The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1799-02-20 00:00:00

THE New Hampshire Gazette.
— MY COUNTRY'S GOOD SHALL BE MY CONSTANT AIM —
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE)—PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING BY JOHN MELCHER, PRINTER TO THE STATE, AT HIS OFFICE CORNER OF MARKET STREET, WHERE SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THIS PAPER, ADVERTISEMENTS, AND ARTICLES OF INTELLIGENCE ARE THANKFULLY RECEIVED.
Vol. XLIII.—Numb. 2203.]
WEDNESDAY, February 20, 1799.
[One Dollar & half pr. Annum.]
Secretary Pickering's REPORT,
On the Transactions relating to the United States and France, since the last communications to Congress on that subject. [Continued from our last.]
THESE endeavors of the French Government, whether real or affected, to draw Mr. Gerry into a separate negotiation, constitute the substance of the correspondence between him and Mr. Talleyrand. They appear to merit consideration in several points of view.
1. Because if real, it was only in the hope and expectation, that by intrigues and terrors the French government might influence Mr. Gerry to enter into a formal treaty, on the terms which he and his colleagues had repeatedly rejected as incompatible with the interests, honor and independence of their country. For at this time Mr. Talleyrand had not renounced the demands of loans and a douceur as the indispensable preliminaries of a treaty. Accordingly we see Mr. Talleyrand, in his letter of the 3d of April to Mr. Gerry, proposed "to resume their reciprocal communications upon the interests of the French Republic and the United States of America." And in his letter of July 12th, to Mr. Gerry, having mentioned the arrival at the Havre of a packet, the Sophia, from the American government, he says, "until then I never supposed you entertained the design of embarking upon the definitive articles to be ratified by your government." 2. Because if that government had so far succeeded, it would have insisted on its ratification by the President and Senate, on the ground constantly taken by Mr. Talleyrand, that the powers of the envoys being several as well as joint, Mr. Gerry when alone, even after the French government had ordered his colleagues to leave France, were adequate to the formation of the treaty; and that therefore the public faith would be violated, if it were not ratified. 3. Because under such circumstances, the French government doubtless calculated at least on a division of the public opinion in the U. States in favor of the ratification of such a treaty; by means of which it might enforce the ratification, or effect still greater mischiefs. 4. But these endeavors to draw Mr. Gerry into a formal negotiation are chiefly remarkable because they were persevered in during near five months, against his constant, direct and positive refusals to treat separately: Mr. Talleyrand asserting and Mr. Gerry denying the competency of his powers.
We have seen the envoys, from the 6th of October, 1797, the date of their first letter to the French minister, to the 3d of April, 1798, when their last was delivered to him, expressing their earnest desire to enter upon and prosecute the great business of their mission; we have seen them during that long period patiently enduring neglect and indignities, to which an ardent zeal to re-establish harmony and peace could alone induce them to submit: We have seen them while held in suspense—neither received nor rejected—yielding to the importunities of private agents of the French government, and hearing and discussing their propositions, insinuating as they were, in the hope that when these should be shown to be utterly inadmissible, others founded in reason and equity, and in the usual course of diplomatic negotiation, might be brought forward. Doubtless they also wished, when their astonishment at the first overtures had subsided, by listening still longer to such dishonorable propositions, to ascertain the true character of the French government. We have seen them, after waiting five weeks from the presentation of a copy of their letters of credence, entirely unnoticed, "soliciting an attention to their mission," and soliciting in vain. Thus denied an official hearing, they hoped by an unusual step to excite the attention of that government: they determined to transmit to the minister a letter representing the views of their own government in relation to the subjects in dispute with France. This letter dated the 17th was delivered the 31st of Jan. 1798. Waiting near a month without an answer, and "still being anxious to hear explicitly from Mr. Talleyrand himself before they sent their final letter, whether there were no means within their powers, of accommodating our differences with France, on just and reasonable grounds—on the 27th of February they desired "a personal interview on the subject of their mission;" and afterwards a second interview. They remark on what passed at the meetings, "that the views of France with regard to the United States, were not essentially changed since their communications with its un-official agents in the preceding October."
At length they received Mr. Talleyrand's letter of the 18th March, 1798, in answer to theirs of the 17th of January. The minister's letter represented the complaints of France; as usual, charging the American Government with the inexecution of the treaties with France—with dissimulation—insinuating that our tribunals were subject to a secret influence—holding up the British treaty as replete with evil and injury, and "the principal grievance of the republic"—accusing the American government of a will to seize the first favorable occasion to consummate an intimate union with Great Britain & suggesting that a devotion and partiality to that power have long been the principle of the conduct of the Federal Government.
To this letter of the French minister, the envoys sent their reply on the 3d of April.
This reply and their former letter detect the sophisms and erroneous statements of the minister—expose his naked assertions, refute his arguments, repel his calumnies—and completely vindicate the fidelity, the justice, and as a neutral power, the impartiality of the government of the U. States; and, at the same time, exhibit the weighty and well founded complaints of the United States against the French Republic.
Hitherto, instead of a desire to obtain a reconciliation, we can discover in the French government only empty professions of a desire to conciliate; while it haughtily refused to receive our Envoys, and during six months disregarded their respectful and ardent solicitations to negotiate: And after one of them, whom it induced to remain in France, had declared that "he had no powers to treat separately, that the measure was impossible," then the Directory expelled the other Two!
If now we survey Mr. Gerry's individual correspondence, we shall find no solid evidence of any change in the disposition of the French government.
In his first letter to Mr. Gerry, Mr. Talleyrand's artifice is visible: he addresses him as "Envoy Extraordinary of the U. States of America, to the French Republic; and proposes to him to "resume their reciprocal communications." Mr. Gerry, apprehending that the Minister intended to draw him into a negotiation, repeats what he had often before declared, that for him to treat separately was impracticable; and that he can only confer with him informally.
On the 20th of April, Mr. Gerry addresses a letter to the minister, and presses him to come forward with propositions for terminating all differences, restoring harmony and re-establishing commerce between the two nations. He receives no answer. On the 28th he confers with the minister, who says he cannot make propositions, because he does not know the views of the United States in regard to a treaty. Mr. Gerry gives him the information. He then promises in three or four days to deliver Mr. Gerry the project of a treaty: This promise was never performed. On the 12th of May, the new instructions of March 23d, sent by the Sophia packet, reached Mr. Gerry; and he gave immediate notice to the minister that he should return to America in the Sophia, as soon as she could be fitted for sea.
On the 25th of May the minister sent his principle secretary to inform Mr. Gerry, that his government did not wish to break the British treaty; but expected such propositions as would indemnify France, and put her on a footing with that nation." Yet that treaty had been made, by the French government, its chief pretence for those unjust and cruel depredations on American commerce which have brought distress on multitudes and ruin on many of our citizens; and occasioned a total loss of property to the United States of probably more than twenty millions of dollars; besides subjecting our fellow-citizens to insults, stripes, wounds, torture and imprisonment. And Mr. Talleyrand, in his letter of the 18th March to the Envoys, declared that treaty to be "the principal grievance of the Republic." But now, instead of breaking that treaty, France desires, to be put on the same footing. This the United States would at any time have done, and the envoys were now explicitly instructed to do: and seven months before, all the envoys, in their conversation with Mr. Bellamy (Y) the confidential and authorized agent of the French minister, told him "that he might be assured that their powers were such as authorized them to place France on equal ground with England, in any respects in which an inequality might be supposed to exist at present between them, to the disadvantage of France."
The Secretary also mentioned the claims of the American citizens on the French Republic: he said if the latter should be unable to pay them, when adjusted, and the United States would assume and pay them, France would reimburse the amount thereof. This has the semblance of candor; but on the 4th of March, when the envoys were in conference with Mr. Talleyrand, and they disclosed their principal instructions, "Gen. Pinckney and Mr. Gerry told him they were positively forbidden to assume the debts to our own citizens, even if we were to pay the money directly to them." And doubtless it was, because the proposition was already known to be inadmissible that it was now renewed.
The Secretary and Mr. Gerry had also some unimportant conversations about the Consular Convention. And it is plain that the whole object of the Secretary's visit was to amuse, by keeping alive Mr. Gerry's hopes of some pacific arrangements.
On the 26th of May, Mr. Gerry had a conference with the minister: pressing on this, as on former occasions, the necessity of sending a minister to the U. States, with powers to negotiate; to which, he says, the minister assented; but afterwards explained himself to mean a minister to reside there after the ratification of the talked-of treaty.
Such are the proceedings of the French government, by its minister, Mr. Talleyrand, before the arrival of the printed dispatches of the Envoys. We discover nothing but a proposition for treating with Mr. Gerry alone—which he had repeatedly declared to be impossible, and on terms which Mr. Gerry himself, as well as the other Envoys, had long before pronounced to be utterly inadmissible, because directly repugnant to their instructions. We shall now
see, by an examination of Mr. Gerry's subsequent communications that the publication of the envoy's dispatches, far from causing a discontinuance of negotiations with him, or any change in the disposition of the French government more unfriendly to the United States incomparably greater zeal for negotiating was exhibited afterwards than before.
On the 30th of May, the minister announces to Mr. Gerry, the publication of the Envoys' dispatches. In his letter of the 27th of June, he says this incident only "for a moment suspended the principal object"—the negotiation with Mr. Gerry; and in his letter of June 10th, he declares, that "the French Government, superior to all the personalities, to all the manoeuvres of its enemies, perseveres in the intention of conciliating with sincerity all the differences which have happened between the two countries." On the 11th of June the minister tends him a plan for conducting the negotiation; for the first time states the "three points" on which he lays "all negotiations between France and the United States must essentially rest;" and "gives (what he calls) a large development" of them: concluding by pressing him to remain at Paris, to accelerate the negotiation—"the drawing together of those ties which the French Republic and the true Americans have regretted to see relaxed."
On the 27th of June, the minister again writes to Mr. Gerry, and in language the most unpolitic, such as had never before been used, urges him not to withdraw, "when the French Government, superior to all the personalities, and never listening to anything but justice, manifests itself anxious to conclude a solid and mutually satisfactory agreement." The Minister even observes that the first of the "three points" mentioned in his preceding letter (respecting amicable declarations about mutual recriminations) might be postponed, that the 3d (about the examination of reciprocal damages) would doubtless experience no difficulty on either side, after the 2d should be amicably settled. That it was to the second therefore, that they should first attend; it being so much the more important, as it embraced the source of all the differences between the two nations. And on the 22d of July, the minister renounces all demands of "loans and explanations on the subject of speeches;" and even affects to be hurt that Mr. Gerry should have mentioned them; although both he and his private agents had before, so long and so obliquely persevered in demanding them of the Envoys, as the indispensable preliminaries to a negotiation. And doubtless, it is partly owing to the publication of their dispatches, thereby exposing to the world those shameless demands, with the scandalous proposition of the douceur, that they are now relinquished.
In adducing these circumstances to show the increased zeal of the French Government, since the publication of the dispatches, to negotiate on its differences with the United States, it is not to be understood, that they afford a shadow of evidence of its sincerity. But as professions, verbal or written furnished the only ground, on which Mr. Gerry could form his opinion, that "before the arrival of the dispatches of the Envoys, the Minister was sincere and anxious to obtain a reconciliation," much more, professions stronger and more important than afterwards made, afford proportionably higher evidence of sincerity.—But the present details demonstrate that all those professions were merely ostensible. In the Minister's last mentioned letter, after saying that his "second point" to fix the meaning of the treaties between the two countries was most important, "as it embraced the source of all the differences," and that to this they should first attend, he purposely passes by the most interesting questions which it involves, and sends Mr. Gerry a note on the Consular Convention of all possible subjects in all possible subjects in difference the most insignificant; as it would have expired by its own limitation in two years and a half; within which time, the commerce of France, judging from its present state of annihilation, would probably not furnish a single ship to visit the ports of the United States.—In his next letter, dated July 6th, he pursues his speculations on the Consular Convention, and sends Mr. Gerry two more notes upon it, complaining that he had not transmitted to him his opinion upon his first note, and recommending the two last to his attention; although Mr. Gerry had repeatedly and positively declined a formal discussion, such as the Minister now urged in writing. Mr. Gerry states also, that this first note of the minister on the Consular Convention, was sent to him six weeks after he had demanded his passport, and when his baggage was actually on board the Sophia. In a word, the more clearly the impossibility of entering on a formal negotiation appeared, the more was it pressed by the French Minister. Mr. Gerry, in his letter to Mr. Talleyrand of July 20th, as justly as pointedly exposes the boasted zeal of the Minister:—"You was the first, you affirm, to press seriously the negotiation: you will agree with me that the merit would have been greater, had the measure itself been feasible." Again he says to the Minister—"You frequently remind me of your exertions [to negotiate] which I am disposed as much as possible to appreciate, regretting at the same time their circumscribed direction."
From this detail of facts the following are the necessary conclusions.
That by the exclusive attentions of the Minister to Mr. Gerry, the French Government intended to excite the jealousy of his colleagues, to promote dissensions between
them, to separate him from them, and induce him to remain in France; expecting either to seduce him into a formal negotiation of a treaty, on terms exclusively advantageous to France, and injurious and dishonorable to the United States; or, failing in this, to hold the United States in suspense, and prevent any measures for our security, in the event of a war, while we amused and deluded by warm but empty professions of the pacific views and wishes of France, and by "informal conferences," might wait in spiritless torpor, hoping for a peaceful result; and
That by this course of proceeding—this ostentatious display of zeal to adjust differences, and restore harmony and a friendly intercourse between the United States and France, the French Government intended, in case of a rupture, to throw the blame on the former.
It is necessary to make a few observations on the decree of the Executive Directory of the 31st July, 1798.
This decree was sent after Mr. Gerry to Havre, and he supposes that the official impediments, which for several days prevented his sailing, are to be ascribed to the Minister's desire of sending the decree by him. The Minister introduces it as "a part of the measures which he had announced to Mr. Gerry on the 22d of July." In his letter of that date to Mr. Gerry, the Minister says, "By information which the government has just received, it indeed learns that violences have been committed upon the commerce and citizens of the United States in the West Indies, and on their coasts. Do it the justice to believe that it needs only to know the facts, to disavow all acts contrary to the laws of the Republic and its own decrees. A remedy in repairing for it, and orders will soon arrive in the West-Indies, calculated to cause every thing to return within its just limits." This "remedy" is the decree of the 31st of July.
1. The first article of this decree confines to the special agents of the Directory, the right of issuing commissions to cruisers; and requires these to conform themselves to all the laws relative to cruising and prizes, and especially to those of the 1st of October 1793. Although the injunction to conform to all the laws of the Republic relative to cruising was ominous, as the laws most recently promulgated and best known were themselves the sources of the depredations and evils of which we complained; yet not imagining that a decree introduced with so much solemnity, of which one copy was sent to Mr. Gerry, another to the American Consul General at Paris, and a third to Mr. Letombe, late Consul General of France, all to be communicated to the Executive of the United States, and all of which have been received—could be a mere parade of words, I was disposed to conclude that the law of the 1st of October 1793, to which all cruisers were especially enjoined to conform, might contain regulations that would afford some relief from French depredations. By the favor of Mr. Letombe, I obtained a copy of that law; and to my astonishment found its object, conformably to its title, was "to determine the mode of dividing prizes made by French vessels on the enemies of the Republic." And the only restriction, is this lengthy law of six and forty articles, imposed on the individuals, officers and all others, composing the crews of their armed vessels; is, "that they shall not sell beforehand their eventual shares of prizes."
2. The second article declares that all commissions granted by the agents in the French colonies in America, to fit out vessels for cruisers, or for war and commerce, shall be void in thirty days after the publication of the decree in those colonies.
It has been supposed that by this regulation the agents may gather a fresh harvest of fees for new commissions; and, that this would be its only effect. The agents however had before taken care of this; they had been accustomed to limit the duration of privateer's commissions; and if they continued to cruise after their expiration, such privateers should have been considered as destitute of commissions, and consequently if they made any captures, as pirates:—but the agents knew their interest better: They did not punish the piratical captors—they did not declare their captures void, and restore the property to the neutral owners—but declaring such captors to have no title to the captured vessels and cargoes took the whole upon themselves. A remarkable instance occurred in the last year, in the case of the East-India ship New-Jersey, belonging to Philadelphia, to redeem which, the owners have paid to General Hedouville, Special Agent of the Executive Directory, in St. Domingo, upwards of two hundred thousand dollars in cash. Whether any, and what portion of such prize money goes into the chest of the Republic, I am not informed.
3. The third article declares that all agents and other deputies in the neutral professions, appointed to decide thereon the validity of prizes taken by the French cruisers, and who shall be suspected of having a direct or indirect interest in the cruisers, shall be immediately recalled.
It is remarkable that this article, apparently designed to correct the monstrous abuse of public officers sitting in judgment in their own causes, should be limited to
"a decree of the Convention Nationale 18 Decr 1793 l'an 2d de la Republique Francaise."
Que determine la mode de Reparation des prises faites par les vaisseaux Francaux sur les ennemis de la Republique."
such of the agents and their deputies as were appointed to reside in neutral places. I do not know that an instance of the kind exists. For although the French privateers and their prizes find asylums in the Swedish and Danish islands, yet the papers are carried thence to Guadalupe, and there the captured vessels receive their doom under the superintendence of another special agent of the Executive Directory, Victor Hughes. And even the captured American vessels carried into the West India ports of Spain and Holland, do not there receive sentence; these cases are decided by the agent or his deputies, or other French tribunals, established in the island of St. Domingo, frequently, if not generally, in the absence of the makers and supercargoes. The French agents and judges find no difficulty in this mode of proceeding; justice being administered with more facility and dispatch when only one of the parties is present at the trial; especially when the agents or other judges are interested in the privates; and this the present decree impliedly allows; the penalty of "recall" being applicable, as above suggested, to such agents only as reside in neutral places, if any such there be.
It is also remarkable, that this decree, which was to give the United States a proof of the justice of the French government (a government Mr. Talleyrand says "never listening to anything but justice") and of its desire of a reconciliation with the United States, should be limited to the West-Indies, when as great if not as numerous abuses were practised by French agents and tribunals in Europe, and even France itself, as in her remote possessions. This too many of our citizens well know. For captures and condemnations are not the less abuses, because made under the color of municipal laws and decrees which directly violate treaties, the law of nations, and the plainest principles of justice. At present I shall only mention, that in a report made by Major Mountflorance, chancellor of the American consulate at Paris, to General Pinckney, in December 1796, and which was laid before Congress in May 1796, he states, "that the tribunals of commerce in every port of France, take cognizance, in the first instance, of every matter relative to the capture at sea;" and these tribunals (he adds) are chiefly composed of merchants, and most of them are, directly or indirectly, more or less interested in the fitting out of privateers; and therefore are often concerned in the controversies they are to determine upon."
4. The fourth article requires the special agents of the Executive Directory at Cayenne, St. Domingo, and Guadalupe, to take care, that the interests and property of vessels, belonging to neutrals and allies, be scrupulously respected.
We have too long witnessed the flagitious and scrupulous care of these gentlemen respecting the property of neutrals and allies, and experienced its ruinous consequences; and as the same laws which authorized that "care" remain in force, and with a fresh injunction of strict conformity to them, we can expect only a continuance of the same abuses.
5. The fifth article enjoins the special agents of the Executive Directory, Consuls and all others invested with powers for that purpose, to cause to be arrested and punished all who shall contravene the provision of the present decree. Unfortunately these special agents, consuls, and their deputies, are themselves the aggressors, and justify their proceedings under the laws of the Republic and the Decrees of the Executive Directory.
This analysis of the present Decree manifests its futility; and, with some remarks on its preamble, will demonstrate it to be a bold imposture; intended to mislead the citizens of the United States, into a belief that the French government was going to put an end to the depredations of French cruisers on American commerce; while the means proposed are so gross as to be an insult on our understandings.
The Preamble to the Decree sets forth, "that information, recently received from the French colonies and the continent of America, leaves no room to doubt that French cruisers or such as call themselves French, have infringed the laws of the Republic relative to cruising and prizes;" and "that foreigners and pirates have abused the latitude allowed at Cayenne and the West-India Islands, to vessels fitted out for cruising or for war and commerce, in order to cover with the French flag their extortions and the violence of the respect due to the law of nations, and to the persons and property of allies and neutrals." And Mr. Talleyrand, in one of his letters before noticed, dated the 22d of July last, speaks of this information as having been "just received."
But what has been more notorious than French depredations on neutral, and especially on American commerce, in violation of treaties and the law of nations? These have been equal with the existing war in Europe; but were multiplied under the loose Decree of the Executive Directory passed the second of July, 1796, declaring that "the flag of the French Republic will treat neutral vessels, either as to confiscation to searchers, or to capture, in the same manner as they shall suffer the English to treat them."
This decree committed the whole commerce of neutrals, in the first instance, to the rapacity of French privateers, and then to the discretion of their Agents, Consuls and Tribunals. These had only to say, truly, or falsely, that the English treated neutrals in any given way, and then they

were to treat them in the same manner. Accordingly we have seen Santhonax and Raimond, Commissioners of the French government in St. Domingo in their adjudication of an American vessel, on the 10th of Jan. 1797, declare "that the resolution (or decree) passed by the Executive Directory on the 2d of July '96, prescribes to all the armed vessels of the Republic, and the armed vessels belonging to individuals, to treat neutral vessels in the same manner as they suffer the English to treat them," and "that it is in consequence of the above resolution of the Executive Directory, and in consequence of the manner in which the English Government in the Antilles treats neutral vessels, that the Commission passed their resolution of the 7th of January, by which they declare all neutral vessels bound to or from English Ports to be legal prize." From these facts and the tenor of the decree itself we can form but one conclusion, that it was framed in such indefinite terms on purpose to give scope for arbitrary constructions, and consequently for unlimited oppression and vexation.
But without waiting for this decree, the Commissioners of the French Government at St. Domingo began their piracies on the commerce of the United States: and, in February 1797, wrote to the Minister of marine, (and the extract of the letter appeared in the official journal of the Executive Directory of the fifth of June) "that having found no resource in finance, and knowing the unfriendly disposition of the Americans, and to avoid perishing in distress, they had armed for cruising, and that already 87 cruisers were at sea and that for three months preceding, the administration had subsisted, and individuals been enriched, with the product of those prizes." "That the decree of the 2d of July was not known by them until five months afterwards. But (say they) the shocking conduct of the Americans, and the indirect knowledge of the intention of our Government, made it our duty to order reprisals, even before we had received the official notice of the decree." "They facilitate themselves that American vessels were daily taken; and declare that they had learnt, by divers persons from the continent, that the Americans were perfidious, corrupt, the friends of England, and that therefore their vessels no longer entered the French ports, unless carried in by force."
After this recital before the council of 500, Pastoret makes the following remarkable reflections.
"On reading this letter, we should think that we had been transported into a savage country, where men, full ignorant of the empire of morals and of laws commit crimes without shame and without remorse, and applaud themselves for their robberies, as Paulus, Amilus or Cato would have praised themselves for an eminent service rendered to their country. Cruisers armed against a friendly nation! Reprisals when it is we ourselves who attack! Reprisals against a nation that has not taken a single vessel of ours! Riches acquired by the confiscation of the ships of a people to whom we are united by treaties, and whom no declaration of war had separated from us." "The whole discourse of the agents may be reduced to these few words;" "Having nothing wherewith to buy, I seize, I make myself amends for the property which I want, by the piracy which enriches me; and then I slander those whom I have pillaged." This is robbery justified by selfishness and calumny." Yet Santhonax, one of these "robbers," and the chief of those Directorial agents, continued in office and going a few months afterwards from St. Domingo to France, was received as a member into one of the Legislative Councils.
Pastoret also adverts to a letter from Merlin, then Minister of Justice, and now a member of the Executive Directory, to Mr. Skipwith, Consul General of the United States, which also appeared in the Journal of the Directory; and quotes the following passage: "Let your government break the inconceivable treaty which it concluded on the 19th November 1794, with our most implacable enemies; and immediately the French Republic will cease to apply in its own favour the regulations in that treaty, which favour England to the injury of France; and I warrant you that we shall not see an appeal to those regulations in any tribunal, to support jus belli pretensions." "Have I (says Pastoret) read this rightly? Unjust pretensions! Could it be possible that they should thus have been characterised by the Minister, who is himself their agent and defender?"
After all this "inconceivable British Treaty," was itself but a pretext to countenance the "unjust pretensions," as Merlin himself calls them, used by the French government in its tribunals, for the purpose of condemning American vessels. The details I have already given prove it. I beg
leave to adduce other evidence. It is the testimony of Mr. Barlow, an American by birth, but for several years past a citizen of France, a man of acknowledged discernment, and talents, devoted to the French Republic, and intimate with her leading men. Mr. Barlow has long resided at Paris, and cannot have mistaken the views of the French government, nor the motives of its conduct. Mr. Barlow's letter dated at Paris the 1st of March '98, to his brother-in-law. Mr. Baldwin, has doomed the writer to infamy; yet when it describes the principles and conduct of the French Republic, it merits attention. He says, "that act of submission to the British government, commonly called Jay's treaty, is usually considered, both by its friends and enemies, as the sole cause, or at least the great cause of the present hostile disposition of the French Republic towards the United States. This opinion (says he) is erroneous." He then proceeds to an enumeration of a variety of matters which he says have influenced the conduct of France. But the most provoking, and the most un pardonable of all the offences of the United States against France, was, fortunately, not an act of the government, but an act of the people. The freemen of the United States, "the true Americans," dared to exercise their independent rights, and contrary to the wishes of the French government and the endeavours and practices of its Minister Adet, elected Mr. Adams to the Office of President. Mr. Barlow's observations on this event further develop the character and the principles of that government. He says, when the election of Mr. Adams was announced here, it produced the order of the 2d of March, "which was meant to be little short of a declaration of war:" "the government here was determined to fleece you of your property, to a sufficient degree to bring you to your feeling in the only nerve in which it was presumed your sensibility lay, which was your pecuniary interest." And what was this "feeling" to produce? The answer is obvious; Submission to the will of the French government. The mystery of French politics is here unveiled. The United States did not submit; Hence the non-reception of her Envoys, and their haughty treatment: Hence the insulting demands of tribute as a preliminary even to their reception; and hence the expulsion of two of them from France.
* It will be recollected that this is the Decree of the Executive Directory, ordering the capture and condemnation of American vessels not having a Role d'Equipage—that fruitful source of plunder to Frenchmen, and of ruin to American citizens; and which also declared all American seamen, making a part of the crew of enemies ships even when put on board them by force, to be Pirates, and directed them to be treated as such.
(To be concluded in our next.)
New Set of Dispatches.
[Brought by Mr. Gerry, relating the affairs of France, after the departure of his colleagues.] [continued from our last.]
[No. 16.] (TRANSLATION.) Paris, 30th Prairial, 6th year, [18th June, 1798.] The Minister of Exterior Relation, to Mr. Gerry, Envoy of the United States.
I HAVE received, Sir, your answer of the 27th of this month, to my letter of the 22d. You take the trouble to observe to me, that my note of the 28th Ventose [18th March, 1798,] could not have made a part of the documents communicated by the President of the United States on the 14th Germinal [April 3d, 1798.] Do me the justice to believe that I have not committed this mistake.
You persist in thinking that your powers and your instructions do not permit you to proceed to the conciliating of the differences between our two Republics. You even announce to me positively your departure for the United States, in the vessel which your government has dispatched to Havre, I should have presumed, that after having received and transmitted to Philadelphia my note of the 28th Ventose, that one of the Envoys whose impartial disposition appeared to promise a reconciliation, would wait at Paris for further instructions and powers if he had need of them. It even appears to me, that these documents cannot now be long in reaching you, provided your government is as averse to a rupture as you assure me. The part you take tends to give room to conjecture, that the vessel arrived at Havre, has only brought you orders, similar to the acts of which I complained on the 22d of this month.
Nevertheless, Sir, such is the necessity of the assurances which I have given you in the name of the Executive Directory on the 28th Ventose, and which I have since repeated to you, notwithstanding the most irritating provocations, that I do not hesitate to explain myself to you, as if you
were in a situation to receive my overtures.
All negotiations between France and the United States, must essentially rest upon three principle points.
1. Frank and amicable declarations concerning certain circumstances which malevolence has and may yet misrepresent.
It is utterly false, notwithstanding the public and private insinuations which have been made in private writings, and in solemn acts, that the French government has ever sought to detach the people of the United States from the constitution they have given to themselves. It has complained of the American government, but to the government itself. Justice demanded, that it should render homage to the sympathy of a free people for the cause of liberty; and it did not go farther.
The Secretary of State, Mr. Pickering, has inserted in his public letter to Mr. Pinckney (of the 16th of January, 1797,) assertions against the good faith of France in the negotiations of 1782, which have no other foundations than the interested communications of the English negotiator. It is a long time that this insidious weapon, forged by the enemies of France, has been used in the dark.
It is of importance to the two countries, to understand each other equally concerning the true value of several documents published as emanating from the French government, and of the private acts of certain agents whom it has disavowed. In effect it is only by destroying all the germs of distrust, that a good understanding can reappear and continue hereafter without being obscured.
2. Fixing the meaning of several articles of the treaties between the two countries, and the absolute enjoyment of the rights which flow from them.
Long before the war, the 9th and 12th art's of the convention of the 14th of Nov. '88, the first relative to deserters, and the second relative to the jurisdiction of the consuls, were a continual source of alterations. They have become completely null by interpretations foreign to their manifest intent. It is necessary to perfect them.
By the 6th article of the treaty of alliance, France has renounced the Bermudas, New-Brunswick, Nova-Scotia, Cape Breton, Canada; in other words, it has renounced the procuring for itself of one of the ports which would have been so necessary for it to possess for the protection of its sugar islands. It devoted, in preference, the efforts of its arms to the defence of the United States. It was understood that it should find proportionate advantages in their ports. One of these advantages is found implicitly in the 17th article of the treaty of commerce of the same day.—The French ships, public and private may freely enter into the American ports with the prizes which they may take. The ships public and private of the enemies of France, who may have taken prizes from it, shall not, on the contrary, have an asylum in those ports. Such is the literal sense, such is the intended sense. Does good faith permit a distinction between the vessels of the enemies of France, who leave their prizes without the port, and those who come in with them? Can it be decided that the latter only should be excluded, without evidently violating the clause of the treaty which is the most important to France? Can it be invalidated by subsequent engagements? Doubtless not.
In virtue of the same 17th article, no authority whatever of the United States is permitted to interfere with the prizes taken by French ships public and private. The Captains are bound only to shew their commissions, because it is necessary to be able to distinguish the pirate from authorised vessels. It is also lawful to demand the release of a prize taken within the extent of the jurisdiction that is to say within the reach of cannon shot. But what abuse, what vexations, what odious chicanery, have flowed from the deviations from the meaning of the article? The government of the U. States has rejected the precautions suggested to remedy the evil. Experience has shewn that without these precautions the article is illusory.
The United States permitted the sale of French prizes until Prairial, 4th year [May, or June, 1796.] At this period the supreme court decreed the revocation of this advantage, in virtue of the 24th article of the treaty with Great Britain. The 27th article nevertheless adds, that that treaty shall in no respect alter those which the United States may have previously contracted. But the liberty, enjoyed by the French vessels of war of selling their prizes, is derived from the 17th and 22d articles of the treaty of commerce of the 6th February, 1778. The 17th article would be of little value, if it were confined to the right of asylum. The 22d article would be mere suppliance, if it did not declare a right for the French and an interdiction for their enemies.—
Great Britain obtained a similar right only on condition that it should be without force in all cases wherein France should be interested. When the United States concluded their treaty with Holland in October, 1782, the memory of the treaty of 1778, was not yet weakened: and the exclusive privilege of the 22d article of the former.
The same 22d article of the treaty of 1778 must be appealed to against the refusal given to French vessels of war to make any change of their armament in the United States. If the desire to prevent the disorders, of which the American government complained, induced the committee of public safety, in the beginning of the 2d year, to cause all original armament in the name of the Republic, in the United States, to be stopped, it did not intend that the abandonment of a doubtful pretension should carry with it that of an explicit right.
In the 23d and 24th article, France and the United States have agreed, that the neutrality of the flag should determine that of the cargo, and have contrasted the too extended catalogue of contraband merchandise. It would have been pleasing to the Republic to see in general prevalence, a system conformable with sound justice, and which it flatters itself one day to extend. But how could the obligation remain reciprocal between it and the United States, when there no longer remained a parity of situation.
The English government has abused the liberality of France to her injury, since the commencement of 1793, and has not even spared American cargoes bound to French ports. Principles, contrary to those which influence the Republic, have been consecrated since, in the 17th and 18th articles of the treaty of London. It is doubtless a forced concession on the part of the United States, who until then made it their glory in all their treaties, to aim at the liberty of the seas; but finally, it is a concession made by them in favor of England. France ought to enjoy it, in virtue of the 2d article of the treaty of Paris: Its regrets cannot render it insensible to its rights.
It ought, in virtue of this 2d article, which renders immediately common to it, every favor accorded by the United States to any nation whatever, to claim some other parts of the treaty of London.
3. The impartial examination of the damages which have resulted from the deviation from the treaties of 1778.
The treaties which bind the two nations have been insensibly rendered insignificant by sophistical interpretations. The clearest clauses have been finally denied. The American Government has never paid regard to the successive complaints of the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the Republic. It has never admitted them to enter into conference on this subject. It has always taken upon itself to decide; although in every reciprocal contract, neither party possesses the exclusive right of interpretation. After having exhausted itself in representations, the French government was obliged to cause its complaints to be unfolded for the last time, on the 25th Brumaire, 5th year (Nov. 15, 1796.) Stripped of the advantages which the most sacred, the most liberal treaty assured to it, it has been forced, in order to bring the United States back to their obligations to France, to imitate the conduct which England pursued previously to the treaty of London.
That court moderated its measures, after its object was accomplished; the present complaints of the United States might have been prevented, if those of the French government had been attended to. The complaints which the United States now make are, in fine, only the consequence of a state of things which has cost the French Republic & its citizens the most considerable damages. The French government nevertheless has not ceased to offer the exact justice which it demands. It has never refused, and never will refuse to enter into discussion upon every proper subject.
I have given, Sir, to these three points a large development. We are very near an agreement, when we really desire it on both sides, and when we candidly admit the state of the question. You see the negotiators require very general instructions, in order to obviate the inconveniences which are prolonged even until now. I believe, to fix the meaning of our treaties, it will be proper to draw up a declaration concerning it, to be hereafter obligatory upon the two parties and considered as making a part of the original acts; a declaration which, that it may have the force of law, should be established by the ratifications, which the constitutional forms respectively require.
The United States are placed in that happy unconnected state, which makes them, doubtless, a particular value upon the classes of their treaties relative to their commerce and navigation. It is the effect of the long
neutrality which they have the hope of maintaining. But France, although firmly determined, since it has become a republic, to live in peace with all nations, cannot flatter itself with escaping, the scourge which periodically torments Europe; and prudence requires that it preserve the rights which treaties secure to it in neutral ports, in time of war. With this double view, the American negotiators digested the treaty of commerce of 1778. Although it be reciprocal upon the whole, some provisions are more especially applicable to the fixed position of the United States; and others have allusion only to the eventual position of France. The latter made great sacrifices for the independence of the former. France has stipulated few advantages, advantages which do not in any respect injure the United States, and the lawfulness of which no foreign nation can contest. The French Republic, will never renounce them.
It is now in the power of the United States to realize the dispositions which you manifest in their name.—The prudence of your connections in France has preserved you from the prejudices which it is difficult not to contract, when one is less on his guard against foreign and even domestic intrigues. I persuade myself that you will transmit to your government only accurate documents. It will belong to it to pursue the best measures to effectuate a prompt reconciliation; and I ardently desire that they may correspond with the wish of the Executive Directory.
I continue however to think that instead of returning to the United States, it would be preferable that you should ask for the instruments necessary to the negotiation. Nothing could more accelerate the drawing together of those ties, which the French Republic and the true Americans have regretted to see relaxed.—Your presence at Paris, if the powers, which must be supposed to be on the road, should soon arrive, may momentarily accomplish the object which we both ambitiously pursue.
Your departure, on the contrary, will give a new activity to the plots laid for precipitating the two countries into measures which are as repugnant to their inclination as to their interests. The French government, being, besides, penetrated with the same sentiments, which you testify, will hereafter wait for what may be addressed to it, and with pleasure will behold you as the organ.
Accept, Sir, the assurances of my perfect consideration.
(Signed) CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND.
(To be continued.)
TO BE SOLD At Public Auction, On Thursday 21st inst. at 10 o'clock, A. M. at the dwelling house of the late Daniel Rindge, Esq. deceased, all the household FURNITURE of said deceased.
Among which are a large quantity of EXCELLENT Bed and Table Linnen, and a quantity of Plate; the whole Furniture and Plate will be sold without reserve. —A L S O—
A quantity of Vinegar, Cyder, &c. &c. The sale to continue from day to day till the whole is sold.
JACOB WALDEN, Auctioneer. Portsmouth, Feb. 12, 1799.
NOTICE.
ALL persons having demands on the Selectmen, or Overseers of the Poor for the town of Portsmouth, are hereby desired to present their accounts to the different departments for settlement, on or before the first day of March next ensuing. Portsmouth, Feb. 12, 1799.
ALL persons having demands on the estate of Daniel Rindge, late of Portsmouth, Esquire, deceased, are desired to exhibit them to the subscri- ber for settlement—and all those who are indebted to said estate are request- ed to make the most speedy payment unto JOSEPH PEIRCE, Executor.
In the absence of said Joseph Peirce from Portsmouth, persons having busi- ness with him as Executor, are notified to apply to John Peirce, Esq.
Portsmouth, Feb. 11, 1799. The several printers in this State are requested to insert this advertisement in their respective papers, and forward a bill for payment.
For Philadelphia, SLOOP AMITY, Moses
Woodward, jr. master, lying South side long wharf, will sail in 7 or 8 days, for freight or passage apply to the master.
N. B. Said Woodward has for sale a few whole and half barrels of super- fine FLOUR.

PARIS, Nov. 20.
BUONAPARTE'S PROCLAMATION.
THE Commander in Chief being informed that the inhabitants of the town of Alkham have assassinated the French aid de camp Jullien, and fifteen of the Frenchmen who formed his escort, orders that the said village shall be burned. That Gen. Lanus shall go with 500 men and an advice boat to Alkham, to execute the said order. All the cattle and grain found in the place shall be embarked and confiscated to the profit of the Republic. If the Schelicks can be arrested, they shall be brought as hostages to Cairo. The town shall be pillaged, and no house left standing. A proclamation shall be issued through the neighbouring towns, stating that Alkham was burned for having assassinated Frenchmen who navigated on the Nile.
(Signed) BUONAPARTE.
BUONAPARTE'S army, notwithstanding the tinsel narratives of the Parisian Editors, like a candle light at both ends, is rapidly wasting away; by disease on the hands and the continual assassinations of the Bedouins, on the other. Some of his best officers have fallen victims to these bushwhackers; and Buonaparte says in his official letter, it is not safe to promenade one hundred yards from the pickets, from fear of these maurauders.
LONDON, Nov. 21.
The London Gazette of yesterday contains a letter from Capt. Hood, of the Zealous, dated off Alexandria, Sept. 19, 1798, acquainting of the capture of a French packet, of 4 guns and 62 men, having Gen. Camin, and Valette an aid de camp of Buonaparte on board with dispatches from Toulon. The crew attempted to land, but were attacked, and stripped by the Arabs, and Camin and Valette killed. The rest were saved by the humanity of the English.
The following letter to Capt. Hood is also inserted in the Gazette.
Alemene, off Damietta, Sept. 21.
SIR,
I HAVE the honour of informing you that I arrived yesterday off Damietta, and pursuant to your orders cut out all the vessels that were anchored in that road, being eight in number, loaded with wine and other necessaries for the French army.
I am, &c. GEORGE HOPE.
NOV. 30.
Five moorish Ambassadors have arrived at Paris.—A compliment, no doubt, to the Five Algerines of the Directory.
Spain has acknowledged the Swiss Republic; being directed thereto by the French Directory.
THE CAMPAIGN.
Seventeen French generals have assembled at Metz. Jourdan commands in chief; Ferino, Bernadotte, St. Cyr, Lefevre and Massena have all divisionary commands. The campaign is to open immediately.
The Imperialists, in Moravia are in motion. The Archduke Charles has left Vienna for Swebia.
The first division of the Russian army, consisting of 22,000 Cossacks, &c. arrived at Lublin, in Poland, on the 20th September.
The King of Naples has announced to the magistrates of Naples, that on the 4th Nov. himself and his son would depart to put himself at the head of his army, and that they would march out of the Neapolitan states.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 7.
Authentic Information.
Extract of a letter from the Isle of France, dated Sept. 27, 1798.
I have to inform of the arrestation of the American ship Orion, of Boston, owned by Mr. James Tisdale, there.
"This ship arrived here from Batavia, bound to Hamburg with a cargo on board, freighted by the Dutch East-India company; as such came recommended to the Governor General of this colony, by the Governor General at Batavia.—Notwithstanding she has been arrested under the pretext of not being in rule, agreeable to the French construction, and already condemned in the Tribunal of Commerce, and I must observe, I have no hopes in the Court of Appeals.
"Since the arrival of the decree from France, to capture all vessels with English merchandise, or of the manufacture of their colonies, many privateers have been fitted out from this island, and I am fearful with such instructions, as will be injurious to the American commerce."
FEB. 9.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon Nov. 26.
"I have a letter from Genoa, Nov. 1, giving an account that a squadron of 4 sail of the line British, had burnt every one of the transports which had conducted Buonaparte's army to Egypt, at anchor in the old and new ports of Alexandria, on the 30th Sep-
tember last. Hostilities are again commenced between the Austrians and the French in the country of the Grisons. The King of Naples has on the actual march to his frontiers, 120,000 men. We may expect to hear very shortly the island of Malta being in possession of its inhabitants, as the French garrison in two or three forties have been very unsuccessful, the greater part having fallen victims to the revenge of the Maltese."
[The respectability of the gentleman who writes this letter, the uniform correctness of his former intelligence, the lateness of the dates, and the comparative vicinity of Genoa to the theatre of action, induce us to place much faith in the account.]
NEW-LONDON, Feb. 13.
Capt. Hazard from Guadalupe, has furnished the following letter.
LIBERTY. EQUALITY.
AGENCY OF GUADALOUPE.
"The particular Agents will exercise the same functions as the Executive Directory, and will be under their direction."
Confl. Art. 156.
Basseterre, Guad. Frimaire 25. [Dec. 15.] The particular AGENT of the Executive Directory, for Guadalupe, &c. to JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States of America.
SIR,
ARRIVED at the post intrusted to me by the Executive Directory, I think proper to inform you of the dispositions of the French Directory, towards the Neutrals and Allies, of which America is a part.
You will find them mentioned in the Decree of the 13th Thermidor last (12th August) the copy of which I add to this.
The privateers fitted out in the ports of Guadalupe, shall cruise against all the enemies of the Republic, but shall pay every regard to Allies and Neutrals who shall not be found in contravention with the laws respecting them.
The citizens of the United States may come, and exchange their produce for the productions of the island of Guadalupe. They will dispose of their property freely. The laws will protect them, and will punish with rigor whoever shall dare to infringe them, or to suspend their effect.
I hope that the many proofs of loyalty which will never cease to be the character of my actions, will be sufficient to restore the confidence and connections mutually useful.
I left France the 7th of Vendemaire last, (28th Sept.) with a division. The 16th of the same month, being in lat. 36d. 16m. long. 21, 35. the commodore of the division spoke the American vessel Ariadne, Capt. D. Prior, belonging to J. and J. Dorr, citizens of the U. S. and merchants in Boston.
The papers, and especially the Roll of Equipage, being in proper order, the whole proving to be American property, the vessel was released. It was also offered the Capt. that if he would follow, until day the division, they would give him a spar to repair his foretopmast, carried away in a storm. The vessel of the division shortened sail to let the American come up, but whether the vessel could not keep way, or the Capt. thought proper to change his course, we lost sight of him.
The 30th Brumaire last (20th Oct.) being to windward and in sight of the Island Desiada, we perceived four vessels of war sailing for us, being so close that we could plainly distinguish them hoist English colours. At that inst. the order was given to chase them, but immediately they tacked about, and stood from us.
The frigate P'Insurgente having overtaken the Schooner Retaliation commanded by Lieut. Bainbridge, we were convinced the vessels chased were Americans.
The necessity of arriving at our destination, and to avoid the pursuit of the English forces superior to ours, of which we had knowledge, every thing prevented me from taking a true view of our situation with the United States. In consequence, I gave orders for the sch. to follow the division.
After having spent the first moments to make my powers known, I occupied myself with the affairs of the Retaliation ; and if circumstances and political reasons had not obliged me to lay an embargo, I should immediately have let her go to the United States. These obstacles do not now exist. I leave Lieut. Bainbridge at liberty to sail for the United States, giving him the charge of the packets for you, and recommending to him to make his way with the vessels in which I send back all the American citizens made prisoners before my arrival in this Island.
I conclude, Sir, in repeating to you that the citizens of the United States will be considered and treated like allies; that in every circumstance they will obtain justice, and will be well received. Receive the assurances of my consideration.
DESFOURNEAUX.
CONDENSED CIRCUMSTANCES.
The above letter was profusely circulated at Guadalupe. One American vessel was condemned without any proper examination, 15 days after its publication. The Retaliation was about sailing with two cartels with
American prisoners. All the prisoners had been treated very ill; some had been put in irons. About 60 Americans had been pressed on board the French frigates.—Le Pené, frigate, with Hugues, had failed for France. provisions very high.
No purchasers for produce. People discontented. The Agent's Letter thought a mere political trick. The Agent made a condition with Lieut. Bainbridge, to proceed directly to Philadelphia: Hesitating, the sinking of his vessel was threatened.
BOSTON Feb. 14.
IMPORTANT.
From Mr. Cobbett's Philad. Gazette.
BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS.
It has been very industriously reported, by those who wish to see the amicable views of the two governments frustrated, that there has been a dispute between the British and American Commissioners, which has produced a secession on the part of the latter, and, of course, a suspension of the transactions of the board.
It has been reported by the same persons, and with the same malignant intentions, that the Board has already awarded forty or fifty millions of Dollars to British claimants, which the people of America will have to pay.
I assure you my readers, that both these reports are totally false and groundless. Neither of the Commissioners has ever seceded; the sitting of the board has never been interrupted; it still sits daily. And, as to the millions awarded, it is the grossest falsehood that ever was uttered. There is not a single award yet passed; consequently there is not a six-pence yet awarded.
Seeing that these reports were spreading far and wide (as far as Boston), I thought it my duty to make myself acquainted with the subject, and publish this contradiction.
It is said in a Dutch paper, that up to the beginning of Nov. the French lost 2000 men by the Belgian Insurgents. Nineteen waggons loaded with wounded Frenchmen entered Breda in one day.
The French Government have laid a tax on doors and windows.
FROM CAYENNE.
Capt. Peirce, arrived here yesterday from Wilmington, N. C. informs, of his having been captured on his outward-bound passage from Newbury-port to Surinam, carried to Cayenne, and condemned, vessel and cargo; that he purchased his vessel, and received as passengers, citizens ROUSTEGNENO and PAUPE, two Frenchmen, the former of whom, as Administrator of the Navy, had been very active in condemning his vessel and cargo; that finding whom he had on board, instead of touching at St. Bartholomews, to land them, he made the best of his voyage to North-Carolina, and delivered up his prisoners to proper authority.
Citizen BURNEL succeeds Citizen JEANNET, as French Agent at Cayenne.
FROM HAMBURG, Dec. 8.—(LATE).
The united Turkish and Russian squadrons have taken Cerigo, Zante, and Cephalonia, and the harbour of Corfu, with all the French shipping there.
Another arrestation of the Legislative members of the Batavian Republic, took place the 19th November.
The French at Malta, made a sortie on the 14th of October; but after a hard fought battle were defeated. Lord Nelson has reinforced the blocking fleet at Malta.
February 18.
We understand that a Committee of the Legislature of Georgia, now in Session, have reported a Bill for a cession to the United States of all the claims of that state to the lands on the Mississippi and in that Country, which were granted to several companies, together with all the monies received by the state in payment for them, under certain conditions to be performed by the United States, and that the report has been accepted by both Branches of the Legislature.
Our wharves have not been so thin of shipping for several years, as they now are. Thanks to the wisdom of our government, which is granting permission to arm, and affording a naval protection, have encouraged them to whiten the ocean with their canvas.
FROM THE WEST-INDIES.
Capt. Mawney, arrived at Providence, from St. Croix, which he left the latter part of January, repeats the account of the capture of the two French privateers by the Montezuma sloop of war; and says farther, that Admiral Barry, in the United States, had chased a French privateer into Guadalupe, and followed her so close, that he was in danger from the guns fired from the fort, as he was becalmed.—Several heavy shot fell within four feet of the frigate.
All this has happened since Citizen Desfearneau issued his lullaby Proclamation.
We believe the account of the captures by the Montezuma, inaccurate; and that the report was founded on her having re-captured two American vessels.
Further from the WEST-INDIES.
We learn, via New-London, that the American prisoners at Guadalupe, agreeably to Desfearneau's capitulation, were preparing to sail for their native country:—That the Retaliation's crew had been manacled 36 hours:—That the Americans have been confined in loathsome prisons, amongst negroes condemned for every species of crimes; kept on half a pound of bread and a quarter of a pound of fish per day; and treated in every respect infinitely worse than the English. Yet Desfearneau says, the English are his cruel enemies—the Americans "friends and allies."
Above fifty American prisoners have been pressed on board La Pené French frigate; which has failed from Guadalupe for France, with Victor Hugues on board.
Later accounts, via the Vineyard, mention, that the Retaliation , Lt. Bainbridge, and two cartels, having on board all the American prisoners, had failed for the United States.
A gentleman from Martinico, informs us, that the American fleet of eight sail, had looked into Guadalupe, but had taken nothing; the French privateers being remarkably shy. Of the fleet was the Commodore's ship of 44, the Constellation , 36, the George Washington , 24, &c. They had not heard of the Constitution.
We have letters before us, from Martinique, to the 8th January:—They mention, that a fresh supply of troops was expected momentarily by the fleet, when it was said an expedition against Surinam would take place: as vast quantities of produce were deposited there:—That Commodore Barry was then at Martinique, reciprocating civilities with the British Ad. Harvey; and that perfect harmony subsisted between the officers of the two fleets.
FROM MALAGA, Nov. 12.
"A fleet with 7000 English troops has passed up the Mediterranean,—supposed to assist the Neapolitans: Malta has surrendered to the English; the William Tell, one of the runaways from the Nile, was captured there; and the British fleet has taken the Generaux, and retaken the Leader, which had been carried into Corfu." We hope all this will be confirmed.
The Grand Seigneur has sent a Turkish army against Buonaparte; Catarre is the Commander in Chief. Two Russian frigates with six Turkish ships, and ten bomb ketches, have been sent to reinforce the British division before Alexandria; which consists of three 74s and several frigates. The French have 34 armed vessels in the inner harbour of Alexandria.
The several columns of Russian troops on their march, are to unite themselves at Crems, it is said, where our Emperor will review them.
The President of the United States has dismissed Messrs. Skipwith, Fenwick, Gutting, and Vans, the first as Consul-General in France, the others as Consuls at Bourdeaux, Havre, and Morlaix; and the whole consular authority of the United States, in France, is now vested in Stephen Cathalan, at Merfailles, who will attend to American affairs, respecting seamen, &c. in the French ports in the Mediterranean; Isaac Cox Barnet, at Bourdeaux; and P. F. Dobre, at Nantz, who will superintend all proper cases of seamen, &c. occurring in French ports in the Atlantic.
Turrell Tufts, Esq. of Medford, is appointed Consul of the United States, for Surinam.
The failure of the Bank, at Paris, of which Monneron was the head, has, we learn by letters, from Paris, occasioned more longitudinal phizes at the Luxembourg than the destruction of the Toulon fleet by Lord Nelson. It is a shock which will be felt to the extremities of the Republic.
MARINE INTELLIGENCE.
The Ebenezer, Smith, of Newburyport, is carried into Kingston for adjudication; the Hiram, Chase of Somersett, for salvage; Pomona, Swain, of Nantucket, for do.
The Fame, Brentford, of Boston, taken by the French, has been retaken by the English, and was carried into Plymouth, England, Nov. 28. The French had her 10 days.
The ship Sarah, Hawes, arrived at Falmouth, (Engl.) Nov. 30, after losing his bowsprit, and almost every thing on deck.
Capt. Bird, of the sch. Willing Maid , arrived at Salem on Monday last from St. Kitts, passenger in the Three Friends , Endicott. He was captured on his outward bound passage to Surinam, by the French lugger Briland , and carried into Cayenne
where his vessel and cargo were condemned and himself and crew treated with every mark of inhumanity. Capt. B. has furnished the following marine articles; left at St. Kitts 19th Jan. President, Hodges of Wilcasset; Mary, Hacker, New-York; Hallowell, Lovering, of Philadelphia; Capt. Dunbar, of Boston. Sailed in co. with 28 sail under convoy of the United States ships Montezuma and Norfolk , as far as lat. 22, left at St. Kitts, American frigate Constellation . Commodore Barry, was at Martinique, crew in great health.
PORTSMOUTH, FEBRUARY 20.
Lieut. Gen. WASHINGTON'S BIRTH-DAY.
Will be celebrated in this town on Friday next, at the Assembly-Room, those who wish to celebrate the day, will please to call at Mr. Larkin's Book-store, where the subscription paper is lodged, and subscribe their names by Thursday noon.
Dinner on Table at 3 o'clock.
We are credibly informed that a great quantity of feathers have lately been purchased at Philadelphia and at New-York, that were in beds on which persons had died of the Yellow-Fever, and must be very infectious, that the speculating adventurers are now hawking them about the country, and no doubt will offer them for sale very cheap; we hope that people will be very cautious how they purchase Feathers of these travellers least they have cause to repent when too late; there is every reason to believe that the mortal epidemic which prevailed last summer, was spread in many parts of the country by feathers, which cannot be easily cleaned after they are once infected. There have been frequent sudden deaths in Philadelphia through the winter past of the black vomit, where persons have lain on beds on which others have been sick, or died on the Yellow-Fever, and many physicians have given it as their opinion that the disorder proceeded from infection contained in the feathers.—We hope the people both in town and country, will take this friendly hint and be on their guard.
From the Salem Paper.
The Inspector of Police has received information that a great number of Feather-Beds have been purchased in Philadelphia and New-York, which were used for the sick of the Yellow-Fever in both of the said Cities the last Summer and Autumn. As they were supposed to contain the infection, they were sold very cheap to speculating adventurers, who are now hawking them about the country and sea-ports for sale.—The public are hereby cautioned against purchasing any Feathers which may be offered by travelling traders and strangers. This caution is more particularly necessary to be observed as it is made a certainty, that the Yellow Fever has been communicated this winter to a number of persons in Philadelphia who used the Beds that were so infected, and lost their lives in consequence.
The Legislature of Delaware State, have resolved, "that they consider the resolutions of the State of Virginia, as a very unjustifiable interference with the general government, and constituted authorities of the United States, and of dangerous tendency."
The Isles of France and Bourbon have been surrendered to the British Capt. Lefach.
Abraham Baldwin is elected Senator of the United States for the State of Georgia, for the term of six years from the 4th of March next, vice Josiah Tattnell whose time then expires. He had a majority of only 5 votes.
For the information of shippers of Tobacco and Logwood to Homburgh.
It is necessary to specify in the bills of Lading the word Leaf Tobacco, but unnecessary to mention the weight: and for Logwood, &c. it is necessary to specify the weight otherwise these articles are subject to a very heavy river duty.
ENTRIES AT THE CUSTOM HOUSE. Feb. 19, brig Union, Iuni, Montserrat.
CLEARED.
Feb. 14, ship Murdock, Stevens, Mozambique. 15, sloop Sally, Noble, Barbadoes. Ditto, sch. Industry, Trejekten Barbadoes.
Ten Dollars Reward.
LOST on Monday afternoon, the 18th inst. in Portsmouth, a small red Morocco Pocket Book, designed only to hold Bank Bills, and which contained upwards of Two Hundred Dollars in bills. Any person who has found and will lodge the same with Mr. Thomas Chadbourne, or the Printer hereof in Portsmouth, or with the subscriber in Dover, shall receive ten dollars reward.
DAVID COPP, jr.
Feb. 19, 1799.
TO BE LET,
A FARM within two miles of Portsmouth, containing about 150 acres of land, consisting of mowing, tillage, pasturing and orcharding, with a flock of cattle & sheep. Inquire of the subscriber in Portsmouth. JOSEPH WHIPPLE.

Fashionable GOODS.
Richard Evans,
Has just received an addition to his full assortment of English and India
GOODS,
Among which are a variety of
FANCY Chintzes and Calicoes; fashionable Mourning Chintzes; beautiful Muslin Chintzes, of the latest patterns; sprig'd, spotted, strip'd and check'd Muslins; a variety of black Muslins; green Muslin Shawls; pink, blue, green and yellow Tiffanies.
A variety of Color'd Satins; black Satins and Modes.
A few fancy Bonnets; fashionable Plumes; long and short Gloves; Glove knots.
Elegant Steel Clasps; Velvet Ribbons; silk stay Laces; Shoe Ties.
Emigrant Socks, and a few large and small dark Muffs which, (as the season is far advanced) he will sell very low. —ALSO—
Mens' most fashionable Hats.
Fancy Swansdown Vesting.
Rich black Satins.
Superfine Navy blue Cloth.
A variety of silk Velvets for caps; silk and cotton Gallowes.
Irish Linens of the first quality; silk Handkerchiefs; Hosiery; watch Chains, Keys, &c.
—LIKEWISE—
Best Bandanno Handkerchiefs, And a very general assortment of
INDIA COTTONS,
Some of which are very fine.
N. B. He has just opened a few pieces fashionable strip'd and plad GINGHAMS.
Portsmouth, beginning of Market-Street, Feb. 2. '99.
WHEREAS a number
of persons have repeatedly called at the dwelling house of the subscriber, without seeing him, being out on his collection business—they having their taxes to settle with him, and to remedy any future disappointment to the inhabitants on his being absent; He proposes for their convenience to attend at the Town Clerk's Office, every day in the week, (Saturdays and Sundays excepted) once every hour, from 7 o'clock in the morning 'till 5 o'clock in the afternoon,—until the 2d day of March next, by which means he trusts it will render the collection agreeable to the citizens whom he wishes to please, and flatters himself the mode will be approved of, and as the annual meeting is approaching it being highly necessary that the taxes should be collected previous thereto; He doubts not but that the delinquents will manifest their attachment to our Constitution and mild Government by a cheerful discharge of their arrearages, and will evince their approbation of the officers of their choice in the town.
GEORGE WENTWORTH, Collector.
Portsmouth, Feb. 5, 1799.
AN Act limiting the
time within which claims against the United States, for credits on the books of the Treasury may be presented for allowance.
BE it enacted by the
Senate and House of Representatives, of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That All Credits on the books of the Treasury of the United States, for transactions during the late war, which according to the course of the Treasury, have hitherto been discharged by issuing certificates of Registered debt, shall be forever barred, and precluded from settlement or allowance, unless claimed by the proper creditors, or their legal Representatives, on or before the first day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine.
And the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby required to cause this act to be published, in one or more of the public papers of each State.
JONATHAN DAYTON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
THEODORE SEDGWICK,
President of the Senate Pro Tempore.
JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States.
Approved, July 9, 1798.
J. FROST
RESPECTFULLY informs the public that he shall sell the Goods that he has on hand, on the most reasonable terms for cash.
Said Frost will go on to the Western Territory, as soon as his business will admit of it; and does respectfully call on those that have accounts open with him to settle, and those that are indebted by note of hand, to call at his store and pay the same.
Durham, Feb. 19.
Neil M'Intire HAS FOR SALE
The following articles, on very reasonable terms, viz.
TEN Chests Bohea
Tea, of an excellent quality.
18 Bags Coffee.
10 Casks best Linseed Amsterdam Oil.
Cotton by the bag.
12 Hhds. Grenada & Demerara Rum.
6 Ditto Molasses.
Boxes old Castile Soap, suitable for washing Muslin, &c.
Number Hhds. and barrels Sugars.
Number oblong Ovens very convenient for fish or baking.
16 Hhds. very best sweet scented Virginia Tobacco.
40 Kegs best fig Tobacco.
Segars that are very mild.
Pigtail and every kind of manufactured Tobacco of the very best quality.
—LIKEWISE—
A quantity of excellent new Cordage of different sizes.
Portsmouth, Dec. 21, 1798.
THE subscriber in-
tending to leave Portsmouth early in March ensuing, requests all to call for any demands against him to call for their pay—and those indebted to him are desired to make immediate payment.
JOHN MAN. Portsmouth, Jan. 23, 1799.
WANTED TO PURCHASE,
A VESSEL between
Thirty and fifty Tons, that sails well, shifts without ballast and suitable for a coaster, any person having such a vessel for sale may hear of a purchaser by applying to John Noble, near the ferry.
Portsmouth Jan. 30 1799.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the town of Bradford, that have not paid their State, highway and county taxes for the year 1798, that so much of their land as will pay said taxes, with incidental charges, will be sold at public auction at the dwelling house of Ebenezer Eaton, innholder in said Bradford, on the 27th day of April next, at ten of the clock, A. M. unless prevented by previous payment.
John Moffatt, lot No. 47, 100 66 16 2 6
DANIEL DAVIS, Collector.
Bradford, Feb. 9, 1799.
State of New-Hampshire.
Rockingham, ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the town of Raymond, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1797, that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue at the house of Mr. Thomas Bean, innholder in said Raymond, on the 11th day of April next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Non-resident last owners known.
Table with 4 columns: Name, High-way, County, Town. Lists owners like John Scribner, Esq., Stephen Sleeper, Doct. Amos Gale, etc.
NEHEMIAH ORDWAY, Jr. Collector. Raymond, Jan. 18, 1799.
To be sold at public vendue, to the
highest bidder, so much of the lots of land belonging to non-resident owners of land in Sutton, for their Highway tax laid on their land for the year 1798, as will pay said taxes with incidental charges unless prevented by previous payment, on Monday the 8th day of April next, at the house of David Eaton in Sutton, at 10 o'clock A. M. The owners of the lots of land are as follows, together with the No. and division, and No. of acres, with the valuation and tax.
Table with 4 columns: Div. No. ac'ts. D. Cts. Cts. valuation. tax. Lists owners like Benjamin Evans, David Marsh, John Ayers, etc.
DAVID EATON, Collector. Sutton, February 2, 1799.
WHEREAS,
By an Act of Congress passed on the sixteenth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, the President of the United States is authorized to borrow on behalf of the United States from the Bank of the United States, or from any other body or bodies politic or corporate, or from any person or persons, and upon such terms and conditions as he shall judge most advantageous for the United States, a sum not exceeding five millions of dollars, so however, that no contract or engagement be made which shall preclude the United States from reimbursing any sum or sums borrowed at any time after the expiration of fifteen years from the date of such loan. And whereas, it is declared by the said Act, that so much as may be necessary of the surplus of the duties on Imports and Tonnage beyond the permanent appropriations heretofore charged upon them by law, shall be pledged and appropriated for paying the interest, and also for paying and discharging the principal sum or sums of all the monies which may be borrowed, according to the term or terms which may be fixed, pursuant to the authority aforesaid—And whereas the said Act, the faith of the United States is pledged to establish sufficient permanent Revenues for making up any deficiency that may hereafter appear in the provisions before mentioned for paying the interest and principal sums, or either of them, of any monies which may be borrowed pursuant to the said Act. And whereas the President of the United States did by an Act or Commission under his hand dated the ninth day of January in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, authorise and empower, the Secretary of the Treasury, to borrow on behalf of the United States, any sum not exceeding in the whole, five millions of dollars and to make such contract or contracts as should be necessary, and for the interest of the United States, in pursuance of the Act of Congress above recited.
Now therefore, the undersigned, Secretary of the Treasury, in pursuance of the Act of Congress, and the authority from the President of the United States, above mentioned, doth hereby on behalf of the United States of America, contract and engage in manner following, to wit.
1st. A book for receiving subscriptions to a Loan of five millions of dollars for the use of the United States shall be opened in the city of Philadelphia, at the Bank of the United States on Thursday the twenty-eight day of February ensuing, which book shall continue open for the purpose of receiving subscriptions, until the whole of the said five millions of dollars shall be subscribed. If more than five millions of dollars shall be subscribed on the first day of opening the said loan, the surplus shall be deducted in proportion to the sums subscribed by individuals, exceeding four thousand dollars.
2d. For every hundred dollars which may be subscribed there shall be forthwith deposited and paid the sum of twelve dollars and fifty cents, and like payments of twelve dollars and fifty cents, shall be made within the first ten days of the months of April, May, June, July, August, September and October ensuing. The Secretary of the Treasury however reserves the right of reducing the number of installments by special agreements, with the individuals who may become subscribers.
3d. On the failure of payment of any installment of the sums subscribed according to the tenor of the second article, the next preceding installment of twelve dollars and fifty cents, which shall have been paid, for every hundred dollars subscribed shall be forfeited to the United States.
4th. The sums subscribed shall and may be paid to the credit of the United States, at the Bank of the United States, or at the offices of discount and deposit of the said Bank at Boston, New-York, Baltimore, or Charleston, or at either of the Banks of Salem, in Massachusetts, Newport and Providence in Rhode-Island, Hartford in Connecticut, Albany in New-York, or Alexandria in Virginia, for which payments, the receipts of the Cashiers of the Offices of Discount and Deposit and of the Banks aforesaid shall be received at the Bank of the United States as equivalent to money; but no payment of a subsequent installment shall be received at any other place than that where the first installment was paid, except at the Bank of the United States; in case any deposits shall be made at the offices of Discount or Deposit, or at either of the Banks aforesaid, which shall not be applied to the payment of the first installment of subscriptions to the Loan aforesaid, the said deposits shall be forthwith refunded by directions from the Treasury.
5th. For the sums or number of shares of one hundred dollars, which may be subscribed, certificates shall be given by the Cashier of the Bank of the United States, which shall be assignable by indorsement, and delivery of the parties in whose favor the said certificates may be issued, until the completion of the payments required by the tenor of the second article preceding.
6th. The sums subscribed and paid in pursuance of the tenor of the second article preceding, shall after the said payments have been completed, constitute a funded capital stock divisible into shares of one hundred dollars each, which capital stock shall bear interest at the rate of eight per centum per annum from the times fixed for the payment of the respective installments, payable quarterly yearly at the Treasury of the United States, or at the Loan Offices where the same may stand credited, until the last day of December, in the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.
7th. After the last day of December in the said year one thousand eight hundred and eight, and after reasonable notice to the creditors, which shall be given by an advertisement in some public newspaper, printed at the seat of the government of the United States, the said capital stock shall be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States by the reimbursement of the whole sum or sums borrowed, and which may constitute the said capital stock either at the Treasury of the United States or at the Loan offices where the same may stand credited.
8th. The credits for the said capital stock shall and may be separately certified in sums either for one hundred, four hundred, one thousand, four thousand or ten thousand dollars, and the credits so certified shall be transferable by the creditors, or their attorneys, at the Treasury and Loan
Offices respectively, in pursuance of the rules which have been, or which may be established relative to the transfer of the funded stock of the United States.
9th. A sufficient sum of the surplus of the duties on Imports and Tonnage beyond the permanent appropriations heretofore charged upon them by law, together with the faith of the United States are hereby pledged for the fulfillment of this contract, in pursuance of, and according to the terms and conditions of the act of Congress herein before recited.
Given under my hand and the seal of the Treasury of the United States at (L.S.) Philadelphia, this twelfth day of January one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine.
OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
Jan. 12.
State of New-Hampshire.
Rockingham, ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in the town of Raymond, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1798, that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Mr. Thomas Bean, in said Raymond, on the ninth day of April next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Non-Resident last owners known.
Table with 4 columns: Name, High-way, County, Town. Lists owners like Dr. Amos Gale, Kingston, Jona. & Peter Eastman, etc.
Raymond, Jan. 12, 1799.
State of New-Hampshire.
Wendell, ff.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of lands in the town of Wendell, in the county of Cheshire, who have not paid their highway taxes for the year 1796, assessed on their lands in said town, agreeably to an act of the General Court of said State, that so much of their lands as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of Capt. Joshua Gage, in said town, on Monday the eleventh day of March next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Acres. No. range. d. cts.
Table with 4 columns: Name, Acres, No., range, d. cts. Lists owners like Joseph Johnson, Stephen Jewett, Jr., Benjamin Harris, etc.
WHITTIER PERKINS, NATHANIEL PERKINS, Selectmen. Wendell, Dec. 31, 1798.
To be sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, by the subscriber, on Tuesday the 26th day of March next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, at the house of Isaac Riddle, innholder in Bedford, in the county of Hillsborough, and State of New-Hampshire, so much of the following lots of land in said Bedford as will pay the taxes annexed to the same, with incidental charges, unless prevented by previous payment.—Said taxes were assessed in the year 1789.
Table with 4 columns: Name, s. d. Lists owners like James Pitts, Eben't Dorr, Nehemiah Kimbridge, etc.
ADAM SMITH, Constable for 1789. Bedford, Jan. 4, 1799.
WHEREAS Joseph Benjon, jr.
of Portsmouth, hath obtained a note of hand from Samuel Fifield, of Gilmantown, signed by the said Fifield, there being no just consideration paid by said Benjon, for the same; this is therefore to caution all persons from purchasing a note of hand of any date for any sum whatever, signed by Sam'l Fifield to Joseph Benjon, jr. as the said Fifield never signed any note whatever to him, for a just consideration, therefore he will not pay any.
SAMUEL FIFIELD.
NEW GOODS.
Peter Coffin,
Has just received, an assortment of
Staple & Fancy Goods,
Among which are the following:
BEST SUPERFINE
French black and blue Cloths of a superior quality; Fashionable brown and mix'd Cloths; Plain, printed and mix'd Calimeres; Coatings; Duffils; Forest Cloths; Devonshire Kerseys; Baizes; Flannels.
Swansdown, Cassimere, Quiltings, Molekin and Silk Waist-Coating; Velvets; Thicksets; silk Florentine; silk Cape-Velvet.
Fashionable plad Chintzes and Calicoes; Ginghams; chintz & copper-plate Furniture; fine linen Handkerchiefs; black and color'd silk Shawls; long and square Camel's hair Shawls.
Book, jaconet, strip'd, check'd, tambor'd, japan, and fine black Muslins; fine India plain and corded ditto; Muslin Handkerchiefs; Lawn Handkerchiefs and Aprons; Lawns; Cambricks; fine Dimeties; Cravats, and square Handkerchiefs.
Lutestrings; black and color'd Satins for Cloaks and Bonnets; black Modes; Sarsnets; Tiffanies; crape, plain and nett Gauzes; black and white Italian Crape; black Lace Veiling, and nett Veils.
A great variety of fine thread Laces and Edgings; black silk Lace and Edgings; gold and silver Fringes; Silver Laces; Chimeal; fancy gown trimmings; Elastic Girdles; Ribbons.
Fashionable Satin Beavers; a few fancy Hats and Bonnets with bands; Dunstable straw Hats; Morocco and Kid Slippers; Elastic Slips; lasting, fatinet and florentine Shoes and Slippers; Childrens' Morocco Shoes; French white and grey Kid Gloves; Silk Gloves and Mitts.
Necklaces and Eardrops; Spangles; gold and silver Epaulets; gold and silver Cord; silk Stay Laces; cotton and silk Elastic Slings; silk Stock Stiffeners; a variety of fancy Feathers; Shoe Ties.
White angola, mock fable and ting'd Canary Fur Trimmings; real fable ditto.
Worsted, cotton and silk Hosiery; Mens' worsted, beaver and Woodstock Gloves; Mens' fashionable Hats; mock-velvet and worsted Caps.
Diaper Table Cloths; Green table Coverings; Brown Holland; check Linens; India Cottons; Crapes; Camblets; Shaloons; Durants; Tammees; plain and ribb'd Calamancoes; Russells; Lastings; Satinets; Florentines.
Steel, pearl, plated, gilt, paper, Italian and Princes Buttons; steel Knee Buckles; high polish'd steel Scissors; shirt Buttons; tooth Brushes; Morocco Pocket Books, and thread Cases.
Embroidering and common Sewing Silks; Twist; white and color'd Threads; Ferrrets; Gallooms; Tapes; Pins, &c. &c. &c. Portsmouth, Feb. 2, 1799.
FURS.
CASH and a good price given
for all kind of FURS, by
Henry Bafs, & Co.
at the fourth end of Boston. Boston, Jan. 19, 1799.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident owners of land in Canaan, who have not paid their State and highway taxes for the year 1798, that so much of their land as will pay said taxes with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the house of William Parkhurst, innholder in said Canaan, on the 27th day of April next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
Table with 4 columns: Name, Ac. d. cts. Lists owners like Thomas Guffin, Jos'h Babcock, Eben't Fames, etc.
RICHARD CLARKE, 3d. Collector. Canaan, Jan. 23, 1799.