The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1802-04-13 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
Appointed to publish the LAWS of the UNITED STATES for the District of New-Hampshire.
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY NATHANIEL S. & W. PIERCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Political Miscellany.
Washington, 12th March, 1802.
MR. BENJAMIN RUSSELL,
SIR—I observe in your paper entitled "Columbian Centinel" Wednesday, 24th February, 1802, a publication to which with fallacy, and so manifestly designed to mislead the good people of Massachusetts and of the Eastern States, that I deem it my official duty to refute the publication by facts which my public station has enabled me to ascertain beyond the power of contradiction.
It is there stated, by your correspondent, under date "Washington, 12th February, 1802," that there are no less than 57 natives of Virginia, now members of the two houses of Congress—and he adds, "that from his personal knowledge of them, he is enabled to give you a list of their respective names, and that you may depend on the fact."
He then subjoins a list of 57 names of members, to wit: 48 Representatives and 9 Senators, all of whom he asserts, are natives of the Ancient Dominion.
Now, Mr. RUSSELL, the facts are these, as taken from the information of the members themselves:
First—Of the 19 members of Virginia, in the House of Representatives, seventeen are natives of that state, and two of them, viz. Mr. George Jackson, is a native of Maryland, and Mr. David Holmes, a native of Pennsylvania.
Second—Of the two Senators of Virginia, in Congress, one of them, to wit, Stephen Thompson Mason, Esq. is a native of Maryland.
Third—Of the 57 members named and stated by your correspondent, to be natives of Virginia, it appears that 30 are natives of other states, to wit:
Mr. Jackson and Mr. Mason, as before stated, are natives of Maryland; Mr. David Holmes, a native of Pennsylvania; and the following, to wit:
Thomas Moore, born in North-Carolina; John Milledge, in Georgia; John Archer, in Maryland; Nathaniel Hunter, in South-Carolina; Joseph H. Nicholson, in Maryland; Samuel Smith, in Pennsylvania; Richard Sprigg, in Maryland; Nathaniel Macon, (Speaker) in North-Carolina; Willis Alston, in North-Carolina; Richard Stanford, in Maryland; Charles Johnson, in Scotland; Archibald Henderson and John Stanley, in North-Carolina; James Holland, in Pennsylvania; William B. Grove, in North-Carolina; John Condit, in New-Jersey; James Mott, in New-Jersey; Henry Southard, in New-York; William Jones, in Philadelphia; John Stewart, Robert Brown, Thomas Boudé, Isaac Van Horne, Andrew Gregg, all in Pennsylvania; Joseph Anderson, in New-Jersey; David Stone, in North-Carolina; and J. E. Howard, in Maryland.
From hence it will appear, Mr. RUSSELL, that instead of there being 57 natives of Virginia, in the present Congress, there are no more than 27; of which number the state is intitled to 21 for her representation in the two Houses; besides which, the State of Kentucky, which was taken from Virginia in the year 1792, has four Representatives in the two Houses, who are necessarily natives of Virginia, which added to the 21 from Virginia, make 25, to which the two States are entitled, and consequently leaves only two, out of the exaggerated number of 57, more than their just and full representation in Congress.
If the remaining two, representing other states, may, from the mere circumstance of being born in Virginia, be supposed capable of giving to that state a further and undue share of influence in the National Legislature, it will not escape observation, that of the state of Connecticut, which has only seven Representatives and two Senators in Congress, there are five natives of that state, representing other states, to wit:
From Vermont—Mr. Chipman, Mr. Bradley, Senators;—Mr. Israel Smith, Representative. From Massachusetts, Mr. Bacon, Representative. From Georgia, Mr. Baldwin, Senator.
And yet, it is believed, that neither of the States of Connecticut or Virginia, has more than its legitimate share of influence in the National Legislature.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States.
THE ANSWER.
Boston, 24th March, 1802.
JOHN BECKLEY, Esq.
SIR—I HAVE just received your favour of the 14th inst. in which you inclose me a contradiction of a publication in the COLUMBIAN CENTINEL of the 24th February, 1802. "The cause of truth" is the cause in which I am embarked; and no one feels more strongly than myself, that "misrepresentations should be refuted thro' the same medium in which they are uttered." Respecting the publication in question I have given evidence of the fact.
Before the receipt of your letter, I had performed this act of justice; as you may perceive in the CENTINEL of this day. Having received from the Hon. Mr. TANNERY, of the House of Representatives, under date of the 11th, a correct list of the Members of Congress, who are natives of Virginia; and a letter from a private friend at Washington, of the same date, pointing out the imposition which had been practised upon me. I lost no time in contradicting the statement of the 24th February; being convinced that I had been deceived by some Jacobin, assuming the name of a federal correspondent, and conveying to me false information for publication, in order to injure the reputation of my paper.
It never was, and I trust never can be, my disposition to withhold the correction of an error. Had your letter been received prior to those mentioned, it would have been as readily inserted; and even you, Sir, must be satisfied, that two refutations of one misstatement, are not necessarily.
Having introduced the correspondence, you will pardon me for making a remark on the character in which you write. "I deem it my official duty to refute the publication by facts which my public station has enabled me to ascertain beyond the power of contradiction."—These, Sir, are your own words. It is not apparent to my understanding what part of your "official duty" required you to refute the publication in question. Is it your "official duty" to vindicate Virginia from the charge of undue influence in the Union? May not ill-natured people say you appear rather as a clerk to a Virginia party, than the "Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States?" Would it not have been better to have written in your private capacity, as a friend to truth?
I confess I do not readily see the pertinency of the allusion to Connecticut, with which your letter closes. That state has never been charged with aiming at such a kind of influence and preponderance as is justly imputed to and dreaded from Virginia. If some of the citizens of Connecticut have emigrated to other states and been elevated to places of power and trust by those amongst whom they took up their residence, it is evident from your statement that four fifths of them, so far from retaining, in their new situations, the good old-fashioned principles in which they were educated, have become profligates to doctrines not all compatible with the prosperity, independence or safety of Connecticut; much less tending to her individual aggrandizement.
I hope, however, Sir, that nothing I have said will divert you from perseverance in your new "duty."—You have magnanimously considered it your "official duty" to commence an Imprimatur , to correct misrepresentations in the newspapers. Whether it is or not, even allowing you step a little out of the line of strict "official duty" the honesty of the design does honor to your heart. You have proved that besides the mere discharge of clerical duties you can spare some moments for calm observation ; and some for the refutation of errors in the newspapers of distant states. Those papers with which you must be conversant, afford ample scope for your benevolent intentions. From your high-wrought " aurora " and philosophical " Intelligencer ," down to our " Chronicle " and " Egis ," the ministerial papers are "replete with fallacies manifestly designed to mislead the good people of the country;" and all under the pretence of supporting a virtuous administration. Let me entreat you, Sir, to apply a few of your correctives to your own friends; and if at any future time I should again inadvertently admit into the Columbian Centinel , a Jacobin fabrication, your kind assistance in detecting and refuting it, is respectfully solicited, and will be gratefully acknowledged. I have not preferred the letter from Washington which contained the false intelligence, or I would inclose it for your inspection; as possibly you might be able from the hand-writing, to detect the impostor.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, BENJAMIN RUSSELL.
THE people of America know that the course which the anti-republican prints and orators now pursue out of power, is precisely the same which caused the people to put them out of authority—and that the same hostility will while it is continued, keep the people awake to the recollection of the dangers they have escaped and guarded to prevent their recurrence. Our object will be to avoid notice of these prints hostile to our government, unless on special instances or occasions, and in lieu thereof to call the attention to objects of internal utility—to the invaluable pursuits of a varied agriculture—to the improvement and advancement of arts, manufactures and commerce—to the construction of roads and bridges—the clearing of rivers—the advancement of the national independence by the multiplication of our internal means of industry, and that best of all commerce, the commerce at home, where the produce of our fields may find consumers at our doors, and the circulating medium, instead of going into foreign channels, circulate at home with redoubled advantage and activity. These are the objects to which we shall direct our attention, and in which we enjoin all our fellow editors of the union to co-operate. To leave to the enemies of our freedom the monopoly of the baser passions, but when they are noticed, to notice them in the style they merit; to aspire ourselves to promote the happiness and encrease the abundant blessings of civilized life and liberty over our happy country.
National Legislature.
House of Representatives, Feb. 18.
JUDICIARY BILL,—from the Senate.
[Mr. Giles's Speech in continuation.]
MR. G. said, that according to a found rule of interpretation, where a general grant of power is made, and one limitation to the general power is expressed—the expression of that limitation is an exclusion of all intention to any other limitation. And this rule will apply to all other cases put by gentlemen, where there is an express limitation of legislative authority. But the most important consequence from this doctrine is, that it erects the judges into a body politic, and corporate, in perpetual succession, with censorial, and controlling powers, over the other departments—And for what purpose? The gentleman from North-Carolina (Mr. Henderson) has informed us, "to protect the people against their worst enemies"—themselves! This is the real exposition of the object, in very few, but emphatical words. As the inducement to the adoption of this principle, gentlemen have reminded us of the fate of a foreign country, of the violent passions which agitate popular assemblies, of the age, experience, the unassuming talents and unambitious virtue of judges. He said the judges were selected from their fellow-citizens, and he presumed, possessed the same human propensities. He said all men love power, and in general, those love it best, who know best how to use it. Let us apply this remark to the judges of the United States.
Very shortly after the establishment of the courts, the judges decided that they had jurisdiction over the states in their sovereign capacity. Did this in the judges seem unambitious? The states thought it did not. It happened that during the revolutionary war, the state of Massachusetts had issued certain obligatory bills, which were made transferable, and which were outstanding without any provision for their payment—funds were instituted on these bills—the court determined to bring the great state of Massachusetts, and not Virginia, on its knees, not at the feet of justice, but policy. Upon the representation of Massachusetts, an amendment was made to the Constitution of the United States, declaring that the constitution should not be construed to extend to authorizing the courts to arraign and pronounce judgment against states which had not consented to give up their sovereignty. Thus this unambitious project of the judges was prostrated by a constitutional interpretation. He read the amendment in the following words—"The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state."
The judges have determined that they are judges in the last resort upon the constitutionality of your laws. He proposed not to discuss this question, because he did not think it pertinent to the question before us. He only mentioned it to show their unlimited claims to power. The judges have determined that their jurisdiction extends to the lex non scripta , or rather to the lex non descripta , or common law. Does this in the judges seem unambitious? This law pervades the whole municipal regulations of the country. It is unlimited in its object, and indefinite in its character. Legalities this unassuming claim of jurisdiction by the judges, and they have before them every object of legislation. They have sent a mandatory process, or process leading to a mandamus, into the executive cabinet, to examine its concerns. Does this in the judges seem unambitious? Now, Sir, examine and combine the extraordinary pretensions to power, legalize them, and you have precisely that body politic and corporate, which gentlemen deem so important in the United States "to protect the people from their worst enemies—themselves."—(Mr. Henderson of North-Carolina.) He said he should not resort so frequently to this expression, but that he did consider it as the candid and correct exposition of the object of gentlemen opposed to the repeal. It was the doctrine of irresponsibility against the doctrine of responsibility. The latter, he had endeavoured to show, characterised the constitution of the United States. It was the doctrine of despotism, in opposition to the representative system. It was an express avowal, that the people were incompetent to govern themselves. This he believed to have been the great characteristic difference from the commencement of the administration of the government to the present day. If indeed there be a political corps necessary to interpose between the people, and themselves, he considered the judiciary corps supported by the doctrines on this floor well calculated to effect that object.
He said he would now examine the consequence of the doctrine against the repeal, as it respected the legislature. He said it would have a direct tendency to impair the responsibility of the representatives to the people. He could not illustrate this observation better than by giving the history of the law proposed to be repealed.
The first bill for changing the organization of the courts of the United States, was reported to the House of Representatives the 11th March, 1801; after undergoing some discussion and amendment, it was recommitted and reported again the 31st
March 1801; on the 14th of April it was postponed by a majority of two votes. At this time the presidential election was approaching, and the result uncertain. The bill upon which the law in question was founded, was reported to the House of Representatives 19th December 1800, and passed that House the 30th January 1801. It was read in the Senate 21st January 1801, and passed the 7th of February 1801. At this time the presidential election, so far as it respected the then existing president, was ascertained.
Mr. G. said, he proposed to be particular in ascertaining the facts respecting the passage of this law and its execution, because gentlemen had complained that rumors had gone into circulation respecting its passage and the appointments under it, not warranted by the facts; a sense of justice had therefore induced him to make the strictest enquiry into the dates and facts, and the result of that enquiry upon his mind, had been as unfavorable to its advocates, as any impression which had been made by the rumors complained of. He said at the time of passing the law no complaints had been presented to Congress against the competency of the former system—not even a memorial from the bar of Philadelphia. He believed the former system to have been amply competent. The business indeed had very much declined; he observed that in the spring of 1799, the whole number of causes instituted, exclusive of Maryland and Tennessee, amounted to 703, besides 73 criminal prosecutions in Pennsylvania. In the fall of 1800 there were instituted only 355; without any information, however on this point, the bill was passed. On the 19th of February 1801, it was approved by the President. On turning to the Journals of that day it will be found that the House of Representatives was not engaged in the ordinary business of the session. They were engaged in the extraordinary business of electing a President.
In a note made on that day on the Journals, will be found a message from the President in these words—"A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Shaw, his Secretary, notifying, that the President did this day approve and sign an act which originated in the House of Representatives, entitled an act to provide for the more convenient organization of the courts of the United States." Upon examining the Journals themselves, he said he found an entry in these words, "The time agreed upon by the last mentioned vote being expired, the states proceeded in manner aforesaid, to the twenty-ninth ballot; and upon examination thereof the result was declared to be the same." Mr. G. said, need I remind gentlemen, now present, who were agents in the existing scenes, of the extraordinary situation of Congress at that moment; when in the House of Representatives the ordinary business of legislation was suspended, a permanent session decreed, when lodging and subsistence were furnished the members within the walls of the chamber, when even a sick bed was introduced to enable its patient to discharge a sacred duty—Need I awaken the recollection of our fellow-citizens, who were looking with indignant anxiety on the awful scene, beholding their representatives urged by the most tempestuous passions, and pushing forward to immolate the constitution of their country? No, Sir, the awful scene is freshly remembered! And what was its object? To prevent the fair and known expression of the public will in the highest function it had to perform. In the choice of the chief executive magistrate of the nation. In this state of things, when all confidence amongst the members of this house was lost—in the highest paroxysm of party rage, was this law uttered into existence. And now its advocates gravely tell us to be calm, to guard against the danger of our passions. They tell us at the same time, that the law they have passed is sacred! Inviolable! Irrepealable! Does it merit this extraordinary character from the circumstances which accompanied its passage? It does not.
Let us examine how this law was carried into effect. Members of the legislature, who voted for the passage of the law, were appointed to offices, not indeed, created by the law, the constitution having wisely guarded against an effect of that sort; but to judicial offices previously created, by the removal or what was called the promotion of judges from the offices they then held, to the offices newly created, and supplying their places by members of the legislature, who voted for the creation of the new offices. In this substitution however it appears, that no respect was paid to another provision of the constitution. The 6th section of the 1st article of the constitution contains these words, "no senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office." If vacancies had existed in the previously existing judicial establishments, the appointments of the members of the legislature, might not be considered as a direct breach of this provision in the constitution; but this was not the fact, no vacancies did exist. It was necessary, to make provision for members voting for the law, that vacancies should be made by the removal or promotion of the then existing judges. This was done under this author-
ity in the constitution. ad section 2d Art. and he (to wit) "the President of the United States, shall nominate and by and with the advice and consent of the senate, shall appoint ambassadors, and other public ministers and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, &c." Again, "the President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session." How did the then President exercise the power in the present case? He did not wait until the vacancies should happen. He attempted to make vacancies, by what, he called, the promotion of judges, although they held their commissions of him during good behaviour," and without waiting to know whether the judges would accept the promotion or not, upon which event alone a vacancy could accrue; he proceeded to appoint and actually commission members of the legislature to offices, then actually held by other commissions granted to other persons. What was the effect of this procedure? That two persons held commissions to perform the same duties, although one person only was authorised by law to discharge those duties; whilst the office, where the promotion was refused, remained vacant. This was actually the case, in several of the districts of the United States. This subject will be put into a still stronger point of view by examining the journals of the Senate, which he was sorry to do for that purpose. When discussing the bill in question in the senate, he found this entry on their journals, "on motion to strike out the whole of the bill, after the words (from and after,) section 1st, line 2d, for the purpose of inserting as follows, "(to wit) a substitute for the bill." On the question to agree to this motion, it passed in the negative—yeas 15—nays 17. He observed amongst the nays, the names of Mr. Green, of Rhode-Island; and Mr. Read, of South-Carolina. Both these gentlemen received appointments in virtue of the promotion of judges under this law. If these gentlemen had voted on the opposite side of the question, the law would never have been in existence. He mentioned this circumstance not to impugn the motives of any gentlemen, but to demonstrate the temptation held out to the members of the legislature under the doctrine contended for against the repeal of this law. The refusal of the present President to correct what was called a mistake in Mr. Green's appointment, having excited some clamor, it was necessary to put that subject in a correct point of view.
It seems that in filling up Mr. Green's commission, the word "circuit" instead of the word "district" was inserted; it is presumed by mistake. If the commission was intended for the circuit court, it was a breach of the constitution, in its most obvious letter. If it was intended for the district court, it was void ab initio ; because at the date of the commission, no vacancy had happened, and the President's right to appoint depended on that precedent condition, and he therefore in making that appointment, attempted to exercise a power he did not possess. It must be obvious to every gentleman, that Mr. Green's accepting the commission under all the incidents attending the case, could furnish but a negative recommendation of Mr. Green in his application for that or any other appointment. Upon a review of the history of the law in question according to the doctrine of its advocates, the temptation to the legislature, to make permanent, irrevocable provision for themselves, must be obvious to every impartial observer. If when a judicial establishment be once made; it becomes irrevocable, how easy would it be, for a legislature, combined with the executive to compensate themselves for the loss of the confidence of their constituents, by following the example before us? By erecting a new tier of judges, holding out to them additional emoluments, and by filling up the vacancies occasioned by their promotion with the members of the legislature.
This operation would be most likely to take place when the representatives had lost the confidence of their constituents, and of course less likely to be influenced by considerations of public good. Again, Sir, the sinecure system thus established would have the advantage of all other similar systems existing in the world; because, if in other countries the sinecure system has become oppressive to the people, they have the consolation to recollect, that the evil may be lessened by the competent authority; but according to the doctrine upon which the system is bottomed in the United States, no remedy can be applied to the mischief by the union of all the responsible agents of the people.—How, Sir, would the framers of our constitution lament, after all the care and circumspection they had used to exclude this system entirely from the practical operation of the government, that the constitution itself should be made the instrument of its introduction, and its permanent irrevocable establishment? And this too at the moment of an expiring administration; when the passions of men just parting from power, were breaking down every impediment which stood in the way of attaining their object! Upon the whole, therefore, it appears, that this doctrine of the irrepealability of laws derives no consideration from the consequences which naturally flow from it.
Mr. G. said, that having exhausted to a great portion of the time and attention of the committee, in discussing the constitutional question, which had been made, the cardinal point in the debate, he proposed

to confine himself to very few observations upon the expediency of the contemplated repeal. He said he took it for granted that the former judicial system was competent to the discharge of all the judicial business in the United States; but if that should be denied, he thought it demonstrable from the document before the committee. The gentleman from Delaware (Mr. Bayard) had intimated a doubt whether the President had acted correctly in favouring us with the document; he would only observe in reply, that the constitution imposed a duty upon the president from time to time, to give to congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he said that the number of suits in the courts of the United States must always be very small from the limited objects of their jurisdiction; this will appear by reading the 2d section of the 3d article of the constitution, limiting their jurisdiction. The whole expense of the existing system is 137,000 dollars, of which 40,000 or 50,000 dollars may be attributed to the new system; the estimates differing between these two sums. Whether the expense be estimated either according to the service to be rendered, or by comparison with any other system, it appeared to him to be enormous. He examined the document before us, by way of ascertaining the relative view of expense and service, and also the competency of the former system, to the discharge of the business. He would not however be responsible for precise clerical accuracy in his addition, which has also been deemed a subject worthy of criticism against the president of the United States. But if it be within 25 per cent of being correct, it will be demonstrated, 1st, that the former courts were competent to the business; 2d, that the number of causes bear no proportion to the expense of the institution.
He said he would present to the view of the committee, the whole number of causes instituted at the respective sessions of the courts from the spring of 1796, to the spring of 1801. He had fixed upon the year 1796, because the business began to increase under the influence of the British treaty.
In all the circuit courts of the United States, except Maryland and Tennessee, the number of cases of every description, instituted in the spring of 1796, were 294; fall 192—1797, spring, 481, fall 397—1798, spring 325, fall 397—1799, spring 703, exclusive of 98 criminal prosecutions in Pennsylvania, fall 456—1800, spring 467, 70 criminal prosecutions in Pennsylvania, fall 355—1801, spring 350—taking the common calculation of suits settled between the parties without trial, dismissals, abatements, &c. &c. and it would appear that the whole number of judgments against solvent persons, would hardly compensate the expense of the institution. It also appears that the number of causes left to be tried, could easily be decided by the six former judges.
He said upon looking over the number of suits in the eastern circuit, it appeared to him strange, that the members representing that part of the country, should insist upon increasing the expense of the system, when the courts have there scarcely any business to attend to; and that gentlemen in the southern states where the business was greater, should be willing to lessen the expense. He said, he never heard the smallest complaint in the state he represented respecting the incompetency of the former courts to discharge the business in that state. He believed they had always gone through the docket, whenever they attended, and as far as his own observations went, that was the fact. He said, it appeared strange to him, that new courts and new expenses should be called for in other parts of the United States, when the old courts were competent to the business in that state, where the business has been considerably more than in any other state, although it is now very much declined, and probably will decline still more. In the courts of Maine, West Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and West Tennessee, no suit at all had been instituted in June last.
Under the view of the subject thus presented, he considered the late courts as useless and unnecessary, and the expense, therefore, was to him highly objectionable. He did not consider it in the nature of a compensation, for there was no equivalent rendition of service. He could not help considering it as a tribute for past services—as a tribute for the zeal displayed by these gentlemen in supporting principles which the people had denounced. He thought the federal maxim always was, "millions for defence, not a cent for tribute." He could not consent to tax the people even one cent as a tribute to men, who disrespected their principles.
Another objection he had to the new organization of the courts was, their tendency to produce a gradual demolition of state courts, by multiplying the number of courts, increasing their jurisdiction, making bonds or obligatory bills assignable with the privilege of bringing suits in the name of the assignee, &c. or as gentlemen say, bringing federal justice to every man's door; state courts will be ousted of their jurisdiction, which he thought by no means a desirable event. Under this consideration, alone, and under the conviction he felt, of the inutility of the courts, he should vote for the repeal.
Mr. Giles concluded by observing, that upon the whole view of the subject, feeling the firmest conviction, that there is no constitutional impediment in the way of repealing the act in question, upon the most fair and candid interpretation of the constitution. Believing that principles advanced in opposition, go directly to the destruction of the fundamental principle of the constitution, the responsibility of all public agents to the people, that they go to the establishment of a permanent corporation of
individuals invested with ultimate central, and controlling power over all the departments of the government, over legislation, execution, and decision, and irresponsible to the people; believing that these principles are in direct hostility with the great principle of representative government; believing that the courts formerly established, were fully competent to the business they had to perform, and that the present courts are useless, unnecessary and expensive; believing that the supreme court has heretofore discharged all the duties assigned to it in less than one month in the year, and that its duties could be performed in half that time; considering the compensation of the judges to be amongst the highest given to any of the highest officers of the United States, for the services of the whole year; considering the compensation of all the judges greatly exceeding the services assigned them, as well as considering all the circumstances attending the substitution of the new system for the old one, by increasing the number of judges, and compensations, and lessening their duties by the distribution of the business into a great number of hands, &c.—whilst acting under these impressions he should vote against the motion now made for striking out the first section of the repealing bill.
[Mr. Giles's Speech concluded.]
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 24.
An engrossed bill making appropriations for defraying the expenses which may arise from carrying into effect the convention made between the U. States and the French Republic was read and passed.
A concurrent resolution of the two houses, was agreed to, for the adjournment of the two houses on the second Monday in April. (We understand that the Senate have postponed the consideration of the resolution.)
The house went into committee of the whole on the bill to continue in force an act to augment the salaries of certain officers therein named.
The committee rose and reported the bill with an amendment, that the law should continue two years instead of three.—Ordered to lie on the table.
THURSDAY, MARCH 25.
Mr. Bacon moved the appointment of a committee to enquire whether any and what reduction it would be proper to make in the compensations of the Senators and Representatives.
To this motion several amendments were made, on which considerable discussion ensued, which terminated, on the motion of Mr. J. C. Smith, in the reference of it to the select committee appointed on the 4th Jan. to enquire what alterations it may be expedient to make in the civil list.
The bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes and to preserve peace on the frontiers, received from the Senate, was read a third time, and passed.
The House then took up the bill to continue in force an act to augment the salaries of certain officers therein named.
The amendment to limit the continuance of the law to two years instead of three was agreed to—Ayes 40.
Mr. John C. Smith moved an amendment to the bill, the object of which was instead of simply reviving in general terms the old law; to specify the augmented salary of each officer.
On this amendment a debate ensued.—It was supported by Messrs. J. C. Smith, Dana, Griswold, Elmer, Morris, Huger, Goddard, and Bacon.
And opposed by Messrs. Gregg, S. Smith, Nicholson, Giles, Holland, and Varum.
The Yeas and Nays were then called on the amendment and were Yeas 37—Nays 46—lost.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on to-morrow.
FRIDAY, MARCH 26.
Mr. Jackson moved a resolution appointing a committee to enquire into the expediency of authorising the Secretary of the Treasury to remit the duties on stills, or distilled spirits, which have been accidentally destroyed by fire, by the inundation of water, or other accidental circumstances.
Referred, on motion of Mr. John C. Smith, to the committee of Ways and Means—Yeas 32—Nays 25.
An engrossed bill, to revive and continue in force an act entitled "An act to augment the salaries of the officers therein mentioned," was read a third time; when the question was put that the bill pass—On which a debate ensued.
Messrs. Dawson, Smilie, Alston, Bacon, Nicholson, Elmer and Claiborne, spoke in favour of the bill; and Messrs. Goddard, T. Morris, Tallmadge and Hallings, against it.
The Yeas and Nays were then called, on motion of Mr. Stanley, on the passage of the bill; and were Yeas 50—Nays 22.
The House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. L. R. Morris in the chair, on the report of a select committee on admitting the North Western Territory as a State into the Union.
Without proceeding to the discussion of the report, the committee rose, in consequence of an intimation made by Mr. Hastings, that Mr. Fearing, the delegate of the North Western Territory, was absent from indispensation, and that it was his wish to be present when the report was discussed.
On the motion of Mr. Davis, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. John C. Smith in the chair, on the bill respecting the location of military land warrants.
Mr. Davis moved an amendment, restricting the right of location to original holders of warrants—lost without a division.
Several amendments were made, affecting the details of the bill; when the committee rose, and some of the amendments were agreed to, and others disagreed to.
Ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. S. Smith presented a petition from the citizens of Washington, praying that such a system of internal government, or police may be adopted, as Congress may see fit to adopt.
Referred to the territorial committee.
SATURDAY, MARCH 27.
The bill entitled "An act in addition to an act regulating the grants of land appropriated for military services, and for the society of the United Brethren for propagating the gospel among the Heathens," was read a third time and passed.
The House then went into committee of the whole on a bill presented by Mr. Randolph, making a partial appropriation for the year 1802—Mr. Jones in the chair.
The bill appropriates 100,000 dollars towards the defraying the expenditure of the civil list, including the contingent expenses of the several departments.
The bill as reported, without amendment, was taken up in the House, when an amendment, offered by Mr. Griswold to strike out "including the contingent expenses of the several departments," was lost—Yeas 32—Nays 34.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-day—Yeas 41.
The bill for the relief of Isaac Zane was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill to alter and establish certain post roads, &c.
Mr. Varum in the chair.
When several amendments were made.
STATEMENT OF DUTIES UPON CARRIAGES.
For the conveyance of persons; during the year ending the 31st December, 1801.
Doll. Cts. New-Hampshire, 1,903 50 Massachusetts, 14,096 81 Rhode-Island, 1,046 75 Connecticut, 4,564 77 Vermont, 180 66 New-York, 7,827 75 1-2 New-Jersey, 5,935 86 Pennsylvania, 7,327 77 Delaware, 2,565 58 Maryland, 8,683 79 Virginia, 23,701 47 Kentucky, 287 25 Tennessee, 85 50 North-Carolina, 4,334 30 South-Carolina, 4,329 44 Georgia, 1,214 48 Total 77,871 41 1-2
The above is taken from the official return of the whole duties arising on Carriages in the different states; agreeable to the documents transmitted to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury, under the date of the 21st December last. We have thought it necessary to publish it at this time to counteract the misrepresentations which appear in the tory papers. They are constantly representing that the Southern people, particularly the Virginians, ride in their coaches, and that the tax on Carriages, bears much harder on them, than on the people of the New-England states—For that reason they are determined to have that tax abolished.—But what is the fact? Look at the above statement, you will see it proves all they have said on that subject to be absolutely false.—For notwithstanding Virginia contains a much greater number of inhabitants than any other state in the union, yet you will observe Massachusetts pays Dolls. 995 34 more of the carriage tax than Virginia. And even this plain state of Connecticut, pays more of the carriage tax in proportion to the number of its inhabitants, than what they style the proud, luxurious, domineering Virginians.
These are facts not to be denied—every man may make the calculations for himself.
Another official document exhibits, "a statement of the duties arising on spirits distilled during the year ending on the 31st December, 1800."
Which makes the amount of duties arising therefrom Dolls. 139,839 14 Of which the five New-England states pay Dolls. 125,501 98.
And the eleven states South of Connecticut pay only Dolls. 14,337 16.
Which is but little more than one ninth part as much as the New-England states pay.
Yet the tory papers do deceive you, cry out that the internal revenue is to be abolished, because the Southern people have to pay it; and the whole burthens and expenses of Government are to be wholly on the Northern states.
What degree of credit is to be given to such declarations, made in the face of official statements, we will leave every candid man to judge.
WASHINGTON-CITY, MARCH 19.
There seems to be some disposition at present to excite a belief, that the abandonment of the claims of our merchants for losses by French spoliations is chargeable on the present administration.
How stands the matter of fact? The 2d article of the French convention reads thus;—
"The ministers plenipotentiary of the two parties not being able to agree at present respecting the treaty of alliance of 6th Feb. 1778, the treaty of amity and commerce of the same date, and the convention of 14th November 1788, or upon the indemnities mutually due or claimed; the parties will negotiate further on these subjects at a convenient time, and until they may have agreed upon these points, the said treaties and convention shall have no operation, and the relation of the two countries shall be regulated as follows, &c."
Article 5th "The debts contracted by one of the two nations with individuals of the other, or by the individuals of one with the individuals of the other, shall be paid, or the payment may be prosecuted in the same manner as if there had been no misunderstanding between the two States. But this clause shall not extend to indemnities claimed on account of captures or confiscation."
The Senate refused to advise and consent to the ratification of the treaty unless the 2d article above recited was struck out, to this President Adams agreed, and the treaty was so ratified by him Feb. 18th, 1801. The votes of the Senate, as published in the newspapers at that time, were for striking out the 2d article;
Messrs. Armstrong, Bingham, Chipman, Dayton, D. Foster, Hillhouse, Hindman, Howard, Latimer, J. Mason, Morris, Paine, Read, Schureman, Tracy, Wells.—17.
Against striking the 2d article:—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Cocke, T. Foster, Franklin, Greene, Langdon, Livermore, Marshall, S. T. Mason, Nicholas.—13.
Striking out the 2d article was striking out the effect of all the labors of our envoys on that subject, and was in fact agreeing to make a treaty without making any provisions for the claims of our merchants, or to keep alive the demand; and suffering the 5th article to stand as it does, effectually deprived them of any chance for relief, and was an abandonment of their claims. So it was justly understood by Bonaparte, as he declared in his ratification, bien entendu, it being well understood, that by this retrenchment the two states renounce the respective pretensions which are the objects of the said article. When his ratification was laid before the Senate of the United States, they say, that Bonaparte understood it as they intended, and they vote almost unanimously, that it ought to be considered as justly and fully ratified: it was said at the time, and never denied that Messrs. Wells, Hillhouse, Chipman, and D. Foster, were the only persons in the negative. Mr. Hillhouse, and some of the others have often been heard to declare, that they were opposed to having any treaty with France. We trust the federalists will not disown their own measures, which have been acquired with so much labor and expense, from the recall of Munroe to the ratification of the treaty.
Pennsylvania Legislature.
Articles of accusation and impeachment against Alexander Addison, President of the courts of common pleas in the circuit consisting of the counties of Westmoreland, Fayette, Washington, and Alleghany preferred by the House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in their names, and in the name of the people of Pennsylvania, and exhibited to the Senate of the said Commonwealth;
Art. I. That the said Alexander Addison, being duly appointed and commissioned President of the several courts of common pleas in the circuit consisting of the counties of Westmoreland, Fayette, Washington and Alleghany, within the territory of the said commonwealth, while acting as President of the court of common pleas of the said county of Alleghany, on Saturday the twenty-eighth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight and one, in open court of common pleas, then and there holden, in and for the county last aforesaid, did after John Lucas, otherwise John B. C. Lucas, also duly appointed and commissioned, an associate judge of the court of common pleas of the county last aforesaid, had, in his official character and capacity of associate judge as aforesaid, and as of right he might do, addressed a petit jury, then and there duly impanelled and sworn or affirmed respectively as jurors, in a cause then pending, and then and there openly declare and say to the said jury, "That the address delivered to them by the said John Lucas, otherwise John B. C. Lucas, had nothing to do with the question before them, and that they ought not to pay any attention to it"—thereby degrading or endeavouring to degrade and vilify, the said John Lucas, otherwise John B. C. Lucas, and his character and office as aforesaid, to the obstruction of the free, impartial and due administration of justice, and contrary to the public rights and interests of this commonwealth.
II. That the said Alexander Addison, being duly appointed and commissioned President as aforesaid, did at a court of quarter sessions of the peace and court of the common pleas holden in and for the county of Alleghany aforesaid, on Monday the twenty-second day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and one, under pretence of discharging and performing his official duties as President as aforesaid, unjustly, illegally and unconstitutionally claim, usurp and exercise authority not given or delegated to him by the constitution and laws of this commonwealth, in as much as he, the said Alexander Addison, President as aforesaid, did, under pretence as aforesaid of discharging and performing the said duties, then and there, in time of open court, unjustly, illegally and unconstitutionally stop, threaten and prevent the said John Lucas, other-
wise John B. C. Lucas, also duly appointed and commissioned an associate judge of the said courts, from addressing, as of right he might do, a grand jury of the said county of Alleghany, then and there assembled and impanelled, and sworn or affirmed respectively, concerning their rights and duties as grandjurymen, thereby abusing and attempting to degrade the high offices of President and associate judge as aforesaid, to the denial and prevention of public right and of the due administration of justice, and to the evil example of all others, in the like case offending.
And the said House of Representatives, by protection, saving to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation of impeachment against the said Alexander Addison, President as aforesaid, and also of replying to the answers which he the said Alexander Addison, President as aforesaid, shall make into the said articles, or to any or either of them, and offering proof of the said premises or of any of them, or of any other accusation or impeachment which shall or may be exhibited by them as the case shall require, do demand that the said Alexander Addison, President as aforesaid, may be put to answer all and every of the premises, and that such proceedings, examination, trial and judgment may be against and upon him had, as agreeable to the constitution and laws of this commonwealth; and the said House of Representatives are ready to offer proof of the premises, at such time as the Senate of the said commonwealth of Pennsylvania shall appoint.
Late Foreign Intelligence.
The British Packet, Lord Charles Spencer, arrived at New-York from Falmouth, brings London dates to the 20th Feb. She sailed from Falmouth on the 26th, at which time no news of the signing of the Definitive Treaty had reached that place.
LONDON, JAN. 19.
The difficulties which occasioned the rupture in the progress of the commissioners of this country and the United States of America, appointed to decide on the respective claims made by the individuals of the two countries, are happily removed. The government of the United States, have agreed to pay a specific sum to the British government, which we understand to be £200,000 and which is to satisfy all the old long pending claims by British subjects on the individuals of that country.—British claimants have now, therefore, to apply for restitution to their own government. The American claimants, also, for the captures by British cruisers, are, by the present adjustment, allowed to proceed as provided by the last commercial treaty between the two countries, and justice will therefore be rendered them on duly substantiating their losses.
The demands made by the British subjects on the United States was above a million sterling. As that government is now released by paying only two hundred thousand pounds, it is conceived that the bargain is very favourable to America.
LONDON, FEB. 16.
A Treaty of Peace was signed on the 17th December, between the French Republic and the Dey of Algiers. This treaty renews the old political and commercial relations between those powers; it also specifies that all the property of the French African Company, which has been seized by the Algerines, shall be restored; Frenchmen in slavery are to be released; and henceforward, no French subject is to be reduced to the condition of a slave, unless taken in the act of signing against the subjects of the dey.
The Paris papers contain a list of the members of the Tribune, who have been voted out, or rather expelled, by the Conservative Senate, in the renewal of the one-fifth of the members of the Tribune, which is to take place annually. In this list we meet with the names of those that had the presumption to oppose the mandates of government, under the idea that discussion was a part of their duty, instead of implicit obedience. We remark with pleasure, that such of the Legislative Body and Tribunes who voted for the death of Louis XVI. have been expelled.
It has, we hear, been found to be impossible to remove the objections on the part of Spain, who absolutely refused to cede Trinidad. Another arrangement therefore, it is rumoured, has been made; Great Britain relinquishes Trinidad, and Spain is to keep it. We are to have the island of Martinique in lieu of it.
Our funds yesterday experienced a farther depression, from the belief that many difficulties will continue in the way of the Definitive Treaty.
House of Commons Feb. 17.—The house went into a committee on the bill for carrying into effect the American Treaty. Mr. Vansittart shortly adverted to communications lately received concerning the determination of the American government to take off the countervailing duties, and asserted the expediency of a similar step on the part of this country. He therefore moved, that the chairman be instructed to move the house for leave to bring in a bill to suspend the operation of the duties levied under the aforesaid act, under certain circumstances, as soon as official intelligence of the resolution of the American Government shall be received. This was agreed to, and the report ordered for to-morrow.
Feb. 18. The chairman of the committee on the act for carrying into effect the American Treaty, moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable his Majesty to cause the Countervailing duties to be levied under that act to cease, and to be suspended under certain circumstances.
The motion was put and carried, and leave given to bring in the bill.

Feb. 19. The American Treaty Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday.
Falmouth, Feb. 20. Captain Charlton, late of the American ship Sifter, attempted to pass over to St. Mawes, from Falmouth on Wednesday night, with three or four men in a small boat, and have not since been heard of. They are supposed to have sunk between the cattles.
The Gazette of Saturday last contains an order in council, dated the 10th inst. prolonging for two months from the 18th inst. the prohibition against the exportation of Copper.
Best flour sells at Falmouth at 60s. a bag.
LONDON, FEB. 28. It was yesterday, in current circulation in the city, that the Emperor of Russia has made a strong remonstrance to the Chief Consul on the step he had taken in regard to Italy.
A force is to be established at Jamaica, competent to counteract any possible inconvenience which might result from the introduction of so large a body of French troops into St. Domingo, as have recently been sent thither.
The 7th or Royal Fuzileers, stationed at Halifax, and the 66th Regiment, stationed at Newfoundland, are ordered to Jamaica.
The growing crops throughout the country are of uncommon promise; the rye is particularly forward.
The expenses of Holland for the current year, amount to the sum of 65,931,775 florins. Its revenues cannot be estimated at a greater sum than 31 or 32 millions.
Paris Journals to the 21st inst. state the sailing of the Dutch squadron from Brest, accompanied by a French ship, armed en flute, and of two fresh squadrons from Spanish ports, all for the West Indies. A squadron of frigates has also put to sea from Cherbourg, and a new expedition is preparing at Brest for Guadaloupe.
MARCH 2. Letters from Holland say, the present Constitution will not outlive May. The factions are busier than ever; among whom there is an Orange party; and for the more general content it is believed in a new order of things the young Prince will have a share in the Government. It is said he has been invited to Paris.
The Duke of Bedford lays dangerously ill at Wobourn.
By the last Mails.
PHILADELPHIA, MARCH 31. Extract of a letter from an Officer of the Essex frigate, to his friend in this city, dated Malaga-Bay, Feb. 6.
"It has been near three months since we have been off this station blockading the admiral of Tripoli's ship, of 26 guns. The President is at Toulon repairing damages. The pilot run her ashore and injured her very much. The Philadelphia is stationed at Tripoli. The frigate Boston has arrived from France and proceeded up to join the Commodore. I expect, we shall return to America on the commodore's joining us."
"The Tripolitans have purchased a frigate mounting 32 guns and 700 men. She is at Smyrna. I am sorry to inform you that there has been an American ship captured by the robbers of the seas, the Tripolitans."
"We live in hopes of falling in with the frigate of 32 guns and 700 men. If we should be so fortunate, the Essex will shew her Yankee play."
NEW-YORK, March 26.
Extract of a letter received by the barque Thomas, Gordon, dated Madeira, Feb. 1.
"We arrived here the 20th ultimo, in thirty-five days from New-York, having experienced a continual gale of wind for thirty days, our vessel being absolutely under water during the whole passage; such a series of tempestuous weather has not, from all accounts, been known for many years. The Schooner Felicity, which sailed eight days before us, has not yet appeared; apprehensions are excited about her safety. The weather here is delightful; the thermometer has not varied four degrees from 66 since our arrival. Peach trees are in full bloom; these with the verdure of the fields adjoining the city, form an enchanting contrast with the snow occasionally discernable thro' the dissipating clouds, on the tops of the mountains. The British troops failed from hence the day of our arrival; the wise ones here conjecture that they are destined to assist in the reduction of St. Domingo; the probability is, they are gone to protect their own islands, as we learn that very large fleets and armies are on the way from France to the West-Indies. Markets are overstocked with all kinds of provisions, which are falling below prime cost; Lumber only is in demand, and may continue so for some time."
April 5. By a gentleman from Washington, we learn, that the doors of the Senate had been closed two days, they being engaged in the discussion of some communications from Mr. King, our Minister at the Court of London.
Capt. Hussey, from P. Republican, informs, that in the late engagement near St. Marks, (about the 6th March) between the blacks under Gen. Desfalin, and the troops under Leclerc, about 5000 of the former, and 200 of the latter, were killed... that among the many French officers who were wounded, Gen. Boudet received a shot in one foot, Gen. Rochambeau one in his hip, and Gen. Leclerc had his sword-belt shot off. The whites were repulsed...
after which the blacks retreated farther up the mountain, which, though impenetrable to, was surrounded by, the French troops, as the passage is so narrow, that only one man can enter at a time. No prisoners are made on either side—all are put to the sword. Leclerc has a regiment of blacks at the head of his army, who always receive the first fire from the enemy.
Capt. H. further informs, that the South part of the Island was in a state of tranquillity.
There were various reports respecting the massacre of Americans at St. Marks.
By the Ann, from Marcellus, we learn, that several Moorish vessels had been robbed in the Gut by a square rigged pirate. Vessels had been dispatched in pursuit of her.
In the House of Representatives of the U. States on Friday 26th ult. the bill to augment the salaries of the officers therein mentioned, was passed, 50 to 22. The following is a list of the officers whose salaries are raised by this bill, and opposite to them, in the first column, are the salaries as they stood at the commencement of the present year, and in the second column, the salaries as fixed by this bill.
   Dolls. Dolls.     Secretary of the Treasury, 3,500 5,000   Secretary of State, 3,500 5,000   Secretary of War, 3,000 4,500   Secretary of the Navy, 3,000 4,500   Comptroller of the Treasury 2,850 3,500   Treasurer, 1,500 3,000   Register, 2,400 3,000   Attorney General, 2,400 4,400   Commissioner of Revenue, 2,400 3,000   Accountant of War De- partment, 1,200 2,000   Do. of Navy Department, 1,600 2,000   Post Master General, 2,400 3,000   Assistant Post Master General 1,200 1,700  
BOSTON, April 10.
Latest from England.
By the Minerva, Capt. Barber, the John Adams, Capt. Woods, and the Galen, Capt. Hinkley, arrived since our last from Great-Britain, we have received regular files of London papers to the 3d March inclusive; but they do not contain a paragraph of interesting intelligence.
The Definitive Treaty of Peace had not been signed; and when it would be, was merely matter of conjecture. There were not, however, any appearances of preparation for a rupture; and the delay of the signature of the treaty was considered as arising from the tardy nature of the negotiation.
The Swedish Frigate Triton is cast away on the Iles of Hieres, on the coast of Provence; and her whole crew, consisting of two hundred and sixty four men perished.
The port of Marcellus is declared Free, and the city of Zara in Venetian Dalmatia, is soon to be opened as a free port; from which that province expects great advantages.
For the GAZETTE.
Messrs. PRINTERS,
BY a communication in your last paper I am informed, the piece I handed to you some weeks since, signed a Lover of Harmony, had, in a few instances, its desired effect, and for which I feel more than compensated. I wish my time and leisure would permit me to favor you with a few more numbers, but at present I must recommend a reperusal of my former one, and perhaps my leisure and observation will enable me, a few weeks hence, to again assume my pen, and endeavor to point out some more of the incongruities of the heads of the parties in this town. But I shall at this time just notice a few observations made by the writer in your last paper, who signed himself "a Friend to the Lover of Harmony." In the first place, he is thoroughly convinced that his party zeal has been too malevolent and rash! I would to heaven that all the high toned overcharged Federalists and Democrats, in AMERICA, was also convinced! And as you file yourself my friend, will you receive a little advice which I will assure you, will go from a friendly heart; viz. If the piece you refer to, had such a desirable effect as to convince you of your wild and erroneous political conduct, do you look up the paper which contains it, and take each of your over zealous friends a side and read it over to them, and with the best arguments you can command, try to reclaim them also; tell them in what a despicable light you have viewed yourself in that glass; and how much higher they will stand in the esteem of all moderate, and of course ALL SENSIBLE MEN! For to be honest with you, I think there is scarcely to be found, a real sensible Man at the head of any political mob or party in the United States; but as there is no general rule without some exceptions, I will only assert it sparsely the case. We have, for instance, most of us lived long enough in the world, to be convinced, from our common observation, where there is a man of any considerable abilities, that wishes to carry any particular point, he will always keep behind the curtain, and make use of some red-hot bully , as his tool, and place him in front of the battle, to bear the heat and burden of the day; And is it possible any person can look on such a tool, as a man of sense? NO! NO! impossible!
Secondly, you say "if those violent party men, would only assume the Philosopher , and let reason, sound argument, and good judgment take the place of passion, party malevolence, &c. how conciliatory their conversation would be."
To be candid my friend, I neither think those violent partisans possess either common reason, GOOD JUDGMENT, or sound argument, as you call it—For the very moment you pin them down to any kind of argument, they are confused, and know not what to say, but belch out in their way, with damning such a man for his partyism or such an one for his jacobinism , and so will spout away for a few moments, and they're run out. I believe every observing man will confess to this as an undeniable fact.
More from me, perhaps, at some future time. A LOVER OF HARMONY.
Portsmouth.
TUESDAY, APRIL 13, 1802.
VOTES FOR GOVERNOR.
   Gilman. Langdon.     In our last, 8351 7900   Jefferson, 0 22   Cochburn, 0 30   Plaistow, 36 26   Warren, 14 38   Northumberland, 8 15   Cornish, 86 59   Allenstown, 11 38   Pelham, 100 22   Andover, 59 58   Kearsarge-Gore, 7 22   New-Boston, 52 93   Croydon, 91 00   Goshen, 19 21   Middleton, 40 20   Greenfield, 13 73   Sharron, 15 26   Colebrook, 1 29   Groton, 45 13   New-Chester, 68 12   Peirce, 9 14   Shelburn, 8 16   Stewartstown, 11 9   9044 8556  
The above with those we have already published, complete the number of 170 towns.
Massachusetts Election.
The Boston Centinel of Saturday has had returns from 196 towns in that State for Governor, which give
His Excellency Gov. STRONG, 19,796. Hon. ELBRIDGE GERRY, 12,952. 67 Th. votes for Lieutenant-Governor, are nearly in proportion with those for Governor.
From WASHINGTON, March 24.
"THE bill for repealing the Stamp Act, duties on the manufacture of Loaf Sugar, home made Spirits and Carriages, has passed the House by an unexampled majority. Out of the whole number of Representatives, (166) twenty-four only could be found to give a negative to this most beneficial and popular measure; one fifth of which number were from New-Hampshire, who rigidly adhere to all the principles of the Adams administration, which evidently endeavored by oppressive taxes, to discourage every species of American manufactures, and thereby to keep us dependent on foreign countries. The repeal of this oppressive act will revive the distilleries of New-England, which have been totally ruined by it, and give activity to a branch of navigation, (that of importing molasses) which had been nearly annihilated—and what is still more important, it will directly tend to promote the immediate interest of every farmer in the union, whose grain will be now in constant demand, to supply the country stills, which will spring up in every quarter, and furnish the inhabitants with wholesome liquors of our own making, instead of the poisonous fluids we have heretofore derived from the blood and toils of West-India slaves—Your inform old ladies too, may now ride to meeting in their two wheel chairs, without paying to the Government a greater tax for the privilege of riding, than they paid to the minister for preaching—The federalists, (who are trying to disrobe the union,) have pretended to make you believe, that the carriage tax was derived chiefly from the Southern states—but this is of the number of their numerous falsehoods, and has been fully refuted by official documents. The state of Virginia, with near a double population, did not pay so much of the carriage tax as Massachusetts, and this tax in all New-England, arose principally from two wheeled carriages, used chiefly for the purposes of going alternately to market and to meeting, so that it was a tax on an article as necessary to the New-England farmer, as a waggon is to a Southern planter, which pays no tax; of all public burthens, this carriage tax fell most unequally on the New-England farmer—might add to this, its injury to the makers of carriages, whose business was certainly lessened by this tax, and it is well known that the Southern carriages were chiefly made in the Northern states. The opposition therefore of the New-England members to the repeal of this law, cannot be accounted, for from a regard to the interests of their constituents, it must spring from some other motive. The Stamp Act was odious to every state, and attended with ten times more trouble to individuals than the tax was worth. The whole amount of taxes from which the people by the repeal of this law, will be relieved, is about 800,000 dollars, near one quarter part of which, was paid to about five hundred persons, who were employed in collecting it—I think the joy of the people on this occasion will be equal to that manifested on the memorable repeal of the detestable Stamp Act, made by our oppressors while we were under the government of Great-Britain."
Marine Intelligence.
Portsmouth, April 13, 1802.
Arrived here on Tuesday last, brig Polly, Capt. Manson, from Demerara, lost two of his crew, viz. Ebenezer Waldron, of New-London, and Henry Ross, of North-Carolina; the former died of a fever, and the latter was drowned on his passage.
Arrived here on Saturday last, brig Good-Intent, Capt. Walden, in 15 days from Nevis—failed from Nevis same day, brig Experiment, Capt. Smith, for Kennebec.
BOSTON, April 8. Arrived ship Minerva, Barber, London, 34 days. Sailed from the Downs Mar. 4. Mar. 26, in lat. 46, 30, long. 47, at 6 A. M. fell in with a field of ice, extending S. W. and N. E. as far as the eye could reach. The wind being S. S. W. we were obliged to attempt our way through it. It consisted of broken cakes, some of which were very large. The breadth of the field we supposed to be about a quarter of a mile. We were surprised to find many more fields, equally large, in every direction. Our only alter-
native for lately was to wear the impasse immediately, repals the first field, and stand to the E. This was accordingly done. April 5, lat. 42, long. 66, 46, at 10, A. M. the main-deck blew up on both sides. The force of the explosion extended aft, through the steerage, raised the quarter-deck, and carried away the state-rooms on both sides, together with the bread-room, store-rooms, &c. coming through the cabin and bursting out the cabin-windows. Many of the crew were sleeping in their hammocks near where the explosion took place, others in the steerage—some of the passengers were in their state rooms, and others upon deck—and many of the people were in divers parts of the ship—but providentially no person was killed. Several were much bruised, but with two exceptions, none materially injured.—Two boys, John Lappington and Henry Vole, were the only persons materially hurt—the former was much burnt. The ship was then on fire in several places between decks. The smoke issuing out in every direction. The first measure taken was to throw overboard a quantity of powder in the run, together with the aqua fortis, oil of vitriol, &c. upon deck, some packages of which were broken by the explosion. At this time a ship and brig were in sight but no assistance could be obtained from them. Happily by the exertions of the crew and passengers, the fire was extinguished in a short time. On investigating the cause of this unfortunate affair, it was found that it originated from their being part of a passenger's baggage between decks, in which was a quantity of powder. One of the boys, being in pursuit of some article for the ship's use, went with a candle, which accidentally communicated to the aforementioned package.
Passengers in the Minerva. Thomas Atton Coffin, Esq. and servant. Mr. and Mrs. Lang, Mr. and Mrs. Kinder and daughter, Mr. James Campbell, Mr. Dudley Walker, Mr. Arthur Kinder, and Mr. John R. Parker.—The Galen was expected down the river the day the Minerva left the Downs.
Same day. Ship John Adams, Wood, Liverpool, 36 days. Left the Warrington, and the Sally, for Boston, to sail March 6, the Harlequin, the 25th; Mount Vernon the 15th; Ocean for N. Bedford, the 10th; the Joseph, for Portland, the 4th; the Caroline of Portland, for Philadelphia, the 8th. Sailed in co. the Numa for Portland. The Thrasher sailed the day before.—Spoke, March 5, near Holyhead brig Bellilarious of Wisbecket 34 days from Charleston. March 18, lat. 45, long. 37, 12, ship Mary Ann, 20 days from Charleston for Greenock.
Entered at the Custom-House. Ship Cato, Salter, Lisbon. Brig Sally, Tuttle, Trinidad. Brig Polly, Manson, Demerara. Brig Good Intent, Walden, Nevis. Brig New Century, Rollins, St. Vincents. CLEARED. Schr. Prince Edward, Mack, St. Georges.
Hymenaet Register.
MARRIED. At Boston, Mr. Elijah Mears, to Miss Catherine M. Raymond—Mr. John H. Wheeler, to Miss Elizabeth Fenno—Mr. Samuel Townsend, to Mrs. Mary Popkins.
In this town, Mr. Peter Mathews, to Miss Mary Knight. Mr. John Tredick, to Miss Staira Manning. Mr. Enoch M c Jenkins to Miss Polly Fogg.
Bill of Mortality.
DIED. At Townsend, (Mass.) Lieut. Ephraim Heald, aged 29—he was a kind and tender husband, an affectionate and loving father, and the friend of peace.
"Bless'd are the peace makers, for they shall be called the children of God." In this town, Mr. John Pillar, aged 33, an honest and beloved citizen.
FOR SALE,
FORTY hhds. of St.
Vincents and St. Croix RUM; 30 hhds. of St. Vincents and A. & C. CAYES MOLASSES; 10 hhds. of St. Croix & Guadaloupe SUGARS; a few bags—COFFEE; 20 barrels MESS BEEF; 20 half barrels do.
The above Goods will be sold cheap for Cash or approved credit. Apply to ELISHA HILL, jr. NORTH END. Portsmouth, April 13, 1802.
THE Ladies and Gentlemen of Portsmouth and its vicinity, are informed that the subscription for Mr. TURNER's Dancing Academy, is now open at Mellis, Treadwell's Bookstore, and those who intend sending their children must apply in one fortnight from date, as the paper will then be forwarded to Mr. TURNER. April 2, 1802.
ALL persons are hereby cautioned against trading with or trusting
MARK LANGDON BUTLER, of Portsmouth, mariner, he being legally under the guardianship of EBENEZER CHADWICK. Portsmouth, March 30, 1802.
2 COR. V. 7. We walk by Faith, & not by sight.
AN animating Discourse, founded on the above text, by the able Dr. FULLER, author of the Gospel its own Witness, is just published in Boston, and now received and for sale by C. PEIRCE, No. 5, Daniel-street, Portsmouth. Price 9d.
Complaints from our customers that they do not receive their papers regularly.
Our country friends that take charge of the bundles of papers that go from this office, are requested to leave the same to the places where they are directed—and those gentlemen who receive the bundles will greatly oblige the editors by a particular attention to the delivery of the same to the subscribers.
THIS DAY, WILL BE SOLD, AT PUBLIC VENDUE,
At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, at Mr. John Greenleaf's Inn,
A LOT OF LAND situ-
ate in Portsmouth, on the road leading to Sagamore Creek, so called, belonging to the estate of JOSIAH A. KERRMAN, late of Portsmouth, butcher, deceased—By virtue of a licence from the Judge of Probate, &c. Edward Hart, Auction'r. April 13, 1802.
For SPECULATION.
TO-MORROW
Will be Sold at PUBLIC AUCTION,
At Abraham Isaac's
AUCTION ROOM,
FORTY half Chefts Freth SOUCHONG TEA,
to be sold to the highest bidder without any reserve whatsoever.
Sales begin at 11 o'clock, A. M. precisely. Portsmouth, April 13, 1802.
State of New-Hampshire,
Grafton, ff.
To OBADIAH EASTMAN, Esq. Justice of the Peace within and for the County aforesaid.
THE subscribers, proprietors and owners of more than one sixteenth part of the township of Coventry, in said county, (there not being twenty families residing in said township) request that a meeting of the proprietors and grantees, owners of lands in said township of Coventry may be notified and warned, to be holden at the dwelling-house of Dr. Amasa Scott, innholder in Haverhill, being the nearest thire-town in said county, on Wednesday the twenty-sixth of May next, at ten o'clock, A. M. to vote and act on the following articles, matters and things. viz.
 1st. To choose a moderator to govern said meeting.  2d. To choose proprietors clerk, assessors and collector.  3d. To adopt some measures for removing encroachments upon their lands, made by Warren proprietary, and to raise money for that purpose. Also for making and repairing roads, and other contingencies.  4th. To ratify and confirm any former votes and grants made by said proprietary.  5th. To pass all votes necessary to regulate and confirm former pitches, made upon certain lots of land by proprietors and others, and to direct when and in what manner lots shall be drawn, or pitches in future made in order to compleat the first and second division of hundred acre lots in said township.  6th. To accept of the surveys and plan of said township, made under the direction of their former committee or committees.  7th. To choose a committee to examine into the appropriations and expenditure of monies heretofore raised.  8th. To choose a committee to join a committee of the proprietors of Peeling, to run and establish the line between said townships. 
JOHN W. CHANDLER, JONATHAN HALE. Dated at Coventry this 2d April A.D. 1802.
IN compliance with the foregoing application to me directed, I do hereby notify and warn the proprietors and grantees, owners of lands in Coventry, to meet at the time and place, and for the purposes therein specified. OBADIAH EASTMAN, Justice Peace. Dated at said Coventry, this 2d of April, 1802.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
BROKE out of the Gaol in Portsmouth, on the night of the 28th inst. TIMOTHY CALL, convicted of passing Counterfeit Bank Bills; He is of a dark complexion, about five feet six inches high, short dark hair;—Whoever will apprehend said CALL, and return him to the gaol in Portsmouth, shall receive the above reward of Fifty Dollars, and all necessary expenses shall be paid. TIMOTHY GERRISH, Prison-keeper. March 30, 1802.
TO LET,
A HOUSE, convenient for a small family.—Enquire of the Printers. April 13.
TO LET,
PART of a HOUSE, convenient for a small family.—Enquire of the Printers. April 13.
WANTED,
IN a small family a Lad of good character, one who can be well recommended will receive good wages and every encouragement. Enquire of the Printers. April 13.
WANTED,
TO attend a Grocery Store, a LAD, from 12 to 14 years of age, who can be well recommended for sobriety and honesty; one from the country would be preferred, and good encouragement will be given.—Enquire of the Printers.

MORNING MIST.  LOOK William how the morning mist Have cover'd all the scene, Nor house nor hill canst thou behold Grey wood, or meadow green.  The distant spire across the vale, These floating vapours spread, Scarce are the neighbouring poplars seen, Pale shadow'd in the cloud.  But seest thou, William, where the mists Sweep o'er the Southern sky, The dim effulgence of the sun That lights them as they fly?  Soon shall the gl'rous orb of day In all his strength arise, And roll along his azure way, Thro' clear and cloudless skies.  Then shall we see across the vale The village spire, as white, And the grey wood and meadow green Shall live again in light.  So, William, from the mortal world The clouds shall pass away, The light that struggles thro' them now, Shall beam eternal day.
Moralist.  NOTHING excellent can be done without seriousness—and he that courts wisdom must be in earnest. A serious man is one that duly and impartially weighs the moments of things, so as neither to value trifles, nor despise things really excellent; that dwells much at home and studies to know himself, as well as men and books; that considers why he came into the world, how great his business, and how short his stay; how uncertain it is when we shall leave it, and whether a sinner shall then betake himself, when both heaven and earth shall fly before the presence of the Judge.
CURSING AND SWEARING.  Cursing and swearing is an evil habit, that has less claim to support, perhaps, than any other. It is not, as is supposed by many young men, (and I fear young ladies) a characteristic of the well-bred and polite; so far from it, that the truly polite would spurn from their circle the man addicted to it. It does not add beauty to language, or carry conviction; for, every profane or vulgar word is redundant—and we much sooner suspect a man's veracity, who confirms every trivial assertion with an oath, than one who expresses himself in modest and becoming language. It has not even fashion on its side, except with those miserable wretches, who have no other claim to humanity than the likenesses of man.  However odious and unwarrantable this practice may be in men, it is doubly so in the fair sex, whose business it is to soften the ferocity of man's less delicate temper; and who lose all their charms when they yield to this indecent practice. I am unwilling to suppose there are many who have become confirmed therein; but the evil is contagious, and let every fair one guard against the infection. AMATEUR.
Medley.  WHEN Rabelais lay on his death-bed, he could not help jesting at the very last hour; for having received the extreme unction, a friend coming to see him, said, he hoped he was prepared for the next world. "Yes, yes, (answered Rabelais) I am ready for my journey now, for they have just done greasing my boots."
AN Irish tailor, as he was riding, made a stop for a few minutes—The horse in beating off the flies, caught his hind foot in the stirrup; the tailor observing it, said, "How now, dobbin, if you are going to get on, I'll get off, for blame-me it'll ride double with you."
Bill of Mortality.  When Death and everlasting things Approach and strike the light, The soul unfolds itself, and brings Its hidden thoughts to light.  DIED.  In England, the Rt. Hon. Ld. Graves, Admiral of the White. In Ireland, the Earl of Clare, Ld. Chancellor. At Demerara, Mr. Josiah Leavitt, aged 18, formerly of Boston. On his passage from Demerara, Mr. Samuel Dunlop, aged 22, son of John Dunlop, Esq. of Brunswick. In Charleston, Mrs. Frances Paulin Josephine De Stack. At Washington, Notley Young, Esq. one of the Directors of the Bank of Columbia. At Albany, Alexander Spencer, Esquire, Member of Assembly. At Sterling, Capt. Fortunatus Eager, aged 57. At New-London, Mr. Benjamin Shopley, aged 23. At Portland, Mrs. Rachel Glazier, aged 59.—Mrs. Dorcas Collins, aged 59. At Mendon, Philip Ammidon, Esq.—Mr. Bezaleah Hayward, aged 82.—Mr. Joseph Allen.—Mrs. Bolton.—Mr. William French. At Providence, Miss Deborah Richmond, aged 20.—Mr. Azariah Whipple. At Danvers, Mrs. Ruth Putnam, aged 81.—Mr. Peter Putnam, aged 46. At Brunswick, Mrs. Elizabeth Dunning, in the 62d year of her age, widow of the late Andrew Dunning, Esq. At Boston, Mrs. Rebecca Brewer.—Miss Sophia Phillips, aged 21.—Miss Sarah Morrill, aged 9.
CHEAP GOODS.  Edw'd Parry,  Informs his friends and customers that he is now selling his Whole Stock in Trade, by wholesale and retail at the PRIME COST, consisting of a LARGE ASSORTMENT of Fashionable SUPERFINE Ladies' & Gentlemen's Hats of the newest fashion; Broad & Forfeit Cloths; An assortment of Cashmeres; felt & other Hats; Elastics; Best and common Lambkins; Chintzes; Coatings; Muslinnets and Rattans; Baizes; Dimity's; Flannels; Rose & Copperplates and Velvets; patch coloured Fanny Cords and furniture Chintzes; Silk and Corduroys; Camels' Hair Florentines; Shawls; Satinets; Cambricks; Amens; Durants; Muslin Shawls, & plain and figured Tainnies; with Netting and Fringes; Russells; Book and jaconet Calimancoes; Crapes; Muffin do. Wildbores and Chintz and purple Camblets; Book and jaconet Men's Worsted, Cotton and Silk Hose; sprig'd Muslins; Women's Cotton and Silk do. with Black, blue, yellow, lead, and Plain and Laced Clocks; and brown Muslins; Black, white, and Black & coloured Satins, Modes and cotton Gloves & Mitts; Lute-strings.  Irish Linens & Sheetings; Table Cloths, and Diapers—and an assortment of other GOODS as usual.  ALSO
Six shares in the New-Hampshire Turnpike Road; AND A small FARM pleasantly situated in Stratham; AND 150 Acres of good LAND lying on Merrimack River.
As the said E. PARRY intends to leave this town in May next for Europe, he therefore calls on all those who are indebted to him either by Note or Account, to make immediate payment at or before the 10th day of May next, and those that will be delinquent after that date, their accounts or notes shall be SUED without DISCRIMINATION.  Portsmouth, March 16, 1802.
NEW CHEAP STORE.  Tho's Morton  Has for sale at his Store, directly opposite Mr. Greenleaf's Inn,  Sign of the  Golden KEY,  Congress- Street,  RUM. INDIGO. BRANDY. LEMONS. GIN. POWDER, and ANNIS. SHOT. CYDER. Cotton and Wool Hylon, Souchong. Carolina CARDS. & Bohea TEAS. Men's & Youth's Loaf and Brown HATS. SUGAR. Crockery WARE. COTTON. WHEAT. RYE. COFFEE. White & Colour'd MOLASSES. BEANS. FISH. CANDLES, 6, 8, Coarse and Fine 9. & 10 to lb. SALT. BUTTER, and RAISINS. CHEESE. RICE. FLOUR. FLAX. Fig and Pigtail DYEWOOD. TOBACCO. BRIMSTONE. NUTMEGS. SULPHUR. PEPPER and CHALK. ALLSPICE. OATMEAL, GINGER. &c. &c. &c.  CASH given for HAMS of BACON.
Constant attendance from sunrise to 9 o'clock in the evening—and the smallest favours gratefully acknowledged.  Portsmouth, March 2, 1802.  THE Subscriber wishes his friends who are indebted to him, would remember the difficulty of paying debts without money, or of travelling without it, since tavern-keepers have acquired the habit of taking money of those who call upon them, he asks for no more than is justly due.—Those who have neglected their old accounts due prior to last October must come forward immediately and pay or give their notes.  OZIAS SILSBY.  March 26, 1802.
PUBLIC VENDUE.  TO BE SOLD,  At Public Vendue,  On Wednesday the 5th day of May next, at 3 o'clock, P. M. at the house of Mr. John Greenleaf, innholder in Portsmouth, A CERTAIN TRACT OF PASTURE LAND,
belonging to the estate of JOHN SHACKFORD, Esq. deceased, lying on Jones's lane, so called, near Sagamore's Creek, lately occupied by Mr. William Stavvers, containing about twelve acres—for further particulars enquire of NATHANIEL GOOKEN, in said Portsmouth.  Portsmouth, April 6, 1802.
FOR SALE,  THAT valuable lot of Land formerly owned by HUNTING WENTWORTH, Esq. deceased, fronting on Congress-street, near the Court-House, measures 53 feet front, and 78 feet deep, and is one of the best situations in town, either for a Store, or Dwelling-House—the terms may be known by applying to the subscriber, and if not sold at private sale, it will be sold at Public Auction, on Thursday the 22d day of April next, at 12 o'clock, on the premises.  Benjamin Penhallow.  Portsmouth, March 16, 1802.
TO BE SOLD,  On easy terms, at a long credit, or Let advantageously,  A VALUABLE and well situated FARM, in Pinchill, four and a half miles from Berwick Landing, containing about 130 acres, with every Building necessary for the accommodation of the purchaser. It is enclosed with a large proportion of stone wall—has a good Orchard, convenient Pasturage, is well watered, and the main road runs directly through the centre of it. Possession may be taken in either case (whether sold or let) on the first or twentieth of April next.—For further particulars, enquire at the subscriber's store at Portsmouth, or at his dwelling-house in Berwick.  Jona. Hamilton, jr.  March 29, 1802.
District of New-Hampshire.  WHEREAS a commission of bankruptcy hath been awarded and issued by the Hon. JEREMIAH SMITH, Esq. one of the Judges of the Circuit Court of the United States, within and for the first Circuit, against JOSHUA LOVEJOY, of Merideth, in said district, trader; and he being declared a bankrupt, is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners named and authorised in said commission, on Thursday the eighth day of April next, and on Thursday the twenty-second day of said April, and on Monday the third day of May next, at eleven of the clock in the forenoon of each of those days, at the office of Jeremiah Libbey, in Portsmouth, in said district; and in all things to conform to the directions of the act of Congress entitled "An act for establishing an uniform system of Bankruptcy throughout the United States." At the first of which meetings the creditors whose respective debts shall amount to two hundred dollars and upwards are to come prepared to prove their debts, and choose an assignee or assignees.—At the second of which meetings all other creditors of the said JOSHUA LOVEJOY, are to come prepared to prove their respective debts. And at the last of which meetings the said bankrupt is to finish his examination, and the creditors are to assent or dissent to the making and allowing the final certificate of said Bankrupt.  Given under our hands at Portsmouth, this twenty-second day of March, A. D. 1802.  E. S. L. LIVERMORE, Comr. JOHN PEIRCE, Comr. JEREMIAH LIBBEY, Comr.  State of New-Hampshire.  THE proprietors of the township of Plainfield, in the county of Cheshire, and State aforesaid, at a legal meeting held in said Plainfield, on the 9th day of May, 1801, voted to lay a tax of four dollars on each undivided right of land in said town; and at another meeting of said proprietors, on the 16th day of January, 1802, voted to lay a further tax of six dollars on each of said rights, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of said propriety; and have committed the said taxes in a bill, to me the subscriber to collect, and pay the same to the proprietors treasury, on or before the last day of May next—This is therefore to notify the owners of undivided rights of land in said Plainfield, to pay said taxes, being ten dollars on each right, to me, at my dwelling-house, in said Plainfield, on or before the said last day of May next, otherwise so much of each delinquent owners share, will be sold as the law directs, as will be necessary to satisfy said taxes and incidental charges. STEPHEN REED, Collector.  Plainfield, March 15, 1802.
James Rundlet,  HAS FOR SALE  BOHEA TEA, per chest, of an excellent quality, on good terms.  He has a good assortment of English & India GOODS, by wholesale and retail, as cheap as can be bought at any store in town.  ALSO
A handsome assortment of ROOM PAPERS, at reduced prices.  Portsmouth, April 6, 1802.  FOR SALE BY  SAMUEL HILL,  Red & White Clover & Herds GRASS-SEED, OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY.  Portsmouth, March 30, 1802.
Clover & Herds-Grass SEED, FOR SALE BY  STEPHEN PEARSE,  OPPOSITE THE STATE-HOUSE.  Portsmouth, March 29, 1802.  FOR SALE BY  Elisha Whidden,  At his STORE near the Pier,  Clover and Herds Grass SEED,  Cod and Pollock FISH, & West-India Goods, as usual.  Portsmouth, April 6, 1802.
A few puncheons good flavored RUM;  do. hhds. SUGAR;  do. COFFEE;  Russia Duck, 1st & 2d quality.  FOR SALE BY  Tho's Chadbourn, jr.  Portsmouth, March 30, 1802.
Notice.  THE Copartnership under the firm of UPHAM and GARLAND, was dissolved 24th inst. by mutual consent. All persons having demands against said firm are requested to exhibit them for settlement; and all indebted are called on to make immediate payment to the subscriber, who is duly authorised to settle all concerns of said firm.  WILLIAM GARLAND.  Portsmouth, March 30, 1802.  N. B. The subscriber will continue business in the store lately occupied by Upham and Garland.  State of New-Hampshire.  To JAMES MACGREGORE, Esq. one of the Justices assigned to keep the Peace, within and for the county of Rockingham, in said State.  WHEREAS the subscribers being owners or proprietors of more than one sixteenth part of Beaver Brook Meadow, adjoining Beaver Pond, and extending down said Brook until it joins a Dam above the saw-mill, called the Old Dam, which joins on Josiah Rogers's land, in the township of Londonderry, in said county, do hereby request you to call a meeting of the proprietors of said Meadow and land adjoining, to be held at the house of Capt. John Miltimore, innholder in Londonderry aforesaid, on Thursday the 29th day of April next, at one o'clock P. M. to act or vote on the following articles, viz.
1st. To chuse a Moderator to govern said meeting.  2d. To chuse a Clerk, Assessors, and all other Officers, necessary for said proprietors.  3d. To vote how much money the proprietors will raise for the purpose of mending the Dams, at the Pond, and the Old Dam, and clearing the channel of the Brook, &c. &c. all for the benefit of the Mills and Meadows aforesaid.  DANIEL MILLMOR, PETER COCHRAN, JOHN COCHRAN.  Londonderry, March 22, 1802.
Rockingham, ss.  Application having been made to me as aforesaid, the said proprietors are hereby notified and warned to meet at the time and place above mentioned, then and there to act on the articles above expressed.  Given under my hand and seal, at Londonderry, this 24th day of March, A. D. 1802.  JAMES MACGREGORE, Justice Peace.  A large and fanciful assortment of PENKNIVES, FROM 6 cents to 6/ each, is just received by N. S. & W. PEIRCE, at their Book and Stationary Store, (lately occupied by Mr. John Melcher) corner of Market-street.  TO BE LET,  A very convenient SHOP in Buck-street, nearly opposite the Post-Office. For further particulars enquire of the Printers.  March 30, 1802.
PORTSMOUTH SHOE-STORE,  Opposite the Columbian Book-Store, Daniel-Street.  Abner Newhall,  RESPECTFULLY returns thanks to his many worthy customers, for their obliging favours, and to enable him to deserve their future custom, he has received a fresh supply of all kinds of SHOES,
from the best manufactories, he flatters himself, that he can supply any gentlemen that wishes to purchase for exportation, upon as good terms as any person in this town or Boston; he also keeps constantly for sale a general assortment of BOOTS, BOOT-LEGS and TRUNKS.  He assures his town and country friends, that he will study to procure the best of Shoes.  Constant attendance will be given from sunrise to sunset, and the smallest favours gratefully acknowledged.  Portsmouth, April 6, 1802.
A Morning School FOR MISSES  Will be opened at the Brick School House, on the nineteenth of April. Attendance—from six o'clock till half after seven. Price, 13 3/4 a quarter—15/ for those who may choose to be furnished with the instructors with paper, ink, and pens.  SAMUEL & AMOS TAPPAN.  March 23.
NEW LINE OF STAGES.  THE subscribers propose running a stage from Newbury-port to Portsmouth, every day in the week, (Sunday's excepted) viz. Leave Portsmouth and Newbury-port at 7 o'clock in the morning, and arrive at each place to dine. The Proprietors have proposed this for the convenience of the towns of Portsmouth and Newbury-port, and for the public at large, who wish to travel at their ease. Passengers who wish to take seats in this stage may be assured of passages on to Portland and Boston.  Seats in the above Stage may be had by applying to Evans at Boston, Webb's at Salem, Davenport's at Newbury-port, and Davenport's at Portsmouth.  Convenient carriages, good horses, careful and obliging drivers, will always be provided. Fare for passengers, the usual price, with a reasonable allowance of baggage.  The above stage commenced running on Monday the 5th instant.  J. & B. HALE, MARK WELCH.  Portsmouth, April 6, 1802.
TAKE NOTICE!  THE SELECTMEN of Portsmouth, hereby request the inhabitants of said town to exhibit a just and true account of all their Rateable Estate to them, on or before the first day of May next, as they will attend on that business at the Town Hall, until that time, and not afterwards, and if any person shall neglect so to do, they will have no right to apply for abatement after their tax is made.  GEORGE GAINS, MOSES WOODWARD, SAMUEL HUTCHINGS, ELIJAH HALL, EDWARD CUTTS.  Portsmouth, April 6, 1802.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the estate of CALEB WIGGIN, late of Stratham, mariner, deceased, are hereby requested to make an immediate settlement with DANIEL CLARK, Administrator to said estate.  Exeter, March 25, 1802.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the estate of JOSHUA RAND, late of Rye, yeoman, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the subscriber for settlement, being appointed by the Hon. Judge of Probate for said county, administrator to said estate.  GEORGE RAND.  Portsmouth, April 6, 1802.
WANTED,  TO send in a family a BOY of a good character, and about 11 or 12 years of age—Also, for out-door business, a steady, faithful MAN, by the month or year; for the latter; good wages will be given. Enquire of the Printers.  Portsmouth, March 30, 1802.  WANTED,  A LAD about 16 years of age, to do the usual work in a family—to such a one good encouragement will be given. Enquire of the Printers.  March 9.