The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1808-09-13 00:00:00

Ezra Brainerd Esq
Laws of the U. States.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
AN ACT
Further to prolong the continuance of the mint at Philadelphia.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act intitled "An act concerning the mint," approved March the third, one thousand eight hundred and one, is hereby revived and continued in force and operation for the further term of five years after the fourth day of March one thousand eight hundred and eight.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. April 2, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Authorizing the sale of public arms.
BE it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized to cause to be sold to individual states, which may wish to purchase any arms now owned by the United States, and which may be parted with without injury to the public: Accounts of such sales shall be laid before Congress, and the money arising therefrom be, and the same is hereby appropriated, under the direction of the President of the United States, to the purchase or manufacture of other arms for the use of the United States: Provided, That such arms be not delivered to any state or their agents until the payment of the purchase money be first made into the Treasury of the United States, in money or in the stock of the United States, as its value as established by an act, intitled "An act to repeal so much of any act or acts as authorize the receipt of evidences of the public debt, in payment for the lands of the United States, and for other purposes relative to the public debt." Provided also, That this provision shall not extend to any purchase, not exceeding five thousand stand of arms, which shall be made by a state to which the United States by existing engagements are bound to pay a sum of money, equal to the amount of such purchase.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. April 2, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Concerning the sale of the lands of the United States, and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That whenever the President of the United States has been or may be authorized to cause the public lands, in any land district, to be offered for sale, it shall be lawful, whenever he shall think it convenient, to offer for sale at first only a part of the lands contained in such district, and at any subsequent time or times, to offer for sale in the same manner, any other part, or the remainder of the lands contained in the same.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the fourth section of an act passed the twenty-first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, entitled "An act in addition to an act intitled "An act regulating the grants of land, and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States, south of the state of Tennessee," be revived and continued in force until the first day of October next: and in any case where a donation shall be granted in lieu of a pre-emption certificate, agreeable to the provisions of the said fourth section, the money, if any shall have been paid, shall be by the receiver of the public money repaid to the person or persons who have paid the same.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That certain settlers on the river Mobile, in the Mississippi territory, (east of Pearl river, who reside near the line of demarcation, between the United States and Spain, run in pursuance of the treaty of the twenty seventh day of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, and whose claims to land has not been decided on according to law) shall be
allowed until the first day of October next to file a notice in writing with the register of the land office, stating the nature and extent of their claims, together with a plat of the tract or tracts claimed, and the said register of the land office, and the receiver of public monies, are hereby required to hear and determine such claims according to the several acts of Congress "regulating the grants of land and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States south of the state of Tennessee," and to grant certificates in the form heretofore prescribed by the board of commissioners in said district.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the registers of the land office east and west of Pearl river, in the Mississippi territory, to transmit to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, on or before the first day of November next, a full and fair report of all the claims of certain persons to lands in the Mississippi territory, founded upon British or Spanish warrants or orders of survey granted prior to the twenty-seventh day of October one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, not confirmed by former laws regulating the grants of lands in said territory, which have heretofore been regularly filed with the register of the land office aforesaid, together with the evidence in support of such claims respectively, and to be by him laid before Congress at their next ensuing session. And the land contained in such warrants or orders of survey, shall not be disposed of until otherwise directed by law.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That that part of the lands to which the Indian title was extinguished by the treaty with the Choctaw nation, made on Mount Dexter, in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, lying on the east of Pearl river, shall be attached to the land district east of Pearl river, and that the residue of the lands to which the Indian title was extinguished by said treaty, shall be attached to the land district west of Pearl river: and the said lands shall, with the exception of section number sixteen, which shall be reserved in each township for the use of schools within the same, and also with the exception of fifteen hundred acres of land, which is hereby confirmed to John M'Grew in compliance with the fourth article of said treaty, be offered for sale under the same regulations, at the same prices, and on the same terms as other lands lying within the said districts.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That every person and the legal representatives of every person, who being either the head of a family, or above the age of twenty-one years, who did before the fourth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven, actually inhabit and cultivate a tract of land, in the Mississippi territory, belonging to the United States, shall be allowed until the first day of October next, to obtain permission to remain on such tract or tracts of land, according to the provisions of the said act intitled, "An act to prevent settlements being made on lands ceded to the United States until authorized by law," and the person or persons obtaining such permission shall be entitled to all the benefits, rights and privileges granted by law to those who obtained the same prior to the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the right of the United States to two town lots lying and being in the city of Natchez be, and the same is hereby forever vested in the corporation of the said city, so as not to affect the legal or equitable claims of any individuals, or of any body politic or corporate, if any such there be.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That whenever the claims of persons having a right of pre-emption in either of the districts east or west of Pearl river, shall interfere with each other the register and receiver of public monies are hereby authorized in their respective districts to regulate their locations or to prevent such interference.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 31, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
POLITICAL.
From the Baltimore American. NO. IV.
To the Citizens of the United States.
In delineating the conduct of the opposition, I shall classify it under twenty-four different heads, as follows:
1st. They have supported the shocking and murderous practice of the impressing of our seamen from on board our vessels, to fight the battles of others.
2d. They have advocated the tyrannical power of Great Britain, and justified the right of restraining our trade, according to caprice or interest.
3d. They have construed an article of the Law of Nations, in favor of England, giving her the right of preventing us trading from one neutral port to another, or to ports or countries not permitted in time of peace.
4th. They have approved of the capture of our vessels, by British cruisers, and of their condemnation as being enemies property, though entirely owned by citizens of the United States.
5th. They have invariably maintained, as a lawful usage, the practice of England, for the impressment of our seamen and the boarding of our vessels within our jurisdiction, bays and waters, because, say they, England has been exercising that right for centuries past, when we were her vassal colonies.
6th. They have apologized for the atrocious conduct of captain Whitby of his Majesty's ship Leander, for the murdering our citizens within our capes.
7th. They have glorified the name of the British captain Love, for his insolent letter to the commandant of the fort at Charleston (S.C.) wherein he abuses the government and the country, and threatens to fire into the fort if the laws are enforced against him.
8th. They have boldly undertaken the defence of the propriety of the order given by the British admiral Berkeley, to the captain of the Leopard, to attack the frigate Chesapeake and laid the charges of aggression on our own government.
9th. They have feasted, and drank toasts to their beloved King, and triumph of the British navy, at the sight of the blood of our citizens, most cowardly shed on the boards of the Chesapeake.
10th. They have given their approbation to the incendiary letter of the commander of the British Squadron, then lying in Hampton Roads, to the mayor of the city of Norfolk, threatening to lay that city under ashes; and have contemptuously laughed at the patriotic spirit, which led the friends of the country to make a manly resistance against the landing of that horde of British robbers and slaves!!
11th. They have mocked the wise and moderate proclamation of the President, forbidding the armed ships of England to enter our ports, and cutting them off from all supplies, until ample reparation and satisfaction should have been given for the outrages committed against our national sovereignty.
12th. They have mischievously represented that unfortunate encounter, as being courted by the administration to favor the desires of Bonaparte, to have plausible reasons for declaring war against England.
13th. They have at the appearance of Mr. Rose on our shores, distributed deceptive news and propagated insidious tales, to make the people believe, that the whole of the obstacles arising from an immediate adjustment of the outrage, resulted from our own administration.
14th. They have criminated our government, for not disgracing the nation, by re-issuing the President's proclamation which forbids the entrance, into our harbors, of those who flew our citizens and broke the ties of friendship, before the servant of the cabinet of St. James had made an atonement for the outrage.
15th. They have remonstrated against the blockading decree of France, and have advocated the just right of Great Britain, in the execution of her orders in council—which, if submitted to, would make us a subservient colony: a tributary people, and dishonor the nation in the eyes of the world.
16th. They have declared, that we had no reasonable cause to go to war with England, (while she is busily employed in robbing us of our property, cutting off our legs and bodies, and driving to get possession of the head) but declare war against France and the continent of Europe; because Bonaparte was urging us to join the continental coalition.
17th. They have wilfully accused the administration of a treacherous partiality to France, when facts and events have proved the contrary; for, had the administration been partial, as the wretches in British pay represent, no better opportunity could ever have occurred. Should the President have called Congress immediately after the attack on the Chesapeake, war would inevitably have been declared against England, even from the very sense of the people, whose petitions to that effect, poured from every quarter of the union.
18th. They have misrepresented the real motives which led the President of the United States to recommend the adhesive, but precautionary measure of the embargo, in order to save millions of our property, and
keep in our hands other millions, which would arrive safe into our ports, and there by rescue the fortune of our citizens FROM THE GRASP OF BRITISH ROBBERS AND PIRATES; FROM THE SEIZURE OF FRANCE, HER BURNERS OF SHIPS AND PICAROONS, by ascribing that salutary measure to the dictate of Bonaparte!! 19th. They have been guilty of a treacherous partiality, by advancing the idea that the embargo should not affect foreign vessels, or prohibit them from taking any cargo out of our ports; meaning to confine that measure to our vessels only; as they well knew that England being the only nation of Europe, who possess large fleets to protect her trade, might by that means, get from us all the supplies for wanted and become our carrier; and thereby frustrate the impartial intention of our government, which would have given cause of dissatisfaction to the people, by giving the rich trade from which we are cut off, into the hands of the very enemy, whose rapacity and injustice had caused the measure.
20th. They have had the base effrontery of accusing two thirds of the honorable and virtuous members of congress, of corruption and partiality to France, because they manly resisted the impulse of their enthusiastic love for England.
21st. They have been guilty of treason towards the nation, by pleading the cause of her enemy and of enmity towards the people, by endeavoring to undermine their confidence they have disturbed the peace by rousing the fury of parties and soliciting rebellion against the supreme laws of the country.
22d. They have violated the embargo law and have carried supplies to the colonies of our enemies, and when returned with treasures gained in that illicit trade, they have with their mouths full of gold, cried with fury and rage against the administration and embargo.
23d. They have shamefully insulted the feelings of the good people of the United States, by sullenly endeavoring to render them insensible of their disgrace, if submitting to the lawless violence and tyranny of Great Britain, and valued the patriotism of the men who once made a sacrifice of both life and fortune to gain their independence, at the low rate of a few dollars more or less in their pockets, through the pressure of the present embargo!
24th. And to complete the dreadful catalogue, they are now thickening their ranks and preparing their batteries, to attack, upset and destroy the Republican Government, in order to create one more suitable to their ambitious and wicked purposes!!
A REPUBLICAN.
*See an infamous pamphlet under the name of A Farmer of No. 40. (the monster still doth breathe!!) and the numbers of the Honest Politician in Wagner's North American.
†Hillhouse, T. Pickering, and other champions of the opposition.
‡Martin's speech, and Key's statement on Cod Fish.
§John Randolph's speech at the opening of Congress!
¶John Randolph's proposition to lay an embargo.
**Gardiner's frantic speech: the martyr of the holy opposition!!
***Pickering's incendiary letter to Governor Sullivan, and the echoes and satellites of Great Britain.
From the AURORA.
TO CHRISTIANS OF ALL DENOMINATIONS.
In addressing you at this all important crisis, while our happy country is still free from foreign alliances dangerous to its internal welfare, and when the policy of the contending powers of Europe is in operation, to induce us to engage in the destructive warfare, by which they are murdering and destroying one another, contrary, to the precepts of the gospel, that enjoins "peace on earth and good will to men;" I will not agitate the question, which of the candidates for offices at the next general election is, or is not religious? Which of them is preferable to the other in works of piety? Or which of them would be most industrious, (if elected) to give encouragement to christianity, and in disseminating its pure principles among men? Such topics applied to individuals, generally tend to irritation, and involve even christians themselves in disputes, that serve only to give the common enemy room to say, "religion is hypocrisy; see how its votaries worry one another!" I have candor to believe that many who differ from me in politics, are nevertheless found in their religious tenets, to such, more particularly, I now address myself.
Let the calm observer, the man who loves his religion, his country, and his God, take a fair view of both sides of the political question, that at this time agitates the parties of our country; on the side of federalism we see marshalled the whole host of tories, of British ministers, their agents, and emissaries; we see daily in the federal prints, most probably hired for the purpose, encouragement given to evade the salutary laws of our country. —On the side of republicans, we be-
hold every effort made to secure to our country the blessings to which she is entitled by her independency; we see them oppose alike French and British decrees, against our rightful commerce, by an embargo, operating upon both, with the least injury to ourselves. It doth not require much ingenuity to form a correct judgment of things, at this critical juncture, "by their works, we may know them!" —And by the works of democracy and federalism, the principles of each may be tested, they may be readily distinguished, they are the political antidotes of each other, both cannot rise, and one or the other must descend; the love of liberty and the happiness of man is the desire of the first; the tyranny of individuals and the slavery of men, would be the desire of the other, "by their works ye may know them," every attempt made to rob the people of the right of governing themselves, is a system of tyranny known only to federalists, it is a link in the chain of aristocracy used by them to manacle our freedom and ourselves—men who prefer war to peace, where peace may be maintained without a sacrifice of honor, must have similar views, and are not to be trusted! Such are the federalists, such are the characters they would support at the ensuing election—"by their works ye may know them," else why so much opposition to the salutary embargo law? —Why so much desire to evade it? A war must have been the inevitable consequence, if the embargo had not been laid; and men who would wish to engage in a war when so trifling a deprivation, in comparison with the evils attending a war, may avert it, most assuredly deserves the execration of every good man; of every friend to religion, to the rights of man! And to his country! For with war every scene of iniquity displays itself! Let us take a retrospective glance at the waste of war during our revolution; see our churches converted into barracks and worse places for the vicious and debauched soldiery of (I had like to have said) a christian king. In the battle of war the people of God are often without the means, (from the tyranny of men) to worship their maker agreeably to the dictates of their consciences. The present administration to evade a war laid the embargo, it has saved millions of property, from the rapacious grasp of both French and British tyrannical decrees. Surely the embargo is preferable to a war, with its savage attendants; it is more likely to ensure to America the respect due to her flag, to her peaceable dispositions, to her desire to live in amity with all nations, "entangling alliances with none." The embargo has its partial evils, but to the wife and good, who deprecate a war where it can be avoided with honor, it gives this consoling reflection; that it is the most likely to secure those rights, which with the best blood of our fathers, was purchased for us; rights we ought never to abandon; Neither of the contending powers of Europe could be injured by any force we could send against them; they are however, accessible by means of the embargo, we could not force them by hostilities to relax in their abuses towards us, tho' the lives of thousands should be sacrificed for the purpose! The embargo alone has the fairest prospect of success, if not evaded or abused by our own citizens, it has been the wise policy of the present administration to adopt it, federalists oppose it—"by their works ye may know it," and from it they adduce materials to poison the minds of men against the measure, who when they consult their own better reasoning and compare the consequences of the embargo with consequences that would follow our being forced into a war; will spurn at the insult offered to their understanding—"by their works ye may know them," federalism rob'd of its mask will discover the whole to be an electioneering trick, to cheat them out of their rights and liberties, by inducing them to vote for Federal instead of Republican ELECTORS of President and Vice-President of the United States. Be not idle then, but at the next election take firm standing, vote for the men in whom you may safely trust your liberties and your religion, and let Americans shew to the world that bribery has lost its force among them! That they know their own interest and will support it! That their

religion, their liberty, and their country is still dear to them, that in defence thereof they are willing to bear those partial evils, that the present situation of affairs make necessary, trusting to the arm of Heaven alone, still to secure those treasures which an all bountiful Providence has given to us, in giving and securing our liberty, our religion, and our independence.
A SEVENTY-SIX ER.
All our Evils flow from England.
Every man who has mind enough to comprehend truth, and honesty to regard it, must acknowledge this fact—that we should be as a people united within, and as a nation secure and free from molestation abroad, were it not for the baleful policy of England.
As to the other nations of the earth, we leave their misfortunes to history, which will trace the afflictions of Europe, and the wars that yet desolate it—to the same source we keep in view our own country, our own country's interests—our own country's independence—our own country's peace—its prosperity—its honor—and its wrongs; to keep these in view is what we call patriotism, to assert and resent them is what we call patriotism.
The voters of Boston talk of their patriotism, but look at their actions—
Is the abandonment of independence patriotism?
Is the eagerness for war in preference to peace, patriotism?
Is the disregard for our national character, hostility to the national government, calumny of its administration, disregard of its honor, or the honor of its flag; is the support of a nation that has outraged that flag, and murdered our citizens, are these things patriotism?
The questions answer themselves, and they show that the bitterest satire which could be written on the votes and address of the Boston meeting—is their own address—because it is a production, the objects of which are at once absurd and impracticable, therefore hypocritical; and the professions of patriotism and respect for the constituted authorities, while they declare what ought to be their conduct, form a hideous caricature of the conduct which they uniformly pursue.
This lamentable picture of degradation, exhibited in Boston, is rendered still more disgusting from the place in which it is exhibited!
Boston—Faneuil-hall—in which the Adams' and the Hancocks, the Ovis' and the Warrens—raised their magnanimous spirits, and risked their lives, their fortunes, families and peace, rather than submit to a petty tax of three pence on tea—rather than submit to the mandatory rescripts of a British privy council—rather than submit to British tyranny.
That Boston, in whose streets the first American blood was shed by British minions.
That Boston, which was the first proscribed by British outrage.
Is this the Boston, which stands foremost in this crisis of the world, to call for chains, and prepares to hug them—which bellows for submission to British orders of council, and is willing to trade under the royal licence of that tyrant, who is described in the declaration of independence; is it the same Boston, which rose in tumult, and breathed indignation, when two or three peaceable citizens were killed by British ruffians; is it the same Boston, that would now warmish over the crimes committed on the Chesapeake, and fly into the embraces of the assassin?
No, it is not that Boston, it is a degenerate race, or rather a fragment of a race that has degenerated from the virtue of their progenitors—a little faction nursed and suckled in the corruption of the universal corrupter and disburser of the world.
The lord chancellor of England, whose name once was Scott, and who changed it, and is now called by the name of Eldon—this man in a late debate in the British parliament, said that—"the orders of council of the 11th of November—WERE INTENDED TO MAKE AMERICA AT LAST SENSIBLE OF THE POLICY OF JOINING ENGLAND AGAINST FRANCE."
This is a fair confession of the views of the British government, and its truth cannot be questioned, since the chancellor of England is a member of the privy council, and called the keeper of the king's conscience.
But the Boston voters say they are patriots, and they they it by endeavoring to cooperate with the keeper of the king of England's conscience, and by endeavoring to make America at last sensible of the policy of joining England against France.
Aye, there's the rub. Now will the people of America for a moment consider this case in a simple point of view?
The administration of the American government does not want to join England against France.
The administration does not wish to join France against England.
The administration wishes to maintain a strict neutrality—neither to join with—nor to submit to the violence or the policy of either, they do not wish to join one or the other power at first or at last.
But the Boston voters say that the new situation of Europe—that is, no doubt, the situation of Spain and Portugal—calls for a removal of the embargo.
They have never noticed the fact, that the British orders of council, which were intended to make America at last sensible of the policy of joining England, are in perfect force and in such effectual operation that some hundreds of American vessels have been seized, sequestrated, and condemned in England, under those orders of council.
They have not hinted or squinted at the fact that by those British king's rescripts, an American vessel found at sea by a British cruiser, without a passport or licence from George III. is liable to seizure.
They do not notice the fact, that George III. in order to make America at last sensible which of the policy of joining England, has forbidden American vessels from going to any part of the continent of Europe.
The Boston voters plainly tell you, by the lips of Mr. Gore, what they would be at—be plainly and fairly avowed his object to be war, for he preferred war to the embargo; and no doubt the chancellor of England had the same partiality—and if Mr. Gore could bring it about at last—after the failure of so many efforts between Pickering and Livingston—and Pickering and Rose, there is no doubt that Mr. Gore would be considered as worthy of royal confidence as Hutchinson and Oliver, were in the early days of George III.
There is a mode by which the people can test these Boston voters, and all who are disposed to join in similar measures.
Our government policy, is not the policy of war—and it therefore differs from the policy of the keeper of the king's conscience; it differs also from the policy of Mr. Gore. The policy of our government, first and last, is peace if possible—war only when peace cannot be preserved. Now for the test.
Ask any of these gentlemen voters, or any of those who support them—for what—for whom—and against whom, do you wish to go to war?
They will either equivocate, or they will at once say with the king of England's conscience keeper—"against France."
Ask a friend of the present administration, will you go to war? they answer no—we see that there has been, what other nations have deemed cause of war; but we do not think war would obtain for us any satisfaction—any redress—we have been grossly insulted by the government of England, but yet we will not join their enemy in war against England; for war would only cost us much blood, much treasure, and greatly retard our national prosperity.
What—not join England against France? No surely, it would be sinking into the lowest turpitude—to league against a nation that has done us but few wrongs, and to league with a nation that is continually accumulating wrongs upon us.
But the keeper of the king's conscience says the orders of council will make you sensible at last, of the policy of joining England against France.
Here then is the mystery of the Boston town meeting—for the purpose of this mystery it is—and the means are worthy of the purpose—that men in open opposition to the interests of their country and breathing war, assume the merit of patriotism—for this mystery it is that they laugh in the faces of each other and lie upon record, that they are and have been uniform in their respect for the government of their country, while the notoriety of their contumelious and disgraceful conduct is known to every man who reads!
It would be worth the while of any man to examine the following topics.
What can be the end proposed by those persons in America, who are adverse to the peace of the United States, or desirous of involving us at last in alliance with England and in a war against France?
Is it the forlorn hope of accomplishing that which has disconcerted so many European coalitions—it this were the object, and it is its being absurd that induces us to suspect it to be their object—every man must see that if we were willing we are not able.
Is it with the hope of overturning the American government during the difficulties of a war; and becoming the oligarchs of a new system more fitted for military, which a democracy will tolerate?
Is it infatuation, or stupidity, or corruption, or a mixture of all these ingredients?
It may be said—that all these Boston voters are pious church going men—and feel, like Edmund Burke, for suffering humanity—that the great sufferings of the Spaniards, in the recent overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty, a lofty commiseration for the fallen house of Braganza—tender sympathies for the nobles and blood of the nations that have had the blood of the nations by an obscure mushroom emperor; that their bows yearn for those who are driven from their holes, and their indignation bristles at the idea of the plebeian upstarts who have jumped into thrones, and covered their cropped wigs with regal, and ducal diadems.
Perhaps it is christian pity for the people of those nations in which the foul deeds have been acted.
But when these things are considered, your democratic reasoners, who do not see thro' a single eye, nor hear thro' a single ear—are apt to say: is then the case of an idiot king or a prostitute court—a case so extreme as to engross all commiseration, and leave none for those who in the light of the God of the christian world are at least all his creatures? Are the gods or the *s of Tiberius or Messalina—a Henry VIII. and a Catharine of Medicis of so much moment, as to sink all of the calamities inflicted on nations for ages of perpetuated despotism.
Mourn ye voters of Boston, over the downfall of the Bourbons and Braganzas—their bastiles and inquisitions.
Extinguish every idea of commiseration for the Moriscos and the Jews—exterminated by impious fanaticism, under the banner of the cross, as you would exterminate virtue and provoke war, under the mask of federalism, and in the abused name of patriotism.
Why should you remember the burnings of your own revolution—the memory of such atrocities, would not bring you at last into a league with England against France?
Why should you feel for the sufferings of the people of remote Asia—why should the millions starved and massacred in Hindostan—why should a mogul, or a nabob, or a Nizam, or Tippoo Saib, poisoned or assassinated disturb your peruits?
What have you to do in the consideration of your Boston votes or promoting British interests—with the evangelical choosings which Britain has bestowed upon Ireland during only five hundred years?
What have the hangings, and burnings, and massacres of a few hundred thousand "wild Irish," to do in the bosom of Boston humanity, compared with the expulsion of the Bourbons, or the failure of Great Britain to monopolize the commerce of the world?
These things deserve to be contrasted—that the imbecility and shabby cunning, which marks the whole character of federal politics, is a disparagement of American intellect and honesty, may be seen.
AURORA.
The federalists tell an arrant falsehood when they say the republicans love the embargo. The republicans love very few things that proceed from the cabinet of St. James—THERE WERE THE PLANS laid which compelled our embargo, for the preservation of our property, the safety of our citizens, the continuance of peace and the security of our independence.
[Balt. Ev. Post.]
Let it be remembered that not one merchant in Congress voted against the embargo—Let it never be forgotten that nearly all the farmers were in favor of it, and that the minority was composed, with very few exceptions, of federal LAWYERS. Let those deny this who can—we defy the whole legion of "choice spirits" to gain say the general affection.
[Ibid.]
BY THE MAILS.
President's Answer to the Boston PETITION.
The following answer to the Petition of the inhabitants of this town, from the President of the United States was received yesterday by the Selectmen, and is now presented to the public by their order.
WILLIAM COOPER, Town Clerk. Boston, September 6, 1808.
SIR, August 26, 1808. I BEG leave to communicate through you the inclosed answer to the representation which came to me under cover from you, and to add, the assurances of my respect.
TH: JEFFERSON.
To the Inhabitants of the Town of BOSTON, in legal Town-Meeting assembled.
Your representation and request were received on the 22d inst. and have been considered with the attention due to every expression of the sentiments and feelings of so respectable a body of my fellow citizens. No person has been with more concern than myself, the inconveniences bro't on our country in general, by the circumstances of the times in which we happen to live; times to which the history of nations presents no parallel.
For years we have been looking as spectators on our brethren of Europe, afflicting with all those evils which necessarily follow an abandonment of the moral rules which bind men and nations together.—Connected with them in friendship and commerce, we have happily so far kept aloof from their calamitous conflicts, and by a steady observance of justice towards all, by much forbearance and multiplied sacrifices. At length however, all regard to the rights of others having been thrown aside, the belligerent powers have beset the highway of commercial intercourse with edicts, which taken together, expose our commerce and mariners, under almost every destination, a prey to their fleets and armics. Each party indeed would admit our commerce with themselves, with the view of associating us in their war against the other. But we have wished war with neither. Under these circumstances were passed the laws of which you complain, by those delegated to exercise the powers of legislation for you with every sympathy of a common interest in exercising them faithfully. In reviewing these measures therefore we should advert to the difficulties out of which a choice was of necessity to be made. To have submitted our rightful commerce to prohibitions and tributary exactions from others would have been to surrender our independence. To resist them by arms was war, without consulting the state of things or the choice of the nation. The alternative preferred by the Legislature of suspending a commerce placed under such unexampled difficulties, besides saving to our citizens their property, and our mariners to their country, has the peculiar advantage of giving time to the belligerent nations to revise a conduct as contrary to their interests as it is to our rights.
"In the event of such peace, or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such change in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the U. S. sufficiently safe, in the judgment of the President," he is authorized to suspend the embargo. But no peace or suspension of hostilities, no change of measures affecting neutral commerce, is known to have taken place.—The Orders of England, and the Decrees of France and Spain existing at the date of these laws, are still unrepealed, as far as we know. In Spain indeed a contest for the Government appears to have arisen;—but of its course or prospects, we have no information on which prudence would undertake a hasty change in our policy, even were the authority of the executive competent to such a decision.
You desire that, in this defect of power, Congress may be specially convened. It is unnecessary to examine the evidence or the character of the facts, which are supposed to dictate such a call: Because you will be sensible, on an attention to dates, that the legal period of their meeting is as early as, in this extensive country, they could be fully convened by a special call.
I should, with great willingness, have executed the wishes of the inhabitants of the town of Boston, had peace, or a repeal of the obnoxious edicts, or other changes, produced the case in which alone the laws have given me that authority; and so many motives of justice and interest lead to such changes, that we ought continually to expect them. But while these edicts remain, the Legislature alone can prescribe the course to be pursued.
TH: JEFFERSON.
August 26, 1808.
We learn with pleasure that Dr. David Ramsay of South Carolina, has offered a history of that State, by subscription. The value of his history of our Revolution, and of the War in Carolina, and of his Life of Washington, has been generally confessed.
Base Federal LIE detected.
FROM THE ESSEX REGISTER.
In perusing the Centinel of the 31st ult. I confess I was not a little astonished to find that there was an individual so ignorant or so unprincipled, as to state, that there had not been any vessel condemned in England, under the orders of council. Herewith I enclose a copy, verbatim, as follows:—
AMERICAN CONSULATE, PLYMOUTH, June 10, 1808.
I hereby certify, that the Schooner Ammi, of Marblehead, whereof Thomas Dennis is master, having been detained and sent into this port, in the prosecution of her voyage from Nantes in France, bound to the said port of Marblehead in the United States of America, in ballast, and a small adventure of Ochre, by his Britannick Majesty's ship of war Amazon, has been condemned in the High Court of Admiralty as prize to the Captors. The sentence whereof having been with-held, from the said Thomas Dennis, this Certificate is given him to serve in all cases, and prove the aforesaid act of condemnation—whereby the said Thomas Dennis, his mate and crew, have all been obliged to abandon and quit the said vessel, the particular circumstances whereof are more fully set forth in a special Document of Protest to which a reference is to be made.
Given under my hand and seal of Office, date as above. JOHN HAWKER.
American Vice-Consul.
I wish to know who it is that publishes this? I must confess, whenever any thing is against England, the federal papers try to make every thing appear in her favor.
Thomas Dennis, master, and Samuel Knight, owner, of the Schooner Ammi, are ready to make oath to the truth of the above.
Capt. Thomas Dennis of the Schooner Ammi, and Capt. George Bartlett, of the Schooner Oriental, both of Marblehead, declare—That, to the best of their knowledge there were upwards of ONE HUNDRED AMERICAN VESSELS at Plymouth, brought in there under the Orders in Council, for adjudication; that a number of them had been CONDEMNED; and that they were in Court at the trial of several American vessels, which were taken under the Orders of Council and CONDEMNED.
I wish to ask Mr. Russell, what he means when he says, that not a single vessel and cargo has been condemned under these Orders of Council? If they are not wholly, they are in part. Are Americans still willing to pay tribute, for a small pittance of gain, by licences from Great Britain? I hope not.
The case of the fchr. Oriental, of Marblehead, I presume is what Mr. Russell calls cleared, &c. True, she was cleared, after being at the expense of £324 19 s 11 d sterling, besides her detention from the 2d of March to the 15th of June:—and I believe no vessel, that has been carried in under the Orders of council has been cleared without paying the costs. If the costs are not paid, how many cases are heard of where demurrage has been paid by them? Not one that I know of.
N.B. The fchr. Oriental's cargo from Nantz, was 143 hds of Salt, sufficient to ballast, which cost about 180 dols. Sir Wm. Scott condemned the Oriental to pay costs of suits, &c. amounting to 1444 dollars, 44 cents, upon a cargo of 180 dollars.
This is clearance with a vengeance!—
The owner of the Schooner Oriental is ready to give oath to this statement.
A precious Document for Embargo GRUMBLERS!
If there is any merchant who would submit to the following impositions of Britain, he is not deserving the name of an American. Let the Embargo snarlers look at this picture of British insolence:—
"The Minerva, Jenkins, arrived in the Downs from Rotterdam, with 20 pipes gin: sent in to pay ONE SHILLING AND THREE PENCE PER GALLON DUTY!! AND HER WHOLE TONNAGE DUTY, WHICH IS ABOUT TWELVE SHILLINGS PER TON!!"
What say you to this, Esquire Christopher, Harrison and Jonathan?—What think you now, Timothy?!
Execution of French Decrees.
The following, with a number of other American vessels have been condemned in France, under the French Decrees.
June 8, 1808. The Council of Prizes, condemned the brig George, of Newburyport, Capt. Bray, from Labrador to Bilboa, with fish and oil. Her papers had been endorsed by a British vessel.
June 15, 1808.—Brig Vengeance of Salem, Capt. Chipman, (who came passenger in the Arcturus) owned by Mr. Wm. Gray of Salem, was condemned.—She was from Norfolk for Bilboa, with tobacco.—Was spoken Dec. 30, and had her papers endorsed by the Iris, British frigate. Same night bore away for Bilboa. Jan. 6th, anchored in St. Antonio, lost an anchor, run for Bilboa, was taken by a Bayonne boat, off Bilboa, sent into Passage, and condemned, cargo sold for 180,000 dollars.—The ground of condemnation was her suffering herself to be visited by an English frigate, and her papers to be endorsed; whereby according to the imperial decree of Dec. 17, 1807, she became denationalized.
The Hesper and Jane of Salem, was endorsed off the Corcovan, escaped in Bayonne, the 4th Dec. and unloaded; but on the 25th was seized under the Milan decree, and probably would be condemned.
The Baltimore Evening Post, after quoting Mr. Gray's Letter respecting the fate of the vessels that sailed from Salem for Europe the month previous to the Embargo act, says—
"To this high authority, again let us add the following facts (as ascertained by the editor of the American) relative to the vessels which cleared out from this port (Baltimore) for the continent of Europe, between the 1st of Sept. and 23d of December last. They were in number twenty, of these eight were captured by the British, three by the French and Spaniards, three are embargoed at Amsterdam, five returned to Baltimore, one with her outward cargo, not being permitted by the British to proceed to her original port of destination, and one was lost at sea. These items make up the number."
ST. ALBANS, (Vermont) August 18. In our last we mentioned the unhappy affair that took place near Burlington; we were, however, misinformed as to the names of the perpetrators—Mr. Butterfield not being among them.
The eight men that were in the boat called the Black-Snake, have been examined before Justices Harrington, Chittenden, and Porter, and are committed for MURDER. Five others, two of the name of Taylor, and three by the name of Hoxie, have also been examined by the same court, and committed for TREASON; to be tried by the Circuit Court of the United States, at Rutland, in October next. It is said the Supreme Court of this State will hold a special session at Burlington, to commence on Tuesday next, for the trial of the boat's crew.
The World, printed at Bennington, Vt. commenting on the murder committed by the crew of the smuggling boat Black Snake, says—
THE nine villains are in goal, guarded by a detachment of Burlington militia. The three not taken are called Samuel J. Mott, William Nokes, and Slocum Clark; the collector has offered as a reward for the apprehension of Mott, 100 dollars, and for the others 50 dollars each.
Eight weeks ago we predicted, that such events must soon succeed the treasonable language of the northern federal papers and federal memoralists. The tories of the day are daring and insolent. This distressing information had not been three hours in town before federalists were heard to say, "All is well—government had no right to seize the boat." Tories appear in all garbs but the right one—they are perched behind the merchants' desk—they are among the knights of the green bag, they turn up their noses in the walls of all our colleges—they are advocating British insults and murders, and domestic insurrection and havoc in every corner. We all know it—we all we hear it every day and read it in every federal print:
"Me thought the billows spoke and told me of it, The winds did sing in me, and the thunder That deep and dreadful organ pipes, pronounced, That the deadliest enemies of our liberties are cherished in the heart of our country. Let us vain longer to say to them 'Come let us reason together,' they cannot bear the light of reason: they invite more serious treatment, and must have it."
"Let the Embargo immediately be raised," say the lawyers and tories.—Well, and what would be the consequence of the measure? Our vessels would generally be captured, or compelled to enter the ports of Great Britain, and after paying a TRIBUTE to "his majesty," be liable to seizure by Bonaparte! What would the Port of Baltimore have to pay for liberty to trade to the continent of Europe, provided full scope was given to the orders in council, and commerce was pursued as heretofore? Not less than ONE MILLION OF DOLLARS per annum. For a few pounds sterling in duties on tea, the men of seventy-six cast off the yoke of the "mother country;" are the yet surviving heroes of the revolution, or the sons of such men, content to pay an hundred times the sum they demanded, tho' our independence is now acknowledged, and they pretend to treat us as a free and sovereign state? Perish the idea! rather may the embargo continue for fifty millions of years than the American people become the tributaries of Britain or the slaves of France!—"And let all the people say—Amen!" [Balt. E. Post.]
COMMUNICATION.—NO. II.
IN my first number I endeavored in a concise manner to show the danger of a military officer abusing his authority, and also the confusion an impetuous officer may throw among the people, by not using a discretionary power so absolutely necessary under a Republican form of government, and so coincident with its adopted principles—In order that the ground of my complaint may be the better understood, I will state the two following questions and quote the laws touching the premises under consideration—First. Who are excited by law from doing military duty? Secondly. Who are excused from military duty by a discretionary power vested in the commanding officer of a company? In a law made the 28th of December, 1792, in section 3d, a part of which has since been repealed, there are many exemptions, such as the Vice-President of the United States; the officers, judicial and executive of the government of the United States; all civil officers holding commissions, &c. to which law I refer the reader. Again, In a law passed the 26th of December, 1795, three years after the above, says, Whenever any non-commissioned officer or soldier shall think himself unable to perform military duty, and shall procure a certificate certifying his disability from the surgeon or surgeon's mate of the Regiment to which he belongs, to the commanding officer of said company, then said non-commissioned officer or soldier shall be considered as excused from military duty until it shall be thought by the commanding officer of said company, and the surgeon or surgeon's mate for the time being, that such disability is removed. Further, That in all towns where there may be Fire Engines, eighteen persons for each Engine shall be excused from doing military duty, &c. It will be obvious to every discerning mind that some exemptions made in the first law referred to, has been since thought improper by the people, and likewise, some other exemptions in a later one, thought more equal and proper, is substituted. I need only to refer the reader to the foregoing laws to answer my first question, namely, Who are excused by law from doing military duty? A friend to equal Rights.
A federal compliment to republicans.
The Boston Repository says "that Mr. JEFFERSON must be aware, from the specimens of New England democracy, which for eight years have aided him in the executive and legislative departments, that it is a mass destitute of political talent or intelligence."
Kentucky.—The election of a genuine republican governor, the subordinate officers, members of congress, for the constitutional term, &c. is certain in that state.

Messrs. Printers, THE choice of Representatives for Congress in New-Hampshire is determined;—by the public papers we have reason to fear the Federal Ticket has prevailed, notwithstanding which a large majority of the citizens of New-Hampshire are decidedly Republican. The success of the minority is occasioned by foreign influence. We have reason to fear the astonishing exertions of British emissaries, aided by their dependants in this country, with a few influential and unprincipled citizens from New-York, Boston, and Portsmouth, have effected this unexpected success. The Citizens of New-Hampshire, in the country towns, have been deceived, and very often but few of the republican papers are received among us until two or three weeks after publication. On the other hand runners are numerous, and active with federal papers, pamphlets and money for secret services. False reports have been circulated with such plausibility of truth, as to have almost deceived the very elect. The Governor of New-Hampshire, with a large majority of the people of Portsmouth it has been asserted have altered their opinion of the propriety of the Embargo, and should the government refuse to comply with the wishes of the several towns that have petitioned the President on the subject, that they would violate the laws, and free the people from their embarrassments. I am happy gentlemen to be informed that the Governor, and more than two thirds of the people of Portsmouth, by their votes as published, have proved those assertions to be false. It is evidently the intention of our friends the British if possible to disunite us, and to divide the Northern from the Southern States—in this case it is presumed they would easily effect their purpose to destroy the Constitution, and bring us under the government of that tyrannical nation. May Heaven frustrate their designs, and guard us from the machinations of our enemies. It is a maxim with politicians that disinterested national friendship does not exist; our country has experienced this truth with respect to England and France. Their laws have not only been unfriendly, but arbitrary and tyrannical;—They have compelled our government to lay an Embargo, which has, thank heaven, hitherto prevented a war with those powers, saved our seamen from slavery, and nearly one hundred million of dollars. This wise measure received the approbation of the late President Adams, and many of the most influential Federal characters. If their was a necessity for the Embargo (which undoubtedly their was) the same necessity now exists for its continuance. That it is a necessary evil will be admitted, and that it has already produced those advantages above mentioned, cannot in truth be denied. Remove the Embargo at the present time, and the worst of consequences follow; a few vessels would run to the West-Indies, and perhaps make great voyages; but in less than one month those markets would be glutted with American produce, our merchants could not with safety send their vessels to Europe, either England or France or their allies, would capture the property; the insurance against every risk would be too high for a prudent merchant to hazard his interest. Our government would be despised by all nations as feeble, inconsistent and mercenary. Money would be said to be the God of the Americans; touch but their interest, and they will slacken in duty and put aside their principles. European impositions would increase to ten fold what we have ever experienced, and war would evidently be the result. The taunts of our enemies would then pertinaciously apply to the American character—they merit not the blessings of a free government, acquired by their predecessors, they have ruined themselves and robbed their posterity of the liberties intrusted to their care. Good God! is it possible we have thus depreciated as a people, lost to every sense of duty, of honour and virtue? Let us my friends rouse from our reveries, and call on our Republican Brethren to aid us in the glorious cause of Liberty. Let each one punctually and fearlessly perform the duty he owes his country, and we shall have no cause to fear the election of a Republican President and Vice President. Heaven has confided to the Americans, their political destiny; may their conduct not prove derogatory, but merit the approbation of future generations. A PLOUGHMAN.
We are glad to find the "Statesman" has such good spirits. We augur favorably from it. As soon as a paper appears in favor of our Republic it is rudely attacked. And if all the apparatus of destruction could terrify, it would deter from his labors any man who valued his good name, wished to escape the worst imputations, and feared to be called the companion of the vilest of mankind. But happily men are to be found, who are not afraid to defend the truth, for the glory it will bring with it, when it becomes, as in the end it must, triumphant. [Reg.]
Portsmouth, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1808.
We are still unable to determine what will be the condition of Spain, and what opposition will be made to the new Constitution under Joseph the brother of the French Emperor. According to a late account, Joseph had taken the oath administered by the Arch Bishop of Burgos. The revenue of this Arch Bishop is immense, and his residence is the capital of Old Castile. The Supreme royal council is of Castile, and is the highest court of judicature, and the first name in the title of the king of Spain, is King of Castile. The revenue of the Arch Bishop is given at 40,000 ducats, about equal to as many of our dollars. After this ceremony, on 9th July, Joseph had left Bayonne for his capital, Madrid and no information had been given of any impediment on his journey. As the whole distance was not four hundred miles, he probably reached the capital in 10 days, according to the usual rate of travel in that country. With this information, we hear of additional French troops which are pouring into Spain. [Effex Register.]
The answer of Mr. JEFFERSON to the Boston petition is expressive of that tender regard for the people which a father feels for his children. He laments the inconveniences to which we are exposed by the injustice of other nations, and calls our attention to the evils they endure, and to the cause of those evils—"An abandonment of the moral rules which bind men and nations together." Could a parent impress on the minds of his children, in a more forcible manner, the importance of moral obligation?—"Connected with them (the nations of Europe) in friendship and commerce, we have so far HAPILY, kept aloof from their calamitous conflicts, by a steady observance of justice towards all, by much forbearance and multiplied sacrifices." Yet the enemies of Jefferson say he wishes for war!—"At length however all regard to the rights of others having been thrown aside, the belligerent powers," &c.—here Mr. Jefferson speaks of the belligerent powers! He discovers no partiality; he does not excuse France!—"Each party indeed would admit our commerce with themselves; with a view of associating us in their war against each other"—Who will question this fact?—"But we have wished war with neither." Yet Mr. Jefferson's enemies say, he wishes for war! "Under these circumstances were passed the laws of which you complain, by those DELEGATED to exercise the power of LEGISLATION for you with every sympathy of a common INTEREST in exercising them faithfully"—Yes! with every sympathy of a common interest; for Farmers and Merchants voted for the Embargo, and their interest would be affected equally with that of others. "In reviewing these measures therefore, we should advert to the difficulties, out of which a choice was of necessity to be made"—Citizens of New-Hampshire and of the United States, instead of looking at the embargo as the cause of evils, you should look through the Embargo to the injustice that renders it necessary. "To have submitted our rightful commerce to PROHIBITIONS and TRIBUTARY EXACTIONS from others would have been to surrender our INDEPENDENCE"—This is the language of JEFFERSON! It would have been the language of WASHINGTON! It was once the language of the people of New-Hampshire; but alas! the gold has become dim! the fine gold is changed! Mr. Jefferson states with truth "that the LEGAL PERIOD of the meeting of Congress will be as early, as in this extensive country it could be fully convened by a SPECIAL call. This was well known by the artful persons who originated the Boston and other petitions; but their object, was to influence the election. "I should, with great willingness have executed the wishes of the inhabitants of the town of Boston, HAD PEACE, or a REPEAL of the obnoxious edicts or other changes produced the case in which ALONE the laws have given me that authority; and so many motives of justice and interest lead to such changes that we ought continually to expect them. But while these edicts remain the legislature ALONE can prescribe the course to be pursued." Can any man of sense and candor any longer deny that it is the will of Mr. Jefferson to conduct impartially towards all nations, to maintain peace with all, and to have us restored to the advantages of commerce the first moment that a returning sense of justice in other nations will enable us to derive any advantage from Commerce?
ANSWER
To the Inhabitants of Richmond and its Vicinity, FELLOW CITIZENS, Among the numerous expressions of the public sense, in favor of the measures which have been adopted for the observance of neutrality in the present war of Europe, none is more grateful to me, than that of Richmond and its vicinity. The manner, in which it is conveyed, lays claim to my affectionate acknowledgements. In recollecting the anticipations which were entertained of a pacific policy, as most consonant with the situation of the U. States and the genius of our government it is a pleasing reflection, that when the occasion for exemplifying it occurs, sentiments corresponding with it appear to pervade every part of the community. This readiness of views, highly honorable to the national character, is well calculated to support in the administration of our affairs, a spirit constantly favorable to the great object of peace. And though the best and sincerest endeavors to this end may sometimes prove ineffectual, yet it will always be a source of consolation and encouragement, that the calamities of war, if at any time they shall be experienced, have been unought and unprovoked. Every good citizen will then meet events with that firmness and perseverance which naturally accompany the consciousness of a good cause, the conviction that there is no ground for self-reproach. True to our duties and interest as Americans—firm to our purpose as lovers of peace—let us unite our fervent prayers to the Great Ruler of the Universe, that the justice and moderation of all concerned, may permit us to continue in the uninterrupted enjoyment of a blessing which we so greatly prize, and of which we ardently wish them a speedy and permanent participation. GEO: WASHINGTON.
WHEREAS, a report has been industriously circulated in the Country, that Governor Langdon is opposed to the Embargo Laws; and has remonstrated with the President of the United States against certain regulations, necessary for carrying the same into effect; and has even sent a vessel to sea: and whereas it is the duty of every man to establish truth: therefore, I feel it incumbent on myself to declare, that the above reports, are founded in falsehood; and that, so far from disapproving of the Embargo Laws, I am FIRM in the opinion that they originated in the purest patriotism, are founded in wisdom, and are the only measures that could be adopted to preserve the honor and peace of the United States. JOHN LANGDON. September 9, 1808.
LYING is the method the federalists have adopted to create confusion and disaffection to the laws among the people. No sooner is one lie refuted, than they have half a dozen more ready coined to crowd upon their readers. They however, take good care not to encumber their paper with the refutation of their falsehoods. The following paragraph is from the New York Evening Post of the 12th ult.
"We have received information, (says the Albany Crisis, on which we may rely, that 300 families in the single town of Salem, Massachusetts, in addition to the usual number of paupers, are reduced to the necessity of relying on private charity for subsistence—Indeed, indeed, (to use the language of the Register) THE EMBARGO TELLS!"
This "information" is no doubt as correct as two thirds of the stories on which federalists "rely." But we do not know nor have we heard on enquiry, of a single family in Salem which have been reduced by the embargo "to the necessity of relying on private charity for subsistence." [Salem Register.]
COMMUNICATIONS. The Farmers of New Hampshire, had been told prior to the election that the town of Portsmouth had turned Federal! that its inhabitants were starving! that the fresh fish when brought to market was seized on and eaten raw!—such are a few among the thousand ridiculous tales with which the country was burthened.
The following bantering of the modest, decorous and immaculate "Oracle man," or of some of his aids; was sent into the country on the morning of its birth to prevent the disgrace which would ensue to its parents by a public appearance in this town. It was discovered by Major Ruffel, and immediately christened as a true son of federalism in the Continent font:
"The Governor of New Hampshire has returned the President a spirited remonstrance against his four circular, and fairly pointed out to him that it was not authorized by law."
ANSWER
The Oracle wishes every man to make up his mind openly and decidedly on politics, and use no deception! Query. What deception can a man practice while exercising the right of suffrage? But it seems assurances were given which (says the Oracle) were "falsehood."—Absurd!—And this occasioned a momentary irritation.—Indeed!—What authority has any man to dictate to another respecting his vote? If such authority exists let it be pointed out; if it does not exist, the attempt to exercise it is TYRANNY. There never was a more scandalous attack made upon the right of suffrage, than by certain federalists, in endeavouring to overawe the Mechanics and labourers in this town, prior and subsequent to, the late election. But this pure proud aristocracy; these self-ennobled Jews of the alley, may rest assured, that the spirit of their Fathers, warms the blood of the Sons of those, who suffered and endured every thing for the cause of that Freedom and Independence which the "mushroom lordlings," of the present day are using every effort to overthrow. Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Providence (R.I.) to his friend in this town, dated 3rd September 1808. "By the Portsmouth papers received since your election, it appears that the spirit of '76, animates the spirit and many other respectable towns in the vicinity, where the people are well informed—but I fear the machinations of the enemies of government in dressing up the embargo like a scare-crow in a Cornfield, will produce the same effect with you that it has in this state, for at our election just finished, two federal candidates have been elected by about 400 majority, when I am confident had it not been for those federal tricks played off, the Republicans would have been chosen by double that majority.—We have to thank Boston for the plan by which this has been achieved—by holding the embargo in one hand and Bonaparte in the other,—those emissaries were continually in the streets, say a dozen or twenty in each town, who knew most of the people in the country towns, and the influential federalists in the same towns also, were to practice the same manoeuvres, by insinuating that nothing but this embargo prevented our having a free trade, that Jefferson was an enemy to trade, that if they would vote for federal candidates the embargo would be immediately taken off, that otherwise it would be eternal, and that, if the embargo was off, their produce would sell for treble what it now bro't,—these and such like stories have been infused into the ears of uninformed credulous people, and produced a change which we shall long have to lament.—The petitions in Boston, etc. for raising the embargo, was only intended to operate on the elections, and they have already sent off an express to Vermont to declare to them that Rhode-Island and New Hampshire are both federal, to endeavor to influence the election there.—I admire their industry, but detest their principle."
WHO IS THE DUPE. Choose federal representatives to Congress, said the federal leaders, and the Embargo will be taken off in three weeks!—they spoke as if the new representatives were to go to Congress immediately—but what is the fact? The old Representatives will go to Congress in November, and remain there until the fourth of March following. Congress will then adjourn, and will not meet again, unless called together specially, until the following December:—that is, fifteen months from the present time.
NORTH-HAMPTON. The Oracle informs us that the votes from North-Hampton may be set aside as illegal, and that they will undergo a judicial examination. To such an examination we can have no objection,—but we add; that we hope never to see the day when foreigners are allowed to usurp the Liberties of New Hampshire!—In respect to North-Hampton, her independent Farmers, both on the Federal and Republican side, have too just an idea of their privileges to suffer British failures to be palmed on them as voters in their Town Meeting.
What think ye of the Embargo now? The news of the depredations on our property is now fully confirmed. No man can be an unbeliever now! And what must have been the awful state of our country had all its property been wantonly delivered into the hands of the destroyers. If conviction be not sure, if every argument and every fact be given in vain, may we not pronounce, a sad delusion has seized the people and that they are madly bent on destruction!
MARRIED.—In this town, Mr. Nathan B. Folsom merchant, to Miss Sally Quincy. At Durham, Mr. John Smallcorn of Portsmouth, to the amiable and accomplished Miss Betsy Hall of Durham.
DIED.—At Newburyport on the 3rd inst. Mr. CHARLES HERBERT, aged 52,—leaving an amiable widow to lament the loss of an affectionate husband, and a number of children to mourn a fond and beloved parent, taken forever from them.—Mr. Herbert at an early age entered a spirited volunteer in our Revolutionary contest—but unhappily the privation in which he was, soon fell into the hands of the enemy, and he, with a large number of other brave Americans, was sent to the prison ship in England,—and where, O horrible to relate, they were left to perish with hunger, drought, fever, &c. until there was scarcely one left to bear the melancholy tidings to their native shores. But Mr. Herbert was one of this small number, and has ever since supported the honorable character of a true patriot, a pure republican, and a hearty lover of liberty & independence,—an honest man, an industrious mechanic and worthy member of society. He was sincerely beloved in life; He now is as sincerely lamented in death!
To the Hon. the Legislature of the
State of New-Hampshire, convened at Concord, on the first Wednesday of June, A.D. 1808:—HUMILY sheareth, the Inhabitants of the town of Eaton and Burton, that nearly thirty years since Col. Moulton, advertised for settlers in Tamworth, Eaton and Burton, he owning Tamworth, and a number of rights in Eaton, and Burton settlers came forward, and by said Moulton's encouragement, began settlements in the several towns. Said Moulton was chosen a committee man, with several others at a proprietor's meeting of Burton, to settle the line betwixt Tamworth, Eaton and Burton, in order to pursue settlement, which lines were then unsettled, on account of a dispute betwixt said Moulton and Sandwich proprietors, respecting two miles Sandwich had crowded on Tamworth; said Moulton sent Henry Weed and others, to run a line betwixt Tamworth, Eaton and Burton, which was run to said Moulton's acceptance, who said that should be the present line to put on settlers by, till he recovered the two miles of Sandwich, and there they should have a line west accordingly.—There said Moulton and others of the Burton committee, went on and run out land on said line, run by Henry Weed, &c. and put on settlers, made roads, built mills, &c. all to the satisfaction of said Moulton as per Burton proprietor's book. Said Moulton and Sandwich ruled out their dispute, and our present Govr. LANGDON, was chairman of said rule, who said Sandwich should have 3 miles only, but said Moulton died before matters were any further settled; and all was dead—said Moulton's rights were sold, which made new proprietors in Tamworth, who chose a committee, viz. Judge Cogswell, Bradbury Cilley and Thomas Leavitt, Esqrs. to come forward and settle the lines betwixt Sandwich, Tamworth, Eaton and Burton—and if Sandwich would not give up the two miles, to attach them where Moulton left them. But they sold the two miles to Sandwich propriety, for nine hundred dollars, and gave them an indemnifying bond. Then Tamworth had but four miles left; but said committee run down on Eaton about 3 miles, and took off the glory of Eaton, and on to Burton and took off the two first rights, with about 20 of the first settlers, put on by said Moulton and others as above stated, who were acknowledged to be in Burton by said Moulton till his death, and Eaton settlers likewise—Eaton and Burton proprietors, chose a committee of honest men, to dispute the matter with Tamworth committee, but they got fooled, and left Eaton and Burton in the lurch, and almost ruined. The proprietors dwindled away, and not able to help themselves, and many of them ruined, if the State will not protect them in their charter privileges and jurisdiction, which we conceive to be the duty of the State, to protect charters and jurisdiction; otherwise honest settlers in the wilderness would stand a poor chance to defend themselves against gentlemen speculators, who could divert themselves of humanity, and rob the poor settler's camps with impunity. The committee from Eaton and Burton proprietors were chosen for the purpose of ascertaining the boundaries of Sandwich and Tamworth agreeably to the true intent and meaning of their charter—Not to leave it to strangers, that knew nothing about the circumstances, and to set in Portsmouth, instead of going on to the ground to investigate the matter—Not to petition the General Court for a committee, some of which belonged to another State, not to leave Sandwich out of the petition, which was the whole bone of contention—They had implicitly lost their cause before they appeared before the committee at Portsmouth, notwithstanding they had procured witnesses to prove Tamworth committee had sold two miles to Sandwich for nine hundred dollars, and give them a bond to indemnify them.
Then the committee told them they had nothing to do with Sandwich, it was not mentioned in their commission—Then our committee law that they were gone, but had not presence of mind to forbid them from proceeding any further, till they were empowered to do justice. Then Tamworth committee made them believe just what they pleased, and threw us out of the whole, and faddled about a thousand dollars on to our committee into the bargain, and thus the matter stands with us; and Tamworth has perhaps 60 of our voters, to give them a representation, and not one of them was meant to be on Tamworth charter. If Sandwich owned the two miles, why did they buy it? If Tamworth did not own it, why did they sell it, and give bonds to indemnify?—The cheat proves itself. We humbly pray the State to interpose in our behalf, and send a Surveyor General to ascertain the boundaries of Sandwich and Tamworth, according to the true intent of their charters, and restore us to Law, to seek our remedy or to assist us in obtaining our just right, in any manner your Honors may think proper—If the two miles betwixt Sandwich and Tamworth does not belong to Tamworth, it never was granted but by said committee, and properly belongs to the State. No doubt but Sandwich now holds more than ten thousand acres more than their charter will cover—some of which belongs to the State, some to Tamworth, and some to Moultonborough. It is expected they have fifteen thousand acres more than measure. We are willing they should have their just air line, which is the most that charters contemplate. Eaton and Burton is a piece of waste neglected land, that lays between the State line and Tamworth, and between Conway and the Mountains, which were granted to the old ranging officers, &c. for services in the old French war, and is governed by movements more or less, and not by the chain—So Sandwich and Tamworth think to crowd us as they please—If the State will interpose in our behalf—We as in duty bound shall ever pray
RICHARD LARY, } Selectmen, JOB ALLAND, } of Eaton, STEPHEN DANFORD, } BENJAMIN CAVERY, } Selectmen, ENOCH MERRILL, } of Burton
STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. In the House of Representatives, June 10, 1808. UPON reading and considering the petition of the Selectmen of Eaton and Burton, and the report of a committee thereon—Voted, That the petitioners be heard on their petition, before the General Court, on the first Tuesday of their next Session, and that the petitioners cause that the Selectmen of the towns of Tamworth, Eaton, Burton and Sandwich, be served with a copy of the petition and order of Court thereon, eight weeks prior to said day of hearing; and also cause that a like copy and order of Court be published in the New-Hampshire Gazette and Dover Sun, the same term of time prior to said day of hearing, that they or any other person or persons, may then appear and hear cause, if any they have, why the prayer may not be granted.
Sent up for concurrence, CHARLES CUTTS, Speaker. In Senate, June 13, 1808— Read and concurred. JOHN A. HARPER, Clerk. A true copy Attest, JOHN A. HARPER, Clerk of the Senate.
Cotton Yarn.
WARP and Filling Cotton for Bed Ticks, &c. of the best quality, is just received and for sale, by wholesale and retail, at the Manufacturing prices in Providence, by EDWARD PARRY, agent for the Hope Cotton Manufacturing Company of Providence, Rhode Island. September 13.
An ORATION describing the influence of Commerce on the prosperity, character and genius of nations, delivered at Cambridge Sept. 1, 1808, for sale at C. PEIRCE's, Bookstore,—price 20 cents.
TO LET, AND possession given in October, a HOUSE pleasantly situated on Washington-street, now occupied by W. H. Wilkins.—Enquire of Sept. 13. JOHN SALTER.
NOTICE. FOUR Gentlemen can be accommodated with BOARDING, in a private Family, at a moderate price—Inquire at this Office. Sept. 13.
AUCTION—THIS DAY.
TO be sold at Public Auction This Day, the 13th September, at 9 o'clock A.M. at the Universalist Old meeting house, on Vaughan-street—the following PEWS in said house for the taxes due thereon, for the years 1806 and 1807—unless prevented by previous payment of said taxes and charges—Viz.
THIS DAY—
AT PUBLIC AUCTION, At the Parsonage, in Greenland, at 9 o'clock in the forenoon.
A QUANTITY of Household & kitchen Furniture, consisting of Chairs, Tables, Bureaus, Looking-Glasses, Andirons, &c.—Likewise the farming stock and utensils, belonging to the estate of the late Rev. JAMES A. NEAL.
Conditions made known at time and place of sale. S. LARKIN, Aug'r.
ON THURSDAY NEXT,
Sept. 15th, at 12 o'clock, on the Parade, 20 Puncheons RUM, high proof, and of a good quality—Terms approved notes, at sixty days. Sept. 13. S. LARKIN, Aug'r.