The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1790-12-04 00:00:00

New - Hampshire Gazette, and the General Advertiser.
Containing the Laws, &c. of the United States, as well as those of this State passed since 1787, with a variety of other matters both useful and entertaining.
PORTSMOUTH: Printed by JOHN MELCHER, at his Office in Market-Street, at nine shillings per Annum.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Mr. MELCHER,
The following Extract from Mr. HANWAY's travels, who went through Russia, and over the Caspian Sea into Persia—in his observations on the blessings of the English Constitution, compared with other Countries, are many things which appear to have such analogy with the present circumstances of the United States of America, as induces a friend to mankind to wish that it may appear in the New-Hampshire Gazette.—A. Z.
To consider things and persons according to the common sense and reason of mankind: "There are few, very few, says a great author*, who have the OPPORTUNITY, and the WILL, and the ABILITY to represent things TRULY. Besides the matters of fact themselves, there are many CIRCUMSTANCES which before sentence is past, ought to be known and weighed, and yet scarce ever CAN be known, but to the person himself who is concerned. He may have other views, and another sense of things than his judges have; and what he UNDERSTANDS, what he FEELS, what he INTENDS, may be a secret confined to his own breast." If this is generally true in common life, it must often hold, with regard to those who are charged with the GOVERNMENT OF A NATION: their task requires GREAT labor and abilities; and proper allowance must be made for the imperfections of human nature, especially with regard to the fallacies of mens judgments. Hence if we ought to be slow in believing injuriously of mankind in general, on the authority of dubious reports, or by opinions drawn from consequences, without regard to the motives of action: by the calumnious echo of words against men in high office; we are very subject to err with regard to our morals, as well as our judgment. If our complaints prevent that unanimity on which the good of every state depends, we may imagine ourselves to be patriots, and yet do an injury to our country.
In private life a disposition inclined to the submissive, is not that which makes the greatest ECLAT; but it certainly is most agreeable to the dignity of human nature, because it was practised by HIM who was the great pattern of human perfection. In spite then of the suggestions of pride, this rule of conduct must be the most amiable. In order to be free, is it necessary to be querulous or turbulent? Freedom must arise from a steady, even principle; a determined resolution not to offend against our own minds; or, in other words, to adhere to what is right. To this we may add vigilance and care in our respective stations, that those who are our immediate guardians take no steps destructive of our safety.
Our compassion for HUMAN INFIRMITIES, is generally in proportion to the degree of knowledge we have of HUMAN NATURE. This consideration in good minds, will check the spirit of national complaint upon trivial evidence, and consequently restore a greater national virtue. If those hours spent in political satyr, were applied to the cultivation of knowledge and virtue; even granting there is sufficient occasion of complaint, what good might we not expect? Among the lower classes of the people, COMPLAINTS are seldom without great ignorance; and those of the higher rank generally include a secret delire of the emoluments possessed by
the very persons who are the subjects of such COMPLAINTS. And of whom should we complain, but of ourselves? What is our boasted constitution? What our darling liberty, but that we cannot be ruined without our consent? Was the making complaints the characteristic of virtue, we should then be our own panegyrists; but still they would answer little purpose, till we brought that virtue into action. One vigorous and well concerted remonstrance of a real evil, must be ever more effectual than a thousand vague complaints.
If we consider that this is a mixed government, and that the parts of which it is composed are numerous, we may indulge a jealousy; but hard words can be warrantable only when the iniquity is flagrant. Let us call to mind the advantages we enjoy above any people in the world, and that the flaws in some characters and dispositions, are hid by the lustre of those virtues and talents, which shine forth in others. If we ever looked to our OWN rather than to our NEIGHBOURS faults, the state would certainly be the better; for nothing is more plain than this, that every individual, who governs his life by the rules of right reason, contributes to the government of the kingdom. We all know that government must be maintained; power must be lodged somewhere. We know that we enjoy liberty; those who doubt whether we are free or not, certainly do not know what slavery is.
The spirit of contest in the different branches of the legislative body of this island, seems to subside; and yet it is remarkable, that the words PUBLIC DEBT are no sooner mentioned, than the people start, as if they saw an apparition. Talk of obedience to the laws, and they shake their heads and cry, "Alas, the laws are trampled upon." If this repose means an union of councils, it is a happy circumstance with regard to the DEBT, as well as to that libertinism, against which we have reason to complain. It cannot be presumed that such an union will decline into a supine negligence, much less be employed to distress the state.
It may be observed further, that many of the people of this island, who have high notions of liberty, are offended at the name & power of a first minister; as one of the great officers of the state is generally called. They figure to themselves that his power is very extensive; and from an observation of the strong connections between his OFFICE and their own representatives, imagine that he may do whatever he pleases: but as, in fact, does not every thing they think is right; they conclude immediately, that he is ommissive in his duty; pursues the gratifications of his own ambition; and therefore his power tends rather to destroy, than support the commonwealth.
Opinions taken up in a hurry, and with prejudices, are hardly ever just, with regard to persons or things. A minister, who should happen to be a man of great dissimulation and ambition, joined to great parts, is indeed an object of JEALOUSY; but if the people are true to themselves, how can such a man support himself in his power? We must be the instruments of our own ruin whenever that happens. On the other hand, let us consider this office in the hands of a man, who MEANS well; whose ambition is MOST APPARENTLY limited, and whose PRIVATE CHARACTER has nothing dangerous in it; such a person will appear as necessary, as he is a valuable subject. Liberty, in the highest sense, has been ideal ever since the crime of our first parents; we can only preserve such a portion of it,
as we justly dignify by that venerable name. To prevent perplexities in the councils of a nation; and irresolution in the conduct of government; it is become necessary, in some measure, that there should be, as I believe there is, in almost every department of the government, a person whom they call a LEADING MAN. This seems to be the natural effect of superior talents, or superior industry; of some distinguished power of doing good, or at least a reputation of integrity and disinterestedness. These men however are not the lords, but the servants of the public; and so long as they behave with moderation; and in the general tenor of their conduct, act with a view to the good of society, though with some imperfections, ought they not to be considered as USEFUL, and even as ESSENTIAL, to the well-being of the state? Thus the matter will rest on the degree of vice or imperfection, that should render a MINISTER odious or disagreeable; and in our estimate of such defects, we must compare MEN with MEN, and not with angels.
With regard to the legislative body of this nation, the first minister, for this is the term that all parties adopt, I presume is a kind of representative on behalf of the regal prerogative; and his office, as such, is understood to reconcile the difficulties that may occur, concerning the interests and inclinations, of the sovereign and his subjects. How any particular man arrives at this office, is as easy to comprehend, as that kings, like other men, chuse such instruments for their purposes as they think best; and sometimes they chuse with great propriety. If there was no such person FOR the crown, it seems as if there would be one AGAINST it; and might not HE hurt the constitution yet more; since it is a principle established, that the state must be supported by MONARCHIAL, though limited, POWER?
All periods of time produce a numerous train of discontented subjects, some with, and many more without reason. Partiality to our own faults is apt to make us ascribe the evils we suffer, real or imaginary, to any cause, rather than to our own vices & imperfections. The comparison of characters renders them odious or amiable; but we ought not, I think, to judge from a few choice spirits, but consider what is the general turn of a people.
Liberty, national honor, or whatever idea of moral excellence charms us, never DID, nor never CAN exist long without virtue. Virtue is the only stable foundation on which the happiness of a private man, a family, or a nation CAN be built. The experience of all ages proves, that every refinement foreign to this motive, must ultimately terminate in ruin. Vice may reign for a season; but the supreme governor of the world will vindicate his authority: and tho' this does not always happen within the short compass of human life, yet national vices have been ever corrected by national calamities, and, I presume, ever will be so. It cannot possibly be otherwise in the nature of things; for if there is a GOD who governs the world; with respect to men, RELIGION must be the rule of that government. The coercive power of human legislatures can no more support a state without the superior law of religion, than due order can be maintained, where the judge is as corrupt as the criminal; or the father as vicious as his offending son. The history of the world proves this assertion; and I believe it is generally found true, that some evils that happen to the body politic, have a great analogy with wounds
in the natural body; that is, that they prove extremely difficult to cure when the HABIT is bad, though they might otherwise be easily healed.
True politics are undoubtedly built on true religion: a nation long accustomed to be governed by laws founded in reason, and a defence of the rights of mankind, cannot submit to any other, without the convulsive pangs of expiring liberty. But it is as easy to conceive that any state may be dissolved by the immorality of the people, as that there are countries, which having once been free, now groan under arbitrary power. Let the miseries of such countries be truly known, and a free nation will tremble at every act of injustice that may produce them. What avails the superiority of this constitution, if the virtue in which it is founded, does not continue to support its influence? The notion of liberty would only serve to delude us with an imaginary phantom; the real excellency of it MUST ever be connected with the hearts and minds of the people, corresponding with the laws; their knowledge and riches being only means subservient to its support.
Were we to lose our virtue in the strictest sense, we must lose our liberty also. The arbitrary power which prevails in some other nation, would be a compulsive means of employing THEIR strength to OUR ruin; whilst our freedom of withholding our assistance in support of the commonwealth, might, by our acting contrary to the apparent designs of providence, prepare an easier way to their conquest, if we did not fall by our own hands. In proportion to the disobedience of laws, divine or human, by the observance of which the constitution has been so long and so happily supported, it must tend to its dissolution; for the contrary of that which set it up, must throw it down again. I think nothing can be more demonstrable than this; if libertinism is carried to a certain degree, the coercive power must become arbitrary, in the rigid sense of that word. A nation which has not virtue enough to be ruled by the laws of reason, must submit to military force, as is now the case of much the greatest part of the world. Thus LIBERTY ceases, and when that is gone, it is no impropriety to say the nation is UNDONE. Has ever so formidable a state as this fallen, but under the weight of its own vices? Great monarchies have been dissolved only by great corruption and civil discord; so that the Almighty has certainly annexed temporal felicities to nations, as well as eternal rewards to men, in consequence of their virtue.
I hope this nation will continue great and happy, till TIME shall end his reign; but if the inscrutable wisdom of providence has ordained the period of BRITISH happiness to draw to an end, by any rule of his government of which we have no experience, we must submit to the decrees of heaven: but as it will ever be in our POWER, I am sure it ought to be in our CHOICE, to welcome an HONORABLE DEATH, rather than INGLORIOUS CHAINS. If we do fall, our hearts ought to bleed as victims to liberty and virtue.
The name of a free state has something divine lodged in it: whilst every one is solicitous to preserve every one, they perform the office of a guardian angel. On the other hand where public spirit ceases to prevail in the minds of a people; how can they long subsist in that state without arbitrary power? The notion of a public spirit cannot be confined; its object is ages past, and it looks forward to the verge of time. We have no certainty how long the
* WOOLASTON, on the religion of nature.

world will last; and little can we presume on the existence of a particular nation, however wise the government of it may be: but how much greater is the probability of that existence, than of the duration of any particular man's life? Man, as considered separate from the community, is in the most emphatical sense "a thing of nought, his time passes away like a shadow;" but with regard to the duties of society, he not only exists as long as time , but is a partaker of a glorious immortality .
What constitutes the greatness or goodness of a man but his regard to the society? or why is a prince called good , and his people ready to offer themselves as victims for his safety, but as he honors, loves, and respects the community, of which he professes to be the guardian?
The present and future happiness of individuals, as well as the felicity of the state, are all intimately dependent on each other. True politeness is but humanity refined, which ultimately centers in charity, public love is but the same charity, adapted to the dignity and prosperity of the community, of which we are members. A free government is moreover the state of nature , with regard to the equality of men, and of their common rights. Public love cannot be separated from the idea of such a state; and as the notion of this love, implies a desire of the virtue, and temporal felicity of men; it is analogous with that charity, which the Almighty has appointed as the great rule of conduct; and without which he has given mankind no title to eternal happiness.
The liberty for which we pretend to be ready to die, necessarily includes the love of posterity; but an immoderate tenderness of ourselves, on the narrow principle of a vicious self-love, is injurious to posterity. Upon this narrow principle, it is, that we do not consent to a small change of our manner of life, that would enable us to support the state in greater safety, reputation, and splendor. Without a submission to some acts of self-denial, we can neither be politically, nor morally virtuous: we cannot support such an equality of strength, nor such a consistency of conduct, as are essential to the maintenance of so admirable a constitution as ours; nor be enabled to guard against the over-bearing insolence, and superior numbers of our enemies. It must needs be, that either we are not aware of the end of the course we run; or we do not mean what we say, when we talk of spilling our blood in the cause of liberty. If the former, we only want consideration : If the latter, we want every thing for which life ought to be desirable.
It is a very familiar, but no less just thought, which we find in a late celebrated writer § , in an allusion to the present state of things in this island . There have been times of much greater danger than the present; yet if we consider what the ordinary consequences of human actions are; and by what means nations, yet more formidable than this, have come to ruin, we shall understand the force of what the author has remarked: "From their raileries, on the barbarity and misery of our island , one cannot help reflecting on the surprizing fate and revolution of kingdoms: how ROME, once the mistress of the world, the seat of arts, empire and glory, now lies sunk in sloth, ignorance and poverty; enlarged to the most cruel, as well as to the most contemptible of tyrants, superstition and religious imposture; whilst this remote country, antiently the jest and contempt of the polite Romans, is become the happy seat of liberty, plenty, and letters, flourishing in all the arts and refinements of civil life, yet running perhaps the same course, which Rome itself had run before it; from virtuous industry to wealth, from wealth to luxury, from luxury to an impatience of discipline and corruption of morals; till by a total degeneracy and loss of
virtue, being grown ripe for destruction, it fell a prey at last to some hardy oppressor; and, with the loss of liberty, losing every thing else that is valuable, sunk gradually again into its original barbarism."
Human nature being ever the same, to form a just idea of things, we must trace them to their fountain. Self-preservation is the first and strongest law in nature. What is our duty in obedience to this law? We know that a nation is composed of many individuals, who have one common interest; that the different ranks, employments, and circumstances of a people, are only means essential to the support of the public; and that every condition of life has its peculiar happiness, as well as misery. Providence has been indulgent to us all; do we move on this great plan, and according to the orders of that providence? Do we not rather vie with each other; not who shall be wisest, but who shall excel most in vanities and expensive follies; and thus deviating from the great principle laid down, at least, prepare a way for ruin.
LONDON, September 20.
The estimate of the loss at the late fire at Madrid, is now reported to be near five millions Sterling. Some of the finest houses in that city have fallen a sacrifice to the flames.
SEPTEMBER 23.
Extract of a letter from Marseilles , Aug. 30. "A large Spanish ship armed, ENFLETE, loaded with cordage and all kinds of naval stores, from Cadiz, bound to Carthagena, was taken just as she passed through the gut of Gibraltar, the beginning of this month, by an Algerine Rover of 56 guns. After a very desperate action of thirteen glasses, she was carried into Algiers. They fought with equal bravery a long time; and were most of the time within pistol shot of each other, which caused an horrid slaughter on both sides, particularly among the pirates, who were repulsed twice in attempting to board, with the loss of near 100 men cut to pieces."
"Notwithstanding this dreadful carnage, the Barbarians made a third attempt with such irresistible fury, that in spite of all resistance, they became conquerors. The people on board the Spanish ship behaved with the greatest bravery, and fought with a surprizing resolution. It is said, that the Captain and part of the crew were Irish, and that the former was killed by a lance in the heat of the action. The pirates suffered prodigiously in officers and men, having had all the former killed, and most of the latter wounded; and their ship was so much pierced and shattered, that she sunk as she was towing into Algiers."
"Three days before, the above pirate was attacked by two armed ships of 18 guns each, under Russian colours, which the beat off, after a very severe conflict of an hour and twenty minutes. In this action she had her fore-topmast carried away, and her rigging materially damaged."
"She was very audacious, and fought all the time under the Algerine bloody flag."
SEPTEMBER 27.
Mr. Fitzherbert, has delivered the ultimatum of the British Court, and the answer to it will shew the disposition of Spain in the most certain point of view, and whether the latter Court has changed its language of reconciliation, on hearing the news of what has passed in the National Assembly. From the letters received yesterday, we are inclined to believe that Spain is acting a very jesuitical part, and only waits the favorable moment to throw off them all, and give us fresh cause for commencing hostilities.
AN UNCOMMON INCIDENT.
On Sunday se'night two women and their companions quarrelling in a court upon Saffron-hill, London, one of the former in the act of derision, was trolling her tongue out of her mouth as far as it was in her power, when she received a violent blow under her chin
from the other, that from the pressure of her teeth, accompanied with a fall against a table, her tongue was absolutely separated, the piece, upwards of an inch long, was immediately taken up, and in a piece of paper, with its loser, conveyed to St. Bartholomew's Hospital, where she is now in a very dangerous state. Her antagonist was immediately apprehended, and on Monday examined before a magistrate; who, perhaps, not knowing how to estimate a tongue, committed her to New Prison for further examination on Thursday. The separated part was observed to quiver for several minutes after the accident occurred. The circumstance upon the whole, the most strongly enforces the propriety of the adage, "Keep your Tongue within your Teeth."
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 20.
Extract of a letter from London, dated Sept. 23.
"The Austrian army is actually on its march to Brabant, and the National Guards of France, alarmed by the prints, are thronging to the frontiers, to prevent any inroad into the kingdom, which is believed, without probability to be their design. A man who has made such a peace as Leopold, can hardly be suspected of a wish to interfere with his neighbours; 49,417 effective men compose the Austrian army upon march, as delivered to the War Minister at Paris."
BOSTON, November 29.
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman to his friend in this town, dated, "CA-DIZ, Sept. 28, 1790.
"Negotiation still continues between this Court and that of Great-Britain—of the success of which, people think and talk variously. If we are to judge from the actions of both parties, an immediate WAR seems inevitable: In each they are arming with the utmost vigour and activity; particularly since the National Assembly of France hath ordered, that 45 sail of the line, besides frigates, be immediately got ready to assist Spain, in case of a War. The Squadron which returned into this port the 31st inst. is getting ready with all expedition, to proceed to sea,—and every ship in the Spanish navy is ordered into commission—and we working on them without intermission even of Sunday."
"Hostilities have taken place between us and the Emperor of Morocco.—Two cruisers of the latter have been brought into this port, within these few days—and two or three others have been carried into neighbouring ports. The Moors are preparing to attack Centa, where there is a garrison of 12,000 men. Indeed it is expected they will assail all the cities belonging to Spain on the African coast."
Ephraim Hudson, Esq. of Cherry-Valley, in the county of Montgomery, and State of New-York, has lately erected a Mill for the Hulling of Oats, which will hull and prepare for grinding 300 bushels a day—and Mr. Hudson informs, he is able to make Oatmeal equal to the best imported from Europe.
Notwithstanding the troubles in the revolution of France, which was effected with very little bloodshed, and tranquility seemingly restored—all is again disordered and confusion. The people don't seem to relish the decision of the National Assembly, with respect to the Family Compact, in a war with Great-Britain. By the latest accounts, the people have committed the greatest excesses: And it is feared the consequences will prove worse than what happened in the late revolution.
DECEMBER 2.
PEACE—and—WAR—AGAIN, BUT NOTHING CERTAIN.
A gentleman who arrived at Philadelphia, November 19, from Alexandria, informs; That a vessel had arrived there from Dunkirk, and brought accounts to the first of October; which state, that a full accommodation of all differences had taken place, between Spain and England.
The Sandwich Packet, Capt. Harris, is arrived at Halifax, from England. Papers brought by her are as late as October 5. These, generally, state—That active preparations for War are still making throughout Great Britain and Ireland: That the offer
of several Scotch Noblemen to raise a regiment each, had been accepted:—That all the Dutch fleet had not yet joined the English:—That a Squadron, consisting of two 74, two 64 gun ships, and two frigates, under Sir Alexander Hood, was fitting for the West-Indies:—That an additional duty had been laid by the King of Sweden, on all British vessels in Swedish ports:—That cabinet Councils were daily held by the British Ministry; and Messengers constantly sifting off for, and arriving from Madrid:—That business was exceedingly brisk at the several ports in England; and that great numbers of privateers were ready for sea.
Thus the subject of War and Peace between Don and the great Lion, has been alternately founded in our ears to the no small amusement of us Lookers-on. Accounts to October 1, proclaim PEACE; again to the 5th, WAR is declared—Whether peace or war what care we?—We dwell in peaceful habitations, and pleasant places—invite Foreigners to come and dwell among us; they come, and are not oppressed.
Tuesday, his Britannick Majesty's Frigate Penelope, sailed from this port, for Halifax.—It is said that her speedy departure was occasioned by letters received by Capt. Linze—which mention a War to be unavoidable between Spain and Great-Britain.
SECOND CONGRESS.
The SENATORS—whose time expires in March next, are Hon. Messrs. Dalton, Foster, Elsworth, Schuyler, Elmer, Maclay, Read, Carroll, and Hawkins. Messrs. Foster, Elsworth and Read, are re-elected for 6 years. The Hon. James Munroe, is chosen a Senator for Virginia, vice. Hon. Mr. Grayson, deceased. Further we have not learnt.
The REPRESENTATIVES, re-elected, are, Hon. Messrs. Livermore, Ames, Gerry, Goodhue, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sturges, Trumbull, Bourn, Benyon, Lawrence, Sylvester, Vining, Seney, Brown, Giles, Griffin, Lee, Madison, Page, Parker, White and Smith.—The new Members are, Hon. Messrs. Hillhouse, Connecticut—[The Hon. Mr. Edwards has declined accepting a seat]—Messrs. Gordan, and Schoonmaker, New-York, Hon. Mr. Venable, Virginia—Hon. Messrs. Sterett, Key, Pinkney, Murry, and Sheredine, Maryland. Our information on this head, extends no further.
PRODUCE.
The demand for the produce of our country is rapidly increasing. To shew, in part, the extent of this great source of National Wealth, we mention it as a fact, that one house in an adjacent town, has exported and sold, the late season, 2000 barrels Pot and Pearl Ashes—2000 barrels Beef—500 barrels Pork—70,000 weight of Butter—1500 bushels Peas and Beans, besides other produce. The quantity of beef annually exported from this State is upward of 45,000 barrels—of which Jonathan Winship, Esq. of Little-Cambridge, (whose beef is so highly valued in foreign parts) annually puts up 5000 barrels.
SHIPPING.
In a late paper, the number of vessels in the port of Philadelphia, was stated to be 148—on the day this account was published in this town (Nov. 3.) a gentleman took the pains to count the vessels in this harbour—and found that there were then in this port, 216 above 50 tons burthen—78 of which were square rigged vessels.
MANUFACTURES.
Among the valuable improvements of the manufactures of the country, we ought not to omit a Hulling-Mill erected at Berwick, by the Hon. BENJAMIN CHADBOURN, Esq. of that place. This is the first Mill of the kind erected on so costly and expensive a plan within Massachusetts. The success of the work has been equal to the pains taken, in effecting its completion. Not only peas are hulled to the great benefit of that part of the country, but Pearl-Barley is manufactured equal to any imported, and at a much lower price. The usefulness of this latter article not only as a medicine, but in various branches of cookery, is well known, and our citizens cannot hesitate to encourage the manufacture in preference
§ Dr. MIDDLETON's life of Cicero.
† Meaning the antient ROMANS.

to a foreign one, whenever the Pearl-Barley shall be offered at market.
SPAIN AND GREAT-BRITAIN,
Are increasing their warlike preparations; but are still carrying on their Negotiations at Madrid. While some suppose that these negotiations really have Peace for their object; there are others who think them, intended merely to give time for hostile arrangements. Sixty ships of the line are already in commission in England—to which Holland is to add ten sail; but Holland does not engage heartily in the cause of Britain. The court of Spain has ordered ALL its ships into commission—they amount to about sixty—to these France is to add forty five ships of the line. How long this "Peace of War" is to be thus acted, puzzles many. That two powerful fleets, well-armed, equipped and appointed, should valiantly proceed to sea, and yet when at sea, keep at so respectful a distance from each other, is a new scene in the Belligerent Drama. Had the fleet of our gallant allies of France, done the same, the English would, long ere this, have made their papers groan, with the application of the Epithet, "Gallick Gafconade." We shall not imitate them.
PORTSMOUTH, October 4.
The Congress of the United States are to commence their third Session, at the City of Philadelphia, on Monday next.
On a piece of land owned by Jeremiah Dennett, Esq. of this town, which is rather short of Eight rods, was raised this season, apples to make nine barrels and half cyder, eight bushels peas, four bushels potatoes, three bushels and half Quinces, two bushels of beans and four hundred of good hay.
PRICES CURRENT—BOSTON.
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
Final Settlements, and Loan-Office Certificates, interest paid, to December 31, 1787. 12/6 to 12/7 Indents, 7/5 to 7/6 State Notes with interest computed as principal, 8/5 to 8/6 6 per Cent Stock, 14/6 3 per Cent Stock, 7/6 Deferred 6 per cent Stock, 6/1 to 6/1.
ENTRIES at the CUSTOM-HOUSE of this district.
C L E A R E D FOR Schooner Industry, Paul, West-Indies. Schooner Active, Boadage, Carolina. Schooner Dove, Tredick, ditto.
INDIAN IDEAS.
The Indians call our Courts of Justice emphatically Talking Houses, and compare Lawyers to Rattlesnakes, having squint eyes and forked tongues. They say these gentlemen are so fond of yellow stone, (so they denominate gold) that they will do any thing for it. They have a poor opinion of the Clergy, because they say a Priest will not stop rain when it is unseasonable, or bring it when wanted, without being paid a tenth of the produce of hard and honest labour.
Our Physicians they despise; they cut off limbs, they say, as we dismember a tree, and with as little feeling.
In fact, the Indians, a few disorders excepted, are the first Physicians and Surgeons in the world, of which there are innumerable instances. To them we are indebted for the discovery of Gum Guaiacum, and Jesuits Bark.
For the GAZETTE.
Mr. MELCHER,
NO circumstance in a stronger light displays the little influence this State has had in Congress, than the prodigious and astonishing disproportion in the sums that Congress have assumed for Massachusetts, and New-Hampshire, to say nothing of the principle of assuming the debts, which every citizen of New-Hampshire, who has not been speculating in public securities, detests, and most heartily joins our legislature in reprobating. To say nothing of the justice of the assumption
act, which has entailed taxes and poverty on the present and future generations of New-Hampshire, while for a favoured few it has made princely fortunes. To say nothing at present on these fertile themes; let us consider, if the adoption of this measure, so big with wretchedness and misery to New-Hampshire, and her sons, was by the superior abilities, and irresistible eloquence of the Massachusetts members, rendered unavoidable; Whether in that case the monstrous magnitude of the sums assumed for Massachusetts, and the paltry insignificance of the sum assumed for New-Hampshire, does not place us in a most contemptible light in the eye of nations, and clearly shew, that this State in Congress, is borne down by the superior address and talents of her neighbouring sister,—and by this alarming disparity in the assumption, suffered the most flagrant injustice. It is a truth well known to all, and acknowledged by General Washington and his brave band of officers, that New-Hampshire through the war stood foremost in every difficulty—In proportion, she supplied more provisions, and sent more soldiers to the field, than any State in America—her troop fought more battles, and her regiments lost more men, than those of any other State; her expenses must of course have kept pace with her exertions, but by a rigid economy, she has perseveringly endeavoured, since the commencement of the peace, to reduce her debt; which she in a great degree effected, at the expense and with the property of her citizens. They have been taxed, retaxed and taxed again to lessen this debt, and have tamely submitted to the oppressive measure, from a pleasing anticipation of the debt being speedily discharged. The public property of the government, the fruit of the masonic purchase, with an ardent zeal was appropriated to produce this desirable end. But where are these flattering dreams, these pleasing anticipations now? gone, forever gone—Congress, by one magic stroke, has abolished your hopes, and rendered all these exertions fruitless—after having taxed ourselves to the very utmost bearing to pay our own State debt, they now will tax us for the debt of Massachusetts. They have undertaken to pay forty hundred thousand dollars for that State—a proportion of which comes from our pockets, and to keep us good humoured, have promised to pay for us the comparatively paltry sum of 300,000, which is less than one thirteenth part of what they have undertaken for Massachusetts. This scheme will appear in more striking colours when we consider that the old Congress in their assessments of taxes, generally required at least, one fourth as much from this State, as from that, but in discharging or assuming the debts, they pay more than 13 times as much for them as for us; so that when money is to be paid by the two States, we are doomed to pay one fourth as much as Massachusetts—but when money is to be paid for them, we come in for less than one thirteenth. This rule dont work both ways, and such rules the proverb says are unjust, in every change of the rule we find New-Hampshire the sufferer. This is the weaker, though not the younger sister, doomed to pay tribute to the stronger—and thus must we submit to requisitions of taxes from another hand, and for others use, after our life-blood has been exhausted in taxes for our own use. This picture is too strong and too true, not to strike the organs of the dullest citizen. The sum assumed for this state, was a gilded bait to allure the gudgeon, a mere sugar plumb to tickle the palate, a thin varnishing of the destructive bitter pill. But what were our members about when this high game was playing? Why Livermore, we know, with his wonted honesty, with all his might opposed it, but what could one man do against the formidable Giants of Massachusetts:—But where were our other members in this tempest? Were they asleep in the side of the ship? If so, like the slumbering Prophet, they ought to be thrown over, to appease the anger
of an injured people. If they had not the abilities or boldness to come forth on so great, so trying an occasion, it is proof enough of the necessity of a change; and that men ought to be placed in their station, who will not through inability or fear suffer the State to be disgraced, or the interests of their constituents to be sacrificed. BRUTUS.
Just Published, AND TO BE SOLD By the Printer hereof, By wholesale & retail very cheap, SEWALL's genuine Almanack and the New-Hampshire Sheet-Almanack, FOR 1791.
State of New-Hampshire. PURSUANT to an Act of the General Court of the State of New-Hampshire, passed in June, 1790, empowering the Selectmen to tax all the lands belonging to non-residents and resident owners of land in the town of Protectworth, at the rate of two pence per acre,—I the subscriber being chosen Collector of the same, do hereby give notice, that unless said tax is paid in labour or money agreeable to said Act, within one year from this date, their land will be advertised for sale, and those who are disposed to pay said tax in labour, may apply to the selectmen or subscriber who will attend said business on the last week in May next, the first week in June, July, August and September following. NATHANIEL CLARK, Collector. Protectworth, November 6, 1790.
THIS is to give notice to the public at large, That Whereas SAMUEL HOPKINS of the city of Philadelphia, has discovered a very advantageous method for making POT and PEARL ASHES, in which about three times as much pure Pearl Ash, may be obtained from a given quantity of Ashes—and having obtained a patent for the same from the Congress of the United States—He the said SAMUEL HOPKINS has duly Empowered the subscriber to sign his agreements with those who may be desirous of benefiting by his improvements, more particular information may be had by applying to the said subscriber, at his dwelling-house in Lynn, State of Massachusetts. SAMUEL COLLINS.
N. B. The first applicants will be treated with on reasonable terms. Said SAMUEL COLLINS proposes being in the town of Exeter, New-Hampshire, on or about the ninth of December, 1790—when and where all persons who are disposed to engage in the matter may have an opportunity of treating with him on the subject, at Thurston's Tavern in said Exeter.
State of New-Hampshire. NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of Acworth, who have not paid their taxes for the year 1789, that unless they pay the same to me the subscriber, on or before the 24th day of December next, so much of their land as will pay the same, together with incidental charges, will be sold at public vendue, at ten of the clock, A. M. on said day, at the dwelling-house of Mr. Eliphaz Silsby, in said town. ind sp ord.
Table with 4 columns: No. R. Q'ty. s. d. d. q. Lists names and tax amounts for William Roby, Sam'l Fitch, Esq., Ditto, Ditto, Jona. Hardy, John Parker, William Stacy, Jona. Blanchard, Reuben Rillicut, Jona. Blanchard, William Stacy, Robert Adams, Nath'l Butterfield, Thomas Crage, JONATHAN HOLMES, Constable. Acworth, November 13, 1790.
FOR CHARTER, FOR THE WEST-INDIES OR CAROLINA, THE SCHOONER Betsey, burthen 51 Tons or thereabouts, eight months old, strong built, and well found, now laying at the Long Wharf, Portsmouth.—For particulars inquire of the Master on board said vessel. November 30, 1790.
Table with 4 columns: No. Lots. R. d. q. s. d. d. q. s. d. Lists names and tax amounts for John Wentworth, James Smith, School Lot, Alexander Craige, John Barr, Ditto, James Wilson, Richard Wibird, James Wilson, John Caldwell, A. McColum, north end, James Evans, south end, Moses Jewett, south end, Law Lot, JOHN GOODENOW, Constable. Henniker, November 11, 1790.
Table with 4 columns: No. Div. R. Q'ty. s. d. d. q. s. d. d. q. s. d. Lists names and tax amounts for John Card, John Tucker, John Bryant, Hugh Reed, James Marden, SAMUEL COLLINS, MOSES SANBORN, Collector. Epom, November 22, 1790.
THE subscribers being appointed commissioners by the Hon. Judge of Probate, to receive and examine the claims against the estate of Simon Randall late of Lee, husbandman, deceased, represented insolvent, give notice that a further time of six months from the date hereof is allowed them by the Hon. Judge of Probate, to receive the claims against said estate, that they shall attend on said business at the dwelling-house of Simon Randall, in said town, the last Monday of this and the five following months from 2 to 6 o'clock, P. M. on said days. SMITH EMERSON, JOHN SNELL. Lee, July 15, 1790.