The Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1809-04-26 00:00:00

NEWPORT, R. I.
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Political Miscellany.
From the Philadelphia Aurora.
TO THE AMERICAN FARMERS.
Letter 14th.
ALTHOUGH the remarks which I offered in my last letter, respecting the conduct of Britain to the Dutch, afford but a faint idea of the policy of its government, I would not resort to a further enquiry, if the peculiar state of our foreign relations, and the clamour of the advocates of England, did not invite it. In the present letter, therefore, several instances will be noted, of the maritime insolence and perfidy, towards other states, particularly France, which have terminated in realising the threat of Cromwell, that no flag but that of England, should appear on the ocean.
The wars between England and France, originated in the Norman conquest, in 1066, and in the claims of the former, to the sovereignty of the seas surrounding its islands. Possessing an important part of France, and favoured by the turbulent dukes who held fiefs under its throne, the ambition of the Norman-English was excited to become masters of the whole nation. To attain his purpose, fourteen wars were carried on against France, before the object was avowed. In 1327, Edward III. assumed the title of king of France. At this time little or no commerce was carried on, either by the English or French; the Dutch and the people of the Hanse Towns, were the carriers of such trade as these states could furnish. One of the first acts of Edward, was to forbid all trade or communication whatever with France, with the avowed object of reducing it by famine; and such vessels, as were taken on their voyage to France, were destroyed. Some idea may be formed of the weakness of France at this period, from the circumstance, that the English possessed above a third part of its territory, including the ports of Calais, Cherbourg, Brest, Bordeaux and Bayonne.
In the interval, from 1327 to 1569, the French recovered several of their sea ports, and even a maritime ascendancy; and the character of the English became decidedly commercial. The connection formed between England and Spain, in 1554, created a lust of wealth, that stimulated the former to engage in wars for its gratification. The colonies and ships of Spain, were plundered in time of peace, in the reign of Elizabeth, and all trade and intercourse whatever, forbidden with that country: in the port of Lisbon, 60 vessels belonging to the Hanse Towns, were seized and condemned, and the vessels of all other neutral states, met on their way to Spain, were treated in the same manner. With the increase of commerce, the animosity of England against France, acquired additional strength: Elizabeth stirred up a continental and civil war, to check the maritime progress of that country, and in consideration of the assistance she gave to one of the factions in France, obtained the ports of Havre and Dieppe.
In 1604, Henry IV. sent the duke of Sully to England, to compliment James I. on his accession to the throne. The vessel carrying Sully, was met at sea by an English cruiser, which demanded the salute—this was no sooner refused by the French than a broadside was fired into their vessel. Sully then ordered the flag to be struck, and, when the English captain came on board, complained of the outrage—his answer was, that he had instructions to compel every foreign vessel he met, to give the honours due the sovereign of the seas.
In 1625, during the war with Spain, Charles I. ordered all the French vessels carrying Spanish goods to be seized.
In 1640, the French, being at war with Spain, retaliated, and in answer to the remonstrances of England, pleaded in excuse, the precedent of 1625.
In 1655, Cromwell despatched a fleet, in time of peace, to attack the Spanish colonies and intercept the galleons: the Spanish minister asked an explanation, and Cromwell replied that his object was to abolish the inquisition, and compel Spain to abandon her monopoly—the absurdity of this excuse was only equalled by the iniquity of the act itself. The colonies and the ships of Spain were surprised and taken, and the plunder carried in triumph through London.
In 1689, the English attacked the colonies and commerce of France, in time of peace, and for the second time introduced the plan for starving that country: so little respect was entertained for the opinion of the world, or the laws of nations, that the execution of this scheme was formally stipulated and agreed upon in a treaty with Holland; the second article declares:—
“It is agreed, between his majesty the king of Great Britain and the lords of the states general, that if during the present war the subjects of any king or state, shall undertake to traffick, or have any commerce with the subjects of France; or, if their vessels, laden with any wares or merchandise whatever, are met in their passage to France, they shall be attacked and taken by the men of war and privateers of the contracting parties, and condemned as lawful prizes.”
In 1701, the English and Dutch entered into a partition treaty against Spain. In this they bound themselves not to make peace with Spain, until security should be given that France should not receive any of the Spanish colonies, or even carry on any commerce whatever with them.
The 15th article of the same treaty says:— “It shall be lawful, for the king of Great Britain and the lords of the states general, in order that the commerce of their subjects may be extended, to seize all the lands and cities they can, in the Spanish colonies, and whatever they may take shall be their own.”
In 1718, the English attacked and destroyed in time of peace, the French fisheries on the coast of Canada, and plundered the defenceless towns of the Spaniards in South America.
In 1720, jealous of the Ostend East India company, the English intercepted and plundered their ships—and in the same year they sailed into the Baltic, and behaved so insolently, that Russia and Austria entered into an alliance, for the protection of their trade.
In 1721, the Spanish colonies and galleons were attacked, during peace.
In 1726-7, the Spanish government complained of the enormous abuses and outrages committed by British smugglers, on the coasts of South America: and it asked permission to search all British vessels found on these coasts: the minister promised redress, but refused to permit a search—an attempt was made to restrain the abuses complained of, but it created such a clamour in England, that the ministry were driven into a war to sustain the pirates and smuggling. Some of the pirates themselves, that had been punished by the Spaniards, were permitted, even before the house of commons, to excite the enmity of the nation, in order to give a colour to their depredations. A writer ( examination of the opposition to the treaty of Pardo ), noticing this subject, says—“If all the depredations committed by our people in the American seas, were known: the nation would be astonished at having given birth to such a number of villains who have grossly violated the most sacred laws of nations.”
A prosperous condition, notwithstanding the opposition it experienced on the ocean and in India, the British ministry involved Austria, in a disastrous war. Peace was granted, but on a condition, that proved the object of the war—Austria was compelled to sign the treaty of Vienna of 1731, which stipulated, that “the commerce between the Austrian Netherlands and the East Indies, should cease for ever.”
The efforts of the French, to open an India trade, were wholly frustrated, for above half a century. It was not until 1720, that they obtained a settlement at Pondicherry, which they, with difficulty, preserved in the war of 1744. Their success, however, became very great, after the peace of 1748, and hastened the ruin, which their envious neighbours were conceiving.
As soon as the peace of Aix la Chapelle was concluded, in 1748, the French abandoned their marine, and entered into commercial speculations with unprecedented activity, their trade flourished, and in 1735, no less than 25 India-men sailed from L'Orient—The English, on the contrary, began to prepare for a new war, as soon as that of 1748 had closed; their fleets were put in complete repair and readiness for sea and every other arrangement made for vigorous measures.—The object of such preparation was unknown until the close of 1755, when the French colonies, fisheries and merchantmen were suddenly attacked, in a moment of peace and confidence. No declaration of war appeared until 1756, but the English fleets had sailed in April, May, and August, 1755. The consequences were necessarily most fatal to the French, above 300 merchantmen were seized and between 7 and 8000 persons, chiefly seamen, were cast into English prisons.
This perfidious conduct is the more remarkable, as besides the ordinary obligations of justice and custom, the existing treaties required that a declaration of war should precede hostility, and that the property and persons of either party should not be molested in the harbours of the other, but an opportunity afforded to leave the country in case of war. The French, with a magnanimity that has always placed them in the consideration of mankind, above their jealous neighbours, scrupulously adhered to the stipulations of treaties and to good faith: they sent to England the vessels and seamen of that nation, although found in their ports after they had learned their own disasters and the detention of their own seamen.
The French demanded peace in 1761, and restitution of their property plundered before the war, but the British had the indecency to answer, that the claim for property seized before the war, was unwarranted by the laws and practice of nations, and that war commenced
on the first aggression, and not when a declaration appeared. The object of the war, and of this refusal was made known by lord Chatham, who did not hesitate to declare in the house of lords, that “France should not obtain peace, unless she signed the destruction of her marine; that it was enough, if the coasting trade was allowed; and that England should reserve to itself the sovereignty of the ocean.” And, if further proof were necessary, it was given in the house of commons, during the war of our revolution.—Mr. Adams said “the success of the last war was the effect of a bold measure adopted by the former administration, who, before war was declared against France, seized all her merchant ships, and by taking her seamen rendered it impossible for her to equip her fleets:—a stroke from which that nation did not recover, during the continuance of hostilities.” Smollet, vol. 3, p. 432, speaking of the refusal to restore the plundered property, says, the ministry made no secret of their issuing the orders for capture before the war.
In the war of our revolution, if the English did not fully pursue their usual policy, it was because their resources were drained, and the continental powers, instead of leaguing with her, shewed a due sense of her shameless disregard of all rights. The British plundered neutrals, and seized, contrary to the practice of nations, all the French fishermen they could surprise. On these points, the conduct of France again afforded an honourable contrast: instead of retaliating, the French ministry sent special orders to their cruisers, directing “from humanity, and in consideration of those who have no other means of subsistence than commerce and fishing, the commanders of French vessels are forbidden to disturb or stop the vessels of English fishermen;”—and, in relation to neutral trade, France proposed, in 1778, to exempt from capture all merchantmen whatever laden with innocent goods; the English answered, that Britain could do without neutrals, and would continue to capture them.
When these traits in the character of both nations are considered, who can wonder at the armed neutrality that followed the execution of this threat? and is it not a matter of astonishment, that the states of the continent did not again unite against England, until after an experience of fourteen years' further perfidy, and contempt of the rights of nations? The opinion that necessarily follows a perusal of these instances of bad faith, cannot be better expressed than in the language of Azuni, a celebrated writer on maritime law:
“England has always felicitated herself on her superiority at sea; but how shamefully has it been acquired; by the violation of the sacred principles of the laws of nations; by keeping so many French seamen to perish in her prisons. If the British government desires to disturb the peace of the world, it calculates chances, it watches the moment when perfect security induces the citizens of other countries to engage in commercial speculations and to excite their maritime industry—it then commences war; hostilities precede any declaration and the seamen become its prey.”
Such, in fact, is a faithful picture of the British government. For about three centuries, it has had but one object, which it has now at length obtained—no commerce but its own is safe on the ocean. The states of Europe have been alternately corrupted and betrayed by it; their substance has been drained, the flower of their youth cut off, their growth stunted, and their industry destroyed—for no other end, but that Britons alone should be the carriers of commerce, the Britons alone should supply the world with manufactures! And, under what frivolous pretences, have they been thus duped into ruin and disgrace:
Elizabeth pretended that the world was in danger of being overwhelmed by the Spanish armada: yet she drove every neutral flag from the ocean.
Cromwell, that the true faith was in danger—yet he was the most faithless of men.
Charles II. that Holland was avaricious—yet he sold every thing he could acquire, and was a pensioner of France.
William III. the usurper, that Europe wanted repose—yet proposed to starve France.
Queen Anne and her successors—new pretences for every war, and all of them equally absurd.
England has constantly clamoured respecting the ambition or usurpations of those, whom she wished to weaken and destroy, but has never relaxed in her own system of universal monopoly, or ceased to aggrandize herself by the enslavement of thirty millions of Asiatics. She did not oppose the usurpations of Prussia, because the Hanse towns being the first victims, a commercial rival was removed. She did not oppose the attempts of Russia to reduce Sweden and Denmark, because their ruin would open the Baltic. She did not oppose the dismemberment of Poland, because as the price of her acquiescence she obtained commercial privileges from Russia and Prussia: and she plotted the dismemberment of France, because its resources and genius enabled it after every war, to threaten a rivalry of trade and manufactures.
No one can reflect upon the enormous and unnatural power of a state composed of but fifteen millions of people, and pretend that it is the result of their peculiar advantages, spirit or industry. It is the necessary effect of an early and uniform system—England has
not engaged in wars with states, that have had no commerce; Austria, Prussia, and Russia, have been her constant allies and the objects of her regard, because neither of them could approach a rivalry, and because all of them were necessary to check the enterprize and industry of France and Holland.
It is as fortunate for states, as it is certain, that the period approaches when this proud and insolent people must take, among the nations of the earth, that secondary, or at the utmost that equal station, which alone they have a claim to fill—an event that all neutral powers must hail as a propitious era in maritime affairs.
PAULDING.
Miscellany.
LETTER OF THE HON. JOHN ADAMS.
In the early part of the last session of Congress, a gentleman holding an office of high responsibility, wrote to Mr. Adams requesting his opinion with respect to the evils which pressed upon our country and the remedy to be applied. The answer has occasioned many conjectures, and been the subject of much vague conversation. Wishing to do justice to that candour, which regardless of party prejudice, call on age and wisdom for counsel, and to that magnanimity, which forgetting personal wrongs, looks only to the honour of our country, we have obtained leave to publish this interesting letter. We cannot anticipate the comments that may be made; but the text is genuine and we subscribe to its orthodoxy.
[Boston Patriot.]
Quincy, 20th December, 1808.
SIR,
I receive very kindly your obliging letter of the 15th of this month. Ever since my return from Europe, where I had resided ten years, and could not be fully informed of the state of affairs in my own country, I have been constantly anxious and alarmed at the intemperance of party spirit, and the unbounded license of our presses. In the same views, I could not but lament some things, which have lately passed in publick bodies. To instances, at Dedham and Topsfield, and last of all in the resolutions of our Massachusetts Legislature. Upon principle, I see no right in our Senate and House to dictate, or advise, or to request our Representatives in Congress. The right of the people to instruct their representatives is very dear to them, and will never be disputed by me. But this is a very different thing. Congress must be the organ of the people, and if their eyes are to be diverted by wandering light accidentally springing up in every direction, we shall never get through the wilderness.
I have not been inattentive to the course of our publick affairs, and agree with Congress in their resolutions to resist the Decrees, Edicts, and Orders of France and England; but I think the King's proclamation for the impressment of seamen on board our merchant ships, has not been distinctly enough reprobated. It is the most groundless pretension of all. Retired as I am, conversing with very few of any party; out of the secret of affairs; collecting information only from publick papers and pamphlets, many links in the great chain of deliberations, actions and events, may have escaped me. You will easily believe, that an excessive diffidence in my own opinions has not been “the sin, that has most easily beset me.” I must nevertheless confess, to you, that in all the intricate combinations of our affairs, to which I have ever been a witness, I never found myself so much at a loss to form a judgment of what the nation ought to do, or what part I ought to act. No man, then, I hope, will have more confidence in the solidity of any thing I may suggest, than I have myself.
I revere the upright and enlightened general sense of our American Nation. It is nevertheless capable, like all other nations, of general prejudices and national errors. Among these I know not whether there is any more remarkable than that opinion, so universal, that it is in our power to bring foreign nations to our terms, by withholding our commerce. When the executive and legislative authority of any Nation, especially in the old governments and great powers of Europe, have adopted measures, upon deliberation, and published them to the world, they cannot recede, without a deep humiliation and disgrace in the eyes of their own subjects, as well as all Europe. They will therefore obstinately adhere to them, at the expence even of great sacrifices, and in defiance of great dangers. In 1774, Congress appeared almost unanimously sanguine, that a non-importation and non-consumption association, would procure an immediate repeal of Acts of Parliament and Royal Orders. I went heartily along with the rest in all these measures, because I knew, that the sense of the nation, the publick opinion in all the colonies required them, and I did not see that they could do harm. But I had no confidence in their success in anything but uniting the American people. I expressed this opinion freely to some of my friends, particularly to Mr. Henry, of Virginia, and to Major Hawley, of Massachusetts. These two, and these only, agreed with me in opinion, that we must fight after all. We found by experience, that a war of

eight years, in addition to all our Resolutions, was necessary; and the aid of France, Spain, and Holland too, before our purposes could be accomplished. Do we presume that we can excite Insurrection, Rebellion, and a Revolution in England? Even a Revolution would be no benefit to us. A Republican government in England would be more hostile to us than the Monarchy is. The resources of that country are so great; their Merchants, Capitalists, and principal Manufacturers are so rich, that they can employ their manufacturers and store their productions for a long time, perhaps longer than we can, or will bear to hoard ours. In 1794, upon these principles, and for these reasons, I thought it my duty to decide in Senate against Mr. Madison's Resolutions, as they were called, and I have seen no reason to alter my opinion since. I own I was sorry when the late non-importation law passed. When a war with England was seriously apprehended in 1794, I approved of an Embargo as a temporary measure to preserve our seamen and property; but not with any expectation that it would influence England. I thought the Embargo which was laid a year ago, a wise and prudent measure, for the same reason, viz. to preserve our seamen and as much of our property as we could get in; but not with the faintest hope that it would influence the British councils. At the same time, I confidently expected, that it would be raised in a few months. I have not censured any of these measures, because I knew the fond attachment of the nation to them; but I think the nation must soon be convinced that they will not answer their expectations. The Embargo and the non-importation laws, I think ought not to last long. They will lay such a foundation of disaffection to the national government as will give great uneasiness to Mr. Jefferson's successor, and will produce such distractions and confusions as I shudder to think of. The naval and military force to carry them into execution would maintain a war. Are you then for war, you will ask? I will answer you candidly: I think a war would be a less evil than a rigorous enforcement of the embargo and a non-intercourse. But we have no necessity to declare war against England or France, or both. We may raise the embargo, repeal the non-importation, authorise our merchants to arm their vessels; give them special Letters of Marque to defend themselves against all unlawful aggressors; and take, burn or destroy all vessels, or make prize of them, as enemies, that shall attack them. In the mean time apply all our resources to build frigates; some in every principal sea-port. These frigates ought not to be assembled in any one port, to become an object of a hostile expedition to destroy them. They should be scattered and scattered as much as possible, from New-Orleans to Passamaquoddy. I never was fond of the plan of building line of battle ships. Our policy is not to fight squadrons at sea; but to have fast sailing frigates to scour the seas; and make impressions on the enemy's commerce; and in this way we can do great things. Our great sea-ports and most exposed frontier places ought not to be neglected in their fortifications; but I cannot see for what purpose an hundred thousand militia are called out, nor why we should have so large an army at present. The revenues applied to these uses would be better appropriated to building frigates. We may depend upon it, we shall never be respected by foreign powers, until they see that we are sensible of the great resources which the Almighty in his benevolent Providence, has put into our hands. No nation under the sun has better materials, architects, or mariners, for a respectable maritime power—I have no doubt our people, when they see a necessity, will cheerfully pay the taxes necessary for their defence and to support their Union, Independence, and National Honour. When our merchants are armed, if they are taken, they cannot blame the government. If they fight well, and capture their enemies, they will acquire glory and encouragement at home, and England or France may determine for themselves whether they will declare war. I believe neither will do it, because each will be afraid of our joining the other. If either should, in my opinion, the other will rescind; but if we should have both to fight, it would not be long before one or the other would be willing to make peace; and I see not much difference between fighting both, and fighting England alone.
My heart is with the Spanish Patriots, and I should be glad to assist them as far as our commerce can supply them. I conclude with acknowledging that we have received greater injuries from England than from France, abominable as both have been. Whatever the Government determines, I shall support as far as my small voice extends.
I am, Sir, with respect and esteem, Your humble servant, JOHN ADAMS.
N. B. The tribute and British licenses must be prohibited under adequate penalties.
Foreign Articles. The British Admiral at the Cape of Good Hope, has declared the Isles of France and Reunion in a state of blockade "as he had received important intelligence relative to those islands."
The Colonists of New South Wales, have mutinied and arrested their Governor. A capt. Johnson had assumed the command, and sent home despatches.
It has been reported at the Cape of Good Hope, that 1800 of the inhabitants of the Isle of France, had perished of famine. Two French frigates had arrived there.
Literary Miscellany.
FOR THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
THE REVIEWERS REVIEWED.
No. 2.
SOME Gentlemen whom we could hardly wish to notice, have expressed their surprise that the "American" should be so full of "high whig notions," and so ungentlemanly as to presume to lay his paw on such "gentlemanly learned" writers as the Gentlemen-Reviewers ; but if they will have the patience to follow us through the work we are now reviewing, we intend to dispel their doubts, and convince them that no unwarrantable motive has induced us to such condescension.
In their Review of "Marshall's Life of Washington," [June, 1808,] these same Gentlemen-Reviewers , with a little more boldness than what is common with most other Tories of the present day, resume the old British principles of '75, and tell us " Taxation is no Tyranny ."
This immortal sentence will appear familiar to those who are informed that a work of that name, leaving out ' is ,' was published at the commencement of the revolution, and immediately answered by one on the American side, entitled " Resistance no Rebellion ."
But to our Gentlemen-Reviewers again.—After mentioning the plea of the Americans, they proceed—"While we acknowledged ourselves to be subjects of Great Britain, and conceded to her the full right of Legislation, it appears to us" (the gentlemen Reviewers,) "that we gave up the right of making this plea." "Legislation includes all the powers of civil government, and none more clearly than that of taxation." Further—"We had no right to complain of it, or any of its necessary consequences as a grievance." Again—"To acknowledge the general right to legislate, and to deny the application of it in a most essential particular, in our opinion, included an absurdity; and every act of opposition, therefore, before the declaration of independence, was an act of REBELLION!"
Let the friend to his country compare with the foregoing, the protestation in our favour, of Mr. Pitt, and many of the most enlightened members of Parliament, and inhabitants of the kingdom. How long shall Tories edit our gazettes, magazines and reviews!
The Gentlemen-Reviewers do, indeed, confess the benefit of the revolution; to which they are probably induced, partly by a fear of publick hatred, and partly by the consoling consideration, that, "if we were to offer to resume our ancient connexion with Great Britain to-morrow, every motive of policy would require her to decline it."
If the Gentlemen-Reviewers are so bold under the present " yankey-doodle state of things ," to what extent can we suppose they would go, had they their will? And if the publick declaration of, and consistent adherence to such principles as the foregoing were justifiably rewarded with a halter in 1776, what shall we say to them in 1808? Surely they are more un pardonable, and nothing but the insignificance of their writers, can entitle them to the lenity of the people. Let us not, however, be suspected of any bloody intentions; or, in other words, that we design to revive the blessed old " yankey-doodle " times, and erect a gallows to stretch the necks of the Reviewers upon. No! we are too merciful: we only wish to expose them to the lash of patriotick censure, on the whipping-post of publick opinion. Should we be reproached of chastising them too severely, we humbly refer our accusers, for a parallel, to the Gentlemen-Reviewers themselves. When we plead so illustrious an example, we are confident every Gentleman of judgment and taste will excuse us without hesitation.
But before we return to our Reviewers again, we beg leave to express the many obligations we are under to their hard labours; especially for making themselves such a charming butt for our ridicule. We have several spare hours, and intend to devote them to the " yankey-doodle " task of selecting and presenting to the publick, some of the most beautiful passages in their more beautiful Anthology .
In the same number before noted, [June,] the Gentlemen-Reviewers employ a page and a half of their immortal work in abusing the election sermon of Mr. Allen, which (to prove it worthy their attention) they tell us is "a flat, ill-written performance, and does not contain a single good sentence from beginning to end." Then the sneering Gentlemen begin to cast sheep's eyes at "our most virtuous and pious administration," "our exemplary president," "his accomplished secretaries," "the wisdom of the embargo," "Mr. Jefferson's spectacles, and those of Mr. Allen," "our most excellent president," "that eminent statesman and philosopher," "his piety and attachment to christianity," "presidential accomplishments," &c.
Page 377, they triumphantly enter the field, in favour of " the accustomed dignity of the judicial tribunal! " and against " democratick laxity ," " fanatics in politics ," " the cause of liberty ," " the sacred rights of the press ," &c. In short, they appear to have a constant and infernal itching for despotick principles, and a boiling hatred to " high-whig notions ." Let every one read and be satisfied!
For a little of the grammatical knowledge of the Gentlemen-Reviewers , look at page 267, on Mr. Webster's " Philosophical and Practical Grammar ." We do not so much design to advocate that enlightened Grammarian, as to expose the superficial folly of his Gentlemen-enemies .
Our Gentlemen first censure Mr. Webster for changing the names of the parts of speech.
"They seem" say they, " like the tools of a mechanick; and if Mr. W. would have us call a gimblet a preforator, we see not how it will better perform its original office ."
This great argument may be as well cited to shew, that, had the Anthology been originally entitled The Temple of Folly , or The Blackguard's Companion , an alteration would be foolish and unnecessary. It would be what they style " the trifling ambition of teaching aris in a new language ;" and we know another reason, were we disposed to tell it, why it would be useless.
Then follows a long discourse to prove that a or an is not precisely the same in use as one , and the as this or that ; from which they infer that they belong to different classes of words, although they cannot deny that they indicate nearly the same idea.
Mr. W. favours the popular tendency to form regular plurals, and justifies the use of certain nouns pertaining to quantity, &c. in the singular form, when the meaning contains plurality: as five miles, five hundred, &c. This is picked out as an inconsistency.
In another place Mr. W. says, " attributes " (or adjectives ) may be used to modify the action of verbs, and to express the qualities of things in connection with the actions by which they are produced." He suspects those who have taught the contrary, have been " misguided by Latin rules ;" and afterwards he tells us (if the Gentlemen-Reviewers speak truth) that the Romans had the same idiom he advocates. Here they again accuse him of a gross inconsistency. To see the folly of this charge, it must be observed that what they tell us Mr. W. has advanced, amounts to this:—that the Romans had an idiom that the rules by which we are taught their language, do not sanction. Horrid inconsistency! Impossible!
But they have a double charge:—that after Mr. Webster has intimated the probability that our grammarians are sometimes misled by a knowledge of other languages, he frequently has recourse to those languages to illustrate our own, is another branch of the pretended inconsistency.
These are good specimens of their Review of the above work, excepting that we have not copied the spiteful epithets so common to our Gentlemen-Reviewers .
Finally, their " wit, poor as it is, is better than their argument ."
AN AMERICAN. Newport, April 4th, 1809.
ERRATUM. In the 1st number of the " Reviewers Reviewed ," a few errors escaped. For " works, which, bad as it is ," read " works, &c. "
Foreign Articles.
ENG. LONDON, FEB. 28. AUSTRIA RISING.
We begin to think, that there is some truth in the accounts that have been received from various quarters, of war having broken out, or being on the point of breaking out, between Austria and France.—Indeed the disbelief with which the accounts have been held, has arisen, not from any conviction that the moment was unfavourable for so vigorous a step on the part of Austria, but from the recollection that she has let slip opportunities of action almost, if not quite, as favourable.—But cabinets are not always so continue impolitick or weak; and it may be that Austria had not, during the Prussian war, sufficiently recovered or recruited her military strength after the fatal battle of Austerlitz. We understand, however, that her army is now complete, and that there is besides, a very large Hungarian levy, as a corps de reserve. Grown wiser too, by dear bought experience, we may hope that she will not fall into the same errors, which she committed in the last war—that we shall see no more Macks, and that an aulick council of war, will no longer retard or paralyze the military operations. At the present moment, Bonaparte has no force in Germany capable of coping with Austria, and the latter could, if she pleased, advance at once to the Rhine.
The French armies must be drawn from Spain and made to traverse France, and the magazines on the Rhine which were emptied to supply the troops in Spain, must be completed before Bonaparte could carry on the war with his whole force. The effect produced upon Spain, by the renewal of hostilities in Germany, would be infinitely beneficial to the patriot cause. The patriots would have time to raise and discipline men, to receive supplies of all kinds, to make depots, to choose positions, and to establish a more intimate co-operation and concert, than they have yet been able to do.
Government, we understand, have received advices from the continent, which satisfactorily account for Bonaparte's sudden return to Paris. The following is, we believe, the substance of the intelligence thus communicated.
In December last the Austrian cabinet sent a confidential mission to St. Petersburg, with a view of exposing to the emperor Alexander the extravagant and dangerous ambition of Bonaparte, the injustice of his conduct in Spain, and the necessity he had imposed on the cabinets of Russia and Austria, to unite for their mutual protection. The emperor Francis, at the same time made a frank communication of the measures he had adopted to meet the war which he despaired of being able to avert, and he invited the emperor Alexander to enter into such arrangements as might be necessary to oppose a barrier to the overwhelming tyranny of France.
This overture the emperor Alexander immediately communicated to Bonaparte in Spain, and to this circumstance his hasty and unlooked-for return to Paris is imputed.
We further learn, that the intentions of Austria, the hopes of Prussia, and the politics of Russia, have been exposed to France, by the interception of a letter from the queen of Prussia, to her father the duke of Mecklenburgh Strelitz. From the reports which have reached us, it appears, that the suspicions of the French ambassador Caulincourt, had been excited by the frequent interviews which the Prussian minister of state, Baron Schladen, (who had attended their majesties to Petersburg,) had with the Austrian embassy, and that he had caused a Prussian officer of the name of Bruger, who was entrusted with despatches for Berlin, &c. to be followed, and it is said, murdered, and his papers secured.—Amongst these, was a letter from the queen to her father, expressive of her hopes, that the war which Austria was about to wage in which Alexander had been strongly, although hitherto unsuccessfully urged to join, would tend to restore her husband to his former rank in Europe. The emperor Alexander is represented as being pleased with the preparations of Austria, and to be restrained from joining in them, rather through fear of Bonaparte than from friendship to him. The situation of affairs in Spain is mentioned as being favourable to the intended operations of Austria, which, it is added, would develop themselves early in the Spring.
The Prussian army comprises 40,000 effective men; of which 8000 were cavalry, and 26,000 infantry; the rest artillery, guards, &c.
Reports of an approaching war between France and Austria were in general circulation in the north. The French army under the orders of the Duke of Auerstadt, which was cantoned in Hanover, Hesse, &c. was in motion, and the Danish paper, The Dogen , of the 6th inst. observes that the prince of Ponte Corvo had received despatches from France which had occasioned particular sensations at Hamburg. The same paper, however contains an extract from The Westphalia Official Gazette , contradicting the report of an intended augmentation of that army, or an immediate movement of it.
We mentioned in our last number, that the Austrian government was forming large stores of grain from the neighbouring states, particularly from Bavaria. The foreign journals which have since reached us contain numberless paragraphs on the same subject.
Despatches from Admiral Stopford, dated yesterday last, at Plymouth, in the Dottin and St. Ursula Capt. Ardy, which were received this morning at the Admiralty. They state, that the 3 French Frigates which run under the protection of the batteries near Rochefort, were light and dry on shore, having different ways, and would of course soon break in pieces.
By the same accounts we learn, that one of the Brest squadron, near Isle d'Oleron , was on shore, and on her beam ends with her masts cut away.
The French Fleet, consisting of 11 Sail of the Line, the Culcutta , of 54 guns, and four Frigates, were observed on Friday last at anchor in Basque Roads : and Admiral Stopford's Squadron, of seven Sail of the Line and five Frigates, was at anchor about three miles from them, in a situation which would prevent them from escaping. Lord Gambier has since joined Admiral Stopford with five Sail of the Line and three Frigates, from Cawsand Bay , and it is probable they will endeavour to destroy the French at anchor, and if so every thing may be expected from British valour and skill.
MARCH 9. The accounts from Spain are of a very gratifying nature. The Spanish Ambassador received despatches from Seville yesterday, dated the 18th of last month. The Supreme Junta had received despatches from the heroic Palafox , stating, that Saragossa not only held out with unabated firmness, but had obtained great advantages over the French. The women of that place, it seems, had, by an ingenious device, been chiefly instrumental in obtaining these advantages, having appeared before the walls, as if desperate with distress, and inviting the enemy to put an end to their suffering by a decisive attack on the town. A large body of the French, on the 17th January, were induced by this stratagem, to pour into the town, where the Patriots were ready to receive them, and destroy a great number. Many of those intrepid females fell in the conflict. It is said, Cuesta and the Duke Del Infante had united their forces, and were marching for Toledo with 60,000 men.
THE DUKE OF YORK.
The Duke of York had supported as a mistress during three years, a Mrs. Clarke, who had before separated from her husband, and who is represented as a fascinating as well as a most artful and extravagant woman. She lived at Gloucester House in a style of great expense and splendour, had her town house and country house, kept two carriages and nine servants. At length the Duke became weary or disgusted, and left her. She applied to him still for money, and intimated he was in her power if he did not comply. He gave more. She repeated her demands so often that he found it would be impracticable to continue to supply them, and determined to stop where he was and brave consequences. She then offered that if he would pay all her debts and settle an annuity for life of 4000l. upon her she would remain silent & give up his letters. He refused; she went to a member of the House of Commons and accused the Duke of York as Commander in Chief, with disposing of appointments in the army through her influence, for which she received pecuniary presents from the applicants, 500 guineas from one, 400 from another, &c. adding that it was by these sums of money, thus received, she was enabled to support her establishment, the Duke only allowing her 1,000l. a year, and that this was done with his knowledge and approbation; a charge that certainly involves the Duke's character very deeply, as it imputes motives the most mean and scandalous, if not corrupt and mercenary. But finding himself in the power of this abandoned and shameless woman, he resolved to abide all the consequences of a publick investigation; humbling himself by a confession of the connection, but denying the whole of the charges. She accordingly came forth in the face of the nation, preferred the accusation, at the bar of the House of Commons, and offered herself as the witness to criminate. Many whole days have been consumed in her examination, as well as some other witnesses called in to support her. Witnesses have also been examined on the other side, to invalidate her testimony: to shew that instead of three thousand, twenty-five thousand pounds have been lavished on her, besides valuable presents; and that, therefore, a presumption set up against the Duke, arising from the inadequacy of the means he allowed her, must fail; and lastly, that she was so very worthless, that

while professing fidelity to the Duke, she bestowed her favors on some others, through whose influence over her the promotions were obtained. The proceedings have closed before the Commons, but their decision has not yet transpired. It is said the Duke has determined to resign the office of Commander in Chief, and have the matter brought solemnly before House of Peers.
NEWPORT:
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 26, 1809.
On Monday last, arrived in this port, the packet Golden Age , from New-York, bringing papers of Saturday last. We were politely favoured, by Capt. James PERRY, with a paper containing the following:—
HIGHLY IMPORTANT AND FAVOURABLE INTELLIGENCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER—EXTRA,
WASHINGTON, APRIL 19, 1809. IMPORTANT.
Since the arrival of Mr. Oakley at Washington, Mr. Smith, Secretary of State, and Mr. Erskine, the British Minister, have been, we understand, every day engaged in discussions, in relation to two points of difference between the United States and Great Britain, which, it seems, Mr. Erskine has been authorised to arrange in virtue of powers received from his government by the British sloop of war, now lying at Hampton, subject to his orders. The following Notes shew the happy result of these discussions.
(No. I.)
MR. ERSKINE TO MR. SMITH.
Washington, April 17th. 1809.
Sir—I have the honor to inform you, that I have received his Majesty's commands, to represent to the government of the United States, that his Majesty is animated by the most sincere desire for an adjustment of the differences, which have unhappily so long prevailed between the two countries, the recapitulation of which might have a tendency to impede, if not prevent an amicable understanding.
It having been represented to his Majesty's government, that the Congress of the United States, in their proceedings at the opening of the last session, had evinced an intention of passing certain laws, which would place the relations of Great Britain with the United States upon an equal footing, in all respects, with the other belligerent powers, I have accordingly received his Majesty's commands, in the event of such laws taking place, to offer, on the part of his Majesty, an honorable reparation for the aggression, committed by a British naval officer, in the attack on the United States' frigate Chesapeake .
Considering the act, passed by the Congress of the United States on the 1st of March, (usually termed the non-intercourse act) as having produced a state of equality, in the relations of the two belligerent powers, with respect to the United States, I have to submit conformably to instructions, for the consideration of the American government such terms of satisfaction and reparation, as his Majesty is induced to believe, will be accepted, in the same spirit of conciliation, with which they are proposed.
In addition to the prompt disavowal made by his Majesty, on being apprized of the unauthorised act, committed by his naval officer whose recall, as a mark of the King's displeasure, from an highly important and honourable command, immediately ensued, his Majesty is willing to restore the men forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake , and, if acceptable to the American government, to make suitable provisions for the unfortunate sufferers on that occasion.
I have the honour to be, With sentiments of the highest Respect and consideration, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, D. M. ERSKINE.
The Hon. Robert Smith, Esq. Secretary of State, &c. &c. &c.
(No. II.)
MR. SMITH TO MR. ERSKINE.
Department of State, April 17th. 1809.
Sir,—I have laid before the president your note, in which you have, in the name and by order of his Britannick majesty declared that his Britannick majesty is desirous of making an honorable reparation for the aggression committed by a British naval officer in the attack on the United States frigate the Chesapeake ; that, in addition to his prompt disavowal of the act, his majesty, as a mark of his displeasure, did immediately recall the offending officer from a highly important and honourable command; and that he is willing to restore the men forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake , and, if acceptable to the American government, to make a suitable provision for the unfortunate sufferers on the occasion.
The government of the United States, have at all times, entertained a sincere desire for an adjustment of the differences, which have so long and so unhappily existed between the two countries, and the president cannot but receive with pleasure assurances, that his Britannick majesty is animated by the same disposition, and that he is ready, in conformity to this disposition, to make atonement for the insult and aggression committed by one of his naval officers in the attack on the United States frigate the Chesapeake .
As it appears at the same time, that, in making this offer, his Britannick majesty derives a motive from the equality, now existing in the relations of the United States, with the two belligerent powers, the president owes it to the occasion, and to himself, to let it be understood, that this equality is a result incident to a state of things growing out of distinct considerations.
With this explanation, as requisite as it is frank, I am authorised to inform you that the president accepts the note delivered by you, in the name and by the order of his Britannick Majesty, and will consider the same with the engagement contained therein, when fulfilled, as a satisfaction for the insult and injury of which he has complained. But I have it in express charge from the President to state, that while he forbears to insist on a further punishment of the offending officer, he is not the less sensible of the justice and utility of such an example, nor the less persuaded that it would best comport with what is due from his Britannick Majesty to his own honour.
I have the honour to be, With the highest respect and Consideration, Sir, Your most obedient servant, R. SMITH.
The Hon. David M. Erskine, Esq. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Britannick Majesty.
(No. III.)
MR. ERSKINE TO MR. SMITH.
Washington, April 18th. 1809.
Sir—I have the honor of informing you, that his majesty, having been persuaded that the honourable reparation, which he had caused to be tendered for
the unauthorised attack upon the American frigate Chesapeake would be accepted by the government of the United States in the same spirit of conciliation with which it was proposed, has instructed me to express his satisfaction should such a happy termination of that affair take place—not only as having removed a painful cause of difference, but as affording a fair prospect of a complete and cordial understanding being re-established between the two countries.
The favorable change in the relations of his majesty with the United States, which has been produced by the act (usually termed the non-intercourse act) passed in the last session of Congress, was also anticipated by his majesty, and has encouraged a further hope, that a reconsideration of the existing differences might lead to their satisfactory adjustment.
On these grounds and expectations, I am instructed to communicate to the American government, his majesty's determination of sending to the U. States an Envoy Extraordinary invested with full power to conclude a treaty on all the points of the relations between the two countries.
In the mean time, with a view to contribute to the attainment of so desirable an object; his majesty would be willing to withdraw his orders in council of January and November 1807, so far as respects the United States, in the persuasion that the President would issue a Proclamation for the renewal of the intercourse with Great Britain, and that whatever difference of opinion should arise in the interpretation of the terms of such an agreement will be removed in the proposed negotiation.
I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest consideration and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, D. M. ERSKINE.
Hon. Robert Smith, &c. &c.
(No. IV.)
MR. SMITH TO MR. ERSKINE.
Department of State, April 18, 1809.
Sir—The note, which I had the honour of receiving from you this day, I lost no time in laying before the President, who, being sincerely desirous of a satisfactory adjustment of the differences unhappily existing between Great Britain and the United States, has authorized me to assure you, that he will meet with a disposition correspondent with that of his Britannick Majesty, the determination of his Majesty to send to the United States a special envoy, invested with full powers to conclude a treaty on all the points of the relations between the two countries.
I am further authorised to assure you that in case his Britannick majesty should, in the mean time withdraw his orders in council of January and November, 1807, so far as respects the United States, the President will not fail to issue a Proclamation by virtue of the authority and for the purposes specified in the eleventh section of the statute, commonly called the non-intercourse act.
I have the honour, &c. &c. [Signed.] R. SMITH.
(No. V.)
MR. ERSKINE TO MR. SMITH.
Washington, April 19, 1809.
Sir—In consequence of the acceptance, by the President, as stated in your letter dated the 18th inst. of the proposals made by me on the part of his majesty, in my letter of the same day, for the renewal of the intercourse between the respective countries, I am authorised to declare that his majesty's orders in council of January and November, 1807, will have been withdrawn as respects the United States on the 10th of June next.
I have the honour to be, With great respect and consideration, Sir, Your most obt. servt. D. M. ERSKINE.
(No. VI.)
MR. SMITH TO MR. ERSKINE.
Department of State, April 19, 1809.
Sir—Having laid before the president your note of this day, containing an assurance that his Britannick majesty will on the 10th day of June next, have withdrawn his orders in council of January and November, 1807, so far as respects the United States, I have the honour of informing you that the president will accordingly, and in pursuance of the 11th sec. of the statute, commonly called the non-intercourse act, issue a Proclamation, so that the trade of the United States with Great Britain may on the same day be renewed in the manner provided in the said section.
I have the honour, &c. &c. (Signed) R. SMITH.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas it is provided by the 11th section of the act of congress, entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies; and for other purposes;" That "in case either France or Great Britain shall so revoke or modify her edicts as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States," the President is authorised to declare the same by proclamation, after which trade suspended by the said act and by act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States and the several acts supplementary thereto may be renewed with the nation so doing. And whereas the Honorable David Montague Erskine, his Britannick Majesty's envoy extraordinary, and Minister Plenipotentiary, has by the order and in the name of his sovereign declared to this government that the British orders in council of January and November 1807, will have been withdrawn as respects the United States, on the 10th day of June next. Now, therefore, I James Madison, President of the United States, do hereby proclaim that the Orders in Council aforesaid will have been withdrawn on the said 10th day of June next; after which day the trade of the United States with Great Britain, as suspended by the act of Congress above mentioned, and an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States and the several acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed.
Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Washington, the nineteenth day of L. S. April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the Independence of the United States, the thirty-third.
JAMES MADISON.
By the President, R. SMITH, Secretary of State.
RHODE- ISLAND ELECTION.
The election of General officers was held in this State on Wednesday last. The Federal, or anti-union Prox, has succeeded by a majority of between 5 and 600, probably.
Farmers' Exchange Bank Bills. —Bills are now in circulation, in which the words Farmers' Ex. Bank, and Gloucester, are neatly covered by the names of other Banks and Towns cut from Stereotype Bills—an infallible mode of discovery is, to hold the Bill up to the light. [Boston Cent.]
The letters of "F," that is, Frederick Duke of York—and formerly bishop of Osnaburg , to Mrs. Clarke, published in to-day's paper, are laughable specimens of royal fondness, royal composition, and royal morality. How fit must such men be to govern a kingdom, or command an army!—when they cannot command discretion enough to avoid an epistolary correspondence with a courtesan. The Prince of Wales is said to be as imbecile a creature as the Duke of York. The British people have bright prospects from their future governors—the present princes! Mrs. Fitzherbert will probably govern the nation. Surely, the British constitution deserves to be styled "The Wisdom of Ages!" The Duke has been fairly out-generalled by Madame Clarke; and, the worst of it is, that in the opinion of military men, his royal highness cannot retreat, as he did among the dykes of Holland. The Duke demands to be tried by his peers, i. e. equals. At this rate, he will go clear; being a poorish dunce , no jury of peers can be impained to try him. [Baltimore D. Reg.]
MILITARY.
On Thursday last, the Newport Independent Volunteers , under the command of Capt. STALL, made their first publick appearance for this season, completely armed and equipped with knapsacks, canteens, &c. and performed a number of marches, evolutions and firings, in a manner highly honourable to this military corps. The company met again, last evening, for the choice of officers, and the following gentlemen were unanimously re-elected:—THOMAS D. STALL, Captain; HENRY CAROONE, First-Lieutenant; DAVID MEYVILLE, Second-Lieutenant; and ABRAHAM B. TILLEY, Ensign.
On Monday last, there was a company muster of all the un-uniformed militia of this town. Their appearance was highly respectable and reflects the greatest credit on our military establishments.
Yesterday the Artillery company of the town of Newport, made their first appearance from winter quarters, under the command of Capt. MALBONE. The corps is extremely well disciplined and performed their marches and firings in a correct and soldier-like manner. In the evening the company made choice of officers for the year ensuing, and the following gentlemen were elected:—
FRANCIS MALBONE, Captain; BENJAMIN PRY, First-Lieutenant; CHRISTOPHER G. CHAMPLIN, Second-Lieutenant; vice WALTER CHANNING, Esq. who declined a re-election; LEVI TOWN, Ensign, vice Mr. JOHN WOOD, who declined a re-election.
MARRIED,
At Warren, R. I. Mr. LUTHER RICHARDS, to Mrs. SALLY KENNICOTT, both of that town. At Habbarston, after a courtship of 9 years, Mr. JOSEPH GREEN, to Miss HULDAH ALLEN.
DIED,
At Providence, Capt. THOMAS TALMAN, Æt. 72. At Rehoboth, Capt. JOHN WALKER, Æt. 90. He was a zealous friend to his country, and early engaged in defence of her rights. At Philadelphia, THOMAS SMITH, Esq. late one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. At Warren, R. I. Mrs. ABIGAIL SALLISBURY, Æt. 57. In West-Springfield, Mass. Mr. JOHN BUECK, aged 100 years.
MARINE LIST.
Yesterday arrived at this port, the brig Rockingham , Capt. G. MCLEAN, 122 days from Tarragona, last from Cadiz, 71 days; cargo brandy and wine. April, 10, was boarded by the British sch. Brim , the commander of which impressed Daniel Hart, a native of this town. Spoke sch. America from Providence, out 5 days; April 15, sch. Betsy , Ramsay, from Boston, bound to the Spanish Main; April 3, brig Return , of Boston, for St. Bartholomews, out 10 days.
NEW ACADEMY,
Barney-Street.
THE publick are informed, that the new and airy ACADEMY of Mr. Vrceveti's , is ready for the reception of pupils. He flatters himself that the pleasantness of the situation; the accommodation of the building; together with his determination to pay every attention to those placed under his tuition, will ensure him a portion of the publick patronage.
N. B. The Scholars will, as usual, be publickly examined (by the Rev. Clergy) quarterly. Newport, April 23, 1809.
FOR SALE,
THAT pleasant situation South of Brick Market , about 60 feet on Thames-street , extend about 400 feet west, with a small Wharf. There are two large and very commodious Dwelling-Houses, one fronting on Thames-street , No. 97 and 99, with two convenient Shops in front; the other stands west, very well calculated for two families.
Also—a Lot of Land, at the south-east part of the town, containing three quarters of an acre. Good title will be given. JOSEPH ALLEN. Newport, April 26.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE Subscriber offers for sale, his Estate, situated No. 47 and 48, Long-Wharf . The peculiar advantages attached to this Estate are many and important:—there are 4 Lots, extending 160 feet by 80; the Building is occupied as a Grocery Store, Dwelling-House, and Tailor's Shop; and is indisputably one of the best stands for business in Newport . This Building is remote from any other, and there cannot be any other one erected near it; which, in a wooden town, like this, is an important consideration. For a small sum of money, there may be built one of the most convenient Lumber Yards, extending from the Street South, over the water, that there is in this place. In fact, the estate is capable of very great improvement; and, considering the increase of business on the point, especially on the Long-Wharf , within a very few years, and the more than probability of its becoming, very shortly, what it formerly was, the Seat of Business; owing to the good condition of the Stores, Wharves, and depth of Water; this Estate may justly be ranked among the first and most advantageous in Newport , for business. —ALSO— His Stock in Trade, consisting of GROCERIES, &c. SAMUEL ALLEN. Newport, April 26, 1809.
SALE AT AUCTION.
On THURSDAY, 4th May—at 12 o'clock, At SLOCUM's wharf, (For the benefit of all concerned.)
THE brig GEORGE , burthen 210 tons, with all her Appurtenances. An inventory of which may be seen at C. RHODES's Counting-Room. Conditions at time of sale, C. RHODES, Auct'r. Newport, April 26.
SALE AT AUCTION.
On THURSDAY next, 4th May—11 o'clock, At LYON's Wharf, (To ship a cqueun.)
THE Ship COMMERCE , 210 tons burthen; and the Ship HOPE , 162 tons, as they returned from sea. These vessels are well found, and may be fitted for a voyage, at a trifling expense. The terms of credit, for unexceptionable security, may be extended to 4, 8, and 10 months. For particulars and inventory, apply to JOSEPH LYON. Also—at same time and place, 2 Carriage Guns, 1 chest Small Arms, a number of excellent Water Casks, and a quantity of Old Junk. Newport, April 26, 1809.
HENRY Y. CRANSTON, & CO.
No. 15, Market-Square, RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the publick in general, that they have for sale at their Store, the following Goods, which they would dispose of for Cash or approved Credit: viz.—6 blds. St. Kits high 2d, 3d, and 4th proof Rum; 10 pipes Gin, of an excellent quality; 8 bags Coffee; 6 kegs Virginia Tobacco; 20 kegs Ginger; 6 chests Souchong Tea; 30 quintals Cod Fish; 1000 lbs. Cordage; 12 dozen Bed Cords; 50 lbs. Sewing Twine; 4 bags Pimento; 300 lbs. Loaf Sugar; 100 reams Brown Paper; 20 do Foolscap do. &c. &c.
Those who are indebted to them by Note or Book Account, are requested to call and settle the same. All Orders from their distant customers will receive punctilious attendance. Newport, April 26, 1809.
MEN'S, YOUTH'S, AND CHILDREN'S HATS.
GEORGE WANTON has just received at his Store, corner of Market-Square—An extensive assortment of HATS, which, added to his former Stock, will enable him to furnish Hats, of almost every size, shape and price usually wanted—as youth's and men's Felt, Plated, Castor and Beavers; men's wide and common brims, of a superior quality. These Hats will be sold remarkably low, and are warranted inferior to none which are manufactured in this country, at the same prices. Also—a variety of youth's and children's red and black Morocco Hats. Lately received, 1 bale elegant French PAPER-HANGINGS, with BORDERS suitable therefor.—Also—a variety of cheap American PAPERS, with wide and narrow BORDERS, at the lowest possible prices. A complete assortment of BOOKS and STATIONARY, for sale, as above. Interesting Pamphlet. Lately published, and for sale, as above, Report of the Committee, appointed by the General Assembly of the State of Rhode-Island and, &c. at the February Session, A. D. 1809, to inquire into the situation of FARMERS' EXCHANGE BANK, in Gloucester, with the Document accompany the same. Newport, April 26.
NATHANIEL DEARBORN,
No. 93, Thames-Street, seven doors north of Mr. THOMAS TOWNSEND's Coffee-House, and nearly opposite Ferry-Wharf, HAS just received, the invaluable works of the Hon. Fisher Ames, of Massachusetts. It is printed on a fine wove paper, hot pressed, with an excellent likeness of the author; contains between 5 and 6 hundred pages octavo, and is now to be sold for three dollars and fifty cents.—N. B. As but very few copies are on hand of this work, those who wish for them must apply in season. Also, a few copies of an Analytical View of the Animal Economy, calculated for Students in Medicine and private Gentlemen: by Isaac Ball, physician and surgeon, and diplomatic member of the Medical Society of the city of New-York. LIVE OF SOUTHACK, who was confined in the Massachusetts State Prison, price 50 cents. First number of the New-York Medical and Philosophical Journal and Review, which began in February, 1809, to be continued semi-annually; to contain 150 pages, octavo, and delivered to subscribers at 75 cents a number. ROLLIN'S ANCIENT HISTORY, 8 volumes. BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES, 4 vols. bound, at 10 dollars. THE LATE MAP OF LOUISIANA. THE LATE MAP OF AMERICA. 1 set REES's CYCLOPEDIA, to be in twenty volumes; price 160 dollars. A few complete sets SALMAGUNDI, bound. BACKGAMMON TABLES and CHESS BOARDS. Yankey PAPER HANGINGS an elegant assortment—just received in Firkins and Half Barrels . HOUSE PAPERS and BORDERS. BOOK-BINDING, executed in a handsome style. STATIONARY, &c.—as usual. THE CIRCULATING LIBRARY has received a great addition.—It now contains 2500 volumes of History, Biography, Voyages, Travels, Novels, Romances, Poetry, and Miscellany; above 100 volumes of Magazines; and 1000 different Plays, Farces, &c.—and needs only an increase of patronage to make it the best Library in New-England. Newport, April 26, 1809.

Poetry.
For the RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
ADDRESS TO DEATH.
HAIL, awful form! triumphing Phantom, hail! With ghastly visage crown'd—thou monster pale! All-conquering DEATH! grim monarch of the world; By whom all creatures back to dust are hurl'd. O, from thy subterraneous vaults arise, Display thy horrors to our gazing eyes! Inspire my pen with strains of gloomy awe, While I attempt thy wondrous works to draw.
I've known thy fame, O DEATH! from early youth, Thy name rever'd, and heard the lasting truth, Thy voice declare—thy silent accents speak— True greatness ever makes a mortal meek. Pride is but vanity of meanest kind, A degradation to the human mind; All nature ridicules its writhing flames, And common sense its folly loud proclaims. But yet, Ambition, under due controul, Inspires the mind and dignifies the soul.
When baleful lightning flames around the skies, And o'er the astonish'd globe in torrents flies; When thunders roll in loud and awful sound, Rend the dark heav'ns—and thro' the skies resound— O DEATH! thy glaring frowns the world o'erspread, Mock human pride, and strike frail man with dread! Awe'd by thy name, the tyrant on his throne, Still dreads thy power, while he displays his own. Sov'reigns and vassals share one common fate, And thronging millions pass thy iron gate. The blood of nations stains thy aged shield, Unrivall'd warriors to thy sceptre yield. No host so great but what before thee flies, The groans of legions on thy altar rise!
Victorious DEATH! e'er since the world began, Thy dreadful pow'r has been display'd o'er man! All former beings felt its ponderous weight; And many sunk aghast beneath their fate. Thou DEATH, commission'd by Almighty God, Hast tyrants laid beneath the humble sod; Wild passions in their mad career hast curb'd, Reliev'd distress, and wealthy ease disturb'd. The vile oppressor trembles at thy voice, While virtuous thousands in thy arms rejoice.
AMUSING MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ANTHOLOGY.
Original Letters, from an American Traveller in Europe, to his friends in this country.
LETTER FOURTH.
Rome, Dec. 9, 1804.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
AMONGST the innumerable objects of curiosity and beauty, with which this city abounds, it becomes extremely embarrassing to select those, which would be most interesting to one's friends. In my very imperfect sketches to my friends I have taken up such detached subjects, as accidentally presented themselves. In my last letter to you I enumerated many of the extraordinary instances of that blind credulity and superstition, for which this country has been distinguished during the later ages, and from the tyranny of which it has not yet been liberated. I could multiply these proofs without limit, but I fear that I have been already too diffuse on this point. I cannot however restrain myself from mentioning two paintings, which made a strong impression upon me to the no small disorder of my risible muscles. The one is a figure of Saint Charles Borromeo, (for whose merits and character you may consult my letters from Milan) who is represented upon his knees before the Virgin Mary, very piously and liberally presenting to her his own heart, which he holds in his hand. The other is a representation of Saint Dennis, and his extraordinary dying miracle. This saint, who is the protector of France, is described as standing with his head in his hand, in a most firm and dignified posture. The painter has taken no poetic license in this representation. He has conformed himself strictly to Catholic history, which states, that St. Dennis, having suffered martyrdom by decapitation, instantly arose, heroically seized his dissevered head, and walked upwards of a mile in that situation, to the utter confusion (no doubt) of his murderers.
But enough of these absurdities, it is more interesting to a man of reflection to learn the effects of such a system on manners and national character. To you it would be needless to remark, that the character of the Italians, and more especially of the Romans, is now in its Nadir. This opinion is too universally admitted to require proof; but general opinions are less interesting, than the facts and details upon which they are founded, especially when these can be obtained from persons, of whose veracity we can form a correct estimate. The country around Rome on every side is in the most deserted, forlorn, and miserable situation, of which the imagination can form any conception. Except where some rich nephew of a pope has erected a princely villa, the country perfectly responds to the description of the ruins of Palmyra or of Babylon, where, as travellers relate, you are compelled to take a guide and wander along the banks of the Euphrates, amidst tygers and other beasts of prey, to discover the spot, where the richest city in the world once reared its proud and lofty turrets.
You will naturally inquire, is the soil miserable? Far from it. Independent of the well known fact, that it was once the most populous and best cultivated country in the world, I assure you, that the soil appears to me to be at present very strong, and capable of producing most abundantly. Naturalists say, and I think the colour and nature of the soil fully support the opinion, that the soil in this part of Italy is the product of ancient volcanoes, or at least that, upon analysis, it is found to be the same with that in the vicinity of Naples, which is known to have been produced by volcanic eruptions. These soils, we know, are remarkable for their fertility, and the gardens and pleasure grounds of the ecclesiastics and nobility around Rome are incontestible proofs of the excellence of this soil even at the present day. The climate also is the most favourable for successful culture. It lies in the happy medium between the cold northern and scorching tropical climates.
But this country is said to be unhealthy. This is but too true. No country is more ravaged by autumnal diseases, than the environs of Rome, and even the city itself is not exempt from this calamity. In the vicinity, Famine and Misery, Disease and Death surround you; and in the city the pallid countenances of the inhabitants pronounce most eloquently the fatal insalubrity of the air. An official statement, which I have just seen, will give you some idea of this extraordinary city. There are about 80 parish churches; five thousand ecclesiastics or religious devotees, of both sexes, in celibacy; twenty thousand more males than females, and, for a century past, one thousand more deaths, than births. Still this city was constantly on the increase, till the French revolutionized it, and annihilated the ecclesiastical authority, when, losing its only support, it suddenly decreased twenty thousand.
The result of the foregoing statement appears to
be, that Rome is a vast gulf, which annually brings within its vortex the population of its neighbours, who there fall victims to its climate. But to what causes are we to attribute this ill state of the atmosphere? It is well known, that the city itself was healthy in the time of the ancient Romans, and the air of the Campania was more salubrious, than that of the city. Horace, Virgil, Pliny, Cicero, all praise the country air. They retired thither in summer to enjoy the cool shades and refreshing breezes. In autumn it would be, at this day, certain death. A Danish writer, who passed through this country last year, has just published an ingenious treatise on that part of Latium, which is the scene of the six last books of the Aeneid. This writer attributes the mortality to the miserable state of the poor inhabitants of this part of Italy, who after working in their enervating climate, are obliged to lie down, exposed to the chilling night air, without proper covering; and also to the destruction of the woods, which formerly covered a very considerable portion of the country. You know, it is the modern fashion to attribute great virtue to woods, particularly evergreens. They are said to imbibe the noxious particles of the atmosphere, and to emit oxygen, or the salubrious part. I shall add, (as still more important) to the causes above cited, the superior industry of the ancient Romans, who drained the meadows and morasses, with which the Campania abounds, but which are now suffered to exhale putrid miasmata to the destruction of every living animal.
But, it may be asked, why are the modern citizens of Rome so indolent? Why have they not inherited the spirit and enterprise of their predecessors? The impediments are ecclesiastical and political. Ecclesiastical, because the numerous festivals, saints' days, perpetual masses, and pompous ceremonies of the Roman Catholic Church distract the attention, consume the time of the devotees, and prevent that steady and serious attention to their temporal affairs, which the gospel not only permits but enjoins. Ecclesiastical, because the example of two thousand monks, who make mendicancy a profession, who perform no manual labour, exercise no useful calling, but who subsist and build magnificent churches and monasteries by alms, procured in forma pauperis, produces a very ill effect upon the common people, who do not deem it dishonourable to subsist on charity, when some of the orders, whom they venerate, obtain their support by such means. Political, because the lands in Italy are seldom or never owned by the cultivators, but are held in mortmain by the convents and other ecclesiastical establishments. They are therefore never sold, and seldom leased upon long leases or on favourable terms. The tenants in the Ecclesiastical State, where there are tenants, (for in many parts there are none) unable to acquire a title to the property they cultivate, and by their superstition rendered as dependent on the clergy, as the cers in Poland on their lords, are idle, indifferent about their residence, and perpetually removing from place to place. The lands by these means are constantly impoverished, and are reduced to the miserable state in which we now find them.
In addition to these obvious causes, the Papal government, weak and inefficient from its very constitution, always administered by old, and generally feeble superannuated men, aided by constitutional advisers of the same character, has never adopted and probably never will adopt vigorous steps to remedy these radical evils, and to give activity to commerce, without which agriculture must languish.
Having made these remarks on the indolence and wretched cultivation of the inhabitants of the Ecclesiastical State, let me briefly state a few facts, which elucidate and confirm these opinions. The Campania, instead of supplying Rome with provisions, as it formerly did, and as it is now abundantly capable of doing, actually subsists by bread, drawn from the capital; and it is unquestionable, that the few wretched villagers would perish, if this aid was withdrawn. With this assistance it is, nevertheless true, that the inhabitants of the Campania often suffer, and frequently perish of hunger. It is also certain, that Rome itself is crowded with beggars, whose misery need not be represented by complaints, their countenances speak too powerful a language. Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Bordeaux united, cannot exhibit so many objects of real distress, as meet you in every direction at Rome. It is the most distressing picture I ever beheld. You are pursued at every corner by these wretched beings, and if you relieve the necessities of one, you are instantly thronged with twenty others, who will receive no refusal. Importunity would give you but a faint idea of their eagerness and entreaties, it amounts to compulsion. While the heart is thus constantly agitated by the picture of the most complete human misery, it is at the same moment roused to indignation by seeing dapper priests in stockings of bright purple, with hats ornamented with the same rich colour, tripping it lightly along from the shop of the friseur, unassailed by these poor wretches, who have solicited them too often in vain, or who find by experience that the language of nature pleads more powerfully with strangers, not hardened by familiarity with such scenes of horror. The rich and luxurious cardinal too, wrapped in his double folds of the richest purple, with princely magnificence, and followed by a long train of liveried domesticks, rolls along, unheeding these objects of horror. You find the poor, at this inclement season, almost without clothes, and you are told, that death often frees them from this complicated distress, produced by famine and nakedness. You may judge what a man of any sensibility, accustomed to seeing the comfort and ease, enjoyed by the lower class of the people in our country, must feel at such scenes. How can we restrain our indignation at the blindness or indifference of a government, which, neglecting the wise measures of political economy, upon which the prosperity of states depends, suffers the richest and finest portion of the globe not only to remain almost a desert, but to be the scene of the most complicated misery!
What! and are the men, who thus govern this fertile country, and who are thus arrayed in scarlet and fine linen, those who boast that they are the only legitimate representatives of the lowly Jesus, who endured persecution and poverty with meekness and humility, and who commanded his disciples especially to regard the poor? Yes: And these very magistrates conscious of this duty, have placed upon all their coins some good maxim, commemorative of the poor; and yet in no part of the world do the poor receive so few of these charitable coins. Is it that they think it necessary to fulfil the words of our Saviour, "the poor you have always with you?" But they appear to forget his denunciation against the hard hearted, "I was naked, and ye clothed me not," &c. &c.
I ought in justice to say, that the Roman clergy reply to these objections, that in no city are there so many hospitals and publick provisions for the poor. But experience teaches us, that there are other institutions, much more useful than hospitals and almshouses, those which prevent poverty, rather than those which alleviate it after it is produced by a bad system of policy.
The necessities and even the luxuries of life are not dear at Rome. This will not appear strange to you, who have been accustomed to reflect profoundly on these subjects. Labour is always cheap in wretched countries. Luxuries, for the same reason, are always cheap, the demand being small; and those who labour for the few, are numerous. In flourishing countries, like Great Britain, luxuries are extremely dear. The common people in Italy subsist upon the meanest food, an apple, a pear, and a roasted chestnut, and, on gala days, a fried fish! Behold the sum of Italian luxury!! Bread and meat, are too extravagant for the labouring poor.
It is said, that the old practice of using the stiletto for private revenge is still prevalent among the common classes of people. While I was at Milan, one man stabbed and murdered his brother-in-law, and
and upon inquiry, I was told, that seven cases of that nature had taken place in the course of that month. Whether this is exaggerated or not, I will not undertake to say; but it is certain, that the ancient, abominable privilege of sanctuary, or protection in the churches, palaces of cardinals, and of foreign ambassadors, still exists; so that a man must be very stupid indeed, who cannot find an asylum even for murder. That this practice is as contrary to every principle of sound policy, as to justice, I think no man can deny. Every thing, which tends to facilitate impunity for crimes, must be injurious to a state." What then must be the condition of a country, when these facilities are so multiplied that every man may, if he chooses, escape capital punishment?
I shall give you some further sketches of the Italian character and customs in a future letter.
Adieu.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of WILLIAM BURROUGHS & SON was dissolved on the first day of January last. Those to whom they may be indebted are requested to call immediately and receive their dues; and those indebted to them are desired to make speedy payment. Accounts and notes, the payment of which has been repeatedly called for, will, without discrimination, be put in suit in ten days from date, unless previously settled. WILLIAM BURROUGHS. WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS. Newport, April 12, 1809.
WILLIAM G. BURROUGHS Transacts business on his own account, at the store formerly occupied by WM. BURROUGHS & SON, 50, Thames-Street. Now landing, at Sherburne's wharf and for Sale, on unusual good terms, if applied for before stored, 200 bbls. Alexandria Flour, for family use. April 12.
State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
THE Creditors of STEPHEN REMINGTON, of Newport, in the county of Newport, Yeoman—are hereby notified to appear, if they see cause, at the General Assembly to be holden at Newport, on the first Wednesday of May next, and shew cause if any they have, why his petition for the benefit of an Act made June, A. D. 1756, for the relief of Insolvent Debtors, should not be granted. THOMAS PECKHAM, Dep. Sec'yry. Newport, April 11th, 1809.
PUBLICK HEALTH.
BATHING-HOUSE.
FOR the accommodation of those Ladies and Gentlemen, who wish to partake of the luxury of the Bath, the BATHING-HOUSE will be opened every day, from sunrise until 9 o'clock in the evening, Sundays excepted, when it will be closed at 10 o'clock in the morning.—Tickets may be had at the Medicine Store of SAMUEL W. VINSON, and of the Proprietor. Ladies will please to pass in at the door No. 72, Thames-Street. Gentlemen will enter at the east door of the Bathing-House, Pelham-Street. Subscribers will be furnished with Tickets on account of their Shares, as heretofore. Newport, April 19, 1809.
PLEASE TO TAKE NOTICE.
THE Subscribers respectfully inform their Friends and the publick, that they have entered into Partnership, and taken the well known Stables belonging to Mr THOMAS TOWNSEND, situated in Green-street, where Horses and Carriages for every purpose will be furnished at short notice; particularly Coaches provided with careful and experienced drivers, for parties of pleasure or travellers; and Saddle Horses either for Ladies or Gentlemen; they will also furnish dispatch messengers for any direction. Their Stables being well calculated for the business, Horses will be taken in to keep at reasonable rates for long or short periods; and as they are determined to attend well to every part of their business, they hope to merit the favours of the publick. JOHN G. EASTON. WM. E. DRUMMOND.
THE Subscriber from long and intimate knowledge of WM. E. DRUMMOND, and confidence in his Partner, recommends them as worthy the encouragement of the publick. THOMAS TOWNSEND. Newport, April 19, 1809.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS it has been represented in the town of Providence, that I went with my packet to transport the Custom-house officers of the district of Newport to Plumb-Beach, (in the west passage) to take possession of the sloop Betsey of Pawtuxet—now this is to notify all whom it may concern, that the above report is an absolute falsehood, circulated by some malicious or evil-disposed person or persons, solely to injure me in my packeting business in said town of Providence, and thereby to deprive me of obtaining an honest livelihood. JONATHAN HEATH, Master of the Newport Packet, Eleonora. Mchear 18, 1809.
APPRENTICE WANTED.
WANTED an Apprentice, to the Cabinet-making business. A smart active Lad, about 14 or 15 years of age, who can produce good recommendation, may hear of a situation by applying at the office of the Rhode-Island Republican.
N. B. One from the country would be preferred. April 5.
WANTED—A GIRL, to do house work in a small family—good wages will be given. Apply at this Office. April 19.
FOR SALE, THE HULL of a new SHIP, built at Troy, on Taunton river, by one of the best workmen in the United States, burthen 360 tons. Any person wishing to purchase a ship of the above description, are requested to call on Mr. ABRAHAM BOWEN, at Troy, (Mass.) and examine her himself, which he conceives the most satisfactory method of recommending her. Troy, April 19.
Benj. & Solomon G. Weaver, HATTERS.
TAKE this method to inform their friends and the publick in general, they have REMOVED from No. 90 to No. 91, nearly opposite their old stand, and directly opposite JAMES MUMFORD's dry goods store—where they have just received from New-York, an addition to their former stock, selected by themselves, which makes their assortment of MEN'S, YOUTH'S and CHILDREN'S HATS, as good as was ever offered from any store in Newport, all which they intend to sell as low as can be purchased in this town. Newport, April 19.
SAMUEL W. VINSON,
No. 74, Thames-Street,
RESPECTFULLY informs the publick, that he has just received from the Proprietor, (Mr T. W. Dyott, Philadelphia,) DR. ROBERTSON'S PATENT and FAMILY MEDICINES,
Which he offers for sale.
He has several copies of a pamphlet, for the perusal of those who wish for further information respecting these Medicines.
S. W. V. continues to replenish his assortment of DRUGS, MEDICINES, DYE-STUFFS, SPICES, &c. as usual. Also, Glass Apparatus, for Electrical machines; and Surgical Instruments of all kinds, furnished at short notice.
For the encouragement he has received, the publick will accept his grateful acknowledgments; and he flatters himself that they will continue their favours. April 12.
ABNER HATHAWAY,
BROAD-STREET,
HAS for sale, many kinds of LUMBER, consisting of Timber, Joist, Boards, and Shingles; Cedar and Pine Clapboards. Also—white oak Plank and round Timber; with a good assortment of birch and maple Bedstead Joist.
Nails and Hollow Ware, of many kinds; cast iron Oven Frames and Doors, on an approved construction. Corn and Potatoes, by the bushel or larger quantity. Newport, April 5.
JASON SPRAGUE,
Offers for sale, at his Store, in Washington-Street, No. 4,
100 bbls. fresh superfine Alexandria and New-York Flour, by the barrel or larger quantity; 2000 wt. Cabin Bread; 60 barrels pickled Cod; dry Codfish by the quintal or larger quantity; Pork; Beef; Rice by the tierce; loaf, powdered and brown Sugar; Souchong and Bohea Teas; Coffee; Molasses; West-India, New-England and Cherry Rum; Wine, Brandy and Gin, by the barrel or less quantity; Ginger, Allspice, Pepper, Cinnamon, Soap, Candles, Starch, negro-head, pigtail and leaf Tobacco; Segars by the thousand or less quantity; Men's and Women's Shoes; Boots; writing and wrapping Paper; merchantable and clear pine Lumber; Hogshead Shooks, Oars; black and bright Varnish; Rosin; a few barrels gurry Oil. Also, a small quantity of Flax.
Which Articles may be had on reasonable terms, for Cash or approved credit, and the smallest favours gratefully received. Newport, March, 21, 1809.
JAMES WESTGATE, BAKER,
No. 195, Thames-Street, Offers for sale, 100 bbls. excellent Ship Bread. Groceries of all kinds, Crackers and Ginger Bread put up at the shortest notice. Newport, March 23.
SIMPSON & BARKER,
Offer for sale, At the Brick Market. 40 bbls. mess Pork, and 20 bbls. mess Beef. March 22.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS the keeper of the Hospital on Coaster's Harbour, is about leaving it; and it is the opinion of the Town Council that some suitable person should go on immediately. Application may be made to JONATHAN ALMY, Town Clerk.
SAMUEL VINSON, President. April 5. Town Council.
TO BE LET,
THE Dwelling-House and garden, in Spring-Street, occupied by the late John Banister, Esq.—For further particulars and terms, apply at the house. March 22.
FOR SALE,
A DWELLING HOUSE, No. 50, situated on Bridge Street, with a good Cellar and Shop adjoining, suitable for a Cabinet-maker; yard, garden, stable, and a good well of water. For further particulars, inquire of BENJ. HAMMOND. Newport, March 22, 1809.