerits of the several pretenders to this high office; as he seems to be fully possessed of their characters, 'tis a duty which he owes to his country, and which they have a right to expect, as people in distant parts of the country, cannot be thought to be so well acquainted with them; it must be owned it is more easy to point out the qualifications a President ought to possess, than to find a man in whom they all meet; but as perfection is not to be expected here below, we should look for one who has the most virtues, with the fewest faults. A uniformity of political characters from the first beginning of the controversy, is and ought to be an indispensable requisite, gratitude to our patriots, and our own safety requires it. A man whose conduct has changed with times, and whose principles has been formed by his own interest, can give us no security that he would not on a change of times again be against us, especially if he found his interest in so doing. History produces many instances of this, and the stale trick commonly adopted by such turn-coats is to be most warm and violent against the party they have just left, to push to extremes every violent measure against his former comrades, and so under the mask of patriotism and the cry of liberty, to make the memory of his past conduct forgotten, and with such weak persons that judge by outside, and take heat and violence for proofs of
sincerity; this hackney'd device too often succeeds. Least any of this class should have the assurance to aspire after the first office of the State, and endeavour to rule those that he once attempted to destroy, I would propose that the conduct of every candidate for twelve years past should be inspected, and if during that period he has never as zealously encouraged the cause of Old-England, as he does that of America now, in this respect he will stand fair. Another qualification not to be dispensed of, is that of private integrity, a suspicion of this ought forever to destroy the pretensions of such a candidate; he should likewise be of a generous and humane disposition; your undermining, underworking geniuses, never consult any but their own interest, and to serve their own ends would at any time sacrifice the State, and involve the subjects in its ruin. The opinion of a candidate in the town he dwells in, though not conclusive should have great weight in the minds of those whose situation is remote, as his own townsmen can undoubtedly have a better chance of finding out his true character. He should also be a man who ever discovers a due regard for the rights of the lowest of mankind, he who can injure the poor man, and shut his ears to the voice of distress, will never be listening to the complaints of the public, unless his own interest prompts him thereto; in short, my countrymen, the man that you choose for your first Magistrate, should be politically upright, and his private character should be open, humane, generous and just. Be not deceived by empty professions, take no character on trust, but search for yourselves.
For the NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE.
Messrs PRINTERS,
A Correspondent, in your last paper, having modestly pointed out to the inhabitants of the State of New-Hampshire, the mode of conduct he wishes them to adopt, at their next election, and the man, they "as honest freemen," ought to choose for their President; I (as one of them) think, in common politeness, he deserves a reply: he is entitled to know, if any one differs from him in sentiment: the reasons of that difference, offer themselves not to him alone, but to common sense. I don't pretend to instruct, but simply to inform, and prefer that channel of conveyance, which is likely to spread the farthest among the people.
Your Consistent Republican, has been pleased to select two characters from among those who are candidates for the Presidency, and assumes to portray them in opposite colours—a slight attention might perhaps discover whether one or both of them are not sketched by a kindred pencil. Let us take the first in order.
I should grossly insult the sense of the people, to pretend, that the outlines of his conduct are not generally known throughout the State—it is notorious, that at an early period in the Revolution, he was loudly called upon by a principle, from which he never varies, to leave America—that he returned home as soon as he possibly could—that before he arrived to receive the honors of his country, after his voluntary banishment, he suffered many indignities from the enemy in a sister state (some of which glanced at his character and reputation) merely from a suspicion of his patriotism—These are facts his enemies will not refuse him; and can your Republican consistently say, they "indicated an aversion to the common cause." Will he, nay, dare he, when he sees him borne on the shoulders of the people, into almost the highest seat in the government, dare he, I say, assert, in the face of the people, that this man has forfeited all their confidence? Let him point out a legal disability; and even then, will he, or shall they, determine the validity of their own elections? Your Republican seems to have forgotten his first elements of politicks. "The voice of the people is the voice of GOD."
With regard to what he has said of his last character, I doubt whether most to approve his veracity or his rhetoric:—perhaps if stripped of the latter, which I do not understand, what he meant to tell us might stand nearly as follows.
My patriot emerged into political existence in the dawn of our troubles, and performed, when in his cradle many an herculean feat—as he had imbibed a prejudice from his earliest infancy that life and property were synonymous and convertible terms, he might determine with great prudence, that he could not much suffer by resolving to "die or conquer" he was the hero of many tragicomical scenes acted in those times; he was the first in this State, or perhaps in the world, who had the honor of teaching, and enforcing by political experiment the ever memorable truth, that in the distraction of popular tumult, the voice of conscience is not at all to be regarded, and that silence in politicks will not protect the
best characters from insult and a hasten over a wide field, fertile indeed, but painful, and behold our "true patriot" a tribune of the people, clothed with power and influence, vociferating for liberty (who must ever flee at his approach) and mouching at t——s till he——made his fortune.—This I take to be the man your writer recommends to us for a President—he certainly is not de facto disqualified.
Far be it from me to prejudice the minds of the people, or to turn their eyes towards any man;—all I wish, is that their election may be free, and if this is the case, must think, that the men who wish to bribe our votes by emissaries, h——s and holiday sociabilities, and those who address us with the more silent, but not less sophistical artifice of newspaper panegyric, should stand at opposite, but equal distances from the executive chair.—As under the administration of the former set of men, the people must be completely miserable, under that of the latter, they must be equally so, if they find no resource in the inferiority of their abilities—time perhaps will soon discover, that the completest depravity of heart may be so united to a confusion in the mind as to counteract the most favourite principles, and make the same man treacherous without art, and hypocritical without deceiving.
There are undoubtedly many worthy characters in this State, with and without "independent fortunes" possessed of firmness, integrity, true patriotism, and every necessary qualification for that very important office—a few days will determine whether we hold fast the rights and liberties vested by our constitution, or make a slavish and formal surrender of them at the feet of our sycophants.
Had not your republican better rest satisfied with the warmest acknowledgements of his allied friend, for making him the principal figure in his late piece? Let him beware lest by the exercise of an ill timed zeal, he injure that interest he fondly hopes to serve, and disgrace any abilities he thinks he may possess, by exhibiting in broad day-light, characters which can only pass without censure, when they pass without observation.
I did not formerly conceive it constitutionally necessary, or of infinite importance to the State, to know for whom an individual gives his vote—but your Republican has taught me otherwise—he has said, "this man shall have my suffrage for a President, and so shall he not have mine says
An INHABITANT of New-Hampshire.
For Sale by AUCTION, Next THURSDAY, At DEARBORN'S Auction-Room,
A variety of GOODS;
—among which are—
BROAD Cloths, Calicoes, Du- Brants, Jeans, Flannel, Shalloons, Canvass, Twine, Cod-Lines, Brim- stone, Joiners' Tools, Cross-cut Saws, Files, Rasps, one Box double Tin, some Nails, and many other Articles.
Sale to begin precisely at 3 o'clock if Company appear.
Portsmouth, Feb. 4th, 1785.
Thomas Manning
HAS FOR SALE,
BEST New-Castle SEA-COAL by the Chaldron or Bushel, Lignumvitae, by the Hundred or Ton—Porter, in Hampers or Cask, or by the Dozen—Cheese, by the Hundred or single Pound—Cod- Lines and Twine of all Sizes,—Cor- dage and Hausers, from 3 to 7 1/2 In- ches—an Assortment of Stationary —Hadley's Quadrant—the Seaman's Daily Assistant—Account Books— Slate and Pencils—Crockery Ware of all Sorts—Knives of all Sorts— —Green Tea—Powder-Boxes and Puffs—Combs of all Sorts—and fun- dry other Articles: Which he will sell at a low Advance.

To a Friend with the Present of a Book.
F RIENDSHIP, I've always thought resembles LOVE— As both descended from the realms above, To bless mankind with happiness supreme And make this world a second Eden seem.
Pleas'd with the soft similitude, I send This book a present to my worthy friend; Which, like a lady's to her humble slave, Is valu'd only for the HAND that gave.
[Cockermouth.]
State of New-Hampshire. Grafton ss.
N OTICE is hereby given to the Non-resi- dent Proprietors and others, owning Lands in the Township of Cockermouth , in the County aforesaid, that have not paid the Taxes assessed thereon to me the Subscriber, Constable for the Year 1783, that unless they pay them to me by the first Tuesday of March next, so much of their Lands will be sold at Public Vendue as will pay said Taxes with incidental Charges, on said first Tuesday of March , at the House of Jonathan Bartlett , in said Cockermouth . Said Vendue to begin at Ten o'Clock A. M.
The Taxes are as follows.
   D. N. R. Ac. f. d. q. f. d. q.     John Hale, Esq. 3 4 1 55 10 4 2   Henry Thompson 3 5 7 50 9 1 4 2   Stephen Powers 3 6 7 50 9 1 4 2   Thomas Pratt 3 4 8 75 10 3 7   Amos Fisk 1 18 1 50 9 1 4 2   Amos Eastman, jr. 1 8 3 50 9 1 4 2   Samuel Coming, jr. 2 3   Amos Philips 2 5 1 45 8 4 2   Marther Thompson 3 3 7 55 10 5   Phineas Lovejoy 3 3 8 65 1 2 6 2   Jonathan Johnson 2 1 4 50 9 1 4 2   Abraham Hunter, jr. 3 6 5 44 8 4 2   Thomas Peverly 2 4 4 40 6 3   Vendue Lots on Coming's Hill 1 2 2 50 9 1 4 2   James Mc Lelling 3 7 11 100 1 6 2 9   Hugh White 3 7 12 100 3 6 2 16 1   1 2   2 4   2 4   1 5   6   10 1   6 2   10  
STEPHEN AMES, Constable.
Cockermouth, January 5, 1785.
A LL Persons indebted to, or that have Demands on the Estate of Capt. JOHN GRANT , late of Portsmouth, deceased, are de- sired to bring in their Accounts to ELIZABETH GRANT , Executrix to the last Will and Testa- ment of said deceased.
Portsmouth, February 1, 1785.
W HEREAS Abigail Johnson, Wife of me the Subscriber, has eloped from my Bed and Board, this is to give Notice, that I forbid any Person or Persons crediting her upon my Account, as I am determined not to pay any Debts of her contracting.
JEREMIAH JOHNSON.
Epping, Jan. 25th, 1785.
T HE Subscribers being appointed by the Proprietors of Middleton, to settle all out- standing Accounts with said Propriety;—give Notice, that we will attend said Business at the House of Capt. WILLIAM BREWSTER , Inholder in Portsmouth, on the 24th Day of February next ensuing, at 10 o'Clock, A. M.
JOHN TASH, FRANCIS MATHES, THOMAS MARTIN.
Portsmouth, December 24, 1784.
A LL Persons indebted to, or that have any Demands on the Estate of WIL- IAM LAMSON , late of Exeter, deceas'd, are desired to bring in their Accounts for a speedy Settlement.
GIDEON LAMSON, Administrator.
Exeter, December 26, 1784.
Samuel Bowles,
Has for SALE,
At his Shop, a little below the State-House, PORTSMOUTH, (VERY CHEAP for CASH,) An Assortment of ENGLISH
G O O D S,
Together with many other Articles, viz.
L ARGE and small Barcelona Handkerchiefs, and a variety of English silk, linnen & guaze dit. Mens and Boys Hats. Shoes of all sizes.—Slates & Pencils. Black Lead dit.—Writing Paper. Bibles and Testaments.—Psalteris, Primers.—Cake Ink and Ink Pots.—Looking Glasses.
A variety of Locks, Hinges and Thumb Latches.—Desk Furniture. Combs of all sorts.—Brams Warm- ing and Frying Pan.—
Copper and Iron Tea Kettles.— A good assortment of hollow Iron Ware, Bar Iron and Steel.—
Shoe-makers Tools.— Files and Rasps.—
Cafe Knives and Forks.— Pen Knives and Jack Knives.—
Razors.—Gun Powder and Shot. Wool Cards.—A variety of
Snuff and Tobacco Boxes.— A variety of Metal Buckles and
Buttons.— Pins and Needles of all Kinds.—
Threads of all Kinds.— Cruels of all Colours.—
Tap Borers and Gimblets.— Pepper and Spices of all Sorts—
Ginger, Oatmeal, Figs, Raisins and Currants.—Best Scented Hair
Powder.—Flour and Rice.— Poland Starch.—Castel Bar
and Crown Soap.—Dyewoods, and Otter.—Roll Brimstone
and Flour of Sulphur.—China Cups and Saucers, and a variety
of other Crockery Ware.— RUM, BRANDY, GIN, and
MALAGA WINE.—Molasses, Loaf and Brown Sugar.—
10d, and 20d Nails, Shoe Nails, Pump Nails and Card Tacks, &c.
To Joseph Gilman, Esq. Clerk of the Proprietors of Sandwich.
W E the SUBSCRIBERS, Owners of more than one sixteenth Part of the Rights or Proprietors Shares in said Township, request you would notify a Meeting of the Proprietors to be held at the House of Samuel Folsom, Esq. in Exeter, on Monday the 28th Day of February next at one o'Clock P. M. for the following Purposes, viz. To see if the Proprietors will impower their Agents to refer all Disputes and Differences which have arisen or that may arise between the Proprietors of said Sandwich and the Pro- prietors of Moultonborough and Tamworth, and all Actions which have arisen with Indi- viduals respecting the same, to such Persons as may be agreed on by them and the Proprietors of said Moultonborough and Tamworth; and finally, to establish the Boundary Lines between said Townships.
Exeter, Jan. 19th 1785.
Benjamin Thurston, Nathaniel Folsom, Gideon Lamson, Samuel Folsom, Jonathan Cals, J. T. Gilman.
PURSUANT to the above Request, the Pro- prietors are notified to meet at the Time and Place, and for the Purposes therein mentioned.
JOSEPH GILMAN, Propr. Clerk.
Exeter, Jan. 19th, 1785.
Just OPENED, And to be SOLD by
Moses Jewett,
At the Store formerly Owned and Occupied by the late Hon. Nicholas Gilman, Esquire, in Exeter,
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF European G O O D S,
All of which he is determined to Sell at the lowest rate for Cash, Public Securities, Certificates or Shipping Furs, among which are the following ARTICLES, viz.
SUPERFINE midling and low priz'd Broad Cloths, Figur'd, plain and honey-comb Vel- vet, Corduroys, Baizes, Flannels, Linen of various kinds, Dowlas, Chintzes and Cal- licoes of various kinds, Callimancoes, Durants, Tammies, Shalloons, Cambleteens, Sattins & Modes, Rib'd and plain worsted Hose, Best Bandanno Handkerchiefs of different figures, BLACK Hand- kerchiefs of various sizes, Silk & cotton dit. Checker'd ditto, Green & scarlet worsted Caps, Women's black worsted Gloves and Mitts, Ditto silk ditto. Figur'd and plain Lawns, Black and white Gauze, Suffe ditto, Millinets, Black love Hand- kerchiefs, Scarlet Broad Cloth Cloaks, Black and colour'd sewing Silk, Ribbonds of vari- ous kinds, &c. —ALSO—
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF CUT- LARY AND HARD WARE, viz.—
HAND SAWS, Knives and Forks, Pen & shoe Knives, Womens Scissars, Taylors Shares, Ironing-Boxes, Snuff-Boxes, Tobacco Boxes, Common Ink-Pots Iron Jews Harps, Plated Buttons, Washington pat- tern ditto, Plain gilt ditto, Plain ditto, plated on Bone, Plain white plated ditto, Metal flock Buc- kles, Swan neck silver'd Spurs, Silver'd Sturrips, Table Spoons, Brams Portmantau Locks, Steel Watch Chains, Steel Spurs, Japan'd Links forted, Tin Tea Pots, BRASS Candle- sticks, Iron Candlesticks, Brams ball ditto, Plated Spurs, Buckles plated on Pinch-back, Bath Metal Buckles, Brams and Steel Thimbles, Buckle and Tooth Brushes, Watch Keys and Seals, Plain and gilt hatt Pins, Lockets, Steel shoe Buckles, Gimblets, Two feet Rules, Two feet brads Slides, Brams feet fize Sticks, Two feet double steel joint, Brams Draw Handles, Brams Hinges, Shoe Pincers and Knipers, Shovels & Tongs.
West-India GOODS by Retail, Best Bohea T E A, by the hun- dred, dozen or single pound. &c. &c. &c. &c.
EXETER, January 16, 1785.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for this Paper, at Four shillings & six pence per six Months (exclusive of postage) are taken in at the Printing-Office in Portsmouth and Exeter, where Essays, Letters of Intelligence, Advertisements, &c. are received, and all kinds of Printing performed expeditiously, and at a reasonable rate.