The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1787-11-09 00:00:00

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THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE AND GENERAL
F R I D A Y,
PORTSMOUTH: By JOHN MELCHER,
[N.H. State
Seal.]
[VOLUME XXXII.—No. 1626.
GAZETTE, THE ADVERTISER.
N O V E M B E R 9, 1787.
PRINTED and PUBLISHED in MARKET-STREET.
[8s.
pr Ann.]
“WHEN ANGRY NATIONS PART IN LEAGUES OF PEACE, LET PRIVATE FEUDS AND CIVIL DISCORDS CEASE.”
For the NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE, MR. PRINTER, By giving the following a place in your paper, you will oblige a person who scarcely ever read a Newspaper in his life, and who is not one of your customers, ROBERT SAWNEY.
GOOD morrow neighbour Sawney, says he—a fine morning.—Yes, says I—how far are you walking Squire Travers? I am going, says he, to Mr. Lendon's to borrow the New- Constitution. I was in town yesterday, says I, and my brother who lives there insisted on my bringing one home—pray walk in and read it. Squire Travers being a man, Mr. Printer, who has known what it is to live well, and tries to make us all think he does so still, I was willing to save him a mile's walk. I was willing to keep as much of his flesh on his bones as I could—for I believe the thoughts of what he owes rats it off full fast enough—Another thing was, he has been a member of court from our town; he is a Justice of Peace; he is one of our selectmen—he always has been, and is now, in public business—he knows a great deal. I have a little snug farm, but a small family, and, tho' I say it, owe not five dollars in the world. I was bred to the plow, have followed it ever since, so it does not seem likely I should know a great deal. I wanted to hear what Squire Travers had to say about the Constitution. He read it over and over. I asked him what he thought of it. He shook his head. I asked him how he liked it? It is not what I could wish it to be, says he,—In the first place it will be too expensive. More so, says I, than the one we have?—By half, says he. I always pay my taxes at the first word Mr. Printer, but I had a great deal rather pay none at all.—That's bad indeed, says I. In the second place, says he, I do not like that any one man, or body of men, should have so much power over the rest. I think Congress has full power enough now in all conscience.—We set out in the first place, hand in hand, for liberty; and hand in hand we found it. Are we not then all upon an equal footing? As long as our members are chosen but for one year we still remain so, but when once they are chosen for a longer time, farewell liberty—it will gain from two years to four, to six, to eight, to ten—for life.—And will it be worse then? says I.—Which has the best form of Government, says he, we or the Turks?—I says, we.—Well, says he, when it comes to that pass, we shall be in the same situation with them.—My heart shuddered Mr. Printer, at the thoughts of it.—But then, says I, shall we not have better laws?—Our laws, says he, are now full good enough—I know of none better. They are founded on the laws of England, and they are approved of by all nations. People complain, says I, that they are not good; and say they can't so much as get their debts in. Herein, says he, I think our laws are better than those of England: there the creditor has so much power over the debtor—if he is worth ever so much and has not the money by him just then to pay, he must be deprived of his liberty. Here the creditor can do no such thing—the debtor can go about his business—his liberty is secured. Only put the case home to yourself—how should you feel to be shut up, for no crime, from your wife and child, in such a horrid place as a jail? And will that be the case, says I, if this Constitution takes place?—Certainly, says he.—Then, says I, it will not do.—But people say we can then pay our taxes much easier—that trade will be good, and that we can build ships and sell them in England for cash, and then we can pay our debt to France.—Trade, says he, is at best uncertain. If we drive a great one, we must have a great navy to support it.—But suppose we had no trade at all—that we did not own a single vessel in the world, and permitted
none to come here—My wife, Mr. Printer, who is a much better talker than I am, told him we could never live so—for, says she, we should then want the necessaries of life. We should miss its luxuries, says he,—of its necessaries, we have a plenty. Every single article we import, we can do as well without as with. Those which are the growth of hotter climates, such as coffee, sugar, molasses, rum, &c, are meer articles of luxury. Those which are the growth and make of countries in, or nearly in, the same latitude of ours, we can raise and make, if we are only put to it, as well as they can. Upon the whole we can live much better without trade than with it. I have often thought that the single question to determine it was this, whether, if we set about making one million of yards of serge, we could not do it cheaper than to hire a vessel and equip her and send to England for it—especially when we consider that we must give cash for it there. If we had not the art of making it look so well at first, we should soon arrive at it. I am for the Government we now have, a better one we never shall have, and one that ensures more liberty we never can have.—What farther he might have said I know not;—a neighbour knocked at the door who wanted to speak with him and he went away.
Now, Mr. Printer, I thought before I had this talk with Squire Travers that the Constitution was an excellent one. I did not see that we could get a better (and yet I thought we wanted a change of Government)—nor did I see any fault in it. 'Twas all right; but now 'tis all wrong—at least I don't know whether it will be most for the good or ill of the country—and if my vote was called for to determine it, I should not know whether to hold up for or against it. I wish some of your knowing folks would put me right. I would give any thing that I had the same thoughts of it I had before I saw the Squire—and if any body will make me think so I will be their
Most obedient and obliged Servant, ROBERT SAWNEY.
October, 1787.
FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.
PHILADELPHIA, October 17. The following is the substance of Mr. WILSON's Speech on the principles of the Federal Constitution, delivered on Saturday, the 6th instant, at the State House.
Mr. Chairman and Fellow Citizens,
HAVING received the honor of an appointment to represent you in the late convention, it is, perhaps, my duty to comply with the request of many gentlemen whose characters and judgments I sincerely respect, and who have urged that this would be a proper occasion to lay before you any information which will serve to explain and elucidate the principles and arrangements of the constitution, that has been submitted to the consideration of the United States. I confess that I am unprepared for so extensive and so important a disquisition; but the insidious attempts which are clandestinely and industriously made to pervert and destroy the new plan, induce me the more readily to engage in its defence; and the impressions of four months constant attention to the subject have not been so easily effaced, as to leave me without an answer to the objections which have been raised.
It will be proper however, before I enter into the refutation of the charges that are alledged, to mark the leading discrimination between the state constitutions, and the constitution of the United States. When the people established the powers of legislation under their separate governments, they invested their representatives with every right and authority which they did not in
explicit terms reserve; and therefore, upon every question respecting the jurisdiction of the House of Assembly, if the frame of government is silent, the jurisdiction is efficient and complete. But in delegating federal powers, another criterion was necessarily introduced, and the congressional authority is to be collected, not from tacit implication, but from the positive grant expressed in the instrument of union. Hence it is evident, that in the former case every thing which is not reserved is given, but in the latter the reverse of the proposition prevails, and every thing which is not given is reserved. This distinction being recognized, will furnish an answer to those who think the omission of a bill of rights a defect in the proposed constitution: for it would have been superfluous and absurd to have stipulated with a federal body of our own creation, that we should enjoy those privileges, of which we are now divested either by the intention or the act, that has brought that body into existence. For instance, the liberty of the press, which has been a copious source of declamation and opposition, what controul can proceed from the federal government to shackle or destroy that sacred palladium of national freedom? If, indeed, a power similar to that which has been granted for the regulation of commerce, had been granted to regulate literary publications, it would have been as necessary to stipulate that the liberty of the press should be preserved inviolate, as that the impost should be general in its operation. With respect likewise to the particular district of ten miles, which is to be made the seat of federal government, it will undoubtedly be proper to observe this salutary precaution, as there the legislative power will be exclusively lodged in the President, Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States. But this could not be an object with the convention, for it must naturally depend upon a future compact, to which the citizens immediately interested will, and ought to be parties; and there is no reason to suspect that so popular a privilege will in that case be neglected. In truth then, the proposed system possesses no influence whatever upon the press, and it would have been merely nugatory to have introduced a formal declaration upon the subject—nay, that very declaration might have been construed to imply that some degree of power was given, since we undertook to define its extent.
Another objection that has been fabricated against the new constitution is expressed in this disingenuous form—"the trial by jury is abolished in civil cases." I must be excused, my fellow citizens, if, upon this point, I take advantage of my professional experience to detect the fallacy of the assertion. Let it be remembered then, that the business of the federal convention was not local, but general; not limited to the views and establishments of a single state, but co-extensive with the continent, and comprehending the views and establishments of thirteen independent sovereignties. When, therefore, this subject was in discussion, we were involved in difficulties which pressed on all sides, and no precedent could be discovered to direct our course. The cases open to a trial by jury differed in the different states, it was therefore impracticable on that ground to have made a general rule. The want of uniformity would have rendered any reference to the practice of the states idle and useless; and it could not, with any propriety, be said, that "the trial by jury shall be as heretofore," since there has never existed any federal system of jurisprudence to which the declaration could relate. Besides, it is not in all cases that the trial by jury is adopted in civil questions, for causes depending in courts of admiralty, such as relate to maritime captures, and such as are agitated in courts of equity, do

not require the intervention of that tribunal.—How then was the discrimination to be drawn?—The convention found the task too difficult for them, and they left the business as it stands, in the fullest confidence that no danger could possibly ensue, since the proceedings of the supreme court are to be regulated by the congress, which is a faithful representation of the people: and the oppression of government is effectually barred, by declaring that in all criminal cases the trial by jury shall be preserved.
This constitution, it has been further urged, is of a pernicious tendency, because it tolerates a standing army in time of peace. This has been a topic of popular declamation; and yet I do not know a nation in the world—which has not found it necessary and useful to maintain the appearance of strength in a season of the most profound tranquillity. Nor is it a novelty with us, for, under the present articles of confederation, Congress certainly possesses this reprobated power, and the exercise of that power is proved at this moment by her cantonments along the banks of the Ohio. But what would be our national situation were it otherwise? Every principal of policy must be subverted, and the government must declare war, before they are prepared to carry it on. Whatever may be the provocation, however important the object in view, and however necessary dispatch and secrecy may be, still the declaration must precede the preparation, and the enemy will be informed of your intention, not only before you are equipped for an attack, but even before you are fortified for a defence. The consequence is too obvious to require any further delineation, and no man, who regards the dignity and safety of his country, can deny the necessity of a military force, under the controul and with the restrictions which the new constitution provides.
Perhaps there never was a charge made with less reason, than that which predicts the institution of a baneful aristocracy in the federal senate. This body branches into two characters, the one legislative, and the other executive. In its legislative character it can effect no purpose, without the co-operation of the house of representatives, and in its executive character, it can accomplish no object without the concurrence of the president. Thus fettered, I do not know any act which the senate can of itself perform, and such dependence necessarily precludes every idea of influence and superiority. But I will confess, that the organization of this body a compromise between contending interests is discernable; and when we reflect how various are the laws, commerce, habits, population and extent of the confederated states, this evidence of mutual concession and accommodation ought rather to command a generous applause, than to excite jealousy and reproach. For my part, my admiration can only be equalled by my astonishment, in beholding so perfect a system formed from such heterogeneous materials.
The next accusation I shall consider, is that which represents the federal constitution as not only calculated, but designedly framed, to reduce the state governments to mere corporations and eventually to annihilate them. Those who have employed the term corporation upon this occasion, are not perhaps aware of its extent. In common parlance, indeed, it is generally applied to petty associations for the ease and convenience of a few individuals;—but in its enlarged sense it will comprehend the government of Pennsylvania, the existing union of the states, and even this projected system is nothing more than a formal act of incorporation. But upon what pretence can it be alleged that it was designed to annihilate the state governments? For I will undertake to prove that upon their existence depends the existence of the federal plan. For this purpose, permit me to call your attention to the manner in which the President, Senate, and House of Representatives are proposed to be appointed. The president is to be chosen by electors, nominated in such a manner as the legislature of each state may direct; so that if there is no legislature, there can be no electors, and consequently the office of President cannot be supplied.—The Senate is to be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature; and therefore, if there is no legislature, there can be no Senate, the House of Representatives is to be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature—unless, therefore, there is a State Legislature, that qualification cannot be ascertained, and the popular branch of the federal constitution must likewise be extinct. From this view, then, it is evidently absurd to suppose that the annihilation of the separate governments will result from their union; or, that having that intention, the authors of the new system would have bound their connection with such indissoluble ties. Let me
advert to an arrangement highly advantageous, for you will perceive, without prejudice to the powers of the legislature in the election of Senators, the people at large will acquire an additional privilege in returning members to the House of Representatives—whereas, by the present confederation, it is the legislature alone that appoints the delegates to Congress.
(The remainder in our next.)
IN CONGRESS, October 3. RESOLVED , That the salary of the judges for the Western territory, be severally eight hundred dollars per annum, to commence from the time of their beginning to execute the duties of their office.
OCTOBER 5.
Resolved , That the Honorable John Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, at the court of London, be permitted, agreeably to his request, to return to America, at any time after the 24th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1788, and that his commission of Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses do also then terminate.
Resolved , That Congress entertain a high sense of the services which Mr. Adams has rendered to the United States, in the execution of the various important trusts which they have from time to time committed to him, and that the thanks of Congress be presented to him for the patriotism, perseverance, integrity and diligence, with which he has ably and faithfully served his country.
Resolved , That a general treaty be held with the tribes of Indians within the limits of the United States, inhabiting the country north-west of the Ohio, and about Lake Erie, as soon after the first of April next as conveniently may be, and at such place, and at such particular time, as the Governor of the western territory shall appoint, for the purposes of knowing the causes of uneasiness among the said tribes, and hearing their complaints, of regulating trade, and amicably settling all affairs concerning lands and boundaries between them and the United States.
That the said Governor of the western territory hold the said treaty agreeably to such instructions as shall be given him for that purpose.
L O N D O N, August 28.
The pacific appearance, which affairs on the continent had begun to assume, has changed greatly since Friday last. Forty thousand soldiers are now said to be at Minden. Another report says, that a very large body of French troops is embarking at Cherbourg and the other ports on the north of France. In addition to the intelligence relative to disturbances at the Hague, it is now positively asserted, that the Emperor refuses to join in any pacific mediation, from which it is concluded, that while professions of friendship have been making to the court of Vienna, to the Stadtholder, and the King of Prussia, the Emperor has determined to join France, in order to frustrate the peaceful intentions of the courts of Berlin and London. To this his Imperial Majesty may not have been a little induced by his own views. He has long looked with a jealous eye on the power and prosperity of the house of Brandenburg, and has been flattered by the Cabinet of Versailles into the persuasion, that the time is arrived for him to exert himself. We remember the extraordinary secrecy observed in the Cabinet of Vienna, when the march of the Imperial troops was first determined on—a secrecy altogether unnecessary, if there were not other views than those of merely quelling the disturbances in the Austrian Netherlands.
Other accounts relative to the Dutch affairs say, that a large body of French troops are already safely garrisoned in the Hague; were clandestinely conducted thither by night, in small numbers, from town to town, which are in the interest of the patriotic party, habited as peasants, and in smock frocks, &c. that immediately on their arrival they were reconnoitered, in true military array, with commanders in their front; that large warehouses were opened, well stored with accoutrements and cloathing, and from these the troops were immediately furnished on their arrival.
N E W P O R T, Nov. 1.
“The Georgians have got into a hobble with the Indians, and for the first time I believe such a thing has ever been known, the Indians fought in a fair open field an equal number of whites and made them retreat too with considerable loss: each party had 150, and General Clark, of Georgia, is wounded. The Indians would have killed every one, but that they tho’ Clark had a body of reserve, and retreated to lead them into an ambuscade.”
P H I L A D E L P H I A, October 13.
Yesterday forenoon, about 11 o’clock, a horse cart, heavily laden with stone coal, passed slowly up Green Street, abreast, of the late barrack lot, in the northern liberties of this city, the driver behind, and towards the other side, not seeing a child sitting in the cartway, one of the wheels of the cart passed over the child’s body, and instantly killed it. The infant, a girl, was not two years old.
A N T I F E D E R A L I S M.
Among the blessings of the new proposed government, a correspondent enumerates the following:—1. The Liberty of the Press abolished. 2. A standing army. 3. A Prussian military. 4. No annual elections. 5. Five fold taxes. 6. No trial by jury in civil cases. 7. General search warrants. 8. Excise laws, custom house officers, tide and land waiters, cellar rats, &c. 9. A free importation of negroes for one and twenty years. 10. Appeals to the supreme continental court, where the rich may drag the poor from the farthest parts of the continent. 11. Elections for Pennsylvania held at Pittsburgh, or perhaps Wyoming. 12. Poll taxes for our heads; if we choose to wear them. 13. And death if we dare to complain.
F E D E R A L I S M.
Salutary consequences which will flow from adopting the Federal Constitution. 1. Unity and peace at home. 2. Respect and honor from abroad. 3. The total abolition of paper money. 4. A sufficient specie medium. 5. A full treasury. 6. Public and domestic debts provided for. 7. Credit established. 8. The poor and industrious eased of their present burthensome taxes. 9. Agriculture, navigation, and population encouraged. 10. A well regulated commerce. 11. Navigation act, encouraging our shipping, and seamen; now rotting, and starving in our harbours, in preference to foreigners. 12. Rebellion, and civil war, not so much as understood. 13. Policy, power and spirit, to encourage virtue, punish vice, assert our rights, take possession of our territories, prevent encroachments, and repel invasions.
A LL persons having demands on the estate of JACOB TREADWELL, late of Portsmouth, merchant, deceased, are desired to exhibit them immediately, and those indebted to said estate are desired to make immediate payment to
DANIEL R. ROGERS, Administrator.
Nov 7.
State of New Hampshire.
To Richard Downing, Esq. Clerk of the Proprietors of Barnstead, in said State.
W E the subscribers, owners of more than one sixteenth part of the township of Barnstead, request that you would call a meeting of the proprietors at the parish-house in Newington, in the county of Rockingham, on the 27th day of November next, at ten o’clock in the forenoon, then and there to act upon the following matters:
1st, To choose a Moderator. 2d, To choose a Proprietor’s Clerk and Assessors. 3d, To see what method the Proprietors will take to pay the demands against them: also how the debts contracted by any committee or committees of the proprietors for their use should be discharged. 4th, To take some method to settle the lists of former collectors, and to point out the way for the completing the collection of outstanding proprietary taxes. 5th, To transact any other business which may be for the interest of the proprietors.
NICHOLAS PICKERING,
GEORGE ATKINSON,
DANIEL RINDGE,
BENJAMIN ADAMS,
EPHRAIM PICKERING,
GEORGE JAFFREY,
JONATHAN CHESLEY,
CHARLES HODGDON,
BENJAMIN NUTTER,
JOHN NUTTER 3d,
Propri’rs.
State of New-Hampshire.
P URSUANT to the foregoing request, I hereby notify and warn the proprietors of said Barnstead to meet at the time and place for the purposes aforesaid.
RICH’D DOWNING, Proprietors Clerk.
Newington, October 31, 1787.

B E L G R A D E, July 14. The third division of the Turkish squadron is ready to sail for the Black Sea:—It consists of 12 frigates, and some armed brigs. Last week 6000 men, commanded by the son of the Bacha Battal, arrived here, they are destined to strengthen the borders of the Black Sea, and we are assured that they observe the most exact discipline and pride themselves on their bravery.
An Arabian Prince, named Muntefik-Chaki, has put himself at the head of 100,000 men, and is approaching Bassora with an intention of invading it; he pretends, that important city, at the confluence of the Tygrus and Euphrates, was formerly part of the inheritance of his forefathers; and that, in virtue of the rights, he pretends to be the true and only sovereign.
Government has received the confirmation of the defeat of the rebel Mochmul Bacha;—Selim Bacha, Governor of Salonica, at the head of 20,000 good troops, got so near him that he narrowly escaped.—Even before the publication of the Amnesty, in favor of all those who would abandon that rebellious and turbulent Bashaw, he had been deserted by a great number of the troops under his command.
L O N D O N, August 22. One of the papers of yesterday says, that the Emperor has joined the King of Prussia, against the Dutch. If this intelligence is true, the French will abandon the Dutch, and the Stadtholder will be re-instated. But it will be a new era in French politics, to play a game so far, and then throw it up.
Extract of a letter from Tangiers, July 8. The English Consul General is returned within the eight days from the Moorish Court, and has agreed with his Moorish Majesty, that all that has passed shall be forgotten on both sides. The exorbitant duties on horned cattle, transported from hence to Gibraltar, are lessened and reduced to the standard of former treaties. The English Consul has obtained permission to build a house, but has not been able to succeed in his purpose of establishing factories at Larache and Martin the port of Tetuan. The good dispositions of the King of Morocco towards the English have been bought at the following prices.
"List of presents made by the English Consul to the Emperor of Morocco."
"First day's audience. Two very elegant gold watches, valued at 600l. sterling each. These his Majesty demanded; they are set with diamonds and emeralds, and are the same he presented Major Curtis with in 1783. Five pieces of superfine cloth, making together 130 ells; six pieces fine cambric, a small carriage or chaise with a head; two boxes of liquor, containing each 20 bottles; one chest of tea, and two of sugar."
"Second audience. Two pieces of superfine cloth, making together 180 ells; two pots of porcelain filled with confectionary."
"Third audience. An elegant gold watch, set in diamonds. It is much doubted here whether the reconciliation between the court of London and that of Morocco, will be lasting."
D O M I N I C A. ROSEAU, Sept. 9. The damages sustained by the last storm are, by the most recent accounts, very great through all the plantations in this island. The buildings in general, and at the least one half the crops, are destroyed, and the greatest part of the provisions rendered useless.
P H I L A D E L P H I A, Oct. 24. We hear with great pleasure, that our German fellow-citizens, in the counties inhabited by them on this side the Susquehannah, are to a man in favor of the new federal government; and that they have rejected with indignation the addresses of the 16 abscenders, and of the Centinel, notwithstanding the latter had the art to keep back from his translation of it the abuse of Doctor Franklin and General Washington.
On Tuesday last, arrived in the Grange, from England, the Rev. L. Heath, who is appointed President of Cokesbury College, at Abingdon, in Maryland.
A L B A N Y, October 25.  The following is extracted from the Royal Gazette (printed at Jamaica) September 8.
"In the Eagle, from Port-Roseway, 1100 flaves."
"In the brig Eliza, from Charleston, 55 tierces and 6 half tierces rice, 17 barrels pease, and 240,000 shingles."
"In the brig Lawther, from Philadelphia, 580 barrels of flour, 253 bushels of corn, and 30,000 shingles."
"In the brig Sally, from Wilmington, 118,000 feet boards and scantling, and 155,000 shingles."
"In the brig Wilhelmina, from Boston, 50,603 feet of boards, 57,000 shingles, and 100 barrels and 50 half barrels of flour."
"In the brig Eliza, from Baltimore, 327 bar-
rels and 20 half barrels of flour, 93 barrels of bread, 95 barrels of Indian-meal, 50 hogheads of corn, and 100 kegs of biscuit."
The contrast affords us a convincing proof, what rapid advances his Britannic Majesty's frozen dominion are making towards the supply of his West-India Islands.—It is however, a lamentable consideration, that the above are all foreign bottoms, carrying the produce of the United States to market, while their own shipping are rotting in the harbours, and seamen starving for want of employment.
N E W Y O R K, Oct. 27. Last night arrived his Britannic Majesty's Packet the Antelope, Capt. Curtis, in 46 days from Falmouth—but the letters could not be delivered early enough for us to afford our readers any intelligence respecting European occurrences in this day's paper. All we learn, in general, is, that matters have not arrived at the last extremities with the contending parties in Holland; some say they are likely to be compromised, and that peace will again resume her reign in those lately disunited Provinces.
B O S T O N, November 5. Tuesday last, the General Court passed an act for repealing the law made last year, by which the Senate had a negative on the choice of excise officers, &c.
The Hon. Senate, has passed a resolve, by which the bounty given on whale-oil will cease after the 1st of December next.
Thursday 25th ult. the Hon. Legislature appointed a Committee, consisting of Mr. Davis of Bolton, Dr. Holten, Mr. Gorham, Mr. Lyman of Springfield, Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Knowles, Mr. Bishop, Gen. Putnam, Mr. Nason, Mr. Wedge-ry, Dr. Cony, and Col. Ashby, 'To consider what steps are necessary to be taken to expedite the sale and settlement of the lands in the counties of York, Cumberland and Lincoln: To take up and consider the report of General Lincoln and others, on the propriety of dividing the county of Lincoln, and laying out a road from Kennebec river to the Eastern boundary, of this Commonwealth; also, the report of the Committee, on the subject of unappropriated land.'
We are informed, on authority not to be doubted, that the copper coin of this Commonwealth, struck by order of the General Court, will, in a very few days, be in circulation, when, after that time, the coinage of any other State, with the base metal imported from Birmingham, will not be a currency among us.
Letters to gentlemen in this town, which came in the last Packet from London, received by Saturday's post from New York, mention, that a WAR between France, England, Spain and Holland, is inevitable.
P O R T S M O U T H, Nov. 9. Congress we hear, have appointed the Hon. Samuel Holden Parsons, John Armstrong, jr. and James M. Varnum, Esquires, to be judges in the Western Territory of the United States.
The Honorable General Court, is to meet at the State House in this town; on Wednesday the 5th day of December next, by proclamation from His Excellency the President, for the purpose of appointing a State Convention agreeably to the proposed new Constitution.
On Monday next, a brigade Court-Martial, whereof Captain Dudley Odlin is president, will be held at Exeter agreeably to orders from General Peabody, for the trial of Nathan Brown, Quar-ter-Master of the 3d company, in the 1st regiment of light-horse, in this State, he being arrested by Captain Hilliard for disobeying orders.
The mails will arrive in this town on Tuesdays and Fridays, at eleven o'clock, and will be closed at one o'clock on each of those days (at which time the mail stage will set off for Boston) until the first of May next.—In consequence of which, the GAZETTE will until the 1st of May be published on FRIDAYS.
Died since our last, Mr. William Abbot, of this town, in the 76th year of his age.
The following easy Remedy against Apoplexies and Palsies has been found salutary in many of the above mentioned Maladies lately in England:
"When any person is struck with either of those disorders, the putting of some salt in their mouths will bring them to their senses. It has been tried upon a man that dropped down in the street, and seemed quite dead—but in five minutes after the salt was put in his mouth, he moved his arm, and was raised up, and giving him some cordial drink, in half an hour after the man walked home without any assistance."
N A V A L O F F I C E. PORT OF PISCATAQUA, Nov. 9, 1787. ENTERED, FROM, Brig Molly, Gaskin, Barbadoes. C L E A R E D, FOR, Brig Astrea, Salter, West-Indies.
Thoughts on Religion.  E VERY man seeks for truth, but God only knows who is found it. It is unjust to perse-ecute, and absurd to ridicule people for their se-veral opinions, which they cannot help entertain-ing upon the conviction of their reason. It is he who acts or tells a lie that is guilty, not he who honestly believes the lie. The object of all public worship in the world is the same, it is that great Eternal Being who created every thing. The different manners of worship are by no means sub-jects of ridicule, each thinks his own best, and I know no infallible judge in this world to decide which is the best. VERAX.
State of New Hampshire,  NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors or owners of land in Salisbury, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1784 and 1786, that so much of their land will be sold at public vendue, on the third Wednesday in November next, at two o'clock in the afternoon, at my dwell-ing house in said town, as will pay the taxes and charges, unless prevented by previous payment.
   Specie cer't county. cer't.   1786 1786 1786 1784   Q'ty s. d. s. d.     John Darling 30 0 2 0   Joseph Greely 80 7 9 2   ditto 100 7 9 2   ditto 30 2 3 1   Moses Quimby 80 10 1 3   Jonathan Greely, jr. 30 2 3 1   Ebenezer Long 30 2 3 1   Joseph Eastman 100 1 5 1   ditto 30 2 3 1   Nathanick Ladd 100 1 3 1   Samuel Webster 30 2 3 1   Ben. Wadly 9 toths 100 4 1 0   ditto 60 4 6 2   ditto 30 2 3 1   Samuel Eastman 80 1 6 1   William Calef 100 10 1 0   ditto 80 1 6 1   ditto 30 2 3 1   Joshua Webster, jr. 30 2 3 1   Samuel Winslow 100 3 4 1   ditto 80 6 8 2   Elisha Sweat 60 2 3 1   ditto 30 2 3 1   David Greely 80 1 3 1   ditto 60 6 8 2   ditto 30 2 3 1   Joseph Bean, jr. 60 4 6 2   ditto 30 2 3 1   Tho's Wallingsford 30 2 3 1   Jonathan Sanborn, jr. 80 2 2 5   Meserve & Others 80 2 2 5   Samuel Bean 30 2 3 1   Abraham Green 80 1 1 4   ditto 30 2 3 1   Jacob Quimby 80 2 5 3   ditto 30 2 3 1   Jacob Gale 120 2 2 9   Jotham Odiorne 50 1 1 1   one third paid 30   John Sanborn, gone 60 2 11 3   Will'm Parker, Esq. 100 1 6 1   ditto 80   Joseph Clesford 80 paid 5d  
JOSEPH FRENCH, Constable. Salisbury, October 1, 1787.
PRINTING PAPER.
JUST RECEIVED By the last ship from London, A QUANTITY OF PRINTING PAPER, a variety of Wri-ting Paper (which will be sold lower than in Boston) very elegant Ink Pots for the Pocket, and some of the cheapest kind, Barlow's Penknives, black Lead Pencils, Scales and Dividers, beautiful coloured Wa-ters, Scaling Wax, Entick's and Perry's Dic-tionaries, Blank Spelling and Arithmetic Books, Davidson's Virgil, an Optical Per-spective Machine, with beautiful views of London, Paris, Philadelphia, &c.
To be Sold very low, by DANIEL HUMPHREYS, At his House in Pleasant Street, near the South Meeting House. Portsmouth, Nov. 1.

State of New-Hampshire,
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors or owners of land in the township of Wolfborough, who have not paid their tax for the year 1786, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Thursday the 22d day of November next, that so much of their land as will pay the same together with incidental charges will then be sold at public vendue, at ten o'clock on said day, at my dwelling-house in said town, unless prevented by previous payment.
State silver certif't. facit.
   N. acr. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d.     T. Wallingford 4 300 3 0 0 4 6 4 5   James Stoodley 2 400 4 2 2 6 5 10   Dr. Hall Jackson 3 400 4 2 2 6 5 10   William Torry 17 327 3 3 2 4 10 4 8   George Glyn 5 226 2 8 3 4 3 3   Col. Stephen Evans 7 492 5 3 7 6 7 3   Phineas Wiggin 50 6 3 9 7  
WILLIAM ROGERS, Collector. Wolfborough, October 8, 1787.
State of New-Hampshire.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of Dorchester, who are delinquent in paying their taxes for the years 1777, 1778, 1779, 1781, 1782 and 1783, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before Tuesday the 27th November next, so much of their land as will pay the same together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue on said day, at the dwelling house of Samuel Fellowes, in said town unless prevented by previous payment.
   N. acr. s. d.    John _____ 1 100 12 6  Nathaniel West 3 100 12 6  James Bingham 1 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  Otis Little 2 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  David Woodward 3 100 12 6  Ambrous Cushman 3 100 12 6  Thomas Porter 2 100 12 6  ditto 1 100 12 6  Gideon Rud 2 100 12 6  Benning Wentworth 1 100 12 6  Abijah Smith 3 100 12 6  Thomas Floyd 1 100 12 6  Henry Sherburne 2 100 12 6  Thomas Daverson 2 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  Joseph Sherburne 2 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  Silas Tiffeny 1 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  Samuel Hubbert 3 100 12 6  John Sullivan, Esq. 1 100 12 6  ditto 2 100 12 6  William Simpson, Esq. 2 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  Isaac Rindge, Esq. 2 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  James Melcher 3 100 12 6  Samuel Parker 2 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  Joseph Patterson 2 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  John P. Williams 1 100 12 6  William Gardner 2 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 6  Thomas McDoney 2 100 12 6  Nathan R. Thomas, Esq. 2 100 12 6  Wiseman Clagget 2 100 12 6  Woodbury Langdon, Esq. 1 100 12 6  ditto 3 100 12 9  John Marshall 2 100 12 9  ditto 3 100 12 9  Ephraim Ham 2 100 12 9  George Marshall, jr. 1 100 12 6  B. Woodward 3 100 12 6  John Hurd, Esq. 1 100 12 6  ditto 2 100 12 6  John Parker, Esq. 2 100 12 6  John Burnafs 3 100 12 6  Isaac Burnafs 3 100 12 6  
SAMUEL FELLOWES, Constable. Dorchester, October 10, 1787.
All kinds of BLANKS used in this State, kept for sale by the Printer hereof, at the lowest prices.
State of New-Hampshire,
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors and owners of land in the township of Piermont, in the county of Grafton, and State aforesaid, who have not paid their taxes from the year 1775 to the year 1785, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the 19th day of November next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will then be sold at public vendue, at one o'clock on said day at my dwelling-house in Piermont, if not prevented by previous payment.
   No. R. Q'ty d.q. s.d.q. s.d.q. s.d.q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q. s. d. q.     George Swius 1 1 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 1 6 3   undivided 100   Hall Jackson 2 1 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 1 6 3   undivided 100   Leveret Hubbard 100 8 1 0 4 0 1 4 2 1 9 2 4 3 0 3 1   undivided 100   R. Downing undivided 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   House lot 4 2 45   Joseph Smith 2 2 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   How'd Henderson 3 2 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Sam'l Wentworth 4 2 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Samuel Emerson 6 2 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Joseph Newmarch 7 2 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Wiseman Clagget 8 2 100   meadow lot 15 8 9 2 1 0 0 4 1 0 5 4 0 12 10 0 9 5   undivided 100   Jonathan Moulton 1 3 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   John Goffe 4 3 100   undivided 100   House lot 32 1 45   Benjamin Stevens 3 3 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   Undivided 100   Peter Levins 5 3 100   House lot 11 2 45 9 2 1 0 0 4 1 0 5 4 0 12 10 0 9 5   undivided 100   Jonathan Carlton 6 3 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Charles Paxton 7 3 100   House lot 6 2 45 9 2 1 0 0 4 1 0 5 4 0 12 10 0 9 5   undivided 100   Andrew Clarkson 8 3 100   House lot 10 2 45 9 2 1 0 0 4 1 0 5 4 0 12 10 0 9 5   undivided 100   Maj. Wentworth 10 3 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   John Downing 11 3 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Ezekiel Worthen 12 3 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Robert Achmuty 1 4 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Nathan Whiting 3 4 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Jonathan Church 4 4 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Richard Jenneps 5 4 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Andrew Wiggin 6 4 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   John Hale 7 4 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 0 6 3   undivided 100   Samuel Barr 8 4 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 1 6 3   undivided 100   Christopher Toppan 9 4 100 6 1 0 7 2 2 8 2 3 6 2 8 6 1 6 3   undivided 100   George Frost 10 4 100 6 1