The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1804-07-24 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
"By adopting REPUBLICANISM for our Polar Star, we shall endeavor to our countrymen the true principles of their Constitution, and promote an union of sentiment and of action, equally auspicious to their happiness and safety."
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY PEARCE, HILL & PEARCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Just received, and for Sale CHEAP by James Rundlett, TEN Casks Hylson, } TEAS. 3 do. Souchoong 20 Boxes CHINA; Bales of India Cottons; do. India Calicoes; checks and Bandannoes; Blue and Yellow Nankins.—with a large assortment of English piece GOODS. Portsmouth, July 17, 1804.
For Sale by William Tredick, At his Store on Driscoll's Wharf; 250 Barrels Philadelphia su- perfine & Scratch'd FLOUR, new and good:—ALSO, 15 Bales West-India COTTON; 12 Barrels mess PORK; Bar IRON, &c. Portsmouth, July 17, 1804.
BACON. A quantity of New-Jersey HAMS for sale at N o 9, Portsmouth Pier, by C. STORER.
Robert M'Cleary, Has for sale at his Store in Congress-Street, GENTLEMENS' MOROCCO SHOES.— ** Wanted as above, Two JOUR- NEYMEN, at women Shoe Making, and one at Mens' do.; none need ap- ply, but such as are good Workmen. Portsmouth, July 17, 1804.
A variety of BOXES. A GREAT variety of Snuff, Tobacco, Protection, Miniature and Bank-bill Boxes, of almost every form and descrip- tion; some of which are great curiosities, from 25 to 75 cents each. Essence of Lemon, of Orange, and Bergamot. Bell English & French Pomatum; Wash Balls; best scented Shaving Soap; Goggles for the eyes, Spectacles, Burning Glasses; gilt breast Pins; Smelling Bottles; Graters; children's Watches, Rattles, and Cannon; Cabinet of Curiosities; Marking Types and Ink; Dressing Glasses; Razors in sets, or separate, of the first quality; Penknives; Lead Pencils; Tooth Brushes and Powder; Pocket and Memorandum Books; Ther- mometers, &c. &c. just received from New- York, and for sale at the Brick Book-Store of CHARLES PEARCE, in Daniel Street, Portsmouth, who has yet for sale TICKETS & QUARTERS, In Piscataqua Bridge Lottery, which will commence drawing next Thursday without fail. July 17, 1804.
JUST RECEIVED, direct from the Pa- tente, and for sale in Portsmouth by CHARLES PEARCE, a fresh Supply of DOCTOR COOLEY'S VEGETABLE ELIXIR, or COUGH DROPS.
A REMEDY far exceeding every other yet used, for Consumption, Asthma, Spitting of Blood, Coughs, Short- ness of Breath, and every other species of disease to which that organ of life, the lungs, is perpetually exposed. Complaints of the lungs have always been considered the Opprobria Medicinae, (or reproach to the art of physic) and it has long been a desideratum in Medical Science, that a remedy might be devised, which should check this wide outlet to human life. The many thousands which yearly fall a sacrifice to this insidious disease, Phthisis Pulmona- lis, or Consumption of the Lungs, has ever since my acquaintance with diseases (which is almost thirty years) to excited my com- miseration, that a large share of my time has been employed in investigating the cause and cure of it; and from my most unremitting attention and constant research, I have the happiness to proclaim to the world, that in my Vegetable Elixir, a speedy, safe, and effectual remedy is generally to be had.
It is not pretended that this medicine will cure every disease to which suffering hu- manity is liable, as is the case with most patent medicines; diseases which are as completely opposite as an acid and an alkali, they will affect, are all to be cured by one simple remedy. Such weak impositions have with much propriety brought most patent drugs into disrepute. But the Vege- table Elixir is calculated for one class of diseases only, viz. those to which the lungs are exposed, and I need not observe that they terminate in consumptions. The pre- cursors or harbingers of this hitherto in- tractable malady (until the discovery of the Vegetable Elixir) are Spitting of Blood, Pains in the Breast and Sides, Coughs, Dif- ficulty in Breathing, and a great number of complaints, which slender and delicate fe- males are so frequently labouring under, which if attended to immediately on their commencement, will easily be obviated; and those in the last stages will be much alleviated, and many of them effectually cured. Price 75 cents a bottle. Portsmouth, June 5, 1804.
EIGHTH CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, at the First Session begun and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Colum- bia, on Monday the seventeenth of Oc- tober, one thousand eight hundred and three.
AN ACT For the relief of the heirs of John Ha- berham.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the proper accounting officers of the treasury, in settling the accounts of John Habersham, late collector of the port of Savannah, be authorised to al- low a charge of one thousand one hundred and eleven dollars and sixteen cents, being the balance of the addi- tional duties of ten per cent, on goods wares and merchandise imported in foreign ships, but which in the com- mencement of the execution of the law of one thousand seven hundred and ninety, for the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, was not duly collected by him, owing to the dis- tance which deprived him of early in- structions from the treasury depart- ment; and also the further sum of one thousand dollars being the amount of a draft of Edward Price, factor of the United States for establishing trade with the Creek Indians, for supplies advanced to the said factor, which has not heretofore been credited on his account.
NATH'L MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 26, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT To amend the act, intitled "An act concerning the registering and record- ing of ships and vessels."
BE it enacted by the Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That no ship or vessel shall be entitled to be registered as a ship or vessel of the U- nited States, or if registered, to the benefits thereof, if owned in whole or in part by any person naturalized in the United States, and residing for more than one year in the country from which he originated, or for more than two years in any other foreign country, unless such person be in the capacity of a consul or other public agent of the United States. Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to prevent the registering a new of any ship or vessel before reg- istered, in case of a bona fide sale there- of to any citizen or citizens resident in the United States: And provided al- so, That satisfactory proof of the citi- zenhip of the person on whose ac- count a vessel may be purchased, shall be first exhibited to the collector be- fore a new register shall be granted for such vessel.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the provision in the act, intitled "An act in addition to an act, in- titled "An act concerning the regis- tering and recording of ships and ves- sels," passed the twenty seventh of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, shall be taken and deem- ed to extend to the executors or ad- ministrators of the owner or owners of vessels in the said proviso described.
NATH'L MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 27, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
FOR SALE—
THE Sloop GEORGE, 62 tons burthen, 4 years old.—Terms of payment may be known by applying to JOSEPH S. AYERS. Portsm. June 26, 1804.
Political Miscellany. Federalism Unmasked.
We cannot better promote the cause of Republicanism, than by publishing, in conspicuous characters, the follow- ing genuine offspring of modern fed- eralism, from the New-York Spectator of last week. If an old soldier, who passed the prime of his life in scenes of hardship and danger, bear the principles for which he fought, thus outraged and denounced without in- dignation, he is lost to all the feelings of humanity. If any well-meaning federalist can read this and not blush for the depravity of his leading par- tisans, he is sunk beyond recovery in political bigotry. It ought to be printed in glaring characters, and posted at the corner of every street, that the American people might know what wretches are lurking in the bos- om of their country.
Danbury Farmer. It is well known that the original settlers of what are now called the U- nited States, were emigrants from different parts of Europe. They may be classed according to the following arrangement. 1. Emigrants from England, who came to enjoy liberty of conscience. 2. Emigrants from the same country, who came out with Sir Walter Raleigh and his successors, principally with a view of enriching themselves and their posterity. 3. emigrants from Sweden and Holland, whose motives were various. The first settled themselves east of New- York, divided themselves into colo- nies, and gave them the general term of New-England, the second occupi- ed Virginia and the Carolinas—and the third planted themselves in cer- tain parts of New-York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania.
This was an important crisis for the display of their bravery, their ge- nerosity, and their magnanimity. All the emotions which swelled the hearts of the heroes of the fourteenth centu- ry, had they been aroused by the governors of those people, might have been called into action and en- livened on the side of stability and prin- ciple.—The indefinite limits of the country presented a wide field for the first of these virtues; their soli- tary situation, and mutual depend- ence for the second, and the duty they owed to their countries and their God were sufficient incentive to the third.—The moment, I must again observe, was all-important.— The fate of unborn millions depend- ed upon the system of policy they were now about to adopt; and the future nations (which will now un- doubtedly spring up in America) might have then been consolidated by their timely interference, and by their entrance into being with correct principles. Had they had an infusion poured into their character of a ju- dicious mixture of the hero and the saint, they might have confirmed the hopes of Europe, secured to them- selves whatever was meritorious, and have laid the foundation of a great, good and permanent empire.
Unhappily for their posterity and the world, though their courage and generosity cannot be called in ques- tion, embosomed in the woods of A- merica, and but feebly supported by government, their minds seem to have been abhorred in their own mis- teries. All these necessary REGULA- TIONS and DISTINCTIONS in society, without which no nation can long preserve its independence, were generally neglected, or rejected as encroachments upon their individual freedom. The PRIDE OF BIRTH was entirely broken down; and the vicious conduct of one or more branches of a family con- ferred NO DISGRACE UPON THE O- THER MEMBERS. Thus the GREAT- EST INCENTIVE to domestic vir- tue and moral obligation, was cut up by the roots; and the PERNI- CIOUS MAXIM that all men are born equal, and endowed with certain unalienable rights, &c. may be confi- dently asserted to have had its origin in the establishment of this principle. Much as the removal of this bar- rier was calculated to affect poster- ity, the duty I have imposed upon myself compels me to notice another transfusion still more fatal to the un- ion and permanency of these states. This may be considered as growing
out of the violation of principle men- tioned in the last paragraph. From the Aurora.
From what has been said, it will appear obvious, that those who have gone before are determined to pursue that system of conduct which best comported with present ease and indi- vidual happiness. They therefore married promiscuously, without regard to BIRTH, EDUCATION, or pro- perty; and brought up their children in such a manner as to be most use- ful to themselves. Accordingly, one was made a CARPENTER, another a BLACKSMITH, a third a TAY- LOR, and a fourth a SHOEMA- KER, to the utter exclusion of let- ters and a just spirit of subordination.
We are now arrived at another very important moment in our hi- story. We have seen, that as far as the actions of our progenitors de- pended upon their inclinations, their habits became DEMOCRATIC.— This was sufficient to have opened the eyes of the mother country; and cal- led loudly for legislative correctives. Instead of this, by means of the hypo- critical cant about public virtue and sim- plicity made use of by some of their gov- ernors, the people were ALLOWED TO CALL TOGETHER POPU- LAR ASSEMBLIES, and to forti- fy themselves in the disgraceful steps they had taken. The corner stone of revolution was then laid in all the colonies, and our separation effected at much earlier period than it would otherwise have been.
If the colonists determined, upon their first setting out to effect a sepa- ration from the parent country, and to assume a dignified rank among the nations of the earth, their do- mestic conduct in their intercourse with each other was highly blamea- ble and indiscreet. If they determin- ed to remain true, and continue their allegiance, it was still more so. I do not wish to be understood as disap- proving of the American revolution, (for, in my opinion, it was an event always calculated upon at home) but I DESPISE the MEANS by which it was brought about. I do not hesitate to declare them BASE and UNWORTHY; and I tremble for my country when I consider that they must one day prove her ruin.
This PLEBEIAN principle of cohesion and admixture throughout the body politic, continued in full force till the commencement of the revolution. Since that event to the adoption of the federal constitution, nay, even to the present day, this MONGREL BREED has been multiplied in a greater or less degree. Even at the very moment in which I am writing this, RESPECTA- BLE TRADESMEN AND FAR- MERS ARE APPRENTICING THEIR SONS TO BARBERS AND TAYLORS, AND SOME OCCUPATIONS OF A STILL LOWER CAST. From this state- ment of facts the intelligent foreign- er will readily perceive that, in this country, IT IS NO DISGRACE TO HAVE EXERCISED A ME- CHANICAL PROFESSION, as many persons of cast have risen to the highest places in the government. In- deed, if he looks into the private hi- story of most of our "grave and rev- erend seniors," he will find them the legitimate lords of THE WORK- BENCH, or of the CORN-FIELD, AND MUCH BETTER CALCULATED TO MOVE IN THAT SPHERE THAN TO ACT WHERE THEY ARE. I do not mention this as any reproach up- on them; but merely to prove the erroneous conduct of those who have gone before us.
The mind has some relief, after contemplating this picture, by reflect- ing upon the expansion of literature, and those augmenting fountains of knowledge which have burst forth during the two last centuries. Every man, nay almost every woman, now READS, THINKS, PROJECTS and some- times ACCOMPLISHES. The force of human reflection, and a habit of com- paring & contrasting passing events, cannot fail of restoring those to the light of reason and self preservation who are now wandering in all the darkness of metaphysical delusion. CLIO.
The first volume of the "Life of WASHINGTON," is just issued from the press, at Philadelphia.
The New York Evening Post, while it cordially approves keeping the fes- tival of Independence—"reprobates" the practice of reading the declaration. This is exactly what ought to be ex- pected from the inconsistent and wily policy and the irreconcilable hatred which the little creole bears towards the author of the declaration. The reasons assigned however are, that the reading is "at variance with the just and magnanimous sentiment which concludes the declaration itself— "that we are to hold the British "en- emies in war, in peace friends."
Let us see how this squares with the conduct of the little hero who wished Pittsburg to be burnt in order to strengthen the hands of government. Why has not this "just and magna- nimous sentiment" been acted upon by him?—why has he not from the period of his anonymous attacks ad- dressed to gen. Washington down to the election of 1801, ceased to make war on the reputation and talents of the author of the declaration? Why since the country has been restored to peace by the measures of the author of the declaration, has he been at vari- ance with the just and magnanimous sentiment?
Again with regard to the British themselves, does not every day's expe- rience prove that the history of the "present king of Great Britain, "is a history of repeated injuries"—the im- pression of our seamen—the viola- tion of our territory—are these not in- juries of recent perpetration? Are these the acts of friends—or of peace? For what end did the same paper af- ter first attempting to justify the ou- trages of the Cambrian frigate—at length enter into a professional or tech- nical proof of the outrage, of the law of nations, and of the law and sover- eignty of America!
The circumstances of the case un- der which the declaration was drawn up, ought indeed to be recollected— and the purposes for which it was in- tended—the circumstances were injuries multiplied beyond sufferance, the purpose of the declaration was to unite the public feeling and pride, in defence of the national rights and liberties; to combine in one view all the wrongs we suffered—and to shew the necessity of suffering no longer with impunity— for the object was then—"the direct "object of establishing an absolute ty- ranny over these states."
Has that king preserved good faith with America?—has any disposition been shewn by that king to be in "peace and friendship" with us? on the contrary, have we not been from year to year, the prey of British violence on the ocean, and of intrigue in the bos- om of our country? Has not her min- ister carried corruption to the floor of our senate, and organized war a- gainst our ally in our territory? Did not a British man of war insult the governor of one of our states, of Rhode Island, in our very ports— and instead of redress, was not the culprit promoted to a ship of a larger rate? What redress has been obtained for the ignominy with which our flag was treated under the administration of Mr. Adams? What redress for the cruel and insulting conduct towards capt. Jessup? Is the impressment of our seamen—in our own ports—the act of a nation sincere and "in peace friends?"
If any circumstances could justify the discontinuance of the annual com- memoration of the great epocha of na- tional Independence; if any circum- stances could render expedient the sus- pension of the reading of that immor- tal paper on the anniversary of that event in which it originated, the con- duct of Great Britain towards the U. States since the peace of 1783—the conduct of her naval commanders— of her ambassadors—and above all of her old tory adherents and her new tory allies in every seaport of the un- ion, would render it not only a duty but an act of justice to the people to call constantly to their remembrance the evils from which we escaped, and in that declaration to point out what condition the enemies of republican government—and the adherents of that king, whose history is the history of repeated injuries—would lead us to regain. It is too true that the practice of preceding the oration with the Declara-

Union of Independence, has, for some time been discontinued in New-England. It has been discontinued ever since Percupius recommended the discontinuance in 1797, that hiring of Britain, for whose abuse of America and her government, one of the ruling factions in England said he deserved a statue of gold. It is true, that since the alliance with England was proposed in 1797, since an infuriated dupe and proselyte to British influence, had the audacity to assert that the finger of heaven pointed at war—since that period, when the friends of England and the enemies of America, were designated from the friends of liberty and Independence, by the elevation of a gloomy emblem, a cockade black, and the design which it was the emblem. Since those days a cloud of darkness has hung over the New-England States—but from which, thank heaven, they are daily emerging, and in proportion as they have regained the station of honor and virtue, the sacred Declaration of their Independence has become again more dear and more familiar with their affections; and we trust that at the next anniversary, the Declaration and its principles will be taken up with an universal spirit, and emitted by none but the incorrigible enemies of American happiness.
New-York, July 17.
The following is the Correspondence that passed between General Hamilton and Col. Burr, together with an Explanation of the conduct, motives and views of Gen. Hamilton, written with his own hand the evening before the Duel, and only to have been seen in the deplorable event that followed.
No. 1.
New-York, June 18, 1804.
Sir—I send for your perusal a letter signed Charles D. Cooper, which, though apparently published some time ago, has but very recently come to my knowledge. Mr. Van Ness, who does me the favor to deliver this, will point out to you that clause of the letter to which I particularly request your attention.
You must perceive, Sir, the necessity of a prompt and unqualified acknowledgment or denial of the use of any expression which would warrant the assertions of Dr. Cooper.
I have the honor to be,
Your obedient servt.
A. BURR.
General HAMILTON.
No. 2.
New-York, June 20, 1804.
Sir—I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 18th instant, and the more I have reflected, the more I have become convinced that I could not, without manifest impropriety, make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary. The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness is in these terms, "I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr." To endeavor to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of this letter for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already disclosed; I found it in these words, "General Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared in substance, that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of government."
The language of Doctor Cooper plainly implies, that he considered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one but he affirms that I have expressed some other, still more despicable; without, however, mentioning to whom, when, or where. 'Tis evident that the phrase "still more despicable" admits of infinite shades from very light to very dark. How am I to judge of the degree intended? or how shall I annex any precise idea to language so indefinite?
Between Gentlemen, despicable and more despicable, are not worth the pains of a distinction: when therefore you do not interrogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I must conclude, that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents upon each other may justifiably extend, and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Doctor Cooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise inference could you draw as a guide for your conduct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed an opinion of you still more despicable than the one which is particularized? How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible between political opponents?
But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which the requisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing could be more easy than to pursue it.
Repeating that I cannot reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible on
principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the justness of the inferences which may be drawn by others from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years competition. If there were no other objection to it, this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and delicacy to injurious imputations from every person who may at any time have conceived the import of my expressions, differently from what I may then have intended or may afterwards recollect. I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared of any gentleman. More than this cannot fitly be expected from me; and especially it cannot be reasonably expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust on more reflection you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstance, and must abide the consequences.
The publication of Doctor Cooper was not seen by me till after the receipt of your letter. I have the honor to be, &c.
A. HAMILTON.
Col. BURR.
No. 3.
New-York, 21st June, 1804.
Sir—Your letter of the 20th instant has been this day received. Having considered it attentively, I regret to find in it nothing of that sincerity and delicacy which you profess to value.
Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the necessity of a rigid adherence to the laws of honour, and the rules of decorum. I neither claim such privilege nor indulge it in others.
The common sense of mankind affixes to the epithet adopted by Dr. Cooper, the idea of dishonour. It has been publicly applied to me under the sanction of your name. The question is not, whether he has understood the meaning of the word, or has used it according to syntax, and with grammatical accuracy: but, whether you have authorised this application, either directly or by uttering expressions or opinions derogatory to my honour. The time "when" is in your own knowledge, but no way material to me, as the calumny has now first been disclosed, so as to become the subject of my notice, and as the effect is present and palpable.
Your letter has furnished me with new reasons for requiring a definite reply.
I have the honor to be,
Sir, you obedient,
A. BURR.
GENERAL HAMILTON;
On Saturday the 22d of June, General H. for the first time, called on Mr. P. and communicated to him the preceding correspondence. He informed him that in a conversation with Mr. V. N. at the time of receiving the last letter, he told Mr. V. N. that he considered that letter as rude and offensive, and that it was not possible for him to give it any other answer, than that Mr. Burr must take such steps as he might think proper. He said farther, that Mr. V. N. requested him to take time to deliberate, and then return an answer, when he might possibly entertain a different opinion, and that he would call on him to receive it. That his reply to Mr. V. N. was that he did not perceive it possible for him to give any other answer than that he had mentioned, unless Mr. Burr would take back his last letter and write one which would admit of a different reply. He then gave Mr. P. the letter hereafter mentioned, of the 22d June, to be delivered to Mr. V. N. when he should call on Mr. P. for an answer, and went to his country seat.
The next day General Hamilton received, while there, the following letter:
No. 4.
June 23, 1804.
Sir—In the afternoon of yesterday I reported to Col. Burr the result of my last interview with you, and appointed the evening to receive his further instructions. Some private engagements, however, prevented me from calling on him till this morning. On my return to the city, I found upon enquiry both at your office and house that you had returned to your residence in the country. Left an interview there might be less agreeable to you than elsewhere, I have, taken the liberty of addressing to you this note, to enquire when and where it will be most convenient to you to receive a communication.
Your most obedient and very humble servant, W. P. VAN NESS.
GEN. HAMILTON.
Mr. P.—understood from General Hamilton, that he immediately answered, that if the communication was pressing, he would receive it at his country house that day; if not, he would be at his house in town the next morning at 9 o'clock. But he did not give Mr. P. any copy of this note.
No. 5. New-York, June 22, 1804. Sir—Your first letter, in a style too peremptory, made a demand, in my opinion, unprecedented and unwarrantable. My answer, pointing out the embarrassment, gave you an opportunity to take a less exceptional course. You have not chosen to do it, but by your last letter, received this day, containing expressions indecorous and improper, you have increased the difficulties to explanation intrinsically incident to the nature of your application.
If by a "definite reply," you mean the direct avowal or disavowal required in your first letter, I have no other answer to give, than that which has already been given. If you mean anything different, admitting of greater latitude, it is requisite you should explain.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,
ALEX. HAMILTON.
AARON BURR, Esq.
This letter, although dated on the 23d June, remained in Mr. P.'s possession until the 25th within which period he had several conversations with Mr. V. N. In these conversations Mr. P. endeavored to illustrate and enforce the propriety of the ground Gen. Hamilton had taken. Mr. P. mentioned to Mr. V. N. as the result, that if Col. Burr would write a letter, requesting to know in substance whether in the conversation to which Dr. Cooper alluded, any particular instance of dishonorable conduct was imputed to Col. Burr, or whether there was any impeachment of his private character. Gen. Hamilton would declare to the best of his recollection what passed in that conversation: and Mr. P. read to Mr. V. N. a paper, containing the substance of what Gen. H. would say on that subject, which is as follows.
(The remainder next week.)
FOREIGN.
Extracts from French papers to 22d of May.
Extraordinary sitting of the Tribunate, relative to conferring the title of EMPEROR, on the First Consul BONAPARTE.
AFTER reading the verbal process of the last sitting, the President announced, that, on the 3d of this month, the tribune CURES had deposited upon the table of the committee, a motion, tending; First, to confer the name of Emperor, upon the First Consul BONAPARTE;—Secondly, That the honor should be hereditary, and established in his family;—Thirdly, That in the organization of the constituted authorities, the modifications should correspond with the establishment of an hereditary power. Liberty, equality, and the rights of the people to be preserved in their integrity!
The President added, that almost all the members of the Tribunate had signified their intention to speak on that motion.
Cures obtained permission to speak to his motion. The orator asserted that all the evils which the French nation had suffered, would be done away by the adoption of this motion; and that nothing but inquietude and alarm could arise from a maintenance elective system. The army and the people (said he) require that the hereditary power should be placed in the family of a Chief, who was for a length of time, the first soldier, before he was the First Magistrate: It is the only means to preserve the brilliant character of our armies.
Let us hasten then, to accomplish the great work: Let us give to a great people, to a great empire, that respect which is mingled with a sublime admiration—I know no title, that is more worthy for the Chief of such a nation, than EMPEROR—I propose then that the following vote be reported to the Senate.
That Bonaparte be declared Emperor.—That the Imperial dignity be declared hereditary in his family.—That our institutions be made to correspond with this establishment.
Simeon spoke in favor of the motion: four years of experience, said he, have made us feel and know the inconveniences that arise from a government of many, and the advantages of the government of one.
Carion Nisus, observed, that at the commencement of the revolution, they had often quoted a remarkable instance of the solemn contracts passed with the Chiefs of States; I speak of the famous oath of the Cortes of Aragon: We (said this oath) who are as worthy as you, (here was native equality maintained) who are more powerful than you, (here the national sovereignty was maintained): We have made you our Chief, (here is the contract specified) to be the guardian of our interests (here is the condition explained): If you fail, your power shall cease! (here is the declaration of punishment, which will follow the violation of duty.)
Family, that France has called to reign over her, you come and understand your title!—Family, that France has renounced forever, you have understood your condemnation!—May the one serve the other as a lively and salutary example!
CONSERVATIVE SENATE. Extracts from the Registers of the Conservative Senate, of 14th Floreal, (May, 4th)
The Orators of the Tribunate were announced and introduced. The Tribune Jourd-Pavilliers spoke:—he then read the vote of the Tribunate, which enjoined him, with the tribunes, Abisson, Chailen, Goussier-Prefeln, Labary and Saluc, to carry to the Senate, the resolution of the Tribunate, passed in the sitting of the preceding day, namely, "That NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, actually Chief Consul, should be declared EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH; and that the Imperial dignity should be declared hereditary in his family."
The Orator explained the motives and circumstances which had induced the Tribunate to adopt this measure.
The Vice President of the Senate, expressed to the deputation the high satisfaction with which the Assembly received them, and assured the Tribunes, in the name of the Senate, that they would take the subject into their immediate consideration.
In the course of the Vice President's answer to the Tribunes, he took the opportunity of informing them, that the Senate had been occupied on the same grand object since the 6th Germinal, deeming it as a necessary step to guarantee to the People of France all those rights for which they so ardently contended. Though monarchy was necessary, they had rejected the name of Bourbon, because it would be productive of a counter-revolution, and bear a long with it, despotism, nobility, feudalism, servitude and ignorance!
When the Orators had retired, the Senate took the report into discussion: that discussion terminated by adopting the resolution of the Senate.
6th Germinal.—The Conservative Senate, being in Number of members, agreeable to the nineteenth article of the Constitution, & deliberating upon the communication it has received, in the name of the Government, by the Grand Judge, Minister of Justice, in the sitting of the 2d of this month, relative to criminal plots contrived by the Envoy of his Britannic Majesty at Munich, and of original pieces which form the object of that report: after having examined the report of this special commission, named in the sitting of the same day, adopt the conclusions deduced from that report, and the proposal of an address suggested by that commission: in pursuance, they have decreed that an Address of the following tenor shall be presented by the Senate, in a body, to the First Consul of the Republic.
ADDRESS OF THE CONSERVATIVE SENATE TO THE FIRST CONSUL.
The Conservative Senate present themselves in a body, before you, to thank you for the communication that you ordered to be laid before them on the 2d of this month, by the Grand Judge comprising original and authentic documents relating to the atrocities directed against the state, and against us, under the shelter of a diplomatic character, by the Envoy of the King of England residing at the Court of Munich. In examining these pieces, and the report of the Grand Judge, the Senate has been in this case, supplying for the moment, the functions of a great national tribunal. A commission of five members, framed a report, which the Senate approved, and now present to you. The publicity of this report must depend upon the wisdom of the Government. Our deliberations are, in an essential degree, necessarily secret; and, in matters of high policy, it is our maxime to let nothing transpire, but what the Government may think proper to communicate to Europe: we talk to Europe, because the investigation of this proceeding, is not merely confined to France, it is the cause of the world.
Nevertheless, inasmuch as it regards France, these circumstances have contributed to call light upon two important objects. Providence has preserved a hero, necessary to her pure designs, and in your ruin, France is involved. The English and the Emigrants know, that your destiny is interwoven with that of the French People. If their execrable projects had been fulfilled, a dreadful vengeance would have been the result. Heaven will preserve the land from the dire necessity of punishing a crime, that, in its consequences, might overthrow the world. Yet this crime has been attempted, and may be repeated; we speak of vengeance, and our laws are not equal to the exigency.
Yes, Citizen First Consul, the Senate should in duty tell you, that in reorganizing our social system, your superior genius neglected some provisions, that do honor to the generosity of your character, but which augments perhaps your danger and our fears. All our constitutions, excepting that of the year 3, had organized a high court, or a national Jury. You thought, that a similar tribunal would not be necessary; and posterity, who will regard you for all that you have done, will count likewise upon that which you was not willing to forefear.
But Citizen First Consul, there is a debt you owe your country. You are not at liberty to neglect your exclamation: and the Senate, who, in essence, are the conservators of the social compact of thirty millions of men, demand, on their part, that the law be expounded upon the first object of that conservation.
Citizen First Consul, a great national tribunal will insure, on one part, the responsibility of the public functionaries, and, on the other, it will prevent to conspirators a ready tribunal, invested with the necessary powers to maintain the security and existence of a great people, attached to the safety and existence of their First Magistrate.
But this national Jury will not be sufficient now to insure your life, and the effect of your great work, if you do not combine other institutions in the system, to survive you. You established a new epoch; but you ought to eternize it: splendor is nothing; it is ephemeral; we cannot doubt but this great idea has occupied your thoughts, for your creative genius embraces all things.
You are pressed by the time, by events, by conspirators, by the ambitious. You are pressed by the inquietude which agitates all Frenchmen. You may arrest time, control events, curb the conspiring, disarm the ambitious, and tranquillize France in giving institutions which will cement the edifice of the State, and prolong those benefits for the children, which you acquired for yourself.
thers.—Citizen First Consul, be well assured that the Senate addresses you here, in the name of all the citizens. All admire and love you: but there are some, who ponder with profound anxiety, upon the probable fate of the vessel of the Republic, if they had the misfortune to lose their pilot, before it had been fixed upon immovable anchors.—In the cities, in the country, if you were to interrogate all Frenchmen, one after the other, there is not one who would not exclaim with us, "great man, finish your vast designs, and make your glory immortal: You have extricated us from the chaos of the past: you make us blest, in the enjoyment of existing blessings; guarantee them to us for the future!"
In all Foreign Courts, found politicians exercise the same language. The repofe of France includes the repofe of Europe.
Such are, Citizen First Consul, the observations which the Senate have charged us to lay before you, in giving us also the immediate mission to repeat, in their name, and in the name of France, that under all circumstances, and at this moment, in a greater degree than ever, the Senate and the people are consolidated with you;
Signed, CAMBACERES, Second Consul, President. MORARD DE GALLES & JOSEPH CORNUDET, [Secretaries.]
MESSAGE OF THE FIRST CONSUL, to the CONSERVATIVE SENATE.
SENATORS, Saint Cloud, 5th Floreal. Your address of the 6th of last Germinal, has not ceased to occupy my thought. It has been the object of undeviating meditation.
You have deemed that the heritage of the Supreme Magistrate is necessary, to place the people of France in a state of shelter from the machinations of our enemies, and the agitations resulting from ambitious rivalry—many of our institutions, you likewise think it is our duty to improve, to secure beyond vicissitude, the triumph of equality and public liberty, and offer to the nation, and the government the double guarantee which they require.
We have been uniformly guided by this grand truth; that the sovereignty resides in the people, and that every thing, without exception, ought to be effected for their interest, for their happiness, and their glory. It is to attain these healthful purposes, that the Supreme Magistrate, the Senate, the Council of State, the Legislative Body, the Electoral Colleges, and the various branches of the administration, are and ought to be instituted.
In proportion as I have fixed my attention upon these great objects, I am convinced of the truth of those sentiments which you have expressed, and I have felt, with an increasing conviction, in a circumstance as new as it is important, that the suggestions of your wisdom and your experience, are necessary to us all my ideas.
I entreat you then to make me acquainted with your entire thoughts.
The people of France can add nothing to the honors, and the glory with which they have envioned me; but a duty which I hold as most sacred, and the nearest to my heart, is to secure to them, all the advantages which they have acquired by this revolution, which has cost them so much, but above all, the sacrifice of a million heroes, who have fallen for the defence of those privileges.
I desire that we may declare on the 14th of July, in this year: "There are now fifteen years elapsed, since by a spontaneous movement, of high virtue, you ran to arms, and acquired, liberty, equality and renown—This day those first blessings of a nation, are sheltered from the tempests: They are preserved for you and for your children: Those institutions which were conceived and brought forth in the bosom of the storm, in an interior and exterior warfare developed with firmness, are going to terminate in the discomfiture of the complottings of our most mortal enemies, by the adoption of all that the experience of ages has demonstrated as proper to guarantee those rights that the nation has judged necessary to its dignity, liberty and felicity."
Signed, BONAPARTE.
To this Message, the CONSERVATIVE SENATE, returned an answer to the Chief Consul, in which they unfolded their design of making him Emperor, and the authority hereditary in his family; as the only means to secure the people of France from the malicious endeavors of their enemies, and the agitations arising from contending rivals!—So much for the manufacture of Emperors!
For the N. H. Gazette.
Messrs. Printers,
In answer to a "Citizen" in the last Gazette, as an individual Selectman, I answer for myself—when appointed to the office I did not accept it from lucrative motives, but as of trust, and upon the oath I have taken it shall be my endeavor to do my duty faithfully. Four of the Enginees are well provided and the companies who attend them are satisfied with the allowance made them, no wheels are wanting to any of them, it is true one Engine is without a company and for this reason, viz. the company are not satisfied with the allowance, the others are fully contented with, and measures are taken to provide a company, but should that not be effected so soon as the Selectmen could wish.
If "Citizen" is a man of trust, and will come forward with a company to take charge of said Engine, he shall have my vote for the same. I would ask "Citizen" if he has Collected Akerman's receipt for his taxes for the present year, as nothing is so convenient for the Selectmen as to have money to pay the expenses of the town.—It is true the town voted to have one well or Reservoir of water in case of fire, but would any man of common or uncommon sense, dig a well when the springs are nigh? would he not rather wait till autumn when the springs are generally low? I live in Back-Street and I have that confidence in my firemen, that they will comply with every requisition of the gentle-men Firewards, I also have that confidence in those gentlemen that they will faithfully perform their duty—I am the public's and Enginees' most humble servant.
MUEL DROWNE.
N. B. As to private wells, if "Citizen" has power to let him open them, the Selectmen have no such authority.

PHILADELPHIA, JULY 16. General Alexander Hamilton, it appears died on Thursday at half past two o'clock, and his remains were interred on Saturday morning, with all the solemnity that was suitable to the loss of such a man—Mr. Gouverneur Morris performing the ceremony of his funeral oration.
In this city, among the general's friends there were shown on Saturday many testimonials of sincere grief, and we make no doubt that by hundreds, his death is most sincerely and deeply deplored.
Judge Pendleton was second to Gen. Hamilton; and Mr. Van Ness second to Col. Burr.
Communicated for the N. H. GAZETTE.
YORK, (Maine) JULY 5, 1804. Anniversary of American Independence. THIS glorious day to American Freemen—the day on which America arose like Sampson from his slumber, and brake the cords of British tyranny; and proclaimed to Britain's imperious court, and to the world, that she would no longer submit to the chains of a foreign despot, but that she would be free and independent—was yesterday noticed in this town with demonstrations of joy, festivity, and hilarity.
While various parties regaled themselves from different sources of amusement, a respectable number of republicans of this town partook of an elegant dinner provided for the occasion at Mrs. LINZEY's, where, after placing Maj. SAM'L DERBY in the chair, the company surrounded the festive board.—After dinner the following Toasts were drank, and convivial joy and friendship beamed from every countenance.
1. The day we celebrate—May its annual return be received with the same joyful sensations that it was in '76.
2. The memory of our illustrious WASHINGTON.
3. The memory of those Heroes who fell in defence of our Liberties and Independence.
4. THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States—May the brilliancy of his virtues and talents bring his foes to repentance, as well as to silence.
5. The Vice-President—May future historians do justice to character.
6. MADISON, GALLATIN, DEARBORN and SMITH.
7. The Judiciary of the United States—May it never become the engine of faction, but administer justice without knowing parties.
8. The U. S. of America—May the ever-maintain "peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations," but enter into entangling alliances with none.
9. The State of Massachusetts—May it thrive and flourish; and may none of its citizens bear the name of whig or tory, aristocrat or jacobin, but firm and peaceable republicans, ever espousing their country's rights.
10. CALEB STABO, Governor of Massachusetts—May he be led by wisdom and justice to value the rights of the people equal with his own.
11. The State of New Hampshire—May the example of her return from momentary delusion to first principles, be speedily followed by her sisters, Massachusetts and Connecticut.
12. Our brethren in captivity at Tripoli—May their confidence in their country support their hopes, and our government speedily break their chains.
13. Commander PREBLE—May he protect our exposed commerce with true American spirit.
14. The Agriculture of our country—May our industrious husbandmen pursue their honest labors unoppressed with needless taxes.
15. American Commerce and Manufactures.
16. The gloriously acquired territory of Louisiana—May it ever be the asylum to the oppressed of all nations—contribute to the wealth, strength and happiness of the U. States—yield all the necessaries and luxuries of life to its inhabitants, and mountains of salt, and Mammoth bones for the temporary relief from the heart burnings of a disappointed faction.
17. The French Government—It has done us justice, need we enquire what are its principles?
VOLUNTEERS. By Moses Lyman, Esq.—The county of York. By Elihu Bragdon, Esq.—On the 5th of November next, may all our republican farmers lay aside the plough and hoe, and go to meeting. By Alexander McIntire.—The union of the States—may it be firm as the foundation of the earth, and lasting as time. By Thomas Moody, Jr.—THOMAS JEFFERSON, the enlightened Statesman, Patriot, Philanthropist and Philosopher—may the justice of his administration, and the increasing confidence of his country, absolve and vindicate his enemies.
CAUCUSSING! Great movements are making on the part of the federal leaders in this State, in the line of caucussing, to concoct measures, it is supposed, to enable a minority to defeat the majority in choosing representatives to congress and electors of President and Vice President at the next election. This country has already witnessed one cabal of this kind, held the present week, at which influential individuals from every corner and quarter were present—They are indeed very reasonable, & it behoves the friends of peace, order, union and republican principles to be proportionably vigilant. Let no man deceive you. Political Observator.
Selected Toast.—The man whom Christians revile; and who sets the Christian example of not retaliating again.
Portsmouth. TUESDAY, JULY 24, 1804.
THE reflection is grateful to every friend to AMERICAN FREEDOM, that the anniversary of our Independence was celebrated with unusual brilliancy and joyful felicity throughout our widely extended country. In this State, as in the others, we were reminded by the orator of the day, J. WENTWORTH, Esq. of the HAPPY SECURITY we enjoy, beyond the reach of the arts and adventurous stratagems of the enemies of our country and government; a security, which, from many great & interesting considerations, we have the most solid reasons to flatter ourselves will endure for ages.—While the clangor of war, and the thunder of artillery resound through Europe, Asia and Africa—on this great continent, the abode of Freemen, peace maintains her mild and gentle sway. To what, under the Divine Auspices, is this peculiar felicity to be attributed, but to the wise system of government and policy which we have adopted and pursued? It is true, we have among us those who oppose our pacific system, and who, could they have their will, would render our country, like those around us, a scene of war and carnage. What conceptions are we to form of a party opposed to peace and tranquility,—a party highly irritated that they cannot, by their arts and clamours, persuade our countrymen to unsheath the destroying sword, and drench our land with blood? Do they not partake of the same fell spirit which pervades the infernal regions, which delights in anarchy, devastation and ruin, and which, if not restrained by the arm of the Almighty, would unfurl the bloody standard in the realms of unfulfilled bliss, and render universal creation a theatre of crimes, assassinations and woes!—May the highly favored CITIZENS of AMERICA, ever express their grateful sense of their inestimable blessings by unremitting exertions in promoting peace and union, and by every act of beneficence and love!—This is the ardent, unceasing prayer of millions throughout the world, who are interested, deeply interested in the prosperity of our country, as a prelude to the prosperity and happiness of every nation.
For the Gazette.
Messrs. Printers, MUCH pains having been taken in various quarters, to collect the sentiments of the republican citizens of this State, with regard to a selection of suitable persons for Representatives in Congress, at the next election, it appears from the best information, that the public opinion is most generally united in the following persons—viz.
Timothy Walker, Esq.
Thomas Cogswell, Esq.
J. K. Smith, Esq.
Nahum Parker, Esq. &
Ezra Bartlett, Esq.
With regard to Judge WALKER, his talents and public services have been so well known and acknowledged for more than thirty years, that no resident in the State can be supposed unacquainted with them.
Judge COGSWELL, was an officer through the Revolutionary War, and even in the days of terror, strictly adhered to those principles, for the maintenance of which he drew his sword.
Mr. SMITH, of Amherst, is a respectable lawyer in the county of Hillsborough—And to extensive information, unites the strictest probity, and a warm attachment to the republican principles of our Constitution.
Nahum Parker, Esq. has for several years been distinguished in our Legislature; but for his adherence to the old principles of our Revolution, has been marked out as an object of federal persecution.
Dr. EZRA BARTLETT, of Warren, in the county of Grafton, is less known than either of the other candidates; but to be admired, he needs only to be known. A son of our late patriotic Gov. BARTLETT, (whose name will be ever dear to every republican) he, like his venerable father, prefers the shade of retirement to the applauses of the world; and nothing but a sense of that duty which every man owes to the call of his country, can ever draw him from his retreat. But uniting in himself, those properties which peculiarly qualify for a public station, the eyes of many have been fixed on him, to fill a seat in our next National Assembly. Where known, it is only necessary for him to be a candidate, to have support; and to those, who have not the happiness of his acquaintance, it is recommended to enquire, for they may be assured that the result will afford them perfect satisfaction.
Chester, July 17, 1804. N.B. It is requested that the several editors in this State would give the above a place in their papers.
REPUBLICAN TICKET. Firm, united let us be, Rallying round our liberty."
Candidates for Representatives to Congress—
CLEMENT STORER, Esq. for Rockingham county.
THOMAS COGSWELL, Esq. for Strafford county.
J. K. SMITH, Esq. for Hillsborough county.
NAHUM PARKER, Esq. for Cheshire county.
EZRA BARTLETT, Esq. for Grafton county.
As a band of brothers join, Peace and safety we shall find."
AS we can be no otherwise than fully persuaded, Fellow Citizens, of the importance of a change of public officers, for our credit and prosperity, allow me earnestly to solicit TRUE republicans to be firm and immovable, armed with INVINCIBLE TRUTH; and not to be deceived and led astray by pretenders to republicanism—But let it be our determined resolve to be remembered for our patriotic exertions, by our unanimous suffrages for the CITIZENS presented in the above Ticket. Let us wrest from the enemies of our Liberties, the power they have so long held to our prejudice and dishonor.
Citizens of New Hampshire, rally round your firm, inflexible and consistent republicanism, Gen. CLEMENT STORER, and support your own and his friends on the Republican Ticket; they are strongly recommended for their well known worth and abilities, and their affection for a government which embraces the interests of every individual, and which seeks not its establishment by promoting war, but by cherishing peace.
A VOTER.
For the N. H. GAZETTE.
Messrs. Printers, IN the "Star" of the 19th inst. I observed the nomination of TIMOTHY WALKER, Esq. for a Representative of this State in the next Congress of the United States; which nomination cannot but readily meet the approbation of all true republicans—if superior merit be considered a suitable recommendation: He shall therefore have my vote in preference to any other Candidate for this county.
The Ticket so amended will stand thus:
Timothy Walker, Rockingham county.
Thomas Cogswell, Strafford county.
J. K. Smith, Hillsborough county.
Nahum Parker, Cheshire county.
Ezra Bartlett, Grafton county.
An INDEPENDENT VOTER. Portsmouth, July 14, 1804.
COMMUNICATION.
Mr. Pickering's oration (delivered at Salem, Mass.) in commemoration of our Independence, is well calculated to deceive those who are willing to be deceived, to alarm those who delight in alarms, in the hope of profiting by the confusion they are designed to promote. The quotation from WASHINGTON's address, will doubtless be very well received in the orator's view of it, by the men that despise and hate the People—"If to please the People, &c."—But, how terrible! "our Constitution is violated by a stipulation inseparably connected with the acquisition of Louisiana"—that the inhabitants shall be incorporated, &c.—and melancholy and awful to reflection, this vast acquired territory "must destroy the balance of power by which the federation of the original States was adjusted." For the certainty of this dreadful consequence, we are, to take the orator's ipse dixit; and it suits very well those whose understandings are not equal to the perception of the rationality and effective energy of our representative system of government, as capable of embracing and concentrating the greatest extension of territory in a cordial union and co-operation. Wisdom perceives it. But haughty, aspiring Federalists, who abhor the principles of Liberty and humanity, discern it not, or shut their eyes against it. They will not come unto the light, because their deeds are evil. Hence it is, that they are incapable of relishing, whatever is beneficial to civil and domestic society. Mr. Pickering's harrangue is replete with sentiments prolific of implacable enmity to the grand federal compact, which he pretends to extol; while, at the same time, he would rejoice in beholding it totally dissolved, and the Northern States become the lords and tyrants of the American world; Adams' glorious millennium will then take place, but never before—The freemen of the American continent must first become slaves and submissive, meanly submissive to the infamous system which Mr. Pickering's oration advocates; in which the absurdity, vexation and despair of the federal and tory disorganizers are pre-eminently visible.—Alas! in every exertion, they proclaim to the universe, their glory is departed.
A writer in the Concord Courrier has attempted to give a history of the transactions of the "first democratic legislature of New-Hampshire." When a writer undertakes a task of this nature, it certainly behoves him, if he cannot be candid, at least to confine himself within the limits of decency and truth. It is foolish to disguise facts and to tell lies, when there are so many respectable characters dispersed in every town in the State, who were eye-witnesses and can contradict them. The performance in question carries with it an antidote to the poison it was intended to convey—its bare-faced party rancour and manifest intention to misrepresent and deceive, will prevent any person of the least understanding from being misled; and back upon the head of the writer and publisher will the fatal stroke rebound, a la mode federalism. P. Ober.
COMMUNICATION.
There has been such a noise about our American democracy, that one might be ready to conclude, if they credited the intended junto, that hell itself was let loose from the bottomless pit, and joined with republicans to overwhelm our country with devastation and ruin—if Hamilton is dead, and Burr become like Cain, a fugitive and vagabond on the earth, and the aristocratical junto are descending to equal disgrace, contempt and oblivion, what will the forlorn remnant of tories and federalists do? How will they exist, or endure existence in this land of freedom?—Do they support themselves with the idea, that their cause will revive like the Phoenix from his ashes?—Vain expectation!—Fallacious hope!—The glorious AMERICAN UNION, and the august fabric of our constitution and government are, and ever will be impregnable to the desperate assaults of the desperate or the combined forces of its enemies, foreign or internal.
Marine Memoranda.
Portsmouth, JULY 24, 1804. Sunday arrived Ship Zephyr, Capt. Peirce, in 38 days from the Isle of May—Cargo of Salt. Left there the following American vessels, viz.—Ships, Franklin, Bowles of Marblehead, for Boston, in 4 days; Nestor, Whipple, for Portland, in 4; Venus, Bunt, for New-York, in 4; Packer, Benj. Connor, for Portsmouth, in 20; Briggs, Cherokee, Pratt, for Boston, in 4; Philanthropist, Dennis, for Marblehead, in 10; Sch's, Miriam, Guil. for do. in 8; Rebecca, Giddings, of Danvers, for Beverly, in 10. Vessels Sailed.—June 26. lat. 26, lon. 52, brig Fidelis, Jenkins, 25 days from Portsmouth for Demerara—June 10. lat. 21, lon. 52, brig Grafton, Gove, 11 days from do. for Barbadoes, 20 days out.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
The communication from our correspondent, "Y Z" being a letter to the dignified Clergyman at New York who has published an account of the closing scene of the late Gen. HAMILTON, shall appear in our next.
Remarks on the Concord Courrier's history of the last Session of the General Court, is also necessarily postponed.
Piscataqua Bridge Lottery.
THIS Lottery commenced drawing on Thursday last. The following are the Prizes (above $ dollars) which have been drawn:— Of 50 dollars, Nos. 4354 6343, 9260. Of 20 dollars, Nos. 4875 4988, 5192, 9978, 9200, 9300.
CAPITAL CHANCE!
Wheels enriched 1650 dollars!—Now is the time for adventurers to call at the Gazette Book-store, opposite the N. W. corner of the State House, Congress-street, and supply themselves with undrawn Tickets, which are now selling at the low price of 6 dollars, and Quarters at 96 each.
TICKETS and QUARTERS, in the above Lottery, for sale at the Book-Store of CHARLES PEIRCE, Daniel-street, Portsmouth. July 24.
JUST ARRIVED,
AND FOR SALE,
THE Cargo of the Ship ZEPHYR,
Consisting of—
Coarse white ISLE-OF-MAY
SALT, GIN, & Linseed OIL.
Apply to EDW'D CUTTS.
Portsmouth, July 24, 1804.
COTTON YARN, BED
TICK, and WICK YARN.
THE subscriber has received a
supply of the above articles,
which are offered for sale, wholesale
and retail.—Likewise, just received, a
consignment of Southong and other
TEAS, warranted of the best quality.
Florence OIL, in cases. 12 casks
RAISINS. 10 bags PEPPER. 80
bags SHOT. GUN-POWDER, pr.
cask. Pipes GIN and BRANDY.—
Bemis' celebrated Maccaboo, Rappée
and fine SNUFF, in bottles, for ex-
portation, &c.
On hand, 60 OVEN FRAMES.
The above articles will be disposed of on liberal terms, by
NATHAN B. FOLSOM. Portsmouth, July 24, 1804.
FOUND, Between Portsmouth and Piscataqua Bridge, a Sum of Money, The owner may have it again by applying to the Printers, and paying charges. July 24.
AUCTIONS.
THIS DAY AT THE OFFICE OF ALEXANDER EWEN,
in Daniel-street, Portsmouth. A FEW cases of MERCHANDIZE—consisting of Broad Cloths, Hosiery, India Cottons, Nankeens, Nankinett, and Calicoes.
ON THURSDAY NEXT,
at the same place, HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, Table, Chairs, Desks, Looking-Glasses, Bedsteads, Shovels and Tongs, Hand-Irons; Pewter, Tin and Iron Ware; Books; a Soap Copper and Trivet; with a number of other articles. Also, A second Hand CHAISE. July 4, 1804.
To be Sold at PUBLIC AUCTION, on SATURDAY next, at 12 o'clock, at Col. WALKER's Inn,
THREE rights of LAND in Britton Woods, and one right of Land in Cambridge.
JACOB WALDEN, Auctioneer. July 24, 1804.
To be Sold at Auction,
on Monday, 31st inst. on the premises. LOT 1 of LAND, situated near Liberty Bridge, a little below Mr. Thomas Moulton's shop; said Lot is fronting on two streets, forty feet. For particulars inquire of S. LITTLE. July 24.
FOR SALE,
On advantageous terms,
A LARGE three story HOUSE, with a Shop in front, situated in a central part of the town, middle of Buck-street.
For particular inquiry to JOHN DAVENPORT. July 24, 1804.
Grand Lodge.
THE Officers and Members of the Grand Lodge of New Hampshire, are informed that a Grand Lodge and Quarterly Communication will be held at the Lodge Room in Portsmouth, TO-MORROW EVENING, at eight o'clock.
By Order,
L. SPALDING, G. Sec'y. July 24th, AL 58 4.
The Fourth N. H. Turnpike.
THE Treasurer requests the Portsmouth Proprietors to be prepared, the week preceding Exeter August Court, to pay the balances due.
The sixth assessment, being thirty dollars, is now payable.
His vendue for the sale of Shares, was adjourned to give further notice. Subby July 17, 1804.
Philadelphia Leather.
A QUANTITY of Philadelphia Harness & Skirting LEATHER, just received and for sale by CHARLES PEIRCE. Portsmouth, July 24, 1804.
LIST OF LETTERS
Remaining in the Post Office, Portsmouth, (N. H.) July 9, 1804.
A. JOHN Amazeen; Samuel Adams; Rev. J. J. Appleton, Hampton; Jacob Abbot, Hampton Falls; B.—Bethia Bartlett, Kittery; J. John Brown; Hepsy Badger, Kittery; Richard Blaw; Robert Brier, Kittery; Mrs. Bane; John Badger; Thomas Barwell; William Barker, Stratham; J. Bane. C.—Ichabod Cole, Kittery; Richard Cuts; Isaac Childs; Hugh Cox; Charles Carlson; Mr. Cuts, P. P. Cope; Nehemiah Cram; Moses Cross; Joseph Chale; James Colman; Richard Thomas Cuts; Thomas D. Cuts. D.—Simon Derban, North Hill; Nathl. Derban; Jonas Drake, Rye; Simon Derban, North-Hampton; Simon Derban Hampton; Nathaniel Dodge; Joseph Dearborn, North-Hampton; Ebenezer Davis; Caleb Daws; Thomas Delano. F.—William Fennelly; Seth Fuller; John Fisher; Benjamin Fernald, the 4th; Elizabeth Farley; Richard Fitzgerald. G.—Jonas Groot; John T. Gilman; Daniel Goodale. H.—Daniel Hardy; Susannah Harmand, Kittery; Miss Coffin; Doct. Ivory Hovey. J.—Benjamin Jennett, Rye; L. Jennings. L.—Elizabeth Langley; Peter Lewis, Kittery; Mr. Lewer. M.—William Marden; Thomas MacDonogh; Capt. Sam. Moore; Deacon Munroe. N.—David Norton, Stratham; Capt. Eleazer Nickerson; David Nudd, Hampton. O.—John Owen; Sukey Odiorne. P.—Capt. Joseph Paul; Deborah Pomroy; Samuel Piummer; Joseph Parsons, Rye; Dudley Pottle, Stratham; John Potts; Andrew Phillips; Samuel Peabody. R.—John Reed; George A. Rogers; John Rider; N. Rouleau; Mary Welch; Isaac Remick; L. Russell; Stephen Richards. S.—Ebenezer Storer; Matty Seavey, Rye; David Smith; William Stewart; Winthrop Skelgins; Hipriath Sherewe; Capt. John Sullivan. T.—Cornelius Turner, New-Castle; Benjamin H. Truett; David Thacher; Capt. Tritton. W.—Isaac Winthrop; Anna Walker; Y.—John Young; Samuel Yemmons. The names with no towns annexed are directed Portsmouth. MARK SIMS, Post-Master.

Miscellaneous Repository.
From the Pittsfield Sun.
The Ladies of Pittsfield, in Massachusetts, with a number from the adjacent towns whose hearts were vibrated with joy on the anniversary of our national birthday, assembled towards evening under the shade of an elegant arbor, where a delicious repast was provided. Friendship and festivity presided at the table; — Beauty charmed the eye, and "concord of sweet sounds" delighted the ear. The following Lines, written for the Ladies of the Tea Party, were sung by them on the occasion.
HAIL the day so highly blest! Welcome, every friendly guest, To this enchanting grove; Sacred source of all our joys! Gratitude our song employs, We celebrate thy love. Peace encircle us around, Health and Charity abound, Their cheerful train unite; Taste the blessings—share the feast, Every social power encreas'd Ensures us pure delight. Zephyrs, breathing thro' the trees, Waft our voices on the breeze To hostile shores afar! Captivate ambition's rage! Thirst for human blood assuage, And hush the plagues of War! Heaven approves! all earth attend, To Columbia's Daughters lend The kind, indulgent ear; Learn of them, and seek, and prove, Sweets of Innocence and Love, To crown your blessings here.
THE following picture of honest third party men, was drawn by a federal hand, and shows the very elevated ground on which they stand in the estimation of that party to which they have lately become subservient. We recommend it to them to establish a Museum, in which they may deposit all the portraits of all the honest men, or Anything-arians, as Dean Swift would call them was he living, of their honorable fraternity.—They will form a gallery of handsome portraits for their children
"to look upon, That they may see their father's face When he is dead and gone."
MIRROR.
IMPARTIALITY.
No word, perhaps, in the whole vocabulary of the English language is more perverted than impartiality. It carries no pretty and conciliatory sound with it. It is intended as another name for rectitude, or a just sense of what is right. In its pure original signification, it is the opposite of prejudice. In the modern, popular use of it, it means any thing or nothing. It is a tale told by an idiot signifying—nothing. It is poison to mankind, and every name vituperative under HEAVEN. As it is used in politics, it is an ignis fatuus, leading the unwary and thoughtless astray. It is the afs between two flocks of hay, who, educated by this delusive Spirit of impartiality, starved when the cornucopia of Ceres was on his left. It ought to starve its votaries. If there be a right political system, it is wile, it is worthy of praise to adhere to it. A man should place his pride in avowing, or at least in maintaining such a sentiment. The half right and the half wrong character ought to die, if he be not already, despised. He can be assured of the confidence of no man. In religion, these observations will apply with equal force. It will leave the purposes of modern infidelity to mouth this word, for by this means it gains proselytes. The christian is advised not to be partial to his system of ethics, but to loosen the bands which bind him to it, and wander in the maze of error and delusion, in the search of truth. The doctrine is plausible; but where is the man, who, has given up the "faith that made him free," for this purpose, now enlightened, rejoices that he is loosed, from its hold. If there be no innate ideas, there is most certainly a moral sense of what is right and wrong and that man acts wisely, who divests himself of the former, by a voluntary pilgrimage to examine the latter. This unmeaning word is used for particular purposes, like that of patriotism. A good patriot is one who, with the heart of a tyrant bowing liberty, equality. It is a name that it would have been well to have had expunged from every language when Robespierre made his exit, or when the first Bonapart shall expire.
(Farmer's Museum.)
ANECDORE.
A Countryman, not long since (being unaccustomed to the prevailing fashions of the times,) in walking the street, happened to mistake the trail of a lady's gown for a pocket-handkerchief. A tailor passing him at the same time, with a ratan under his arm and a quid in his mouth, exclaimed—"D—n your eyes, you thief put that down; and the owner of it has just turned the corner yonder, towing it after her."—The fellow wore short on his heel and boom'd off, determined never to pick up any thing in the street again, unless there was a label on it to inform him what he had hold of.
FOR SALE,
90 Thousand merchantable, and a few ditto clear BOARDS. Also, CLAP-BOARDS & SHINGLES, for sale— Apply to J. GAINS PEABODY, Moffitt's wharf. Portsmouth, July 3 1804.
For Sale—A Lot of Land FRONTING on Vaughan street, adjoining UNDERWOOD's Rope-Walk, front land enough for a House Lot, and from 6 to 800 feet back land.—For terms apply to JOHN UNDERWOOD.
THE Subscribers after returning their acknowledgments to their customers and other friends, for the liberal encouragement given; would inform them and the public in general, that having received a fresh supply of Furs and Trimmings, they continue the
Manufacturing of Hats
of all kinds, at their Manufactory bottom of Daniel Street, where they trust those who will please to call, may suit themselves, both as to number and quality.—They will supply Gentlemen with Hats, by the year, at a moderate price.
An APPRENTICE wanted at the above business.
SPARHAWK & CURTIS. Portsmouth, May 8 1804.
THE Partnership betwixt JAMES H. M'CLARY, of Epsom, and DANIEL GOOKIN, of North-Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved. All persons indebted to said company, are to make payment to said M'CLARY, by whom all debts of the company will be paid.
JAMES H. M'CLARY, DANIEL GOOKIN. Epsom, October 28, 1803.
MAJOR'S Universal HISTORY.
IT is with much satisfaction we notice that the republication of valuable European works in the United States meets with increasing encouragement. Several well selected and voluminous productions have lately issued from the American press, executed with a neatness and correctness indicative of the flourishing state of atlantic typography. Among these we would particularly recommend the "Universal History, by Major," to public attention.—It is now in the press. Seven or eight volumes are already in circulation, and the remainder will be finished with expedition.—The first requisites for an useful historian, are method, perspicuity of style, and correctness with respect to facts. Mr. Major seems to possess these essential qualities, and besides, in digesting a series of events since the earliest history of man, has confined himself to such interesting outlines as on the one hand to inform without fatiguing, and on the other, to exhibit brevity without obscurity. It is to be regretted that several of our best historians have tinged their productions with that scepticism with regard to the scriptures, which, in the present age, is unhappily too popular. We are pleased to remark, in the author we now recommend, a serious regard to scripture narrative, on which he constructs the first part of his work preserving a judicious medium between a bigotted credulity and a bewildering infidelity. Such is the result of our own examination of this writer, so far as the history has appeared in an American edition. We shall add a brief review, taken from the London Monthly Magazine of 1802.
"Dr. Major, whose name is respectably known to the public, as the author of several valuable school books, has presented to the public an important work, which usefully avoids the brevity of Bossuet and Voltaire, and the dull prolixity of the great Universal History. His ancient History extends to nine moderately sized volumes, and is the only part which is yet completed. The Modern History is intended to form sixteen volumes. As far as this work has already proceeded, it is entitled to much commendation, as a faithful compilation from the great Universal History, and from the various historians of particular periods; and it is enriched with the new lights, which the recent labors of the learned, at home and abroad, have thrown upon many important events. In the Persian and Indian Histories, Dr. Major has very judiciously availed himself of the materials afforded by the researches of Sir Wm. Jones, and the Asiatic Society; and his connected history of Ancient Persia is the best which we recollect to have seen. The introduction is a spirited performance; and the style of the whole is neat, elegant, and well adapted to the nature of the work."
Gentlemen disposed to encourage the above mentioned work, are respectfully informed that a subscription paper is at the bookstore of ANGIER MARCH, No. 13, Market Square, Newburyport, and at C. PEIRCE's Bookstore Daniel-Street, Portsmouth, where the volumes will be forwarded as fast as published. It is hoped gentlemen in this town and its vicinity will avail themselves of this opportunity to furnish themselves with a valuable addition to their libraries; and by a liberal patronage of literary enterprise, acquire a character as eminent for polite literature, and scientific taste, as that which they now justly bear for intelligence, industry and perseverance in commercial pursuits.
It is printed on a superfine vellum paper, with a new and beautiful type, and delivered in separate volumes, at the reduced price of one dollar each, in boards embellished with all the Plates and Maps which are contained in the London edition. To non-subscribers, the price will be 1 dol. 25 cents. Portsmouth, July 10 1804.
Just received and for sale at the store of
Peirce, Hill & Peirce,
Head of Moffitt's wharf.
A good assortment of
Flat & square Bar IRON;
—ALSO—
80 Bushels of WHEAT;
60 Bushels of RYE;
200 Weight of FLAX;
A few Bbls. BLUBBER;
LIME per cask. Portsmouth, July 3, 1804.
SCYTHES.
TILTON's much approved and warranted SCYTHES, for sale by JOHN WARNER, opposite the Court House.
INDIA GOODS.
James Rundlet,
Has just received a number of
BALES of India Cottons;
India Chintz; Checks and Bandannos—which he would be glad to sell at a small advance for cash or short approved credit.
A number of PORTSMOUTH BANK SHARES, for Sale as above. July 10, 1804.
CHEAPER THAN CHEAP.
Daniel Weeks,
Has just received at his shop in Buck-
street Portsmouth,
A great variety of
English, India & French Goods;
Among which are beautiful black, white and coloured Silk Gloves for 5f.; black silk Hose for 8f.; white do. for 9f.; India Chintzes for 4/6 piece, fine cotton Hose for 1/6 pair with many other articles still cheaper. Portsmouth, July 10, 1804.
Just received, per brig Anna, from Philadelphia, and for sale by
J. Langdon, jr.
NEW superfine & scratch'd
FLOUR, in barrels and half
barrels; a few barrels Philadelphia
PILOT BREAD; a few Casks
do. first quality bottled Porter & Ale,
3 doz. to a cask; Philadelphia Iron in
flat and square Bars; do. deck, spike
& nail rods; do. 3d & 4d Hoop Iron
—also on hand—few bales Upland
Georgia Cotton; 2d & 3d proof Grenada
Rum; Ship Bread; Pimento,
per bag; Muskadell box Raisins; a
number of dozen Stone Jugs, from
1 1/2 to 5 gals.; together with a general
assortment of
GROCERIES,
comprising almost every article in
that line—For cash, country produce
or short approved credit.
SHIP STORES,
put up at the shortest notice—AND
Business on COMMISSION, will re-
ceive the most punctilious attention. Bow-street, July 10 1804.
John P. Evans,
RESPECTFULLY informs
his friends and the public that
he Manufactures, and keeps constantly
for sale, best Pigtail, fine Twift, Fig,
and Smoking TOBACCO; Segars,
&c. Warranted of the first quality,
at his shop near Portsmouth Stone,
Congress-Street—Cheap as can be pur-
chased in town or elsewhere. Portsmouth, July 3, 1804. 99—30
WHITEFIELD'S 16 and 18
SERMONS,
For Sale by the hundred or single—
at the Gazette Bookstore.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, has been duly ap-
pointed administrator on the e-
state of EBENEZER SMITH,
late of Portsmouth, merchant deceas-
ed—All persons having demands a-
gainst the estate of said deceased, are
desired to exhibit the same for settle-
ment—and those indebted, to make
immediate payment to
GEORGE F. SMITH, Administrat'r. Portsmouth, July 17, 1804.
NOTICE.
THE Commissioners named and
authorized in and by a Commis-
sion of Bankruptcy awarded & issued,
and now in prosecution against THO-
MAS CROSS, of Northfield, in the
district of New-Hampshire, Trader;
and the Assignee chosen under the
said Commission, intends to meet on
the thirteenth day of September next,
at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, at
the office of Charles Catts, Esq. Broad-
street, Portsmouth, in order to make
a dividend of the estate and effects of
the said bankrupt; when and where
the creditors who have not already
proved their debts, under the said
Commission; are hereby required to
come prepared to prove the same, or
they will be excluded the benefit of the said dividend. MOSES LEWIS, Assignee. Portsmouth, July 6, 1804.
MEDITERRANEAN PASSPORTS.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it
has been deemed expedient to
change the form of the Mediterranean
PROPOSALS
For printing by Subscription,
THE FIRST AMERICAN EDITION
OF THE
Select British Classics:
To be copied from the last London edition.
IN THIRTY-NINE VOLUMES.
Embellished with seventy-six Engravings.
CONTAINING,
the Tatler, Spectator,
Guardian, and Connoisseur, the World,
Rambler, Idler and Adventurer, the Mir-
ror, Sheppard's Sketches of Men and Man-
ners, the Citizen of the World, or Letters
from a Chinese Philosopher, and all the o-
ther Essays of Doctor Goldsmith.—Together
with brief Memoirs of the Lives of the principal Authors.
Quod magis ad nos
Pertinet, et, nescire malum est, agimus—
HOR.
IT would be superfluous to dilate upon
that constellation of eminent authors, who
have been distinguished, in these volumes,
by the peculiar title of British Classics. The
names of Addison, Steele, Pope, Johnson,
Hawkesworth and Goldsmith, have been too
long known, and too highly esteemed, to
stand in need of an Eulogium at the present
day. The excellent Essays written by them,
and others their contemporaries, which are
now proposed for publication, have been
justly admired as a faithful picture of the
manners of the Eighteenth Century, and re-
commended as containing, not only a rich
Magazine of Moral, and critical knowledge,
as well as chaste amusement, but as the fair-
est models of English composition—feldom
equalled, and never surpassed, by the writ-
ers of this or any other age.
All, therefore, that seems necessary for
the Subscribers, is, to acquaint his friends and
the public in general, that he intends to pub-
lish an American edition of this truly clas-
sical collection, in a style that will not dis-
honour the works themselves, or be deemed
unworthy of the patronage of their fellow-
citizens.
THE CONDITIONS ARE AS FOLLOWS:
I. A Volume, containing from two hundred
and fifty, to three hundred pages, will be
published every fortnight. Each Volume shall
be printed on a fine wove paper, with a new
type, and be embellished with two engrav-
ings, by the first Artists in the United States.
The whole shall be superior to Parson's Lon-
don Edition, which has been sold for fifty
dollars.
II. The price to be paid on delivery, shall
be 8 3/4 cents, in boards. This covering is to
be preferred, because when books are fresh
from the press, they are not fit to be bound in
leather, nor can the whole be executed with
so much uniformity. The price to non-sub-
scribers will be advanced to at least one dol-
lar a Volume.
III. Those who procure six subscribers, and
become accountable for payment, as the vols.
are delivered, shall receive one set gratis.
IV. In the last Volume, will be given, a
complete alphabetical list of all the subscrib-
ers' names.
Subscriptions received by C. PEIRCE
Portsmouth. ANGIER MARCH,
Newbury-Port.
Valuable Family Medicines.
Just Received, direct from the Pat-ntees,
and for sale by CHARLES PEIRCE,
Portsmouth, the following VALUA-
BLE MEDICINES—VIZ.
Doctor Rawson's Anti-Bilious and
Stomachic BITTERS.
SO justly appreciated for their singular and
uncommon virtues for restoring weak
and decayed constitutions, and all that train
of complicated complaints, so common in
the spring and fall seasons; such as In-</