The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1809-03-28 00:00:00

NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE
[No. 17,—VOL. LIV.]
TUESDAY, MARCH 28, 1809.
[TWO DOLLS. PER ANNUM.]
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE & GARDNER, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
An Address,
Delivered in Windsor, (Vt.) on the 4th of March, 1809,—By T. Hutchinson, Esq.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,
COLLECTED, as you are, for purposes of national consequence, a short address may not be useless: to me it would not be unpleasant, were I but sure of fanning to a flame in your bosoms, that fire of patriotism which the day is calculated to inspire. This is all important to our Country both as a day of commemoration of past events, and as a day big with important actions, to be celebrated hereafter. This day we view in retrospect the immortal Washington once and again obeying the call of his country, that country which, under God, he had led from the footstool of degradation to the fair temple of liberty and glorious independence, and being inducted to the highest office in the gift of a great, a free, and an independent people. Then first that band of union, formed, by mutual agreement, for the strength and happiness of the American States, became the cement of a great People, rapidly progressing to increased greatness. We view that people jealous of their rights, looking with abhorrence on the Tyranny from which they had escaped, and cherishing the fond hope that the blessings of a free government would be the lot of a portion of them and their posterity to the latest ages of the world.—With this prospect they hailed with joy the accession of their leader and deliverer, not to the throne of Tyranny where his will would be dispensed as law to the nation, but to the chair of State, where his will became subservient to the laws of a free government.—They enjoyed with pleasure, that signal triumph of law and social order, over the intrigues of anarchy and the rude fragments of civil government which, a few years before, had escaped the wreck of despotism. They hailed with joy the operation of a government of their choice, conducted by rulers who had a common interest with themselves, and who, in their turn, must give place to those whom the people should designate to become rulers in their stead. They were bold and energetic in their experiment to eradicate from the human breast, all prejudices in favor of monarchical governments, and to implant that love of liberty which had prompted their emancipation from the British yoke. But, alas! while all hearts seemed to beat in unison, and all obstacles to our national felicity appeared surmounted, the spirit of jealousy fell asleep, the enemy came and sowed tares among the wheat, and the principles of monarchy were insidiously disseminated among the people, till its badges were prepared for their political ornament, and its dependencies marked their destiny. Even the once patriotic Adams, whose exertions in the days of our revolution will ever be remembered with gratitude by the people of America, even he lost sight of those darling principles for which we once had fought, bled and conquered. He cherished and sanctioned those measures which left to the liberties of the people, little else than the name, until the constitutional period for a change arrived. So gradual was the progress of Tyranny, so artful the intrigues by which it progressed, and so numerous its advocates in our national council, that it became emphatically the order of the day before the object could gain a general belief. By this time the torrent became too rapid to be checked by ordinary resistance. More than the energy of the Executive, even that of the people, became necessary to check it. That elevated statesman, though he then dared disband his rising army, yet suffered himself, amid the counsels of his friends, to glide down the current they had formed to deluge the liberties of our country. The day therefore, of his accession to the Presidency of the United States, we name not as one which we with joy commemorate. Yes we will; we will with joy commemorate that day as a day of trouble and danger to our liberties which we have happily survived, and a day which stands an everlasting memento to shield us from the rocks and whirlpools of despotism.
But the day which evidenced the return of correct principles, that day which once and again placed in the chair of state that venerable statesman and patriot THOMAS JEFFERSON, we mark with peculiar satisfaction. Then we bid adieu to internal taxes, which discouraged the enterprise for domestic manufactures. Then the poor of our country, who consume not the luxuries but the mere necessities of life, were relieved from all taxation by the general government. Then ceased the odious stamp act, which in the country, cost more in the procurement of stamped paper, than the whole value of its revenue. Then was abolished the general land tax which was really an establishment authorizing one considerable portion of our citizens to get a living out of the rest. Then a world full of officers who before collected the internal taxes and stamp duties, and whose salaries swallowed up nearly the whole avails, were dismissed to the more laudable occupations of domestic industry. Then we experienced a diminution of our national expenditures to the average amount of one million two hundred and fifty seven thousand dollars a year, and by that,
and in the same degree, were augmented our resources, for discharging the national debt.—Until then our national debt was yearly accumulated: Since then it has been diminished at a rate of more than four millions of dollars a year. We then bid adieu to the alien and sedition laws, those props of Tyranny, which we let go with pleasure. In short, every badge of royalty which had crept into our system was then torn away, and the ancient principles of our revolution restored, to the great joy of the American People.
But the disappointed few who could not bear this change, who could not give over the idea one day subjugating this happy country, if not to the will, at least to the principles of the British government, have been ever zealous to render unpopular the administration of Mr. Jefferson; and, by every falsehood and deception in their power, to gain proselytes from that to their own monarchical principles.—Their system has been to find fault, and it matters not at what measure, for when they find fault with one measure, they hold themselves under no necessity to propose a better. How seldom have the minority in Congress, for eight years past, made any motion, or advocated any principle which tended to build up any system whatever! Their exertions have uniformly tended to undo and break down. Probably they would be glad to undo all that has been done by the majority for those eight years, that their own favorite system might be built up on its ruins.
With regard, however, to the majority of those in opposition to the late administration, we ought to consider them under the influence of deception rather than designedly hostile to government. We ought not to entertain a doubt but that, if the leaders of the opposition should rise in rebellion, a majority of those, whom they now consider their political friends, would volunteer to quell that rebellion. They are not all enemies to our country, but they join with our internal enemies from a mistaken belief that their enmity is friendship. Convince the party that their leaders aim at a disunion of the Union, that they wish to render us in effect tributary to Great Britain or any other foreign power, and those leaders will be deserted in a moment. It is by feigned objects, and by secession of their real designs that they obtain their followers. But when we speak of these leaders it is vain to palliate. We had our tories in the time of our revolution; were we now at war with Great Britain we should have our tories still. These leaders, these movers of sedition and rebellion.—These propagators of every falsehood to the injury of our Government, palliators of British aggressions, these would be our tories. If they were not so, it would be merely through want of courage. If they were not such openly, they would be such secretly.—They have no friendship for a Republican government. They cannot bear that equality of right which it guarantees to all our citizens.—They want the rich and the powerful to possess all the right, and the poor and the weak to be mere vassals, and live in a state of abject dependency. They feel, as some of them in their generous moments are heard to express themselves, "That they were fools to fight for our revolution, that we had better be, as heretofore, a colony of Great Britain, than enjoy our present free government, that the safety and happiness of the New-England States depends wholly upon our joining Canada and Nova Scotia against the Southern States."—Their happiness consists not in their enjoying those blessings which others, around them enjoy in equal plenitude, but in their being elevated above the best of mankind, or in their pre-eminently receiving the friendship and the adulation of those who are thus elevated.
If those in opposition went no further than to disapprove of measures, and point out others in their opinion more desirable and more practicable, and set forth the reasons for that preference, that would be consistent with a difference of opinion among different men of equal integrity and patriotism. If they would content themselves with advocating the election of particular men into office, to the exclusion of other candidates, and stating with truth and candor the reasons for their preference or partiality. This would be consistent with the idea of political integrity. If they would confine their machinations and deceptions for electing objects to those seasons and those circumstances which would not embarrass our foreign relations, their conduct would be more tolerable. But, when they begin their career by waging war with the administration of Mr. Jefferson, when we hear them maliciously slander his public conduct and his private character, when we hear them deny the official reports of the secretary of the treasury because they prove the great national prosperity accompanying that administration, when we hear them, at one time, reproaching the administration for not immediately declaring war upon the interruption of our right of deposit at New Orleans, which war must have cost many millions of money, and many lives of our citizens, and when, at another time, we hear them heap upon the same administration equal reproach for an amicable purchase of the whole territory of Louisiana including this same New Orleans, and that for a sum which the revenues at the port of New Orleans would reimburse in about thirty years, when we hear them charge
that the conduct of our executive and of all the public officers of our government is dictated by French influence, and perverse in that charge after its falsehood is abundantly proved by the official documents long since published to the world, when we hear them assert, without evidence, with no grounds of suspicion, and contrary to all the evidence that ever existed on the subject, that the two millions of dollars, appropriated for the purchase of the Floridas went as a tribute to Bonaparte, when we hear them perverse in that assertion after the fullest evidence that the purchase has been made and that the money never was sent to him.—Bonaparte, that it never was sent to him.—When we hear them taken from the Treasury, when we hear them assert that the rejected treaty with Great Britain was a good one for us and ought to have been ratified, by our government, when the notes accompanying it fully show that it was signed by the British ministers upon the express condition that it should never embarrass the full scope of their retaliation upon France, however, that retaliation might interfere with the interest of America, when we hear them declaring that the embargo is unconstitutional, when the contrary has been determined by the constitutional board of adjudication, and adjudication, and that of their own political sentiments, when we see them, at a time when foreign aggressions render it necessary that all the energies of our country should move in unison, when at this time we see them rearing the standard of rebellion, and, by appeals to the passions, the fears and the ill judged interests of the people, endeavoring to set them by the ears in opposition to government, when we hear them contend earnestly that a national debt is a national blessing, merely because England is monotonously in debt, when we see their genius put to the wreck to furnish palliatives for the conduct of Great Britain in her lawless and inhuman plunder of our commerce, and impressment of our seamen, and even in her wanton and murderous attack upon our national frigate, the Chesapeake, when we hear them urging us to fly to the King of England, like the lamb to the wolf, for protection against France, and above all, when we hear them contend, among all these things, that in themselves and their political associates dwell all the wisdom, the virtue, the knowledge, the energy and the patriotism of our country, when we see and hear, from them, all these things, with many others equally abominable, charity loses her object; and their established enmity to our government in all its principles and happy tendencies remains the most favorable interference.
In this full tide of opposition to government the day approached when the second father of his Country, the renowned Jefferson, must lay off the burden of public life, which he had for many years borne with dignity, patriotism and honor, and pursue in his latter days, the sweets of retirement, where he will ever retain the affections of a grateful people.—The friends of his administration acquiesced, though reluctantly, in his refusal to be further remembered in their suffrages. Their attention was then awakened to the nomination and choice of his successor. And let me ask, were they lost in view of the numerous candidates presented to their notice in the different parts of this populous and extensive Country? No—As all look upon the sun in the firmament as the source of natural light, so they all turned their eyes upon the venerable Madison as the most prominent source of political light, joy and peace to the people of America. They saw in him the able and the accomplished statesman, the bosom friend of Jefferson, and the real friend to mankind. They saw in him the humane and the powerful opponent of those speculators who infamously enriched themselves with the earnings of the poor soldier who wore out his days in the defence of our Country. They saw in him the man whose long tried patriotism and fidelity in the discharge of his public functions form a sure pledge for his firmness in support of the liberties of the people.
Here the opposition rally with double vengeance. They run to and fro like ants upon a molehill.—They are so vociferous in the praise of Pinckney, or any thing not republican, that we have scarcely time to think over the well known virtues of Madison.—They crowd upon us so many pamphlets teeming with their hackneyed stories of the weakness, the folly and the wickedness of our own government, and of the energy, the justice and the friendship of Great Britain, that we have scarcely time to read the alarming news of England's arming and stirring up the savage Indians to lift the tomahawk against us. Instead of telling us, in the true spirit of patriotism, that our privations are occasioned by the unjustifiable decrees of France and orders in council of England, both which violate the law of Nations and our rights of neutrality, they throw all the odium upon our own government, by telling us that those privations are forced upon us by the unnecessary embargo. Instead of telling us, as the fact is, that a pursuit of our usual commerce in submission to those orders in council and laws made to enforce them, would be paying to England a tribute of thirty millions of dollars a year, they tell us that, were it not for the embargo, a lucrative and honorable commerce might be pursued. Instead of telling us, in the language of true Americans, that we ought to unite heart and hand in oppo-
ing the aggressions of every foreign power, and contend about our elections at a time when less evils assail us from abroad, they tell us that we ought to join Great Britain in her war against France, and by all means elect into office men favorable to that project. Instead of telling us that the embargo is intended as a temporary measure, to continue while our difficulties might be settled, or preparation for war might be made, they tell us that it is perpetual, thereby to sour the minds of the people against the measure and those by whom it was adopted. Their perseverance has let slip no opportunity of telling these things where there was any prospect of success from their influence. Our country has emphatically, for the year past, experienced an electioneering uproar. There is no town or village, there is scarcely a cottage, that has not been saluted with the cry of a change in the administration.
Notwithstanding all this, Fellow Citizens, it is our happy lot this day to rejoice in the triumph of correct principles: to rejoice in the accession of our beloved Madison to that high and important office to which he this day, perhaps this hour or this moment accedes. Let us extend an eye of faith to the seat of Government. There we behold, not the coronation of a King with an assembled retinue to aid him in trampling on our rights and liberties, but we behold one of our dearest citizens, rendered dear by his valuable talents, his public services, and by the proofs of his patriotism, we behold him elevated by the people to a conspicuous eminence, and there placed as a sentinel and a watchman to guard our liberties and independence. We there behold him calling God to witness, that, to the best of his judgment and abilities, he will faithfully perform the sacred duties, and guard the important interests confided to his care. His accession to that important office will be remembered with joy and satisfaction by the friends of our independence in generations yet unborn. It will be remembered as the day in which liberty becomes triumphant over the snares and the tempests of opposition: as the day in which the people of America renewedly tell the world that "they are, that they of right ought to be, and that they will be free and independent."
But while we express the joy of our hearts upon an event so interesting to us, and so propitious to our country, we must not be unmindful of the duties attached to us as citizens and as friends of him who is thus placed over us for good. The most wakeful sentinel may watch upon the most lightly eminence without effect, unless the soldiers are ready to note the alarm and rally in defence of the camp.—The best of rulers may discover and propose the best of measures, yet the aid and assistance of the people is necessary to give a full effect to those measures. The particular assistance necessary at any given period, is pointed out by the nature and degree of the opposition to be met. If assailed by a foreign enemy, and our rulers call for aid to repel that enemy, we must aid with our guns and our bayonets. If our own citizens rise against government, we must meet them as we would meet a foreign enemy.
At the present crisis, when the standard of Rebellion is erected within our borders, and the cry is gone forth into all the land for the people to flock to that standard, we ought with bold perseverance to rally round the sanctuary of government and devote our lives and fortunes to its support. If we approve of the general measures of our government, under the multiplied aggressions of foreign powers, we ought to strengthen those measures by a bold expression of that approbation. If the numerous breaches of the embargo laws, and the encouragement thereby given to our enemies to persevere in their aggressions meet our disapprobation, we ought publicly to express that disapprobation, lest it be judged from our silence that we wink at that misconduct which is infinitely injurious to our government. If a view of the many individual expressions, and of the resolutions of towns, of collections and of legislatures, which are public among us, tending to destroy the energies of government and excite Rebellion and Civil War, if this view kindle in our bosom the just spark of indignation, we ought to cherish its progress to a vehement flame, and boldly tell the world that it burns for the good of our country.
That opposition, that dividing spirit, upon which we ought to frown indignant, has formed the hope and the courage of Great Britain in her refusal to negotiate a settlement upon terms honorable or beneficial to America. Amid this tide of opposition little else than the calamities of war, or the surrender of our independence can be expected. May God avert such evils by eradicating from every heart a spirit of error, and infusing in its stead a spirit of patriotism, wisdom, watchfulness and active perseverance in the cause of LIBERTY.
Mr. Jefferson was to retire to his seat at Monticello, about the 10th inst. where the affections of a grateful people, and the plaudits of an admiring world will greet him. Shews us a Bonaparte or a George that has shed less blood or diffused more happiness among his fellow-men for the last eight years than this our venerated sage. Oh! that our troubled world was ruled more by philosophy, and less by hypocrisy, fanaticism, military authority, and curs ambition.

POLITICAL.
We recommend to our Readers, an attentive perusal of the following able, dignified and correct "Senatorial Protest," of the Legislature of Massachusetts, against measures leading to a Separation of the States, and to a "FATAL ALLIANCE" with our worst, our deadliest foe, BRITAIN. Let them read and reflect—Let them pause and determine!!
SENATORIAL PROTEST.
THE undersigned, members of the Senate of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, dissent from, and protest against the votes passed by the Senate accepting the Report of a Committee upon sundry Petitions against the Embargo laws of the United States, and adopting the Resolutions reported thereon, for the following reasons.
The report appears to us to contain statements not founded on fact, arguments which are sophistical and delusive, and charges, not only illiberal and unfounded, but also calculated to increase the action and re-action of local prejudices between different Sections of the United States, to encourage the belligerent powers in their warfare on our commerce, to weaken our own government, at a crisis when foreign aggressions call aloud for united exertions, and to set an example of disrespect to constituted authorities and inobedience to laws, which in some future period of party irritation, may be fatally imitated by other members of the union in their turn, against the common government of our country, or by disaffected counties, towns, associations and individuals in this commonwealth, against our own state government.
Respecting the Petitions, the Report says, "These numerous representations, made as if by one consent, from the different parts of our country, afford strong proof of the injustice of the measures complained of;" whereas the peculiar circumstances, under which they have been produced, afford to our minds strong proof of a connected system of party operation and excitement.
The Report boldly denounces our present national administration, as having "reserved all their strength and all their energies, to be employed in the annihilation of that commerce, which they ought to protect." To this denunciation we cannot consent. On the contrary, we perceive in the conduct of both the executive and the legislature, an anxious endeavour to promote the permanent security and prosperity of commerce. The very measure complained of is a stand made against the aggressions of the belligerents upon our commercial rights. No difference of judgment, respecting the best means of attaining the end desired, can, in our opinion, justify so uncautious a denunciation of the views of our own government.
It is further asserted, in the Report, that "by a timid and unwarrantable compliance with the wishes of a foreign power, we are suddenly excluded from the ocean, our trade is destroyed, our industry paralyzed, and poverty and ruin are rapidly overspreading our land." An assertion, not merely without proof, but, since the publication of the negotiations between our government and those of Great Britain and France, directly contrary to proof. The remonstrances of our executive against belligerent encroachments, have been impartial, as well as able, faithful and reasonable; and the Embargo and other connected measures adopted by Congress, have also been characterized by impartiality.
We with this Report, and another to which it alludes, had been equally impartial. But we have with pain, observed in them instances of what we deem most pointed partiality. In this Report it is stated, that "whatever impressions may have been felt as to the conduct of Great Britain, every man will now perceive that the aggressions of France have been uniformly first in order of time, and most injurious in their nature;" a statement not only partial, but as we believe, absolutely untrue in point of fact. The degree of injury, resulting from the nature of those aggressions, being matter of opinion, may be differently estimated by different persons, according to their views of the subject. In a MEMORIAL to Congress this Senate have expressed a belief that under the operation of the decrees of France, and the orders of Great Britain, our vessels would be seldom encountered by those of the former, while hardly one would escape those of the latter." But the order of time, in which the belligerent edicts respectively took place, is matter of fact. Two principal species of aggression have been the impressments of our seamen and the blocking interdiction of our commerce. As to the first, Great Britain has long been, and still is, in the practice of impressing our seamen; and official returns have shown that several thousands of them have been thus forced into her employment and compelled to serve and fight for her: Whereas France has not yet adopted any such practice against us.
As to blockade, the Berlin decree is pointed to in the Report, and is expressly represented by Mr. CANNING, in his letter to Mr. PINCKNEY, as the actual commencement of the blocking system on the part of France. That unjust decree was dated November 21, 1806. It professes to be in retaliation of previous blocking prohibitions of neutral commerce by Great Britain, and there was, in fact, a British blockade of the whole coast from the river Elbe to the port of Brest inclusive, proclaimed, May 16, 1806. That proclamation has been officially notified to our government, communicated to Congress, and published to the people; and, though it by no means justified the French government for their decree of November following, yet it was, in order of time, six months prior to that decree. The subsequent orders and decrees alternately progressed in severity and injustice. But whatever grounds of retaliation the belligerents may have, in relation to each other, their interdicts are, as to us, in principle, equally and absolutely inexcusable. This is the position assumed by our government, as the basis of their measures, relative to those belligerents, and notwithstanding recent misconstructions and denunciations of it, we believe it to be impartial, wise and just.
Respecting the "danger of an unnecessary and ruinous war with one nation and a destructive alliance with another," since this Report has taken the form of one of the belligerent aggressors in her contest with the other, and another Report, to which this alludes, openly advises, to "unfurl the republican banner against the imperial standard," we perceive, with the most painful emotions, in the tendency of these proceedings, if not checked by more impartial councils, but too much ground for this apprehension. Against such partial policy we protest.
After an animated description of existing evils and difficulties, and an imputation of them to the measures of our own government, and not to the encroachments of the belligerents, to which alone they are justly imputable, the committee report that they "are not at present, prepared to recommend any adequate and satisfactory remedy, which can be applied by the two houses of the legislature alone. The most efficient, and, perhaps the only certain remedy rests with the people, who will soon have it in their power to unite the whole government of the State in one joint effort, with other States, whose interests and objects are similar to our own, for the support and vindication of their just rights, by constitutional and peaceful means." We protest against this electioneering call upon the people to reject the present majorities of the two houses of the legislature, with an executive of concuring sentiments, for the purpose of uniting the whole government of the State in one joint effort with other States whose interests and objects are similar to our own, with a view to some ulterior measures which are not yet disclosed but for which the two houses alone are declared not to have competent powers. A partial confederacy of states against the general government, under any form and upon any pretext, however specious and alluring, will, in our opinion, be a dangerous experiment, of which no man can foresee the issue, and against which, even in its incipient state, every friend to the preservation of the Union, ought to be on his guard.
The constitution declares "that no state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation." And the warning voice of Washington has added "To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government of the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict between the parts, can be an adequate security."
The occasion brings to our minds the public admonitions of that departed patriot, on the importance of national union and the duty of cherishing cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it, accustoming ourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of our political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties, which now link together the various parts.
The Report and Resolutions are to be transmitted by the Hon. President of the Senate, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, not to all the United States without distinction , but to "such of our sister States as manifest a disposition to concur with us" in the contemplated measures of concert. The manner in which this disposition is to be manifested, not being pointed out, seems to be submitted to the President and Speaker according to their impressions. Such a transmission of the proceedings to a part of the States only, and those not designated, appear to us to be novel and improper. If a certain number of states are to be treated with separateness from the rest, with a view to some partial combination of states, upon the principle of supposed similarity of interests and objects, diverse from those of the other States, the line of separation ought at least to be defined and not left to casualty or individual discretion: as it may in the progress of excited passions, and the succession of revolutionary events become the bloody line of final Separation and Dismemberment.
The Resolution on the subject of amending the federal Constitution for the benefit of commercial States, to be transmitted to such States only as manifest a disposition to concur with us, without specifying the amendments intended, is a project so novel and indefinite, that from it we feel ourselves obliged to dissent. The ordinary process of amending the Constitution, by stating the amendments desired, and proposing them to all the States, in the manner prescribed in the Constitution itself, is in our opinion more proper and much less hazardous. Even if the separation of the States should not be intended, we consider it highly impolitic, as well as improper, to provoke a serious conflict between the commercial and agricultural interest, the latter of which embraces a great majority of the whole nation.
The Embargo laws, particularly that passed on the ninth of January last, appear to us to be distorted by the Report, as to their meaning and operation; and the effect of such distortion is to give a colour to a suggestion of unconstitutionality. Without a forced construction those acts do not infringe any constitutional right. In the provisions objected to, there is no new principle; but only the application of those already approved and practiced upon, to the new objects for which provision was required. The several clauses, against which objections are urged, have exact parallels in established laws of the U. S. and of this commonwealth as may be seen by a recurrence to these laws.
The Report condemns "the several acts of Congress of the United States, falsely called the embargo laws," as "unconstitutional indercion of commerce." We cannot assent to this rash and indiscriminate condemnation of "several acts" passed by the constituted Legislature of the Nation, especially after the principal act has been judicially considered by the Court of the United States for this District, and solemnly decided to be constitutional. The other laws in question, we have no doubt will receive a similar adjudication. Indeed we see no ground for the charge of unconstitutionality. But if we were of a different opinion as to the construction of the federal constitution on this point, we should not think it within the constitutional authority of a Branch of a State Legislature to decide the question: and if we were authorized, we should not deem it consistent with the duty of this Senate to volunteer a decision. Against such an assumption of undelegated power, and such an abuse of it, when assumed, we are constrained to protest.
One of the Resolutions has gone further. After a number of remarks, calculated, as we apprehend, to inflame the popular passions, against a law of the United States, it declares, that such law "is not legally binding on the citizens of this State;" a declaration, which notwithstanding any cautionary recommendations, must even in ordinary times, and more especially in this crisis of party excitement and national peril, produce unsalutary effects; as its natural tendency, is to sow the seeds of insubordination, insurrection, diffusion and anarchy. Our sentiments on this subject are expressed by Washington in his Valedictory Address—"The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey that established Government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the Constituted Authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. Towards the preservation of your Government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts."
The votes of the Senate from which we dissent, are, as we think, irreconcilable with these sentiments. Against proceedings so unprecedented, and so violent, disorganizing and dangerous as they appear to us, we feel it our duty to offer our solemn protest, and we request that it may be entered on the journal of the Senate.
  Aaron Hill,  John Woodman,    John Howe,  Nathaniel Morton, jr.    Timothy Childs,  Nathan Willis,    Samuel Dana,  William King,    Azariah Egleston,  Barzillai Gannett,    Seth Sprague,  Ebenezer Fiske,    Joseph Dimmick,  David Perry,    William Gray,  Amos Bond,    John L. Tuttle,  George G. Hufey.  
FEDERAL PRINCIPLES.
This country was never assailed with a more deadly faction than at the present day. It is a common conversation with the federalists, that if they don't gain their point at this election they never will. Many of them have been heard to say, that the course the administration have pursued, was best calculated to preserve the peace and honor of the nation. But it is of that species which touches the purges of the people, and will afford an excellent machine for us to work upon. Though the measures are good, yet we have no objection to bear down the lever to hoist the democrats out of office. We leave the reader to make his own comment upon such villainous principles. [Boston Patriot.]
The Legislatures of Massachusetts and Connecticut have closed their sessions, in which they attempted to disgrace their country, and by way of expiation have called for a fast —beginning with an attempt to degrade mankind, and then insulting the Creator by their hypocrisy. [Aurora.]
Massachusetts General Election. ON MONDAY NEXT.
CITIZENS OF YORK COUNTY,
The times require uncommon exertion.—Your enemies, the enemies of your country, are making every sacrifice to secure the election of Mr. Gore to the important and commanding office of Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Will you on the approaching day of trial, be found backward? Will you let your enemies triumph by your supineness? Forbid it Patriotism! Forbid it Justice!
Never, perhaps, did more depend upon one election than the approaching. If the friends of the General Government succeed, your beloved State will still enjoy peace; but on the other hand, if the friends to Mr. Gore are successful, we can hardly calculate the consequences. If we are to judge from the conduct of the federalists in the present Legislature, anarchy and civil contention are what is much to be apprehended. Indeed, have they not already gone far towards accomplishing it? They have declared a most important law "unconstitutional, and not binding on the citizens." They have denounced the Lieut. Governor, for obeying the orders of the President. What then does all this mean? Is it not plainly an attempt to array the people of your State against the measures of the General Government? What then, if it is accomplished, will be the consequence but civil contention and strife —war of the worst kind, in which fathers, sons and brothers will take different sides? But this can, and we presume will, be avoided by your turning out in full numbers on the FIRST MONDAY IN APRIL , and voting for
HIS HONOR LEVI LINCOLN, Esq. AS GOVERNOR,
AND THE HONORABLE JOSEPH B. VARNUM, AS LIEUT. GOVERNOR.
Senatorial Nominations—YORK COUNTY. HON. JOHN WOODMAN, AND ALEXANDER RICE, Esq.
On the day of any important election, the great body of the people, who have the liberty of voting, press forward and appear anxious to exercise this invaluable privilege. How then is it possible, that citizens who are thus tenacious of their rights, will give their votes for men who would deprive them of those rights?—[Detector.]
What think ye of Christopher Gore?
What think ye of him who at an entertainment given a few weeks since in honor of the British troops in Spain, dared publicly to drink the following toast:—
"Freedom to Ferdinand VII, (who lately attempted to poison his father!) may he be a patriot KING among patriot NOBLES and a noble people"—To which toast this Gore joined in singing—"GOD SAVE THE KING." Thus does he openly avow his love for kings, and in the face of decency cry for God to save the tyrants whose cursed ambition has deluged the world with blood and nearly extinguished every spark of liberty.
What think ye of him who in the revolution, with the rest of his family, assisted the oppressor to bind and burthen us, who has never departed from the principles of his youth and who lately, in a public document, recommended war with France and alliance with England! What think ye of him, who has always been the slavish tool of the most corrupt government on earth, and who while even violent federalists were joining in the general burst of indignation at the horrid Cheapside massacre, almost alone dared to justify and applaud the brutal deed? What think ye of him, whose passions are so violent, that he outrages decency every day, who cannot talk about politics without falling into a phrenzy, and indulging in language that no gentleman would utter, and who would undoubtedly conduct himself so violently in office as to keep the State in continual uproar? What think ye of the wretch who volunteered for the murderer Selfridge, and screened him from justice? What think ye, fellow-citizens, of such a man as Christopher Gore for Governor? [Nat. Aegis.]
From the Boston Patriot.
Mr. PRINTER,—I am a plain, honest Farmer, and don't like to be imposed on, and therefore wish you to inform me in your next paper, whether the man the tories hold up for our next Governor, is the same Gore that sent a bull home from England, in order to better our breed of cattle?—If it is the same man, he shan't have my vote, I know—for his love of British blood has ruined my whole flock of cattle.—You must know then, that there was at that time such a noise about the superior qualities of the Gore breed, that I was simple enough to purchase one of his John Bulls at an extravagant price, and ever since repented of my folly. I think, Mr. Printer, the Gore breed of politicians will, like myself, grow wise by experience, and, at a future day, have as great cause to curse him as I have his bull. I am yours to serve, JONATHAN STUMPS.
Latest Foreign NEWS.
From the N. Y. Mercantile Advertiser, of March 17. The Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser, has been favored with the loan of a file of Paris Papers, to the 26th Dec. (by a passenger in the Batavian) from which a summary translation of the 17th, 18th and 19th Bulletins of the French army, has been made: the last dated at Madrid the 18th of December.
We have not seen any French papers in Jan. The verbal reports in our last remain, therefore, IN STATU QUO, unconfirmed and uncontradicted. We learn verbally from Mr. Coquerel, a passenger who arrived here yesterday in the Batavian, that on the 13th of January, a letter was received at Rochelle, from an eminent merchant at Bayonne, stating that the British army, under command of Sir David Baird, said to consist of from 15 to 25,000 men, on the frontiers of Spain and Portugal, had been overtaken by a large French army, who summoned them to surrender, which summons was obeyed without firing a gun; and that the army under Gen. Moore was surrounded; that the
Supreme Junta had dispatched a messenger to Bonaparte offering to open a negotiation for peace, but that the Emperor Bonaparte would not listen to their overtures. It was also said, that Gen. Castanos had resigned his command, after having disbanded his army.
FRENCH BULLETINS.
THE SEVENTEENTH BULLETIN,
Is dated Madrid 10th Dec. and mentions a few skirmishes on the road to Saragossa and Valencia, between the Duke of Istria and the Patriots. The defeat of the Spanish army at Tudela, and at Catalayard, and abandonment by its generals. The officers and privates, were reduced to 6000 men on the 6th of December. On the 8th at midnight, a Spanish corps, protecting the escape of the army, was closely pursued and 1000 prisoners taken; the remainder dispersed in the mountains of Cuena. On the 28th of Nov. the Town of Rosas was summoned to surrender, but no answer was returned.
THE EIGHTEENTH BULLETIN,
Is dated at Madrid the 12th Dec.—This Bulletin commences with a severe phillippic against the central Junta, and against the characters of Florida Blanca and Florenzo Calvo, calling the latter a humble Grocer of Saragossa, who in a few months had acquired the title of Excellency, and one Tilley, formerly condemned to the galleys for theft, younger brother of the noted Guzman who acted a celebrated part under Robespierre, in the reign of terror. These men are said to govern exclusively, the Junta.
On the 11th, the general of division Lafalle, in pursuit of the enemy had arrived at Talavera de la Reina, where the English had remained in triumph 10 days before, announcing their intention of succouring the capital. A frightful spectacle presented itself to the eyes of the French. A dead body dressed in the uniform of a Spanish General, was suspended on a Gallows, pierced with a thousand balls. It was General Don Benito St. Juan, whom the soldiers in their terror and to cover with pretext their cowardice, had thus disgracefully sacrificed—They stopped at Talavera only to take breath and torture their unfortunate general, who during a whole day gave employment to their atrocious barbarity. Talavera is a beautiful town, situated in a valley on the Tagus, and in a fertile country.
His majesty had appointed the Polish Col. Knopka, a commandant of the Legion of Honor.
THE NINETEENTH BULLETIN,
Is dated Madrid, Dec. 18th, it mentions the surrender of the fortress of Rosas, on the 6th of December, with its garrison, consisting of 2000 men, who were made prisoners—That 6 Br. ships of the line in the harbor not having it in their power to save the garrison. The Italian troops distinguished themselves during the siege. The Spanish troops continue to disperse in every quarter, and the new levies are daily compelled to return to their homes.—The month of December resembled the spring, and the Emperor during this delightful season, remains in the country, about a league from Madrid.
PARIS, Dec. 26.—A Decree of the Emperor Napoleon, dated at the camp at Madrid, the 12th Dec. prohibits the alienation of different branches of taxes, and orders the holders of rights and titles to such impositions, to pay the same into the royal treasury.
Another decree of the same date, abolishes throughout Spain all Judiciary tribunals of the Lords. No other but the royal jurisdiction now remains.
An article dated Vienna, December 5th, states that the French ambassador at that Court had celebrated in the most splendid manner the anniversary of the coronation of his sovereign, and of the battle of Austerlitz, in a banquet, to which were invited all the members of the diplomatic Body, from friendly and allied Countries, as well as strangers of distinction. Among the guests was Count Metternich, the Austrian ambassador for France.
At a sitting of the Municipal Body of Madrid, the 9th of Dec. the corregidor presented a most Bombastical address to His Imperial and Royal Majesty, imploring in the most abject and servile manner, the protection of the Conqueror Napoleon, for the citizens of Madrid generally—also his Imperial pardon for all the inhabitants of the city and country, who had borne arms against the French.
His Majesty answered, that their condition would be prosperous and happy, if the inhabitants adhered with good faith to the Constitution, and acknowledged with sincerity Don Joseph Napoleon the First, for their lawful King; but on the contrary case, Spain should become a province of France.
Then follows a decree of his Majesty, dated the 12th Dec. at the Imperial Camp at Madrid, consisting of 20 Articles, the object of which is principally to relieve the poorer classes of Society from burthensome taxes and personal services. The 1st and 2d Articles, abolish the taxes called Servage and Colonate Cleves. The Cidevant Serfs, as well as the other inhabitants of said duchy, are to enjoy civil rights in all their plenitude.
Article 3d abolishes the duty of Domesticity; the duty of Manumission, and Enfranchisement; the Mortuary Duty; the Corvees; Manual; Transportes, and all other personal services, &c.
A passenger in the Batavian from Rochelle, has favored the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a translation of the following Proclamation of the Emperor Bonaparte, issued at Madrid on the 7th of December. SPANIARDS,
You have been blinded by perfidious men. They have seduced you to take up arms, and drawn you into a foolish and senseless warfare. Is there one among you on reflecting for a moment upon what has passed will not soon be convinced that you have been the tools of the eternal enemies of the Continent, and who rejoice to see and shed the blood of the Spanish and the blood of the French? What will be the result of a protracted campaign? An unfinished war in the kingdom; and a long anxiety as to the fate of your property and your lives.
In less than a month you have been delivered up to all the anguish of a popular faction.
The defeat of your armies has been an affair of some marches only. I have entered into Madrid.—The rights of war will authorize me to give a terrible example, and to wash in your blood the outrages against me and my nation. I have only listened to forgiveness.
Those men only that are inventors of all our evils shall be punished. I will soon chase from the peninsula the English army who have been sent to Spain, not for your aid, but to influence you with a false confidence and to mislead you. I have told you in my proclamation of the 2d June that I would be your regenerator.
To the rights that have been ceded to me by the Princes of the last dynasty you have added to me the right of conquest. Nothing will change my disposition. I will approve of what have been your generous effort.
I would tell you that your enemies have not consulted your interest: they have deluded you to the true state of things. Spaniards your destiny is in your own hands. Throw away the poison that the English have scattered among you that your king may be certain of your love and confidence, and you shall be greater and happier than you ever have been. All those who oppose your prosperity and your grandeur, I have destroyed, and have broken the shackles which weighed down the people. I have given you a liberal constitution, in the room of an absolute Monarchy. I give you one temperate and suitable to your habits. It depends on you to say whether that constitution shall be your law.
But if all my efforts are ineffectual, and if I find you unworthy of my confidence, I will treat you only as provinces conquered and place my Brother on another Throne. I will put the Crown of Spain on my own head. I will be respected even by the worst, for God has given me the power and the disposition necessary to surmount all obstacles.
In our Imperial Camp at Madrid, 7th Dec. 1808. NAPOLEON.

President ADAMS's Letter.
The following is from a source that invites attention, and will command respect.
Extract from a Letter of the late President ADAMS, to DANIEL WRIGHT and ERASMUS LYMAN, Esqrs. of Northampton, dated Quincy, March 13th, 1809.
"Nothing remains to me but the Right of private Judgment, and that I exercise freely, and communicate my Sentiments as freely to those who will to know them.
I AM, TOTIS VIRIBUS, [with my whole strength.] AGAINST ANY DIVISION OF THE UNION, by the North River, or by Delaware River, or by the Potomack, or any other River, or by any chain of Mountains. I am for maintaining the INDEPENDENCE of the Nation, at all events.
I AM NO ADVOCATE FOR MR. GORE'S DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST FRANCE. —Knowing, as I do, from personal experience, the MUTUALLY FRIENDLY DISPOSITIONS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE OF FRANCE AND THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA, Bonaparte out of the question, I should be very sorry to see them converted into ill will and our old ENGLISH PREJUDICES REVIVED. Lasting injuries and misfortunes would arise to this country from such a change.
I AM AVERSE ALSO TO A WAR WITH ENGLAND, and with to maintain our Neutrality as long as possible without conceding important Principles. IF EITHER of the belligerent Powers force us into a WAR, I am for fighting THAT Power, which ever it may be.
I always consider the whole Nation as my Children: but they have almost all been undutiful to me. You two Gentlemen are almost the only ones out of my own house, who have for a long time, and I thank you for it, expressed a filial affection for JOHN ADAMS."
The above letter of the venerable revolutionary Patriot, JOHN ADAMS, ought to be preserved as a lasting evidence of his unshaken patriotism. Superior to the calumnies of the day, he looks with the penetrating eye of a statesman into futurity. Perceiving the dangers which may beset his country from faction, from foreign attachments, and from wars, he warns his countrymen against the excesses into which they may be plunged by designing men.
The points established by this letter are important and deserving the serious attention of all friends to American Independence. It appears,
1st That, like his great predecessor, Washington, he is OPPOSED to a division of the States.
2d That he is OPPOSED to a declaration of War against France, as recommended by Mr. Gore to the Legislature of this State, at the late session.
3d That he is Opposed to the doings of the Legislature of this Commonwealth, at the late session, inasmuch as Mr. Gore's War Report has been accepted and approved of by that body.
4th That in accordance with the views of the present administration, he is for maintaining the "rights and independence of this country, at all events;" and wishes to avoid war with both England and France, as long as possible, without sacrificing the essential interests of the nation.
Let not the people of Massachusetts be hurried into excesses by the intemperate proceedings of the State Legislature, who have declared the "LAWS OF THE UNION NOT BINDING;" recommended a WAR with France, and endeavored to prove, that there is a difference of interests between the people of New-England, and the people of the Southern States. Let Massachusetts rather listen to the councils of the first revolutionary statesman and patriot. Let her regard the warning voice of a man grown grey in the service of his country; of one, who, aloof from party politics, can view the passing scenes with impartiality. The Romans had great respect for the counsels of the aged. Let us imitate their example, and hearken to the advice of this venerable man, whose virtue is truly Roman.
Federalism begins to WANE in Massachusetts. The town of Weston, Middlesex county, and of Chelsea, in Suffolk, have returned at their late town election, republican officers, in place of federalists, chosen the preceding year. The town of Charlestown formed an union ticket, which has succeeded.—The town clerk is republican and a majority of selectmen and assessors.
[Baltimore American.]
For the N. H. GAZETTE.
Messrs. Printers, Please to insert the following in your paper; it may excite the attention of some to the importance of encouraging and promoting American Manufactures; and you will oblige one, at least, of your constant readers. Y. Z.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman concerned in manufactures, at the westward, to his friend in an Eastern State.
"It is with perfect astonishment I have witnessed the ignorance which prevails in every part of our country with respect to its resources, supplies, raw materials, means of increasing them and the best mode of converting them into fabricated articles for common use. It is an up-hill labour to carry instruction to minds which from prejudice, or other causes are not very susceptible of receiving it. But the worst fact, is the apparent indifference of Printers, federal or democratic, to publish any thing regarding domestic improvements, which can tend to increase the real independence, and ameliorate the condition of the country."
"It is possible I might cause a pamphlet to be printed, containing brief remarks &c. on domestic improvements; if I thought the Legislatures, or public bodies most concerned, would take particular interest in spreading them; but I will not take trouble to write or compile, when no one is likely to read, or be benefited by that trouble."
Portsmouth.
TUESDAY, MARCH 28, 1809.
It is well understood from London, that the reverse of Spanish affairs and the requisitions of wool by the French in the north west of Spain, have raised Spanish wool in the London market from six to sixteen shillings sterling per pound. This is equal to Three Dollars and Fifty cents. At such prices we can make the finest cloth far cheaper in America. There is a tide in our manufactures, which taken with advantage, will carry the Americans to higher fortunes even than foreign commerce. [Demo. Press.]
On the departure of the Union, American advices had been received in London only to the 10th of November. From the impression made by these advices it appears manifest that the eager desire of the nation that the embargo should be removed had given to hope all the characteristics of a well founded expectation. The most trifling circumstances, bearing this color, are seized, emblazoned, and distorted.
The agreement to consider Mr. Chittenden's motion for a repeal of the embargo, though a mere matter of form is headed as the certain forerunner of the repeal itself, and the prostration of Mr. Jefferson's influence. These things prove, whatever may be said to the contrary, that the embargo had begun to be felt as no mean measure of coercion; and the late order in council may fairly be considered as the effect of the embargo; unless, indeed, the ministry, anticipating the passage of the non-intercourse law, seized the occasion to manifest an appearance of friendship, which they knew would cost them nothing. [Nat. Intell.]
We have had the pleasure of an interview with Mr. Purviance, from whom we learn that he entertains the strongest apprehensions relative to the fate of the immense mercantile capital that is about to be committed to the ocean by the partial repeal of the embargo. From his observations abroad, and all the information he has been able to collect, he fears that a wide spread ruin will be the consequence.—Never has there perhaps, been a season in which there existed higher inducements to prudence and circumspection. [Ibid.]
We understand that the following arrangements have been made at Washington, for sitting out a portion of the Navy, agreeable to the act of Congress:—Commodore Rogers, is to command the frigate Constitution; commodore Decatur, the United States; captain Bainbridge, the President; captain Hull, the Chesapeake; captain Stewart, the Essex; captain Smith, the John Adams; and capt. Robinson, the Wasp.—Many new officers have been appointed.—Commodore Rogers is to command on the northern station; Commodore Decatur, on the southern.
We have received returns of votes from 171 towns which give a total of 14404 Republican, & 14752 federal votes. The same towns in November, as appears by official returns at the Secretary's Office, gave 12069 Republican, and 13123 federal votes. Net Republican gain since November 706!
The federal majority 348
The Centinel Major in his paper of 23th inst has favored the good people of Boston, with a column of News from New-Hampshire. The Major's account of the election must be correct, because, he has examined the votes by the Concord Gazette, which is published at the place where the result will be officially known in June next!!!
The Major announces Jeremiah Smith as Governor elect. This is News. That the result of the election of Councillor for Strafford is unknown. This is News. That Samuel Shephard the Federal candidate for District No 6, is elected. This is surprising News. That the net Federal gain in the House of Representatives is 54. This is an abominably false piece of News. And finally, that the Portsmouth Oracle is an inestimable paper! This is truly laughable News indeed.
As the major appears to be much interested in the political progress of New-Hampshire, we take the liberty to inform him, that Jeremiah Smith is not known here as governor elect. That Messrs Hall, Bell & Dame are unquestionably chosen Councillors. That only four federal Senators are certainly chosen; viz.—for Nos 3, 9, 11, 12. That the complexion of the house of Representatives is not ascertained.—We further inform the major that in August last the federal ticket had a majority of 3000 votes; in November of 1200; and, that in March if returns are regularly made from all the towns the federal candidate may, possibly, have a majority of 300 votes. From the foregoing data he may calculate with mathematical certainty, who will be Governor of New Hampshire in 1810. On this happy prospect we join our felicitations with him and ardently say—Laus Deo!
Secretary's Office, Concord,
March 4, 1809.
THE Sheriffs of the respective Counties, and the town Clerks throughout the State, will please to take notice that the Certificates of votes given on this day for State Officers, must be returned to the Secretary's Office, on or before Wednesday the 17th of May next; and that they must be in this form:—
"At a town meeting, legally notified and holden in the town of _____, on the _____ day of _____ in the year _____, the following Votes were given in, [then fill up the blank by an accurate statement of the votes] which votes have been declared in open town meeting; and are now certify the foregoing to be a correct return."
The Certificates must be signed by the town Clerk and by the Selectmen attending the meeting.
PHILIP CARRIGAIN, Sec'y.
FOR THE N. H. GAZETTE. Nothing more clearly evinces the profound contempt, in which the political institutions of this happy country, are held by the Satellites of the Essex Junto; than the manner of the miners when treating of these subjects. Straws denote which way the wind blows. If the "Rights of man;"—the Right of suffrage;—the Sovereignty of the People;—the Constitutions of our country; the Bill of rights;—or the freedom of elections are the topics of discussion; immediately, some federal "Bylander" introduces his "Slavery" and like the Stink by the way side emits his noxious filth; happily, without any other effect than a momentary derangement of the olfactory nerves. A Chip of the Block.
The annual meeting for the choice of Town Officers, was held, in this town on Saturday last—after making choice of Wm. Gardner, Esq. Moderator the following gentlemen were chosen to the respective Offices for the current year, viz.—
Town Clerk.—Joseph Seaward.
Selectmen.—Seth Walker, Luke M. Leighton, Joseph Clark, jr. Daniel Austin, Ammi R. Hall.
Assessors.—James Shapleigh, Charles Cutts, John Walton, George Long, Sam'l Langdon.
Health Committee.—Benjamin Sherburne, Joshua Brackett, Aaron Deal.
Five Wards.—Wm. Ham, 3d. Charles Cutts, Joseph Ela, John F. Parrott, George Ham, Benjamin Holmes, jr. Daniel Blaisdell, Wm. Rice, Isaac Nelson, William W. Parrott, Clement Storer, George Long, John Walton, Richard Low, Elijah Hall, Timothy Upham.
Overseers of the Poor.—Nathaniel Marshall, John F. Parrott, Joseph Ela, Joshua Brackett, Richard Rice, Elbridge D. Brown, Richard Low, William Rice, Titus Salter, Mark Leighton, Robert Ham, William Ham, jr. Amos Bernald.
School Committee.—Rev'd Joseph Walton, Rev'd George Richards, John Goddard, Charles Cutts, Daniel Austin, Joseph Walton, jr. Edward Cutts, Benjamin Penhallow.
Police Officers.—Richard Rice, Christopher Rhymes, Edward Gove, Alexander Neef, Robert Neal, Benning Morrill, Benjamin Holmes, jr. John Walden, James Nutter.
Tythingmen.—Daniel Humphreys, Thomas Manning, Daniel Austin, Ammi R. Hall, Edward Call and Edward Cutts.
Constables.—Elias Libbey, Edward Dimpsey, Benjamin Holmes, jr. William Vaughn, John Walden, William Dame, jr.
Lot Layers.—Thomas S Bowles, Daniel P Drown, Jacob Wendell.
Fence Viewers.—Joseph Sherburne, Joseph Drown, Michael Tucker, Francis Marden, Samuel Langdon, George Sparhawk, Joseph Ela.
Measurers of Wood.—Benjamin Yeaton, George Plaisted, Richard Rice, Samuel Cotton, Benning Hall, John Melcher, Peter Wilson, John Rider, Mark Leighton, Robert Neal.
Cutters and packers of Fish, Hoops & Staves.—Joseph Walton, James Day, Robert Phipps, John Walton, Robert Neal, Richard Rice, John Abbot.
Sealer of Weights & Measures.—John Badger.
Harbour Master.—Capt. Samuel Tripp.
Keeper of the Magazine.—Mark Leighton.
Keeper of the Pound.—Samuel Tucker.
Hog Reivers.—Robert Harris, Benning Hall, Ealtic Evans, Joseph Dodge, Elias Libbey, Samuel Lang, Hugh H. Tuttle.
Surveyors of the Highways.—Francis Marden, Seth Walker, George Sparhawk.
Auditors of Accounts.—William Gardner, John Goddard, Hunking Penhallow.
The American Mercury says—"Our federalists used to declare that they would die in the last ditch—they are now digging it."
New Spring GOODS.
Just received and now opening at DRAPER'S
CHEAP CASH STORE, A great variety of Seasonable Piece Goods, among which are—
A GREAT variety of plain and figured leno and other Fancy Muslins; Pink and dark plaid Ginghams; An elegant variety superfine Prints; London Prints, fashionable Figures; Variety of light and dark common Calicoes; Superfine and very low priced blk. Cambricks; India black Lustrings and Satins; Black Tafetas 1/4 wide, best quality; Plain black Lustrings, Ribbons and black Crapes; black Bombazetts & Florence Lustrings. An elegant assortment of Patch Furnitures & Copper-plates; 1/2 and 3/4 British Cottons and Irish Linens; Cambic and common Dimities; 1/2 twill'd cotton Shawls; Ladies silk and white cotton Hose; 1/2 and 3/4 white cotton Cambricks; An elegant variety of long and habit kid Gloves; Cotton and Thread, Laces and Edgings; Figured Satins for Bonnets; Twill'd and plain coloured Cambricks; Straw Bonnets, and Leghorn Straw Hats; Gentlemen's London made Hats very best quality; English and French silk Umbrellas, cotton do.; English black sewing Silk and Twill, best quality; Black and coloured Silk and Fanny Velvets; Bandanna & Madras Handkerchiefs; Cotton Checks and Stripes; A large supply of very fine and low priced India Cottons, &c. &c. &c.
Providence Factory.
Just received a quantity of Bed Tick; Cotton Stripes and Checks; white cotton Cloth; 2 & 3 threaded Yarn; white and colored Sewing Cottons in Bils and Hanks. March 28.
TAKEN from Atkinson-street on Tuesday night last, a pair of TRUCKS, with only one wheel, painted red—Whoever will give information where they may be had, shall be handsomely rewarded by applying to JOHN SALTER, Washington-street, WHO HAS FOR SALE A few Hhds. first quality retailing SUGAR, and Hhds. RUM & MOLASSES. March 28, 1809.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the estate of Lieut. NICHOLAS PICKERING, late of Newington, deceased, are hereby requested to make immediate payment—and those having demands upon said estate are called upon to exhibit the same to THOMAS PICKERING, Executor. Newington, March 24, 1809.
WANTED to hire a steady industrious MAN who understands something of Gardening—his employment will be wholly out door work—Inquire of the Printers. March 28.
WANTED immediately two Men to work on a Farm, for the season or year,—Enquire of the printers.
RUM.
For sale on board the sch'r Dian, lying at Long wharf,
24 Hhds Tobago and Santa Cruz Rum—Apply to ELISHA WHIDDEN. March 28, 1809
NOTICE.
IS hereby given, that the subscribers have been duly appointed executors of the last Will and Testament of JOHN PENHALLOW, Esq. late of Portsmouth, deceased, and have taken upon us that trust;—All persons therefore who have any claims upon said estate, are desired to present the same immediately; and those who are indebted, to make payment.
DANIEL AUSTIN, HUNKING PENHALLOW, BENJAMIN PENHALLOW. Portsmouth, March 28, 1809.
NOTICE
is hereby given, that the subscribers have been duly appointed Executors of the last will and testament of THOMAS THOMPSON, late of Portsmouth in the county of Rockingham, Esquire, deceased, and have taken upon themselves that trust by giving bonds as the law directs—All persons having demands on the estate of the said deceased, are hereby requested to exhibit the same, and those indebted are called upon to make immediate payment to
B. BRIERLEY, JOSIAH DWIGHT } Executors. J. L. THOMPSON, March 25.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
BROKE from the Goal in Exeter, on the evening of the 22d instant, JOHN BARTLETT, JABEZ THOMAS & ISAAC MERRILL. John Bartlett is of Groton in the county of Grafton, and about 5 feet 8 inches high, has a dark complexion, dark short hair, and is bald on the fore part of his head; he had on when he escaped a light brown furtout, a round short waistcoat and trousers, all of home-spun cloth, and a small round hat—he is supposed to be about forty five years old. Jabez Thomas is from the State of Vermont, he is a large man supposed to be about 60 years old and 5 feet 9 inches high, with gray hair and beard. He had on when he escaped a round buff waistcoat, a pair of old brown cloth trousers and a pair of old boot covers instead of shoes—Both the above were under sentence of fine and imprisonment for passing counterfeit money. Isaac Merrill is of Salem in this State, and is supposed to be about 25 years old and five feet eight inches high; he is a stout man of dark complexion with a large black beard, and had on when he escaped a furtout, a dark brown coat, velvet pantaloons and thick short boots. He was committed for stealing, and being a sailor will probably go towards Newburyport or Salem, in Massachusetts. Who ever will apprehend the above named persons, and commit them to either of the goals in the county of Rockingham, shall be paid the above reward. Or thirty dollars for Bartlett, and ten dollars for each of the others. OLIVER PEABODY, Sheriff. Exeter, March 23, 1809.
State of New Hampshire.—Cens. fr.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of CHATHAM, state and county aforesaid, who have not paid their county, town, school and highway taxes for the year 1808; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at the dwelling house of David Bell, in said Chatham, on the third Monday of June next, at 10 o'clock A. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 10 columns: Names, Original Proprietors, No. of lots, Disposition, Quantity, No. Acres, Town tax, School tax, Highway tax, Sum total. Includes names like W. Bryant Esq, James Goodwin, Lt. S. Gilman, Samuel Livermore, George Moferson, J. Leavitt jr., J. Treadwell jr., David Bell, Collector.
State of New Hampshire, Grafton ff
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of HEBRON, in said county, who have not paid the taxes assessed on said land for the year 1808; that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, on Thursday the twenty-ninth day of June next, at ten o'clock A. M. at my dwelling-house in said Hebron, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 10 columns: Names, Original Proprietors, No. of lots, Disposition, Quantity, No. Acres, Town tax, School tax, Highway tax, Sum total. Includes names like Samuel Emerson Esq, John Harvel, John Hobart, Richard Salterton, Ebenezer Gray, Nehemiah Stephens, James McHurd, Proprietors of Orange, REUBEN HOBART, Collector. Hebron, January 3, 1809.
A WOMAN with a good breast of Milk wishes to take a child to nurse—Inquire of the Printers. March 28.
AUCTIONS.
THIS DAY.
THE sale of English Goods, Sea-men's Clothing, Cod & Pollock Fish, &c. advertised for last Friday was postponed on account of the weather to this Day, 10 o'clock, at No. 2, Merchants Row. March 28. S. LARKIN, Auct.
To be sold at Public AUCTION, TOMORROW, 29th instant, at 10 o'clock A.M. on the premises, Eight PEWS in the Methodist Meeting House, standing on the West side of Vaughan street in Portsmouth. March 28, 1809.
For Sale at AUCTION, ON SATURDAY NEXT.
A beautifully situated FARM, on the main road from Portsmouth to Exeter, about four miles from the latter and ten from the former place, and about half a mile from Stratham meeting house, which is well calculated for an enterprising farmer or mechanic, and would answer extremely well for a public house; it contains about 12 acres of good land, on which there is a large and flourishing orchard, likewise a handsome two story House, which with a little expense can be put in complete repair, together with a large barn and other out houses.—The above premises will be sold at Auction on Saturday the 11th day of April next, at 12 o'clock; the terms will be very liberal and cannot fail of meeting the approbation of those inclined to purchase,—for further particulars apply to EDWARD PARRY of Portsmouth. March 28.
For Sale at Public Auction.
ON Saturday the 11th April next, at Rindge's Wharf, the Schooner Sally, 35 tons burthen; 2 Gabbaco Boats;—A quantity of COD and SCALE FISH. Sale at 11 o'clock. S. LARKIN, Auct. Portsmouth, March 28 1809. N. B. The above may be examined any time previous to the Sale, by applying to THOMAS CHADBOURNE, jr.
New spring GOODS.
William Jones, jr. Market street, has just received, and now opening, the following fresh GOODS, which he will sell at a small advance for cash or short credit, viz.
FAWN Embold Silks for Bonnets; dark brown do.; spider net, painted and plain cotton Laces; Crapes and Gauze Mullins; Cambricks Buttons and Shirt Wires; white cotton Cambricks Pocket Handkerchiefs from 156 to 3s.; Linen Cambricks; 1/2 check'd Linen; black and colored Spanish Sewing Silk; Men's black silk Gloves; Fashionable treble gilt coat Buttons; Ladies Kid Gloves.
Cafe assorted light & dark Calicoes, from 19 to 3s.—Patch Furnitures; dark Ginghams; pink plaid ditto; Hamilton Cord; Dimities; Velvets; and 1/2 Thicklets; 1/2 and 3/4 white cotton Cambricks; 1/2 and 3/4 British Shirtings; black Cambricks; brown Holland; low priced Linens; Madras & Bandanna Handkerchiefs; green and brown Calimancoes and Durants; silver grey Cords. INDIA GOODS. Bandanna and Lungee Handkerchiefs; Calicoes; long Cloths and Shirting Baftas—with a large supply of low priced Cottons. March 28.
EDUCATION.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the inhabitants of Portsmouth, that she intends to open a SCHOOL in Daniel-street, for the instruction of Misses, in Reading, Writing, Geography and English Grammar, together with the useful and ornamental branches of Needlework. She will endeavour to render her pupils amiable by inculcating a moral and graceful deportment.—Terms for those who attend to English Grammar and ornamental Needlework, 3 dollars 50 cents; for those who attend to the other branches, 2 dollars. 50. For further particulars, enquire at Mr. BUTLER ABBOT's, the fourth house above the jail. SERENA PARKER JOHNSON. Portsmouth, March 27, 1809.
Fresh Garden Seeds.
JACOB WENDELL, Has received at his store in Bow street, on Church Hill, an excellent assortment of
Real Shaker Garden SEEDS, warranted to be of the last years growth, viz. Drumhead, Cucumber, Savoy, Early Imperial Lettuce, Yorkshire, Sage, Parsley, Ditto Dutch, Radish, Low Balm, CABBAGES, Water and Musk, Blood Red Beet, Mellon, Summer Onions, Carrot, Savory, Pepper, Parsnip, Turnip, grass, Clover and French do. Sum Herds Grass Seed, and Winter &c. &c. SQUASH &c. &c. ALSO—
Pork, Hogs-lard, white Beans, Peas, small quantity good Cheese, excellent Honey and Apple Sauce, Cod and Pollock Fish, Men's thick Boots; Mens, Womens, Boys and Childrens Leather Shoes; belt Sperm and Cod Oil; an assortment of Crockery; a few bbls of Robin; Oars. W. I. Goods and Groceries, as usual, &c. &c. A few MUSKETS with Bayonets; and 3000 Reeds for Lute as above. March 28.