The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1782-01-26 00:00:00

THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE, AND GENERAL ADVERTISER.
[Vol. XXVI.]
SATURDAY, JANUARY 26, 1782.
[No. 137]
FOR THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE.
Messieurs PRINTERS,
AD the Monitor considered, that a writer who appears in a fictitious character, can be entitled to no other respect than what his production deserves; though he himself should be of the most illustrious character and shining virtues, or candidate for the most exalted station in the government; would his delicate feelings have been so wounded, his resentment so inflamed, or his reason so blinded by prejudice, as to render him incapable of distinguishing a little asperity from scurrility , an honest indignation from ill-nature , or a laudable zeal for truth and the best interest of the people, from a want of decency? Surely he must be highly incensed indeed, to have forgotten his favorite objection to rotation in the constitution , while he loaded me with a ROTATION of hard words throughout his genteel performance!
If warmth of temper be evidence of a writer's having secret views, or oblique designs unknown to the public, what would one think of the Monitor's? According to his catholic rule of judging, a person would be led to suspect the Monitor himself must have some deep designs to prevent the people from adopting a free constitution! If wincing is a further evidence of this, how will he exculpate himself?
Though no adept in law, or the history of jurisprudence, I will venture to assert, that generally by the rules of common law , every offence committed upon land, within the kingdom of England, must be tried within the county wherein the same was committed. This continued the invariable rule of the common law, 'till the 33 H. 8. when that imperious prince, with his venal, pliable parliament altered it, in cases of treason, misprision of treason, and murder. But afterwards a parliament, more regardful of the rights of the subject, repealed the detestable act of Harry the 8th, so far as it respected treasons within the realm, and thereby restored the common law touching the trial of such treasons. No such offences in England, can at this time be tried out of the country in which they may be perpetrated: nor were the judges there, not even excepting those of the star chamber, ever invested with a power ex officio to remove the trial of criminal causes from one county to another, for any reason whatever. He must be also mistaken, when he asserts, "that it has been the invariable practice in this country, for judges to remove the trial of causes from a county where the fact was committed, to some other," &c. If the Monitor means criminal causes, which he undoubtedly must, by his mode of diction. "Where the fact was committed" (and which he declares to be his meaning in his queries) I must beg leave to question this assertion, 'till vouched by some higher authority. So far were the judges from conceiving themselves clothed with such a power, that in a late case, where an inhabitant of Grafton imprisoned in the county of Rockingham, and charged with high treason against this State, solicited them to try him in any county; their answer to his solicitation was, (as I understood) they had no authority to try him out of the county
of Grafton, (though that county then denied the jurisdiction of this State.) Upon which he petitioned the General Court to grant him a trial in Rockingham; and obtained an act for that purpose. The nature of the judges and legislature in this case, if it has not the force of precedent, yet speaks a language essentially different from the doctrine advanced by the Monitor. But perhaps he will revolt at the very idea of his judgment being set in competition with theirs! If not, I would ask the Monitor, why the Legislature of this State, lately passed an act to apprehend offenders, who should escape from the county where they had committed a crime, to some other; and to bring them back for trial to the county where they had offended? The title of the act itself will furnish him with an answer to my question.—"An act for preventing criminal offenders from avoiding justice." If the judges were impowered to order the trial of such offenders in the county where they might be apprehended; for what purpose was the act made? In such case they could not elude a trial by their escape, or avoid justice. I think 'tis impossible to account for the existence of this law, upon any other rational principle than this, that the Legislature conceived crimes to be local, and by the laws of the State, must be tried in the county in which they were or might be committed. Is it not strange, passing strange! that an invariable rule of law, become notorious by practice, "which, no lawyer will deny," and if so notorious, must be known not only to the lawyer, but the peasant, should not have been noticed by the collected wisdom of the State? but vice versa , that the Legislature should have most erroneously (if the Monitor be right) recognized the invariable rule of law to be directly opposite to what he affirms! I am apt to believe, an Hale, an Holt, a Talbot, were and are of opinion with the Legislature upon this point; & that the judges have no right to alter the VENUE in criminal cases, any more than in real actions. If this be the case, what becomes of the prejudice of the judges against the prisoner; or of the Monitor's argument founded upon the proverb, of two evils chuse the least? Surely both must fall to the ground. Equally futile must be the plea of necessity for such a power in a State (for which there are not a few other advocates on both sides the Atlantic) while experience shews that England in her better days never exerted it, and while such a power has been always viewed by the Whigs there, as dangerous to the rights of the people, and the exercise of it, found incompatible with their safety.
The Monitor complains, that his proposed amendment was compared to an act of the British parliament, for transporting persons to Great-Britain for trial; and then adds, that he is convinced, notwithstanding all my assurance and ill-nature, I should blush if he was to point out the difference in the two cases. I did blush, but it was only for the Monitor! Throughout his answer, I am represented to be very ignorant, 'tis not to be presumed therefore, that I should know the difference, before he pointed it out. Had he succeeded in his attempt to do it, why should I blush? But what is this mighty difference? Why, in the first place, we are told thirty is less than three thousand. Such a grand discovery is enough to excite a blush in reality! He labours to shew
the cases are dissimilar in other respects, all which prove, that, no simile runs on four feet, and that there may be different degrees of oppression! Does he think the act of parliament, ordering the Scots to be tried by a jury of Middlesex, for treason laid to be committed in Scotland, no oppression? because the place to which they were dragged or the height to which they were afterwards raised, was short of three thousand miles! or because they had a voice in the election of some of the British commoners? Does not his doctrine countenance such a procedure? If such are his liberal notions of the transcendent power of government, it might be prudent to conceal them at present.
The Monitor appears both by his queries and notable answer, not to comprehend the extensiveness of the term LAW; which in its most comprehensive sense, involves in it all the obligations a human being is under to his Creator, the society to which he particularly belongs, and the world of mankind in general. Had the Monitor considered law in this extensive sense, and not confined his idea of it, to the local, positive law of the State; it would have saved him from being plunged into such a labyrinth of absurdities and contradictions. To extricate himself from which, he seems almost tempted to deny the doctrine of St. Paul! But to prevent any surprize that such denial might create, it should be remembered, that he had before intimated he should pursue Solomon's direction for ONCE! If the Monitor had adverted to his own words "there was no law," & to the extensive meaning of it in my answer to his queries, could he have rationally concluded, my answer thereto, must have been in the affirmative; or inferred it, from the complexion of my observations? When the conduct of the absentees is compared with my definition of law, does it not appear highly culpable? If so, then what alone can denominate it such, must be the repugnancy of such a conduct to some or all the obligations aforementioned; or in other words, it must be a transgression of some law. If therefore a law should be made declaring such conduct a violation of some prior and higher law, and the forfeiture justly incurred thereby; such a law, could never be a law creating both the offence and punishment at the same time. Hence it manifestly appears, the Monitor's objection to the Bill of Rights is groundless. And consequently the 23d article was not calculated to prevent the Legislature from confiscating the estates of the absentees.
But I am more amazed, to hear the Monitor roundly affirm, that if my doctrine be just, the absentees have a right to come back, and enjoy their property without a possibility of being called to account for such conduct. This is a conclusion without premises. For if it should be granted him, that the absentees have offended against no law, human, moral or divine (which I conceive is far from being their case) yet it would by no means follow, that they could return and enjoy the estates they once were capable of holding here. The idea of the absentees being yet subjects of this, or any other of the United States, is doubly absurd, as it implies, that a subject can neither change his allegiance, nor continue it! The absentees being therefore as truly subjects of the British crown, as the inhabitants of London; nationally considered, the one must be as much our enemy, as

the other, both being made equally foreigners to the Commonwealth of America, by the declaration of Independence . This being the case, I would ask the Monitor, if an alien-enemy should enter the territory of his foe without safe conduct, whether by such temerity , he would not be liable to be made prisoner of war, or punished as a spy? If by the laws of nations, this must be his fate, how could the absentees return without subjecting themselves to the like punishment? If it should be replied, they may return at the end of the war—I answer, that peace one would neither give them a right to return nor hold property here . By the laws of nations in general, an alien-friend is incapable of holding real property in a foreign country; nor can he become a subject of another nation or state, 'till he be made such by the supreme power thereof. This double incapacity in the absentees, must therefore be a perpetual impediment to their return or holding estates here .—If so, the estates they left here, when they absentees, must of course escheat to this State; the absentees being incapable of holding or transferring the same, in any manner whatever. If the cause of the escheat arises from such incapacity , all that is necessary to be done in order to reap the fruit of the escheat is to ascertain what persons are thus incapacitated. The only difference between doing this, by act, office-found, or otherwise, must consist in the mode of enquiry ; as neither creates , but only ascertains , the incapacity. Having thus pointed out how such estates may be taken and applied to public uses, (notwithstanding the 23d article in the Bill of Rights) I shall submit the equity and policy of such a procedure, to those, whose province it is, to determine such matters.
The Monitor having assumed the name, at the same time exercises the right of admonishing generally, accordingly he faults the General Court for not going thorough in the business of confiscation; but thinking this a little assuming , he palliates the matter, by laying the blame to a violent opposition from a certain quarter—but whether in or out of the General Court, he will not tell! Did he think it would have been an over-strained compliment to them, to have ascribed the cause of such delay to their moderation, humanity and compassion for the helpless, distressed families the absentees left behind, and past experience of the fruitless pursuit?
Lest the Monitor should think, I designedly left some part of his observations unanswered, because they were really unanswerable (as I conceive he did some of mine) I will answer his questions—Whether there was any law in 1775, against corresponding with the enemy, &c.? Yes, the law of common honesty, common sense, common safety &c of war. I would give the same answer to the case of Dr. Church, and to that, of the inhabitants of these States, then insisting in the British army. I am not insensible, that in time of war, the laws of war must take place between the belligerent powers; but what reason is this, for establishing an arbitrary constitution both in peace and war? But I am incapable of conceiving why cases, which occur in time of peace , should not be determined "by the rules of reason, and in such a manner as will best promote the interest of the Commonwealth," as well as "in time of revolutions, and even in time of war," which the Monitor impliedly says, ought not to be the case.
Though I agree with the Monitor, that the example of the Massachusetts cannot sanction error, or be a reason for our adopting of it; yet, I think, there is a wide difference between alledging, and proving them to be in an error; and that some deference is due to the opinion of the framers of their Constitution (who were perhaps gentlemen of equal abilities and patriotism with the Monitor): But I must confess, the Monitor being hard pressed, had a strong inducement, not to spare them or their Legislature, when both conceived their Bill of Rights did not militate with their act for confiscation; and consequently, that their act was not respectful ?
Many have hastily concluded from the Monitor's saying, the other objections had been laid before the public with fairness and candor, and with a spirit of moderation, to which I am a perfect stranger; that the TRUE REPUBLICAN and MONITOR , were the same. But to convince such of their gross mistake, I need only point out to them, the essential difference in the manner of the compositions and nature of the objections. The stile, elegance and politeness of the first, compared with the last, differ as widely , as any two extremes in nature! Besides, the True Republican , proposed but four alterations , to be made in the Constitution itself , one of which he afterwards ingeniously gave up, but made no objection to the Bill of Rights. These, to me, are convincing proofs, that such different productions and objections, ought not to be ascribed to the same writer.
I trust the Freemen of New-Hampshire, have too much good sense , not to see the difference, between an address to their passions , and their reason ; and too much virtue , to be influenced, by motives unworthy of themselves. I assure the Monitor, I reprobate the idea of figuring in a News-Paper, merely for the sake of victory without opposition; nor do I wish to obtain it with, unless my sentiments are supported by truth, and the principles of a free government. I am happy in the reflection, that the impartial public are his TRIBUNAL and mine, to them I cheerfully submit the decision of the merit, or demerit, of his performance &c mine. Only reminding the Monitor, that the importance of obtaining a free, and well-organized constitution, ought to banish forever, every popular prejudice from our minds, and become the supreme object of our attention. Should we dare to be traiterously wanting to so great a duty, we might, perhaps, flatter the generation which passeth away ; but truth and justice , which are ETERNAL , would impeach us to future generations , who would read us with contempt , and pronounce our name with EXECRATION .
W A T C H M A N.
The following ADDRESS OF PRAISE to the DEITY. (adapted to the occasion) was sung on the day of the last GENERAL THANKSGIVING in several of the churches in New-Jersey.
 1. TO Thee great sov'reign of the skies! This day our grateful songs resound; From ev'ry heart shall incense rise, And praise through all thy temples sound.  2. Our land, a tributary slave, Doom'd to rebellion's awful fate, When Heav'n a pow'ful monarch gave To aid new pillars of the State;  3. Rais'd and establish'd by thy pow'r Firm props of the Republick's laws;— Thy blessings on the people show'r, Thine arm defends th' united cause.  4. Union 'tis God alone inspires; Founded by Heav'n the fabrics rise: Th' astonish'd world the work admires, And owns the counsel of the skies.  5. New empires never rise by chance; No veering gales promotion blow; A sov'reign judge doth states advance, And lays oppressing kingdoms low.  6. He forms our gen'ral prudent, brave, Gives the young Captains warlike skill; Angelick shields our troops preserve, Who scale proud-tow'rs with breasts of steel.  7. No savage deeds distains the sword, While Heav'n's taught chief directs the host; Submission hears the joyous word— —Mercy!—the christian conq'ror's boast!  8. The mem'ry of thy recent grace, A fresh shall fire them for the field: The foe shall fled renew'd disgrace, And fly our shores, or shameful yield,  9. Our fertile fields thy savour show; With gifts revolving moons appear; Gifts!—thas in streams luxuriant flow— Thy goodness crowns th' auspicious year.  10. Save us from all despondent cries; Now may our trust in God be strong, Till full salvation shall arise, And heav'n-born peace resound the song. 
From a late British Publication: On the PROFESSION of RELIGION. Never shew religion, unless you mean To pass for knaves of conscience, And cheat believing fools that think you honest. OTWAY.
THE present age is with no little propriety stiled a Professing age . Many, prompted by a zeal without knowledge, are crying up this, that, or the other minister, as truly sent by the Spirit to preach the gospel, as the Apostles in our Saviour's time were; others, with no little warmth, and less christian moderation, are declaiming in favour of a particular sect or party; while the truths of the gospel are vilified and disregarded by the greatest part of mankind, as the tenets of fools and madmen, and fit only to be believed by enthusiasts and old women. More the pity!
Dr. Young very justly observes, "religion consists more in practice than profession, and the christian's life is not made up of words, but deeds." Alas! how many are there who satisfy themselves with the shadow of piety, and willingly lose, or are entire strangers to, the substance of it.—Methinks I hear some person observe, with a contemptuous sneer, "Fanatics are very fond of publishing their heterogeneous lucubrations, and forcing them on every one they meet whether acceptable or not."—To this I answer, "That men in general are fond of exclaiming against they know not what, finding fault they know not why, and reprobating they don't care who, and all because a few of the more discerning part of mankind are more serious than their neighbours, and dare to be virtuous in a vicious age. 'Tis too much the fashion, I can but acknowledge, to run with the multitude to do evil, and yet at the same time to think one's self a good Christian, because it may be we now and then go to church, and refrain from committing those enormous and flagrant crimes some are guilty of, to the bringing them to untimely ends.
I know it has been said, 'tis better to make no profession of religion, because then you can be no hypocrite: To which I reply—If a person is no hypocrite, yet he may be something worse. And indeed it must be allowed, the moralist who pretends not to have any regard to piety, too often puts the professor of Christianity to the blush, by a more strict attention to those duties which humanity, philanthropy, and benevolence recommend. Let every one be careful of living soberly, righteously, and godly in the world, and it will be of little or no avail what the world thinks, or sets you down for.
PORTSMOUTH, January 26.
The Convention which met at Concord on Wednesday last, to agree upon the Form of Government for this State, adjourned to the first Wednesday in June next.
HANNAH WHITTEMORE, of New-Ipswich, in the county of Hillsborough, and State of New-Hampshire, wife of Peletiah Whittemore, late of said New-Ipswich, having petitioned the General Court of said State, representing that she had been married to the said Peletiah about nineteen years; and that he without any just cause on her part, had within eighteen months last past, at a place called Peck-Kila, in the State of New-York, married another woman, and now actually lives and cohabits with said woman at said Peck-Kila, and had utterly forsaken her the petitioner:—For which reason, she prayed that a divorce from the said Peletiah, a vinculo matrimonii might be granted her.—On which petition, the General Court ordered that the petitioner be heard before said court, on the second Tuesday of their next session; when any person may appear and shew cause why the prayer of said petitioner should not be granted. Attest. E. THOMPSON, Sec'y. January 11, 1782.

PHILADELPHIA, January 8.
The last letters which we have heard of from South-Carolina, are dated the 21st and 22d of November, from the High-Hills of Santee. They say, that the American army under Gen. Greene, reinforced by a considerable body of militia, had on the 20th passed on the Congaree (river called the Santee) to proceed down the country towards Charlestown, and that our gallant General would not decline battle upon proper terms. These accounts give some credit to the whispers circulating in New-York, of a defeat of the British near Charlestown, more especially as an embarkation has lately taken place, of 1200 or 1500 men, though 3000 is the number publickly known of.
These letters from Carolina further say, that the British had evidently gotten a panic, and would probably, upon another check, shut themselves up in Charlestown: that the lower country, till general Greene's march, had been open to the incursions of both armies; of ours, as far as the Quarter-House, within 6 miles of Charlestown; of the enemy, for 50 miles back: that their horses were greatly reduced and bad; ours numerous and good: that the General had waited some time to hear whether the French fleet were to call at Charlestown, and what reinforcements were coming from Virginia; that he had left about 600 convalescents and sick at the Santee heights.
CHATHAM, January 9.
The provincials fated with the British service; are continually deserting to us; not a night, unless the most vigilant look-out is kept, but what more or less leave them.
A gentleman from New-York reports, that they have accounts there of the capture of St. Augustine, the capital of East Florida, by the Spaniards.
FISH-KILL, January 17.
From the Pennsylvania Freeman's Journal; of January 9.
In our last we had the pleasure to announce the capture of St. Eustatius by the gallant Marquis de Bouille, on the 26th of November last. On the 27th of that month, the flag of the United Provinces was hoisted on the fort, and it was announced by the discharge of artillery, and the acclamations of the inhabitants, that the island was restored to the dominion of Holland.
On the same day (the 26th) the Viscount de Damas, with 300 men, took possession of the island of St. Martins, and re-established the governments of France and Holland in the same manner as they stood at the time the English captured the island.
The island of Saba surrendered on summons the same day, and the laws of Holland were re-established.
HARTFORD, January 22.
Paragraphs from a late Martinico Gazette:
"When the English packet left Falmouth, they had heard of the capture of Tobago, which was severely felt in England. The retreat of Sir George Rodney had struck the nation as with a thunder bolt; and the last affair, added to the St. Eustatia anecdotes, had filled the people of England with the greatest indignation.
Count de Barras lately failed from Cape-Francois for Old France, with a large fleet under his convoy.
BOSTON, January 24.
We hear that the British fleet from New-York, bound to the West-Indies, left two capital ships, viz. the Royal Oak, and the Russell, the former arrived at St. Kitts in so bad condition that she was condemned as unfit for service, the latter was drove on the rocks at Antigua, and entirely lost. Admiral Graves in the London had sail'd for Jamaica. At Antigua and St. Kitts they were under great apprehensions of an invasion by an armament from Martinico. It is also said that at Jamaica they are in daily expectation of an attack from the Spaniards.
We hear that the brig Sally, Capt. Woarth is arrived at Providence, in 50 days from Nantz (in France) who brings an account
that two or three days before he sail'd, a frigate arrived there express from Count de Grasse, at Chesapeake with the account of the capture of Lord Cornwallis and his whole army. The news was received there with great expressions of joy; and a frigate was immediately dispatched to Spain with the important intelligence.
The Continental frigate Alliance, which sailed from this port the 25th ult. has taken a large ship from Jamaica, bound to New-York, laden with sugars, which has safe arrived in port.
The taking of New-Providence by the Spaniards, as publish'd in some of the papers wants confirmation.
All the West-India Islands, even the British, resound with the praises of the Gen. Bouille, and the bravery and generosity of the French in the recapture of St. Eustatia, and restoring it to its original proprietors. This successful enterprize affords a fresh proof in favour of the national character of our Allies. The British in those islands loudly complain of the behavior of the commander of St. Eustatia, and of the heavy and encreasing burdens upon their industry and trade.
WORCESTER, January 10.
A Treatise has lately been published in France, in which a calculation is made of the population of the most remarkable cities in the world; the inhabitants of which the author computes to be as follows:
  Paris, about 830,000 increasing,   Madrid, 340,000 do.   London, 930,000 decreasing,   Amsterdam, 300,000 increasing,   Lisbon, 200,000 do.   Constantinople, 700,000 decreasing,   Venice, 160,000 do.   Dantzick, 240,000 do.   Petersburg, 350,000 increasing.   Conningburg, 300,000 do.   Copenhagen, 100,000 do.   Stockholm, 95,000 do.   Naples, 230,000 decreasing.   Pekin, (in China) 900,000 do.   Rome, 700,000 do.   Moscow, 400,000 increasing.   Babylon, 540,000 decreasing.   Alexandria, 670,000 do. 
S A L E M, January 24.
Capt. Hill, in the letter of marque ship Cicero, arrived at Beverly on Monday last, in six weeks from Bilbao.
An account was received in Spain, before Capt. Hill sailed, of the capture of the British army under the command of Lord Cornwallis.
A short time after Capt. Hill came out, he spoke with a vessel bound to Boston, from St. Antonio, by whom he was informed, that the privateer ship Grand Turk, Captain Pratt, was arrived there from this port, and had carried in with her two valuable prizes; one, a vessel loaded with fish; and the other, a large Jamaica-man, said to have 500 hogsheads of sugar on board: And the Grand Turk had also taken, in her passage from hence, three or four other prizes.
Colonel John Trumbull, son of his Excellency the Governor of Connecticut, came passenger in the Cicero; also Master John Adams, jun. son of his Excellency John Adams, Esq;
We have no material advices, of a public nature, by Capt. Hill. The Spaniards had not reduced, but continued to besiege the castle of St. Philip, on the island of Minorca, and the fortress of Gibraltar.
We hear that an Antigua paper, which was brought in a Cartel lately arrived from that island, gives an account, that the privateer ship Jason, belonging to this port, commanded by Capt. Hamilton, and the privateer ship Hercules, belonging to Boston, are both taken, and carried into Ireland.
At Antigua and St. Kitts they were under great apprehensions of an invasion by an armament from Martinico. It is also said that at Jamaica they are in daily expectation of an attack from the Spaniards.
State of New-Hampshire.
PUBLIC NOTICE is hereby given, that a further Time of Six Months from the 26th Day of December last, is allowed for receiving and examining the Claims of the several Creditors to the Estate of the late Governor John Wentworth, Esq; now an Absentee from this State; and the Commissioners appointed to receive and examine said Claims, will attend that business at the House of Mr. James Thurston, Innholder in Exeter, on the last Monday of this and the Five next following Months. Exeter, Jan. 18.
From the CONTINENTAL JOURNAL:
MR GILL,
If you will be so kind as to give the following a place in your paper, you will oblige one of your constant customers and readers. The true republican sentiments contained in it are, I think highly pertinent to the circumstances of this country. And the amiable character of the author, his great abilities and his final martyrdom for his attachment to liberty, must enshrine his memory in the heart of every wise and good man.
Your's, CASSIUS.
SPEECH of Sir Henry Vane, in a Parliament; convened A. D. 1659, on a question, Whether they should recognize Richard Cromwell Protector.
Mr. Speaker,
"Among all the people in the universe, I know of none who have shown so much zeal for the liberty of their country as the English at this time have done: They have, by the help of divine Providence, overcome all obstacles, and have made themselves free. We have driven away the hereditary tyranny of the house of Stuart, at the expence of much blood and treasure, in hopes of enjoying hereditary liberty, after having shaken off the yoke of King-bits, and there is not a man among us who could have imagined that any person would be so bold as to dare to attempt the ravishing from us freedom, which cost us so much blood and so much labour.
"But as it happens, I know not by what misfortune, we are fallen into the error of those who poisoned the Emperor Titus to make room for Domitian, who made away Augustus, that they might have Tiberius, and changed Claudius for Nero. I am sensible these examples are foreign from my subject, since the Romans in those days were buried in lewdness and luxury; whereas the people of England are now renowned all over the world for their great virtue and discipline; and yet suffer an idiot, without sense, without courage, nay without ambition, to have dominion in a country of liberty. One could a little bear with Oliver Cromwell, though contrary to his oath of fidelity to the Parliament, contrary to his duty to the public, contrary to the respect he owed to that venerable body from whom he received his authority, he usurped the government. His merit was so extraordinary, that our judgment, our passions might be blinded by it. He made his way to empire by the most illustrious actions; he had under his command an army that made him a conqueror, and a people that made him their general.
"But as for Richard Cromwell, his son, who is best What are his titles? We have seen that he had a sword by his side, but did he ever draw it? And what is of more importance in this case, is he fit to get obedience from a mighty nation, who could never make a footman obey him? Yet we must recognize this man as our king under the title of Protector! A man without birth, without courage and without conduct. For my part, it shall never be said I made such a man my master."
TO BE SOLD, if applied for soon, One whole Right of LAND, in that valuable town of Reading, for a trifle of cash, and the rest in country produce. Inquire of the Printers.
THE proprietors of the township of Britton Woods are hereby notified, that the sale of the delinquent proprietors lands which was to have been made on the 15th day of October last, as formerly advertised, was at that time put off—Those of said proprietors who are still delinquent, are once more notified that so much of lands as shall pay the arrearages due with incidental charges, will be sold without further delay, at the house of Mrs. Tilton innholder in Portsmouth, on Monday the 11th day of February next at 4 o'clock in the afternoon.—The original proprietors names of the delinquent rights are as follows, viz.
   Names l. s. d. Names l. s. d.     Saml. Hall, Salem 2 16 1 Isaac Rand 3d. 1 18 7   James Grouard 2 16 1 John Rand 1 18 7   Joseph Moulton jr. 1 1 1 Edward Rand 1 18 7   Richard Jennens 2 16 1 Nathaniel Aukins 1 18 7   Nicho. Pickering 2 16 1 Mark Langdon 1 18 7   Franc's Jennens 1 1 1 Mark Nelson 1 18 7   Isaac Rand 1 18 7 Mark Rogers 6 3 0   Isaac Rand, junr. 1 18 7 Tho. M'Donough 3 0 0   Samuel Jennens 1 2 0 Robert L. Fowle 2 16 1   Joseph Bala 0 18 0 Jacob Shete junr. 0 18 0   Ezekiel Gummer 18 0 0 Thomas Lynde 0 18 0   Peter Curtis 0 18 0 Geo. S. Homans 0 18 0   Joseph Ward 0 18 0 Vere Royce 0 18 0   James Haslett 0 18 0 John Sprague 0 18 0   Samuel Bowles, Collector.  
Portsmouth, January 22d, 1782.
A few Copies of the Form of Government, may be had at the Printing-Office in Portsmouth and Exeter.

ADVICE FOR CHOOSING A WIFE.
M Y friend, the pleasure of your future life Depends on choosing, prudently, a wife; This great concern demands your utmost care, Would you avoid the torments others share. The male, as your command, with pleasure brings Her help to aid your choice, and thus she sings; Such be her birth, as best will suit your own, Neither too mean, nor of too great renown; For so prepar'd for all the turns of fate, With decent joy she'll meet a prosp'rous state; Or should the meagre hand of pale distress, With pinching want, on ev'ry side oppress, Unmov'd at fortune's frowns, she'll sit and smile, With cheerful patience half your care beguile. Let beauty's pleasing smiles her face adorn, Gracefully modest, like the blushing morn; Soft be the melting language of her tongue, Artless and kind, sweet as the Siren's song; Her actions free, her thoughts not vainly great, Nor idly mean, but betwixt both complete; Easy her shape, humility her mein, Moving respect and love, whene'er she's seen; Aw'd by right reason, let her act and move, And still endeavour to retain your love. With piety to God, and truth to man, And unconstrain'd, in pious paths walk on; You then agreeably your days will spend, Finding in her, at once, a wife, a friend. But, Sir, O should you mindless of your fate, From the vain crowd of females choose a mate, Confin'd to nonsense, vanity and pride, Perpetual noise, and fifty ills besides, (Altho' at first the flirting thing may please) You'll soon regret the fatal loss of peace! Or if ambitious, you should wed a dame, Who by her birth preeminence may claim, At every disappointment think to hear, In bold'rous language sounded in your ear, Of all that her fam'd ancestors have done, The many laurels her great grandfire won. From hence, the nat'ral consequence will flow, Her condescension when she stoop'd to you. And dare you now refuse?"
Or should you to avoid this grating pain, Elect a maiden from the meanest train, No lovely prospect on your choice will wait, For dirty thoughts attend a dunghill state; The sad depravity of birth will prove Too deeply fix'd for fortune to remove.
The MILK-MAID.
A S Kate one morn, with milk-pail on her head, Was trudging homeward thro' the verdant mead, Her mind revolving on ten thousand ways To fix her lovers, and her fortune raise; Bright hope at once beam'd on her fluttering breast, And as she went she thus herself address'd: Suppose my milk sold, some eggs then I'll buy, And chickens to raise directly I'll try; My poultry, when rear'd will fetch a good price, And two little lambs I'll get in a trice; My flock will increase, if fortune but smile, Farewel then! farewel to labour and toil. Now lovers around me will buzz like the bee, No girl in our village so courted as me; But, rustics, adieu! no such conquests I prize, The hearts I once sought I now can despise; A Lord or some Squire my riches may win, And titles or coaches are surely no sin. Struck with her fancied bliss, Kate leap'd for joy: Ah, fickle fortune! why her hopes destroy! Down came the pail, and in the mighty fall, Eggs, chickens, lambs, Lords, Squires, are vanish'd all, Fair ladies who my tale attend, Forgive this moral from a friend: Like ruin'd Kate pray be not catch'd, Nor count your chicks before they're hatch'd.
State of New-Hampshire. Rockingham. ss. By order of the Hon. Phillips White, Esq; Judge of Probate of Wills for said county, the subscribers give notice, that they are appointed to receive and examine the claims of the creditors to the estate of Benjamin Hill, late of Northwood, in said county, deceased, intestate, represented insolvent; and that they will attend said business at the house of Jonathan Clark, innholder in said Northwood, on the last Tuesday of this and the five following months, from three to six o'clock in the afternoon of said days; at which time and place, all concerned are desired to attend with their accounts properly vouched.
Northwood, Jan. 3, 1782. Nathaniel Chandler, } Commissioners. Jonathan Clark, Thomas Piper, }
Cash given for Old Pewter
By JOHN GOOCH, and one Pound of new Pewter for two pound of old: Said Gooch makes and sells New Pewter. Portsmouth, Jan. 19. 1782.
By the UNITED STATES in CONGRESS assembled, October 29 1781.
Resolved, THAT the thanks of the united states in congress assembled, be presented to major General Greene for his wise, decisive and magnanimous conduct in the action of the 8th of September last, near the Eutaw Springs in South Carolina; in which, with a force inferior in number to that of the enemy, he obtained a most signal victory.
That the thanks of the united states in congress assembled be presented to the officers and men of the Maryland and Virginia brigades, and Delaware battalion of continental troops, for the unparalleled bravery and heroism by them displayed, in advancing to the enemy through an incessant fire, and charging them with an impetuosity and ardour that could not be resisted.
That the thanks of the united states in Congress assembled, be presented to the officers and men of the legionary corps and artillery, for their intrepid and gallant exertions during the action.
That the thanks of the united states in Congress assembled, be presented to the brigades of North Carolina, for their resolution and perseverance in attacking the enemy, and sustaining a superior fire.
That the thanks of the united states in congress assembled, be presented to the officers and men of the state corps of South Carolina, for the zeal, activity and firmness by them exhibited throughout the engagement.
That the thanks of the united states in congress assembled, be presented to the officers and men of the militia, who formed the front line in the order of battle, and sustained their post with honour, propriety, and a resolution worthy of men determined to be free.
Resolved, That a British standard be presented to major General Greene, as an honorable testimony of his merit, and a golden medal emblematical of the battle and victory aforesaid.
That major general Greene be desired to present the thanks of Congress, to Capt. Pierce and Pendleton, major Hyrne and captain Shubrick, his aids-de-camp, in testimony of their particular activity and good conduct during the whole action.
That a sword be presented to Captain Pierce, who bore the General's dispatches, giving an account of the victory, and that the board of war take order herein.
Resolved, That the thanks of the united states in congress assembled, be presented to Brig. Gen. Marion of the South-Carolina militia, for his wise, gallant, and decided conduct, in defending the liberties of his country, and particularly for his prudent and intrepid attack on a body of British troops on the 30th day of August last, and for the distinguished part he took in the battle of the 8th of September.
Extract from the minutes. CHARLES THOMSON. Sec'y.
Joseph and Joshua Grafton,
HAVING established a HOUSE at the HAVANA, and in this place, most respectfully beg, leave to make a tender of their best services to the public in general, and their friends in particular. — Such persons as may favor them with their business, may depend upon the utmost fidelity, dispatch, and punctuality in the execution of it. They will at all times, with great pleasure, give information of the current prices of the various articles at that market.
SALEM, January, 1782.
A Silver Watch lost, the 17th
of December last, between Edward Emmerson's of York, and Poor's Tavern in Greenland having the Key of said Watch tied with Twine to the Chain — Whoever takes up said Watch and sends it to the said Emmerson's of York shall have two Dollars Reward paid by said Emmerson.
Portsmouth, January 17th, 1782.
THIS is once more to desire all Persons Indebted to, or that have any Accounts open with, or demands against the Estate of Mr. Joseph Simes late of Portsmouth, deceased, to call immediately and settle the same with the subscribers to prevent further trouble.
ANN SIMES, Administratrix. JOHN SIMES, Administrator.
WE the subscribers being appointed commissioners by the Hon. Phillips White, Esq; Judge of the Probate for the county of Rockingham, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the Estate of Ezekiel Smith, late of Raymond, in said county, yeoman, deceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice to all concerned, that we shall attend for that purpose at the house of Lieut. Benjamin Bean, innholder in Raymond, in said county, the last Thursday in this and the five following months, from two o'clock in the afternoon to six on said day.
Raymond, Dec. 19. 1781. Jonathan Swain, } Commissioners. Ithiel Gordon, Francis Hodgkins }
WHEREAS sundry Assessments have lately been made on the County of Rockingham, for monies to defray the charges of said county; but as many of the towns neglected seasonably to assess, and more unseasonably to pay their taxes, until the money had so fallen in its value, as not to answer the end proposed; and as the annual expence of the county is considerable, for paying all grand jurors, both at Superior Courts and Sessions, all jurors of inquest, also justices and sheriff's fees; and as some demands against the county have been of long standing, and are yet unpaid, and the new goal which was begun some years past is now suffering for want of materials, or money to carry on said building; and as the old goal was burnt down in March last, and no convenient place to secure any person in that part of the county within fifteen miles, and many other inconveniencies on that account: —
THESE are therefore to notify the Selectmen of any or all of the towns in the county aforesaid, that the committee for building the new goal, are in want of and will be ready to receive, if delivered within four months from this day, the whole amount of their out standing taxes, in merchantable pine boards, clear or hemlock boards, oak or pine plank, clapboards or shingles, at the landing places at the head of the river; or, if more agreeable to any of the towns, the committee will receive corn, beef, pork, wheat, rye, or any of the staples of the land, that will purchase nails, glass, and other materials, for the above purpose, provided they will deliver them at Portsmouth, at the current cash price, without loss of time. GEORGE GAINS, Portsmouth, (in behalf of the Jan. 10, 1782: (Committee.
INSURANCE OFFICE.
THE SUBSCRIBER has opened an OFFICE of INSURANCE, in the front Room, at the Bunch of Grapes Tavern, in State-street, BOSTON; where Vessels and Merchandise of every Kind, may be Insured at the lowest Premium. Constant Attendance given, and every Favor gratefully acknowledged. JOHN HURD. Boston, December 1781.
State of New-Hampshire.
PUBLIC Notice is hereby given, that a petition hath been preferred to the General Court by John Cram, Esq; and others, a Committee for and in behalf of the freeholders and inhabitants of the town of Chichester in the County of Rockingham in said State, setting forth, that the freeholders and inhabitants of Chichester have at a legal Town-Meeting, voted that the second division of lands in said township below Suncook-river, with that part of the third division below said river, and the six ranges in said third division above said Suncook-river with all the privileges and proportion of public lands belonging to said divisions may be incorporated into a town or parish by themselves, and invested with all town privileges as other towns in this State, and that there may be allowed three months liberty for any person or persons to poll themselves and their estates to either side of the dividing line, that way they shall see best after centres of each town or parish are prefixed. Wherefore they pray that an act may pass to incorporate the said lands and inhabitants thereof into a distinct town or parish by the name of Pittsfield, and to invest and enfranchise them with all the powers, privileges and immunities that any other town or parish in this State have, hold and enjoy, with the liberty of polling as aforesaid.
Upon which petition, the General Court ordered that the petitioner should be heard on said petition before them, on the second Friday of their next session; and that in the mean time the said petitioners cause the substance of the petition and order of Court thereon to be advertised three weeks successively in the New-Hampshire Gazette.
Attest, JOSEPH PEARSON, D. Sec'y.
Exeter, January 4. 1781.
PRINTED AT PORTSMOUTH,