The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1804-06-05 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
"By adopting REPUBLICANISM for our Polar Star, we shall endeavor to inculcate the true principles of their Constitution, and promote an union of sentiment and of action, equally auspicious to their happiness and safety."
PORTSMOUTH: (New-Hampshire) PUBLISHED BY PIERCE, HILL & PIERCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
PROPOSALS
For carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office in Washington, until the 15th day of June next, inclusive.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
29. From Fryeborg in Maine by Conway, the Notch of the White mountain, Intervale and Lancaster to Guildhall C. h. in Vermont once in two weeks.
Leave Fryeborg every other Wednesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Guildhall Thursday by 10 a. m.
Returning—Leave Guildhall every Thursday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Fryeborg on Friday by 6 p. m.
30. From Conway to Alton once in two weeks.
Leave Conway every other Wednesday at noon and arrive at Alton by 6 p. m.
Leave Alton every other Thursday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Conway by noon.
The contracts for the routes numbered from 27 to 43 inclusive, and from 55 to 69 inclusive, are to be in operation on the 1st day of October next, and continue in force for one year. The contracts for the routes numbered from 44 to 54 inclusive are to be in operation on the 1st day of October next and are to continue in force until the 31st day of March, 1805.
NOTES.
1. The Postmaster-general may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening & closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any succeeding mail, whereby the mails defined for such succeeding mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alteration desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.
6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of August, November, February and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Postmaster-general reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of October next, and are to continue in force for two years.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster-General. General Post Office, Washington City, February 23, 1804.
NEW GOODS.
Benjamin Swett,
No 8, Market street, has received a general assortment of Spring and Summer
GOODS,
which he will sell very low for cash. Wanted, 5,000 yards good TOW CLOTH. May 22, 1804.
Ten Dollars Reward.
DESERTED from this place on the 10th instant, OLIVER WHITNEY, a soldier in the United States Artillerists. He is 23 years of age, 6 feet high, has a light complexion, brown hair, blue eyes, was born in Harvard, Massachusetts, and is by occupation a Carpenter.
Whoever will take up said deserter, and deliver him to me at this place, or to the commanding officer of any military post in the United States, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges.
LEMUEL GATES, Capt. Art. Commanding. Fort Constitution, May 20, 1804.
Valuable Family Medicines.
Just Received, from the Author, and for sale by CHARLES PIERCE, Portsmouth, the following VALUABLE MEDICINES—viz.
Dr. Rawson's Anti-Bilious and Stomachic PILLS.
SO justly appreciated for the rapid and unexampled success with which they have been used in the spring and fall seasons; such as Indigestion, Debility, Lowness of Spirits, Bilious Complaints, Jaundice, Dysentaries, Fever and Agues, Rheumatism, &c. They procure a strong appetite and digestion, disposing to briskness and liveliness, those persons, who before taking them were melancholy, low spirited and trembling, and remove those dull, unpleasant sensations, so disagreeable to be borne. 50 cents a box.
Dr. Lee's Genuine, Windham, BILIOUS PILLS.
The great sale and increasing demand for these valuable PILLS, for the last 2 years past, bespeak their intrinsic worth. They have proved singularly efficacious in Bilious and Yellow Fevers, Jaundice, Head-achs, Dysentaries, Bilious Cholick, Dropfies, Female Complaints, &c. Each bill of directions will be signed by SAMUEL LEE, Jr. (the Patente) in his own hand writing, or they will not be genuine. 50 cents a box.
Dr. Rawson's ITCH OINTMENT, A certain and safe application for that disagreeable complaint called the Itch. It effects a cure in a very short time. Price 50 cents a box.
Dr. Thompson's AROMATIC TOOTH PASTE,
For curing the Scurvy in the Teeth and Gums, and for whitening and preserving the Teeth; it likewise takes off all disagreeable smells from the breath, which generally arise from scorbatic Gums and bad Teeth. Price 50 cents a box.
Dr. Rawson's Anti-Bilious PILLS, or FAMILY PHYSIC.
In great colds and sudden attacks of disorders, an early use of these PILLS often produce the happiest effects; and taken once in 8 or 10 days, in cases of Indigestion, Dizziness, Pains in the Stomach and Bowels, Diarrhoeas, &c. and the use of my Anti-Bilious Bitters, in the intermediate time, has relieved patients almost to a miracle. Price 25 cents a box.
Dr. Rawson's WORM POWDERS, A Medicine which, for efficacy and safety in its operations, stands unrivaled. The most authentic proofs of its astonishing virtues and good effects, in extreme and alarming cases of Worms, may be seen at the place of sale. Price 50 cents a package.
Dr. Cooley's RHEUMATIC PILLS. 42 cents a box.
Hinkley's infallible REMEDY for the PILES. Price 50 cents a box. (Very particular directions accompanying each of these valuable Medicines.)
James Rundlet,
HAS just received per the ship Kingston, from London, a further supply of Goods, which completes his SPRING and SUMMER
assortment of Staple and Fancy GOODS,
which are now ready for sale on good terms, by wholesale and retail, for cash, or short approved credit. Portsmouth, May 29, 1804.
Beverly Cotton GOODS.
J. MARSH,
Has just received from the Manufactory, a consignment of the following articles,
—viz.— COTTON SHEETING; do. SHIRTING; Striped FUSTIAN, various qualities; plain—do.—very stout; which he offers for sale at the same prices they are sold for at the Manufactory. He expects shortly an assortment of Warp, Filling & Stocking YARN.
—Also, FOR SALE,
Beverly Bed Ticks; 2/4 and 3/4 IRISH LINENS of the latest importation and best quality at a small advance by the piece. Linen and cotton Cambricks. Threads, white and colored.
And a variety of European and India GOODS.
Portsmouth, May 2, 1804. WANTED—A HOUSE, convenient for a family, in a central part of the town. Inquire of the Printers. May 22, 1804.
UNITED STATES, at the first Session begun and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday the seventeenth of October, one thousand eight hundred and three.
AN ACT
For the relief of the sufferers by fire, in the town of Norfolk.
BE it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all persons who, being indebted to the United States for duties on merchandise, have given bond therewith with one or more sureties, payable to the collector of the district of Norfolk and Portsmouth, and who have suffered a loss of property by the late conflagration at the town of Norfolk, shall be, and they hereby are allowed to take up, or have cancelled, all bonds heretofore given for duties aforesaid, upon giving to the collector new bonds with one or more sureties to the satisfaction of the said collector, for the sums of their former bonds respectively, payable in twelve months from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds to be taken up or cancelled, as aforesaid; and the said collector is hereby authorised and directed to give up or cancel all such bonds, upon the receipt of others, as described in this act; which last mentioned bonds shall be proceeded with in all respects, like other bonds which are taken by collectors for duties due to the United States: Provided, however, that nothing in this act contained shall extend to bonds which had fallen due before the nineteenth day of February last.
NATH'L MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 12, 1804.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON
AN ACT
Making an appropriation for defraying the expenses incurred in enquiring into the official conduct of Samuel Chase and Richard Peters, and in conducting the impeachment against John Pickering.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the sum of two thousand dollars be and the same is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any money in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated, for the payment of such expenses as may have been or hereafter may be incurred in prosecuting the enquiry into the official conduct of Samuel Chase, and Richard Peters, and in conducting the impeachment against John Pickering.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That to every witness summoned to attend the Senate in support of the said impeachment, there shall be allowed for every day's attendance, the sum of three dollars, and at the rate of twelve and a half cents per mile, in coming from and returning to his place of abode, for traveling expenses.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That any other expense certified by the chairman of any committee appointed to conduct the said enquiry or impeachment, to have been authorized by him, shall also be allowed and paid.
NATH'L MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 19, 1804.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
The Election in New York has terminated in favor of Republicanism, by a majority of Eight Thousand, Seven Hundred and Eighty-Two votes, against all the exertions of the Federal Faction, aided by the whole herd of disappointed Office-Seekers, opistate Republicans, and broken Speculators. This majority is more than twice as large, as the one, by which the old patriot, GEORGE CLINTON, was chosen the last election.
FOR THE NEW HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE.
On the Amendment of the Constitution.
AMONG the various subjects that the Representatives of the people will be called to consider at their approaching session, none perhaps, can be viewed of greater importance, or will require a more thorough exercise of firm and genuine patriotism, than the proposed amendment of the federal Constitution, relative to the choice of President and Vice President of the United States.—Believing that the sincere and fair truth will not be obscured by the manner in which it has been presented to his view, the following observations, all of which the writer does not claim as originally his own, are submitted, (without apology) to every candid citizen and to such only, while those of an opposite description are desired to throw them aside as the infidel does his bible, lest it should convince him of truths which he has determined never to believe.
The article in the constitution proposed to be amended, it is presumed has had but few honest advocates since there has been an opportunity for testing its merits by experience. Its defects have been visible, by turns, to all parties, who at different periods have been equally anxious for a remedy. Such was the peculiar state of affairs at the two first presidential elections, that it attracted no particular notice. There was then no competition for the Presidency; all parties confided in a Washington. The only competition was for the Vice Presidency. From this cause a virtual discrimination arose as real and effectual as if written on the ballots. But as soon as the competition for the Presidency took place, the public attention was turned to this constitutional point.—In the year 1798 a committee was appointed by the legislature of New-Hampshire consisting of Mr. Plumer, Mr. Armor, Mr. Abbot, Mr. T. Leavitt, Mr. Rust, Mr. Young and Mr. S. Smith all federal men on the part of the house, and Mr. Fogg and Mr. Whitcomb from the Senate, to take into their consideration the article in the Constitution of the United States respecting the election of President and Vice President, and report thereon.—This committee unanimously reported the following resolve, which passed both branches without opposition and received the approbation of Governor Gilman.
"Resolved that the Senators and Representatives of this State, be and they are hereby requested to use their best endeavours that Congress propose to the Legislatures of the several States the following amendment to the Constitution of the United States,—viz.—That the Electors of President and Vice President, in giving in their votes shall respectively distinguish the person whom they desire to be President, from the one whom they desire to be Vice President, by annexing the words President or Vice President, as the case may require, to the proper name voted for; and the person having the greatest number of votes for Vice President (if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors chosen) shall be Vice President, and if there be no choice and two or more persons shall have the highest number of votes, and those equal, the Senate shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for Vice President, and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list, the Senate shall in like manner choose the Vice President. But in choosing the Vice President the votes shall be taken by States, the senators from each State having one vote, a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice; and in case the Senators and Representatives of this State in Congress, shall find that the aforesaid amendment is not conformable to the sentiments of a constitutional majority of both branches of the National Legislature, they are hereby requested so to modify the same as to meet the sentiments of such majority.—Provided however, that any amendment which may be agreed upon shall oblige the electors to designate the person they desire to be President, from the one whom they desire may be Vice President."
"Resolved further, that His Excellency the Governor be and he hereby is requested to communicate the foregoing resolve to the supreme executive of the several States, and also to transmit the same to the Senators and Representatives in Congress." The communication was accordingly made to the Legislature of Massachusetts, as completely federal as that of New-Hampshire, who passed a concurrent resolve with little or no opposition. Agreeably to request the subject was brought before Congress in the winter of 1799 on motion of Mr. Foster a member from this State, on which motion it does not appear by the Journals, that any order was taken. Why the business was thus passed over, it is difficult at this day to ascertain. It may however be remembered that the famous Non-intercourse Bill, the Bankrupt Act, the Stamp Act, the Act for establishing a standing Army, and the Act for laying a direct tax, were all under consideration at that time, objects too important in the estimation of the party then ruling to give way to any measures calculated for no other purpose than to preserve in purity the true spirit of the Constitution and the rational exercise of the privileges it contains.
The great objections to the amendment in question, so far as relates to the designating principle, are two—viz. That its operation will tend to lessen the privilege of the small States, in the choice of President and Vice President; and, that it will not so effectually secure the election of the two best men to those offices, as the Constitution now does.—Let us now consider these objections.—In the first place—how is the privilege of the small States to be lessened by the adoption of the proposed amendment? By occasioning a combination of the large States against the small, say its opponents.—Which are the large States? Those that have been placed under this denomination are five—viz. Massachusetts, New-York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina, extended from north to south, in their geographical situations, and separated from each other by small States, by which they are respectively surrounded. Suppose such a combination was about to be formed—would Massachusetts more probably league with N. Carolina and Virginia, or with New-Hampshire and Connecticut, neighbouring States having similar habits and wants? Is it not much more probable, that competition of interests or motives of ambition will create such jealousies between those large States, as effectually to secure the smaller against any political combination to their injury? Surely reason and experience must both answer in the affirmative.—In Congress there have been struggles between great political parties, between northern and southern States, between mercantile and agricultural interests, but none between large and small States. The great check imposed upon executive power by our Constitution is a popular mode of election; & the true object of jealousy which ought to attract the attention of the people of every State is any circumstance tending to destroy that check.—The controversy is not therefore between larger and smaller States but between the people of every State, and the House of Representatives.
How it can be made to appear that we shall be more likely to obtain the two best men for President and Vice President, in the present mode of electing, than we shall be in the mode prescribed in the amendment, is hard to be conceived.—Will the electors be under greater advantages to judge of the respective qualifications of men, by viewing them collectively, than they will by considering them in their individual and separate capacities?—There cannot be the least possible doubt but that in the latter mode they will be able to judge to the greatest advantage. This indeed is the only way in which, in the nature of things, it is possible to form a rational and correct opinion of the comparative worthiness of men. By whomsoever the choice is to be made whether by the electors or by the house of Representatives, our object must be to obtain the best man for President, and the next best for Vice President. In order to this, recourse must necessarily be had to the principle of discrimination, which is the great object of the proposed amendment.
The present constitutional mode of election is liable to a number of objections. It is objectionable because it is built upon a false hypothesis; an hypothesis

proved by experience to be false. It supposes two candidates not only both qualified for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, but equally qualified, and each of them equally adapted to either of those offices: and that there is no preference of one to the other, in the public expectation, or in the choice of the electors. There is always an inequality of qualifications, and an elective preference between any two candidates. But if any one shall think such an assertion not always true, all must confess that it is often and generally so. And if it is true in any instance, the Constitution is imperfect; for it does not authorize a designation of such an actual preference; and therefore does not provide for a true expression of the public will.
It is a radical principle of our republican government, that the majority and not the minority shall govern. In elections the will of the majority is the will of the nation. To defeat that will is a perversion of the elective or representative system. To subject the majority to the minority, the many to the few, is the essence of aristocracy or oligarchy. Our Constitution intended the electors to be the organs of the people to express their elective will. The choice of a majority of the electors ought to be considered the choice of the nation. But that choice is now liable to be perverted and defeated for want of a discrimination of the votes. Suppose a majority of the electors are in favor of A, in preference to any other man for the Presidency, and of B for the Vice Presidency. If one other elector should happen to agree with them in favor of B for Vice President, but not of A for President; and they all vote accordingly; B will be the President against the choice of the majority, and even contrary to the will of all the electors, whose perverted votes produce such a result. This is a departure from our general system. It is a subversion of the fundamental principle of republican government, and may be effected either by design or by accident. It is no answer to say that it cannot be officially known, whom of the two, the electors intended for the Presidency. That is the very subject of complaint. It is the evil for which this amendment provides a remedy. It is a manifest absurdity, that votes given for a candidate with a view to one office, should without the consent of the voters, through the agency of other electors, or by mere casualty, be liable to be thus converted into votes for another office not intended. Under such a liability, electors cannot act understandingly or safely; and the election itself, or rather the appointment to office (for it cannot with propriety be called an election) becomes a mixed process of chance & choice, instead of a fair expression of the sense of the people. A President, thus elevated to office cannot carry with him to the Presidency, the respect and confidence of the nation. He will be destitute of that support which arises from a sense of the necessity and duty of acquiescing in the will of the majority, however it may differ from our individual wishes. His administration will not therefore be likely to be honorable to himself, or advantageous to the nation.
The present constitutional provision is objectionable in another respect. It unnecessarily exposes the election to cabals and intrigues. Admitting the candidates and the electors to be the same under the two different modes of election; it would be more practicable to obtain from an elector by improper means, one of his two votes than his only vote. He might have more persuasive reasons to satisfy his own mind, for yielding it, and more plausible pretexts to justify his conduct to the world. He might be persuaded, or, if not, he might pretend that the vote he should bestow would not operate to give the Presidency but the Vice Presidency only. Besides the election may now be effected either by procuring a vote or votes from the opposite ticket, or by diverting a vote or votes from an associate supported on the same ticket. There is in this respect a twofold opportunity and consequently a double temptation. One of these doors, and that the most dangerous opening to corruption will be most effectually shut by the amendment. It will also lessen the chance of two successive processes of election, one by the electors and another by the house of Representatives, and thereby lessen the opportunities for a succession of cabals and intrigues. This operation furnishes an additional reason in its favor. It was the original design of the Constitution that the choice of President and Vice President should be made by the electors and that the Senate or House of Representatives should have no other agency in the choice of those officers than merely for the President of the Senate in presence of both Houses to open, sort and count the votes given by the Electors, in order to ascertain who are the persons thus elected. So guarded is the Constitution in this respect, that it expressly provides that "no Senator or Representative shall be an Elector." It was a primary intention of the Constitution to keep executive power independent of legislative, and although provision was made for its election in a possible case, it was never intended to convert that possible case into an active rule, this would destroy the line of separation between executive and legislative power. The provision thus made is a substitution arising from necessity, and not a principal or desirable mode of election. It ought, therefore, not to be extended beyond the reason and necessity on which it is founded. An election by Electors chosen for that sole and express purpose within a short period before the election, voting but once, and all at the same time, in seventeen different places, is more safe and proper than by Representatives who are a standing body, chosen principally for other purposes. It should therefore be our endeavour as far as possible to secure this mode of election. Should the proposed amendment be adopted, ages might roll away without furnishing a single instance of the choice being decided by the House of Representatives. Is an effect like this desirable? or would it better meet the views of opposition that the designation of persons to fill those important stations should be placed within the power of the House of Representatives and that a minor faction in party times should be enabled to counteract and defeat the collective will of the nation at large? But it is urged by the opposition that such a diminution of the chances of an eventual choice by the House of Representatives will operate in favour of the large states and violates a stipulated right of the small states. In what part of the constitution is such a stipulation to be found? There is none either express or implied. On the contrary it is provided in the fifth article, that all parts of the constitution shall be amendable with three or four exceptions; one of which is, that no state, without its consent shall be deprived of its equality of votes in the Senate. The provision respecting the election of President and Vice President is not excepted. It is liable, therefore, to amendment; and whenever two thirds of both Houses of Congress and the Legislatures of three fourths of the states shall think proper to amend it, the fair constitutional agreement is to acquiesce in such amendment. This is a part of the original compromise; it is the compact of all the states, the small as well as the large. The amendment, therefore, will violate no stipulated right of any state; but will consist with the true spirit and express provision of the constitution.
The alteration respecting the number of Candidates out of which the House of Representatives are to choose, when the choice eventually devolves upon them, is objected to by some on the principle that it narrows the choice. Instead of selecting "one from the five highest on the list" they are to make the election "from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three." It is conceived that a due attention to the subject must remove this objection from every candid mind. For preserving the number three as provided in the amendment, there are several reasons. It most nearly preserves the spirit of the Constitution. As each elector now gives two votes and as the country is, and probably will be divided into two great rival parties, there naturally will be four principal candidates voted for. The makers of the Constitution were probably induced to fix on the number five, from the consideration, that the House of Representatives might be so divided into parties and each party so tenacious of his candidate that no choice could be made. To guard against the evils that might arise from such a situation, a fifth candidate may be introduced probably less an object of party prejudice than either of the four principal candidates in whom, in such an alternative a majority might unite. When each electors votes shall be reduced from two to one, there will generally be only two principal candidates. A corresponding reduction of the number of eligible candidates from five to three will then preserve the same latitude; thus the spirit of the Constitution will be preserved. Limiting the number to three, confines the selection more closely to the will of the people as expressed by their electors, and renders it more definite and certain. Had the number five been retained it would have increased the occurrence of an election by the house, and when there would strongly tend to prevent their making a choice and in a possible and even not improbable case might give them an opportunity of conferring the Presidency on one who had but a single electoral vote.
That it should require a majority instead of a mere plurality of electoral votes to constitute a choice of Vice President and for want of such majority leaving the Senate to choose "from the two highest numbers" has not and cannot even with the appearance of honesty be objected to.
The provision that the Vice President shall act as President in case of a vacancy in the Presidency is without doubt a very great improvement. For other cases of vacancy the Constitution has already made such a provision but none for this. This part of the amendment has been objected to as being "predicated on a pre-
sumption that the H. of Representatives may refuse to carry into effect the public will, that it furnishes the house with an excuse—with a temptation to refuse to discharge the duties required of them by the constitution, &c.—Strange reasoning indeed! Provision is made in this article for the remedy of evils which may possibly take place. And is there any thing improper in this? It is true that the amendment presumes that the house may omit, or by some means or other, be prevented from choosing a President when the choice may devolve upon them—and this may happen from various causes, such as a sudden insurrection, the desertion of a foreign enemy, and in various other ways. Let him who doubts the possibility of such an event pause a moment and call to his recollection the situation in which we were placed at the last election. We then appeared to be on the very brink of ruin. In this alarming situation we were placed on the first attempt to choose a President by the House of Representatives in the way prescribed by the Constitution as it now is; and although, through a kind providence, we then escaped the dreadful evils which threatened us; no one can doubt but that if the two rival candidates had been of two opposite political sects no election would have been made. It is to be observed that this clause allows the House of Representatives until the fourth of March, that is, the whole period of their political life, to choose a President. If no choice is then made, as the Constitution now is, the government is left unorganized and in a state of inevitable confusion. The substitution of Vice President in such a case to exercise the powers of the presidency is no reflection upon the House of Representatives any more than the substitution of those Representatives to choose a President on failure of an electoral choice is a reflection upon the electors. It does not in either case imply an omission of duty, or breach of trust on account of non-election; nor does it furnish an excuse, for such neglect or abuse; but in both instances guards against an event which may happen from inevitable necessity. These are some of the reasonings which naturally arise from the consideration of the proposed amendment to the Constitution and which have been offered in late discussions of the subject, by men of talents and respectability in other States—and such as would probably have been given by those who now constitute the opposition had the question come before them in the years 1798 or 1799.
But how does it happen that some gentlemen who a few years ago were foremost in exertions to obtain such an amendment should now become its most zealous opponents?—The subject, say they is better understood than at that time. Surely men of common discernment can never satisfy even themselves with such a plea as this in a case so plain and intelligible, more especially since experience has proved the reality of defects which were then contemplated in theory only. Would it not favor more of ingenuousness that such gentlemen should confess—"tempora mutantur & nos mutamur ab illis?"
A FRIEND TO THE CONSTITUTION.
Prepare, fellow-citizens your indignant frowns, and OBEY WASHINGTON.
GENERAL WASHINGTON, in his last solemn Address to the people of the United States, directs us to "frown indignantly upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts of the union."
By virtue of this precept, every good citizen and true Washingtonian must "frown indignantly" on John Park, editor of the Repository at Boston, for the many and repeated attempts he has made and is still making to alienate the Northern from the Southern states;—more particularly for a daring production lately published in his paper, and from thence copied into several papers of the section, and may be seen in the last page of the Farmers' Museum of last week,—which production is justly regarded, and was undoubtedly designed, as the first open attempt to sever the union . A few short extracts will enable our readers to judge, whether the "indignant frown" of Washington ought, or ought not, to be applied in this instance.—The piece is headed with the alarming motto,
"Blow ye the trumpet in Zion."
And the first sentence is, "The citizens of the states north of the Chesapeake, have been so much occupied with the dissensions of the federalists and the democrats, that they have overlooked the aggrandizement of the southern states & accumulation of power." [There are several fetiches in this traitorous performance, designed to engage the northern democrats to think favorably of the treason.]
Afterwards, with the spirit of a
Catiline and the torch of Discord already flaming in his hand, the author demands,
"And are WE to submit to the guidance and the tyranny of the South? are the states from the Chesapeake to the river St. Croix, to be only the satellites of Virginia?"
Again, "Who freed Virginia and the Carolinas from the British troops when aided by their slaves? It was the men of the north—the now destined vassals of the South."
The parricide then comforts his guilty soul by saying,
"But I will not despair." And encouraging himself with the idea that the northern democrats will soon open their eyes and unite with the federalists in opposition to the southern interest, observes—"the mock administration of Mr. Jefferson and his friends of the south, will then crumble away faster than the moulderling monuments of the Capitol." [The city of Washington, which stands on the proposed line of division, is to be deserted and become a heap of ruins—"moulderling monuments!"—an idea not unlike the one contained in a late declaration of a gentleman of New-Hampshire, high in office, viz. that the states must be severed, and the public buildings at the present seat of government be converted into barracks for soldiers!]
The piece closes with a plain announcement of the TREASON, couched in glaring capitals in the following passage;
"Let therefore the disinterested among our federal and democratic republicans, lay aside their fatal dissensions, which have served no purpose, but the purpose of their enemies. We shall then be able to fix a just BALANCE OF POWER, &c."—A usual phrase applied to the separate governments of Europe to signify a thing, which, should it exist here, would doubtless be followed by the same direful consequence it has produced there, viz. an endless series of the bloodiest wars.
If the spirits of the blessed have cognizance of things on earth, must not Washington in glory "frown indignantly" on such men as these? and must not his frowns be the more severe and terrible by their hypocritical profanation of his name, pretending to be his exclusive friends, the only Washingtonians, while they thus set at nought his counsels and trample his last, solemn, dying ADVICE under foot? But Washington! we will obey thee—according to thy precept, we will indignantly frown on the first dawning of every attempt to alienate one portion of our country from the rest, and to enfeeble the sacred ties which link together the various parts of the union.
Political Observatory.
EXTRACT From the speech of Mr. Windham, a distinguished member of the British Parliament, delivered in the House of Commons, Dec. 19, 1803. Let our own citizens, Anglo monarchists and calumniators of Mr. Jefferson, read it and blush.
"Even THOMAS JEFFERSON could not escape our open censures because he chose to be civil to the government with whom his country is allied, though we must be all persuaded that it would be happy for England had she such a man to direct her councils. It was lamentably said in this house about twenty years ago, that it would require at least half a century to repair the losses America had sustained during the war, and to re-establish that country in the state it was when possessed by our gracious sovereign; but look now at America, compare the pitch of prosperity she has risen to during the short administration of Jefferson, to the present state of our own country, and can there be a native of Great Britain, but must heartily regret his not being born an American."
A writer in the Balance says, "Look back to the peaceful reign of federal principles, when Washington, and Adams, and Hamilton, and Jay, were at the helm—do you find at that period any thing like the present uproar?" But who makes the uproar? Republicans certainly are very happy with the administration of Mr. Jefferson. Look at the federal newspapers, at their speeches, at many of their sermons, at their harangues and common remarks! uproar enough to satisfy any one, will be found here.—We could with them to be more peaceable, and consent to enjoy quietly the multiplied blessings of the country under the present government.
In the Louisiana business we cannot avoid looking back to the times when the cession was depending. The Spaniards were first to be engaged. Then they would not consent. Then the French had no right to sell. Then there would be resistance. And lies, one after another, as thick as hailstones. Now we have gotten all we wish and reputation round the globe for the peaceful acquisition, we are envied abroad, & hated by our worst enemies at home.
BY THE LAST MAILS.
BOSTON, MAY 31. IMPORTANT.
Extract of a letter to the Secretary of the Navy, from the commanding officer of a detachment of marines sent hence to New Orleans, dated Havannah, Ap. ril 23, 1804.
Having but 8 days water on board, it was deemed expedient to put in here for an additional supply. The Governor has manifested towards us the most friendly dispositions, and has afforded us every accommodation in obtaining the requisite supplies. I have great pleasure in informing you that the governor has lately passed a decree prohibiting the French privateers from bringing American prizes into any of the ports of Cuba.
The dispatches which have been received at the seat of government from the Mediterranean, bear ample testimony, not only to the bravery of the seamen who were engaged in the destruction of the Philadelphia frigate, but to the fairness of every proceeding connected with it. Commodore Preble, in his letter to the Secretary of the Navy, speaking of this gallant transaction, observes—"I enclose you copies of my orders on this occasion, which have been executed in the most gallant and officer-like manner, by Lieut. Commandant Decatur, assisted by the brave officers and crew of the little Ketch Intrepid, under his command. Their conduct, in the performance of the dangerous service assigned them cannot be sufficiently estimated—It is beyond all praise."
The Nautilus, one of Commodore Preble's squadron, has taken a brig bound from Malta to Tripoli, with naval stores.
Messachusetts Legislature.
Yesterday being the day appointed by the Constitution for the meeting of the General Court for the year ensuing, the Gentlemen elected for Senators and Representatives assembled at the State-House in this town.
His Excellency the Governor and the Honorable Council attended, when the members had the Oaths administered to them agreeably to the Constitution.
The Hon. David Cobb, Esq. was then elected President of the Senate, and Wendell Davis, Clerk.
The attention of the House, as is usual, was first called to the choice of a Clerk—when upon counting and sorting the votes, it appeared the whole number was 230—necessary to a choice, 116. Nicholas Tillinghast, Esq. had 128, and Mr. Charles P. Sumner, 102.
They then proceeded to the choice of a Speaker, when upon sorting and counting the votes, it appeared the whole number was 235, necessary to a choice 118—H. G. Otis, Esq. had 129, Peleg Morton, Esq. 103, Scattering 3—federal majority eleven.
The Legislative joined to the Executive then proceeded to the Old-South meeting-house, escorted by the Independent Company of Cadets, commanded by Col. Wells, where a discourse was delivered on the occasion, by the Rev. Mr. Kendall, of Welton, from Deuteronomy 32d. 46 and 47th verses.
In the afternoon, both branches assembled in Convention, for the purpose of filling the vacancies in the Senate, from the Counties of Plymouth, Barnstable, Lincoln, &c.
The whole number of votes for the County of Plymouth, were 256, necessary to make a choice 129—Hon. Peleg Morton had 142, Hon. Isaac Thompson 140.
Barnstable.—Whole number 259, necessary to make a choice 130—Richard Sears, Esq. had 143.
Lincoln, &c.—Whole number 257—necessary to make a choice 129—Mark L. Hill, Esq. had 144.
The display of the increase of Republicanism was evinced in the election of yesterday. The decline of federalism is so rapid, as to make its advocates apprehensive of its total annihilation. The majority of the House, in the choice of Speaker and Clerk, were "lark" indeed; and even the vacancies of the Senate were filled with a greatly diminished majority of votes, in favor of the federal candidates.
Last year the votes for Speaker, were 124 for Otis and 73 for Morton; yesterday, the former obtained the choice by the small majority of eleven! This is an evidence of what has been predicted in the Centinel as a proud day for Federalism!
We trust, from the independence of the Members, that the present Legislature will retrieve the character of Massachusetts, and that the machinations of a body of disorganizers, will be frustrated.
THURSDAY, MAY 31.
The Committee appointed to examine the returns of votes for Governor and Lieutenant Governor, reported, that the whole number of votes for Governor, were 54,499, of which His Excellency CALEB STRONG had 30,011, and is chosen; that the whole number of votes for Lieutenant Governor were 59,064, of which His Honor EDWARD H. ROBBINS had 27,518, and is chosen.
A committee was appointed to wait on His Excellency the Governor, and His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, to inform them of their election, and that the Legislature are ready to attend to qualify them for those offices by administering the necessary oaths.
At 12 o'clock, agreeably to assignment, His Excellency CALEB STRONG, and His Honor EDWARD H. ROBBINS, came in, and took and subscribed the oaths and declarations made necessary by the Constitution of this Commonwealth and a law of the United States, to qualify them for exercising the respective offices to which they have been elected.

Portsmouth.
Tuesday, June 5, 1804.
FROM FRANCE.
London and Liverpool papers to the 16th of April, have been received at New-York, in the ship Brothers, from Liverpool. The trial of the conspirators concerned in the plot against the life of the First Consul, had not come on.—Several other persons, said to be concerned in this plot, had been recently arrested in France. Our ambassador at Paris (Mr. Livingston) had delivered a note, in reply to one addressed to him by Talleyrand, congratulating the French government on the escape of Bonaparte from his assassination. The news of the death of the King of England, received via Baltimore, is fully contradicted.—His Majesty was alive and well when the ship Brothers failed.
The French Government caused a copy of the report of the Grand Judge, respecting the late conspiracy, and of the letters of Mr. Drake, to be presented to each Foreign Minister resident at Paris. On the receipt of these papers the American minister wrote the following letter to Talleyrand:
Sir, Paris, March 26.
I Have received the note which you did me the honor to address to me, with a copy of the report of the Grand Judge, relative to papers which prove that Mr. Drake, the British Minister at Munich, has held a culpable correspondence with traitors, for objects which all civilized nations must regard with horror—and that horror must be redoubled, when we see that it is a minister that thus prostitutes his sacred character. When a subaltern agent commits a base or atrocious act, it may be supposed that he is influenced by personal interest, but the actions of a minister are generally attributed to the government he represents; and even when he acts against his orders (which I hope is the case in this instance,) his conduct is so much identified with his government that such acts tend to overturn social order, and to bring back nations to barbarism. I beg your Excellency to offer to the First Consul, in the name of my government, the most sincere felicitations for having happily escaped the attempts of his enemies, directed not only against his life, but against an object more dear to his heart, the happiness of the nation of which he is the chief—a happiness which is the result of his noble labours in the field of honour, and in the cabinet, and which is not yet sufficiently established, not to bequeathed, not to be deeply shaken by his loss. (Signed) LIVINGSTON.
REPUBLICAN GRATITUDE.
Among the acts of the last session is one, in which from its connection with other objects, has attracted but little of the public attention. As it exhibits the strongest evidence, that republicans are grateful, whatever those hostile to them may say to the contrary, we with the more pleasure invite this attention.
FAYETTE was among the first, if not the first of his countrymen, who imbibed from our revolutionary struggle an ardent devotion to liberty. Surrounded with all the delights of social life, he abandoned them with the spirit of a man who disdained to owe his happiness to causes, other than those derived from rendering services to his fellow beings. He crossed the Atlantic, and soon found in our armies that distinction to which his merit entitled him. His services were rewarded by the thanks of the whole American nation, and Virginia, principally the scene of his exertions, enrolled him among her citizens.
In affluent circumstances, he had declined all reward for his services. After enjoying the rare felicity of realizing his best hopes in contemplating the established liberties of a new world, he returned to his native country, where he enjoyed all the pleasures which a heart rich in its own esteem, and commanding the esteem of the most virtuous and enlightened could bestow. This sunshine was but of short duration. The revolution in his own country soon called him from the retirement he courted. Of the scenes that followed it is unnecessary to say much. It is sufficient to observe that amidst all its vicissitudes, his reputation remained unblemished; and that he has in all its stages, united the respect of his enemies with the love of his friends.
This revolution however, which found him rich made him poor. Thus circumstanced it became a prosperous nation grateful for his services, to offer the only solace in her power to his misfortunes. At the instance, therefore, of Mr. Dawson, of whom we cannot on this occasion make too honorable mention, congress at the session antecedent to the last, authorized the Secretary of War to issue land warrants to major General La Fayette, for eleven thousand five hundred
and twenty acres; to which quantity of land he would, for his rank in the army, have been entitled at the end of the war, had he claimed it. Having not done this, by the operation of a statute of limitations, the legal right had ceased.
This, though far from being an adequate compensation for services rendered, was a handsome testimonial of the sympathy of Congress in his misfortunes. Most of the land however, appropriated to the satisfaction of military rights, having been located, it was found that the value of the tract allotted to Fayette would be inconsiderable, and not, by any means, equal to the liberal wishes of the legislature. At the last session, therefore, a new provision was adopted authorizing land warrants to be issued to him, to the above amount of land, in any part of Louisiana.
By the operation of this provision, the value of the location will be probably increased more than ten fold. To satisfy the first provision, land could not be found, we are advised, worth more than a dollar an acre. Under the existing provision it can be got worth between ten and twenty dollars; making the entire tract worth above one hundred thousand dollars. The authorized location is the more honorable from being the only instance in which any disposition of the soil of Louisiana is allowed.
We are persuaded that every American will feel satisfaction in this act of munificence, alike worthy of the man that receives, and of those that confer it. May it conduce to the happiness of him who has so liberally contributed by his exertions and sacrifices to the happiness of his fellow-men!
Nat. Intell.
Mediterranean Squadron.
The Congress, of 36 guns, Captain Rodgers, has dropped down the Potomack, and is to be followed, in a few days, by the President, of 44 guns, Commodore Barron; John Adams, of 32 guns, Capt. Chauncy; Essex, of 32 guns, Capt. J. Barron, and the Constellation, of 36 guns Capt. Campbell. This squadron is to rendezvous at Hampton Road, and sail from thence to the Mediterranean.
The President has promoted Lieut. Decatur to the rank of Captain in the Navy, as a reward for his gallantry in destroying the frigate Philadelphia.
The chief Clerk in the post office at Boston, Richard Q. Hoskins, has been detected in lately intercepting a letter containing cash to a considerable amount. It is stated that he has probably heretofore been guilty of the same crime. We hope that recompense will now be obtained by others who have suffered severely by losing large sums of money from the mails passing through the same office.
At the annual meeting of the New-Hampshire Medical Society held at Exeter on Wednesday 30th May 1804, the following officers were elected for the current year.
 Dr. A. R. Cutter, President.  Dr. Samuel Tenney, Vice-President.  Drs. Thomas S. Ranney, Joseph Tilton, William Cutter, Lyman Spalding, & John Fogg, Counsellors.  Dr. Levi Bartlett, Secretary.  Dr. Thomas S. Ranney, Treasurer.  Drs. William Cutter, Lyman Spalding & John Fogg, Confor. 
New-Hampshire Election.
To-morrow the Legislature of this State will convene at Concord, for the purpose of canvassing the votes for Governor, for the ensuing year.—Opinions vary on the subject, but it is believed by many that there will be no choice by the People; however this may be, and whatever may be the result to the Republican candidate, certain it is that this part of the Union is rapidly emerging from darkness, and the cloud which has so long obscured the bright rays of the sun is disappearing apace, and will ere long vanish and be no more.
“A friend to the Constitution” on the “Amendment of the Constitution,” we beg most earnestly to recommend to the attentive and candid perusal of the public, and in an especial manner to the Legislature of this State. The subject is of the utmost importance, and as facts are submitted to the citizens of New-Hampshire, which will satisfactorily prove the inconsistency of the federal faction, in opposing under our present Government, what was recommended and supported by them under the Administration of John Adams. It is not unlike but those, unacquainted with the facts advanced, and whose political delusion has ranked them among the opposers of our general government, will dispute their reality; but they are upon record, and are and will be living monuments of the depravity of those inconsistent individuals who have but too long imposed upon the credulity of their fellow citizens.
Extracts of a letter from the Eastward, to the editors of the N. H. Gazette.
“THE infatuated perseverance of the opposers to the amendment in choosing President and Vice President, is very singular, and probably not the like to be met with in the annals of our country, if we except the extraordinary attempt made by a certain number in Congress, to prefer Mr. Burr, at the last election.—As the same spirit seems still to operate; it may not be improper to observe that it is sufficiently obvious, the introducing aristocratical or partial elections, opposed to the will of the people is the object; for the person nominated at that time was contrary to the general sentiment and voice of the Union—Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson, were only known among the people at large to be candidates for the Presidency; so universal it was, as not to admit of a surmise of another on either side of the question, and probably was one of those rare instances termed a general rule, with as few exceptions as are to be found, till it was perverted in to the last, in order to supplant Mr. Jefferson with a person never contemplated by the people of any political denomination.
Far be it to censure any person whose sentiments differ from me; but the obstinacy exhibited against designating the President from the Vice President, with the pleas and subterfuges in support of an opposition, if not in reality, carries the appearance of some design, and calls upon every well wisher of the country to inquire into, and scan the purport of this mysterious opposition, for it is hardly to be supposed that any person in his senses, without some sinister view, particularly a New-England man, would leave the choice of a Chief Magistrate on so precarious a chance, as to give an opportunity to a few persons however qualified in other respects, yet by the sudden impulse of the moment, through the caprice of sudden passions and personal resentment, may set up a ruler that never was thought of by themselves at first, nor by their constituents at any time.
This article in the Constitution was ever held deficient from its first promulgation, and known to have been then so spoken of by all parties—It remains an enigma, and probably not comprehended by the bulk of the people (in truth it is contrary to the common forms in life) that two fifth offices should be left so undetermined, whereby a competitorship might be held up, and strengthened by party zeal or family interest, as to obstruct that harmony so salutary and requisite between those who fills such important stations. This is an evil that may be expected with the best, without derogation of character, when we consider the ruling passions of man—the lot of humanity!—To illustrate the truth of this, witness the instance at the first election, when no rival could be supposed to stand in opposition to a Washington. Possibly in the nature of things, such an idea would never have entered the breast of a single individual—yet we find an exception, even on so singular an occasion—It was thought prudent at that period by many respectable men to leave out a few votes for Mr. Adams, for fear that by some accident our illustrious Chief should fall short of a majority; which had it happened would have been the most mortifying and unpleasant circumstance at so memorable and important an epoch—But Mr. Adams highly resented his being deprived of an equal chance, although determined as it was, by those persons said to be the best friends to the Government,* so that in truth taking together the several incidents attending the subject. The propriety and utility of the reform has been sanctioned by a uniformity of sentiment throughout the Union, and more particularly noted in Massachusetts and New-Hampshire—However, the scene is now changed, and for what real cause this amendment is so injudicious still lies hid, for it has not yet been proved or made intelligible.
The opponents use every possible argument—peculiar words, and terms are brought forward to divert and confuse the minds of the credulous and uninformed—such as federated—consolidated—ruining small States—altering and overthrowing the Constitution—opposing the true friends of Washington and Adams, &c. &c. without discriminating times, blending characters that are generous in almost every transaction and disposition—nor do they make a fair statement and explanation of the premises, thereby create imaginary jealousies and apprehension, in which neither appears justice or candor.
Not to make any distinction as to abilities, patriotism and integrity of others. Let us select the substance of
* Letter of Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. late President of the United States. Published in New-York, October, 1800.
the speech of Mr. Bidwell, of the Massachusetts Senate. The literary performance I presume will not be brought in question as it appears unexceptionable. But this is not its value—it is the substance & pith—Plain, uniform and intelligible—without ambiguous enigmas—Facts, propriety and consistency runs through the whole—It needs no further comment than reading it over—The most simple may comprehend. It would be worth while, and it is recommended to have it published apart, for the perusal of the Inhabitants of the two Eastern States at least; as was the case with the celebrated speech of Mr. Tracy, in Congress, published at the seat of Government, and dispersed through the Eastern Country. By examining both, the difference will be easily perceived—The former exhibiting the true spirit of American freedom as established upon Republican principles, and supporting the Union of the States, agreeable to the federal compact—The latter, to say no more is furnished with a great share of the old leaven, with only this difference, a larger proportion of Aristocracy than before the Revolution—A system equally, if not more pernicious & dangerous to America, than when under a Monarchy.”
Marine Memoranda.
Port of Portsmouth—June 5, 1804. Thursday arrived brig Montezuma, Capt. Moore, from St. Vincent. Sch’r Amity, Capt. Trefethen, from Philadelphia. May 30, sailed brig Izette, Hopkins, Amsterdam; brig Alert, Rollins, West-Indies; Sch’r Dolphin, Iripe, Martinico; brig Mary, Rice, New-York.
MARRIED
In this town, Capt. BENJAMIN ROLFE to Miss REBECCA WILLIAMS.....Mr. HENRY BECK to Miss FANNY SIMPSON.
DIED
In London, Mr. Edwards, a respectable dyer of Sheppard street. He seems to have been a man vivacious and a jolly toper. By his will he directed that his funeral procession should stop at the Magpies in Bridge street, Westminster, and the mourners be regaled with a gallon of porter, which they were then to proceed on a long trot over the bridge to the Jolly Sawyers in Lambeth Walk, there to have another gallon of beer; from thence to the grave, where after his interment, a pint of gin was to be drank by them over his grave wishing him a pleasant journey. This request was literally complied with.
At Rochester, Mr. PETER CUSHING, aged 47.....At Madbury, Mrs. HICKS, wife of Joseph Hicks, Esq.....At Rye, Mr. JOHN SALTER, aged 25.
In this town Mr. SIMEON FERNALD, aged 32.....Widow HOOKER, aged 78. On Monday last Mr. WILLIAM POAG, aged 31, was almost instantaneously killed at New Castle bridge, in attempting with three others, to conduct a loaded gondola between the piers.
He was a native of Scotland, and had been in this country about six years—He ever demeaned himself as an industrious, honest, and inoffensive citizen; and has left a sorrowful widow to mourn his loss.
American Independence.
The Anniversary of American Independence, will be celebrated in this town, on Wednesday the fourth day of July next, at Jefferson-Hall, where all TRUE REPUBLICANS of this and the neighboring towns, are respectfully invited to join in the Festival.
A subscription Paper is lodged at the Gazette Book-Store.
BOOT LEGS, &c.
BEST Philadelphia short and long Boot Legs, at 17 1/2 & 18 3/4 per pair. Philadelphia Wax Calf-Skins, and Grainets, at 16 3/4, 17 3/4 & 18 3/4 per whole skin. Philadelphia Soak Leather, at 31 cents per lb.—Best Harness Leather, at 31 cents per lb.—Best No. 1 Skirting Leather, at 2 3/8 per lb. For sale by C. PEARCE, Portsmouth.
JUST PUBLISHED.
THE CLERGYMAN'S LOOKING-GLASS, No. 1.—third edition—with an addition of 12 pages. In page 17, the BONES OF CALVINISM are explained, and proved to originate from Mahomet's Alcoran. In page 32, PLATFORMS are described, for the benefit of the Clergy.—Also, Nos. 2 & 3, being replies to these questions, “How shall I know that I am born again?” and “Why cannot you commune with us?” with the words Decree and Elect explained.—An excellent collection of HYMNS, by SMITH & JONES, bound together; several of the Hymns not before published.—Price 25 cents. Sold by Benj. Welch, Congress-Street, Newburyport; by Barnard B. Macanulty, Salem; by Manning & Loring, No. 2, Cornhill, Boston; by Jonathan Carlton, Haverhill; by Capt. J. Paul, Kennebunk; and at the Gazette Book-Store, Portsmouth. June 5, 1804.
Now preparing for the press, and will soon be published, No. 4 of the Clergyman's Looking-Glass, being a description of four dozen TRADITIONS of the present fashion, “highly esteemed among men.” Also, a Volume of E. SMITH's Writings. Subscriptions for the above Volume are received at the aforesaid Book-Store.
THOSE persons holding Subscription papers for the POLITICAL STAR, are required to return them to the subscriber, on or before the 20th inst as he purposes to issue his first number on the 21st, or 28th, of the present month. Mr. J. de ROCHEMONT. Portsmouth, June 5, 1804.
Cheap INDIA GOODS.
JUST RECEIVED BY PETER COFFIN,
A large assortment of INDIA COTTONS, remarkably cheap, some for only 2 dollars per piece. INDIA CHECKS, for 11 3/4 ps. Fine yd. wide CHINTZES, for 8 3/4 ps. Blue check HANDKERCHIEFS, for 20 cents. Colored NANKENS, for 16 3/4. BANDANOS; with an extensive assortment of Other GOODS, as usual, equally as cheap as the above. Portsmouth, June 5, 1804.
DRUGS & MEDICINES.
QUINCY & PIERREPONT
HAVE just received per the Galeb, from London, and are now open for sale at their shop (sign of CELSUS,) at the head of JACOB SHEPARD, Esq's wharf, Water-street, a complete assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES,
 among which are the following.—VIZ.—  Opium. *Oq: Vitriol.  Rhubarb. *Aq: Fortis.  Ipecacuan. *Copal Varnish.  Calomel. *Prufs: Blue.  Tart: Emet. *Patent Yellow.  G. Camphor. *ALSO—  P. C. Peru: flav: *Teeth Instruments  do. do. rubr: *Lancets, crown &  Fol: Sennz. *common.  Manna flake. *Catheters elastic.  Steer Opodeldoc. *Pewter pt. & 1/2 pt.  Allum. *Syringes. 
N. B. Physicians may depend on being supplied as low, and on as reasonable terms as can be obtained in Boston. Portsmouth, June 5, 1804.
Stephen Hardy,
Has just received a variety of JEWELRY, and other Fancy Goods, at his Shop in Buck street.
JOHN ABBOT,
Informs the Public that he has taken the shop lately occupied by Mr. MARK LEIGHTON, north-end, where he carries on the COOPERING business—and shall be happy to receive the commands of the public.—June 5.
ALL Persons having demands against the estate of Nathaniel Gookin, late of Greenland, in the county of Rockingham, Gentleman deceased, are desired to exhibit the same to the subscriber for settlement, and all persons indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment to
ELIZABETH GOOKIN, Executrix. Greenland. May 30, 1804.
Women's SHOES
of all kinds for sale by the subscriber—also SHOES made at his shop in Washington street, rips will be mended gratis.—Country produce will be taken in pay.
WILLIAM RAMSDEL.
Portsmouth. June 5, 1804.
JUST RECEIVED, direct from the Patentee, and for sale in Portsmouth, by
CHARLES PEARCE,
a fresh supply of DOCTOR COOLEY'S VEGETABLE ELIXIR, OR COUGH DROPS.
REMEDY far exceeding every other yet used, for Consumption, Asthma, Spitting of Blood, Coughs, Shortness of Breath, and every other species of disease to which that organ of life, the lungs, is perpetually exposed. Complaints of the lungs have always been considered the Opprobria Medicinæ. (or reproach to the art of physic) and it has long been a desideratum in Medical Science, that a remedy might be devised, which should check this wide outlet to human life. The many thousands which yearly fall a sacrifice to this insidious disease, Phthisis Pulmonalis, or Consumption of the Lungs, has ever since my acquaintance with diseases (which is almost thirty years) to excited my commiseration, that a large share of my time has been employed in investigating the cause and cure of it; and from my most unremitted attention and constant research, I have the happiness to proclaim to the world, that in my Vegetable Elixir, a speedy, safe, and effectual remedy is generally to be had.
It is not pretended that this medicine will cure every disease to which suffering humanity is liable, as is the case with most patent medicines; diseases which are as completely opposite as an acid and an alkali, they will assist, are all to be cured by one simple remedy. Such weak impositions have with much propriety brought most patent drugs into disrepute. But the Vegetable Elixir is calculated for one class of diseases only, viz. those to which the lungs are exposed, and I need not observe that they terminate in consumptions. The physicians or harbingers of this hitherto intractable malady (until the discovery of the Vegetable Elixir) are Spitting of Blood, Pains in the Breast and Sides, Coughs, Difficulty in Breathing, and a great number of complaints, which slender and delicate females are so frequently labouring under, which if attended to immediately on their commencement, will easily be obviated; and those in the last stages will be much alleviated, and many of them effectually cured. Price 75 cents a bottle. Portsmouth, June 5, 1804.