The New Hampshire gazette (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1804-03-27 00:00:00

New Hampshire Gazette.
"By adopting REPUBLICANISM for our Polar Star, we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles of their Constitution, and promote an union of sentiment and of action, equally auspicious to their happiness and safety."
PORTSMOUTH: (NEW HAMPSHIRE) PUBLISHED BY NATHANIEL S. & W. PEIRCE, PRINTERS TO THE STATE, AND PRINTERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
J. & J. GODDARD,
Have for SALE, at their Store in Market-street,
RUSSIA & Swedes IRON. Heart and Club, Halback's and blistered STEEL.
NAILS, of all sizes, Cut & Wrought. SPIKES, sheet LEAD, sheet IRON. 8 by 6, 9 by 7, 10 by 8, 12 by 10, 14 by 11, 17 by 12
WINDOW-GLASS.
Painter's OIL & COLOURS.
GLUE, ROTTENSTONE.
BRUSHES, of all kinds.
Gilt and Mahogany Frame LOOKING-GLASSES.
Best Cogniac & Alicante BRANDY.
Holland GIN.
Madeira, Sherry, Redport, Vidonia, Lisbon and Malaga WINES.
Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson-Skin, Souchong and Bohea TEAS.
Philadelphia double & single refined LOAF SUGAR.
Hhds. & bbls. BROWN SUGAR.
COFFEE, SPICES.
Boxes of GLASS-WARE, Consisting of Tumblers, Wine Glasses and Decanters.
Hollow IRON-WARE.
SHEATHING PAPER.
CORDAGE, of all sizes.
—ALSO—a very general assortment of
HARD-WARE
GOODS,
by wholesale and retail. Portsmouth, March 20. 1804.
FOR SALE BY
William & Charles Neil,
40 bags COTTON;
10 tierces RICE;
A quantity of Spanish flax INDIGO;
With a general assortment of Groceries & West-India Goods on moderate terms as usual. March 20.
George F. Blunt,
Has for SALE on Wm. Sheafe's wharf, for cash or approved credit—
TORREVIEJA SALT;
Coarse Liverpool, ditto.
10 by 8 & 9 by 7 WINDOW- GLASS.
20d. & 10d. Wrought NAILS.
COPPERAS pr. cask; WHITING, per ditto.
WHITE LEAD, ground in Oil. Crates assorted Liverpool WARE, of different colours, fashions & prices.
No. 1 & 2 Cargo BEEF, of an excellent quality. March 13. 1804. (5 w)
John F. Weare,
INFORMS his friends and public that he has taken a Store nearly opposite Mr. E. Chadwick's Back-street, and has for sale a general assortment
West India GOODS and GROCERIES.
Portsmouth, March 13. 1804.
GENTLEMENS'
Morocco SHOES and Suawarrow BOOTS.
Robert M'Clary,
Has for Sale at his store in Congress- street, a handsome assortment of Suawarrow BOOTS and Morocco SHOES.—Also—Red yellow & black MOROCCO SKINS.
Portsmouth, March 13. 1804.
TICKETS!
Whole and Quarter TICKETS, in Piscataqua Bridge Lottery, for sale by N. S. & W. PEIRCE, at their Bookstore, Congress-street.
A list of Prizes in the first Class of Atkinson Academy Lottery is received, fortunate adventurers are requested to call for their Prize money. Portsmouth, March 13. 1804.
Just published and for Sale at N. S. & W. PEIRCE's Bookstore, THE NIGHTINGALE,
A collection of the most popular, an- cient and modern SONGS, set to music. Subscribers are requested to call for their Books. January 24, 1804.
Political Miscellany.
From the Aurora.
THOMAS PAINE,
TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
IN calling my eye over England and America, and comparing them together, the difference is very striking. The two countries were cre- ated by the same power and peopled from the same stock, what then has caused the difference? Have those who emigrated to America improved, or those whom they left behind degen- erated? There are as many degrees of difference in the political morality of the two people, as there are of longi- tude between the two countries.
In the science of cause and effect, every thing that enters into the com- position of either must be allowed its proportion of influence. Investigating, therefore, into the cause of this differ- ence, we must take into the calculation the difference of the two systems of government the hereditary and the re- presentative. Under the hereditary system it is the government that forms and fashions the political character of the people: In the representative system it is the people that form the char- acter of the government.—Their own happiness as citizens form the basis of their conduct and the guide of their choice. Now is it more probable that an hereditary government should become corrupt, and corrupt the people by its example or that a whole people should become corrupt and produce a corrupt government; for the point where the corruption be- gins becomes the source from whence it afterwards spreads.
While men remained in Europe as subjects of some hereditary potentate, they had ideas conformable to that condition; but when they arrived in America they found themselves in pos- session of a new character, the character of sovereignty: like converts to a new religion they became inspired with new principles. Elevated above their former rank, they considered govern- ment and public affairs as part of their own concern, for they were to pay the expense, and they watched them with circumspection. They soon found that government was not that com- plicated thing, enshrined in mystery, which church and state, to play into each other's hands, had represented it, and that to conduct it with proper effect was to conduct it justly. Com- mon sense, common honesty, and civil manners qualify a man for govern- ment; and besides this, put man in a situation that requires new thinking and the mind will grow up to it, for like the body it improves by exercise. Man is but a learner all his life time.
But whatever be the cause of the difference of character between the people and government of England and those of America, the effect aris- ing from the difference is as distin- guishable as the sun from the moon. We see America flourishing in peace, cultivating friendship with all nations, and reducing her public debt and tax- es, incurred by the revolution. On the contrary we see England almost perpetually in war, or warlike dis- putes, and her debt and taxes contin- ually increasing. Could we suppose a stranger, who knew nothing of the origin of the two countries, he would, from observation, conclude, that A- merica was the old country experienc- ed and sage, and England the new, excentric and wild.
Scarcely had England drawn home her troops from America after the revolutionary war than she was on the point of plunging herself into a war with Holland on account of the flad- tholder; then with Russia; then with Spain on account of Nootka cat-hins, and actually with France to prevent her revolution. Scarcely had she made peace with France, and before she had fulfilled her own part of the treaty, than she declared war again to avoid fulfilling the treaty. In her treaty of peace with America she en- gaged to evacuate the western posts within six months, but having obtain- ed peace she refused to fulfil the con- ditions and kept possession of the posts and embroiled us in an Indian war. In her treaty of peace with France she en- gaged to evacuate Malta within three months, but having obtained peace she refused to evacuate Malta and began a new war.
All these matters pass before the
eyes of the world, who form their own opinion thereon, regardless of what English news-papers may say of France or French papers say of England. The non-fulfilment of a treaty is a case that every body can understand. They reason upon it as they would on a contract between two individuals, & in so doing they reason from a right foundation. The affected awe and mystification of courts make no alter- ation in the principle. Had France declared war to compel England to fulfil the treaty, as a man would com- mence a civil action to compel a del- inquent party to fulfil a contract, she would have stood acquitted in the op- inion of nations. But that England still holding Malta, should go to war for Malta, is a paradox not easily solv- ed, unless it be supposed that the peace was infidious from the beginning, that it was concluded with the expectation that the military ardour of France would cool, or a new order of things arise, or a national discontent prevail, that would favour a non-execution of the treaty, and leave England arbiter of the fate of Malta.
Something like this, which was like a vision in the clouds, must have been the calculation of the British ministry; for certainly they did not expect the war would take the turn it has. Could they have foreseen and they ought to have foreseen that a declaration of war was the same as sending a challenge to Bonaparte to invade England and make it the seat of war, they hardly would have done it unless they were mad; for in any event such a war might produce, in a military view, it is England would be the sufferer un- less it terminated in a wise revolution.
—One of the causes assigned for this declaration of war by the British min- istry, was that Bonaparte had cramped their commerce.—If by cramming their commerce is to be understood that of encouraging and extending the commerce of France, he had a right, and it was his duty to do it. The prerogative of monopoly belongs to no nation. But to make this one of the causes of war, considering their commerce in consequence of that de- claration is now cramped ten times more, is like the case of a foolish man who after losing an eye in fighting renews the combat to revenge the in- jury and loses the other eye.
Those who never experienced an invasion by suffering it, which the English people have not, can have but little idea of it. Between the two ar- mies the country will be desolated, wherever the armies are, and that as much by their own army as by the enemy.—The farmers on the coast will be the first sufferers, for whether their stock of cattle, corn, &c. be seized by the invading army or driven off, or burnt, by orders of their own gov- ernment the effect will be the same to them. As to the revenue, which has been collected altogether in paper, since the bank stop payment, it will go to destruction the instant an invad- ing army lands? and an effective gov- ernment, there can be but little, where two armies are contending for victory in a country small as England is.
With respect to the general politics of Europe, the British ministry could not have committed a greater error than to make Malta the ostensible cause of the war; for though Malta is an unproductive rock, and will be an expence to any nation that posses- ses it, there is not a power in Europe will consent that England should have it. It is a situation capable of annoy- ing and controuling the commerce of other nations in the Mediterranean; and the conduct of England on the seas, and in the Baltic, has shewn the danger of her possessing Malta. Bon- aparte by opposing her claim has all Europe with him.—England by as- serting it loses all. Had the English ministry studied for an object, that would put them at variance with all nations from the north of Europe to the south, they could not have done it more effectually.
But what is Malta to the people of England compared with the evils and dangers they already suffer in conse- quence of it. It is their own gov- ernment that has brought this upon them. Were Burke now living he would be deprived of his exclamation that "the age of chivalry is gone;" for this declaration of war is like a chal- lenge sent from one knight of the sword
to another knight of the sword to fight him on the challenger's ground, and England is staked as the prize.
But though the British ministry be- gan this war for the sake of Malta, they are now artful enough to keep Malta out of sight. Not a word is now said about Malta in any of their parliamentary speeches and messages. The king's speech is silent upon the subject, and the invasion is put in its place, as if the invasion was the cause of the war and not the consequence of it. This policy is easily seen through. The case is, they went to war without counting the cost or calculating upon events, and they are now obliged to shift the scenes to conceal the disgrace.
If they were disposed to try experi- ments upon France, they chose for it the worst possible time as well as the worst possible object. France has now for its chief the most enterprizing and fortunate man, either for deep project or daring execution, the world has known for many ages. Compared with him, there is not a man in the British government or under its au- thority, has any chance with him. That he is ambitious the world knows, and he always was so; but he knew where to stop. He had reached the highest point of probable expectation, and having reduced all his enemies to peace, had set himself down to the im- provement of agriculture, manufac- tures and commerce at home, and his conversation with the English ambas- sador Whitworth shewed he wished to continue so. In this view of his situ- ation, could any thing be worse policy than to give to satisfied ambition a new object and provoke it into action. Yet this the British ministry have done.
The plan, of a descent upon Eng- land by gun boats, began after the first peace with Austria and the acqui- sition of Belgium by France. Before that acquisition France had no territo- ry on the north sea, and it is there the descent will be carried on. Dunkirk was then her northern limit. The English coast opposite to France on the channel, from the straits between Dover and Calais to the land's end, about three hundred miles, is high bold and rocky, to the height, in many places perpendicular, of three four or five hundred feet, and it is only where there are breaks in the rocks as at Portsmouth, Plymouth, &c. that a landing can be made, and as those places could be easily protected, be- cause England was mistress of the channel, France had no opportunity of making an invasion unless she could first defeat the English fleet. But the union of Belgium to France makes a new order of things.
The English coast on the north sea, including the counties of Essex, Suf- folk, Norfolk and Lincolnshire is as level as a bowling green, & approach- able in every part for more than two hundred miles. The shore is a clean firm sand, where a flat bottomed boat may row dry a ground. The coun- try people use it as a race ground and for other sports when the tide is out. It is the weak and defenceless part of England, and it is impossible to make it otherwise; and besides this, there is not a port or harbour in it where ships of the line or large frigates can rendezvous for its protection. The Belgic coast and that of Holland which joins it, is directly opposite this defenceless part, and open a new pas- sage for invasion. The Dutch fish- men know this coast better than the English themselves, except those who live upon it; and the Dutch smug- glers know every creek and corner in it.
The original plan, formed in the time of the directory (but now much more extensive) was to build one thousand boats, each sixty feet long, sixteen feet broad, to draw about two feet water, to carry a twenty-four or thirty-six pounder in the head and a field piece in the stern to be run out as soon as they touched ground. Each boat was to carry an hundred men, making in the whole one hundred thousand, and to row with twenty or twenty-five oars on a side. Bonaparte was appointed to the command, and by an agreement between him & me, I was to accompany him; as the in- tention of the expedition was to give the people of England an opportunity of forming a government for them- selves and thereby bring about peace. I have no reason to suppose this part
of the plan is altered, because there is nothing better Bonaparte can do. As to the clamour spread by some of the English news-papers that he comes for plunder, it is absurd. Bonaparte is too good a general to undiscipline and dissolute his army by plundering, and too good a politician as well as too much accustomed to great achievements, to make plunder his object. He goes a- gainst the government that has declar- ed war against him.
As the expedition could choose its time of setting off either after a storm, when the English fleet would be blown off, or in a calm, or in a fog; and as thirty six hours rowing would be able to carry them over, the prob- ability is it would arrive, and when arrived no ship of the line or large fri- gate could approach it on account of the shoalness of the coast; and be- sides this the boats would form a float- ing battery close in with the shore of a thousand pieces of heavy artillery; and the attempt of Nelson against the gun-boats at Boulogne, shows the in- sufficiency of ships in such situations. About two hundred and fifty gun- boats were built when the expedition was abandoned for that of Egypt, to which the preparations had served as a feint.
The present impolitic war by the English government has now renewed the plan, and that with much greater energy than before and with national unanimity. All France is alive to chastise the English govern- ment for recommencing the war, and all Europe stands still to behold it. The preparations for the invasion, have already demonstrated to France, what England ought never to have permitted her to know, which is, that she can hold the English government in terror and the whole country in al- arm whenever she pleases, and as long as she pleases, and that without employing a single ship of the line, and more effectually than if she had a hundred sail. The boasted navy of England is out-done by gun-boats! It is a revolution in naval tactics.— But we live in an age of revolutions.
The preparations in England for defence are also great, but they are marked with an ominous trait of char- acter. There is something sullen on the face of affairs in England. Not an address has been presented to the king by any county, city, town, or corporation since the declaration of war. The people unite for the pro- tection of themselves and property a- gainst whatever events may happen, but they are not pleased and their fi- delity is the expression of their discon- tent.
Another circumstance, curious and awkward, was the conduct of the house of commons with respect to their address to the king in consequence of the king's speech at the opening of parliament. The address which is al- ways an echo of the speech, was voted without opposition, and this equivo- cal silence passed for unanimity. The next thing was to present it, and it was made the order for the next day that the house should go up in a body to the king with the speaker at the head for that purpose. The time fixed was half after three, and it was ex- pected the procession would be num- erous, three or four hundred at least, in order to show their zeal and their loyalty and their thanks to the king for his intention of taking the field. But when half after three arrived, on- ly thirty members were present, and, without forty, (the number that makes a house) the address could not be presented. The sergeant was then sent out, with the authority of a press warrant, to search for members, and by four o'clock he returned with just enough to make up forty and the pro- cession set off with the frown of a funeral, for it was remarked it went flounder than usual.
Such a circumstance in such a criti- cal juncture of affairs, and on such an occasion, shews at least, a great in- difference towards the government. It was like saying, you have brought us into a great deal of trouble and we have no personal thanks to make to you. We have voted the address as a customary matter of form and we leave it to find its way to you as well as it can.
If the invasion succeed, I hope Bon- aparte will remember that this war has not been provoked by the people.

It is altogether the act of the government without their consent or knowledge; and though the late peace appears to have been insidious from the first on the part of government, it was received by the people with a sincerity of joy.
There is yet perhaps one way, if it be not too late, to put an end to this burthensome state of things and which threatens to be worse; which is for the people, now they are embodied for their own protection, to instruct their representatives in parliament to move for the fulfilment of the treaty of Amiens, for a treaty ought to be fulfilled. The present is an uncommon case accompanied with uncommon circumstances, and it must be got over by means suited to the occasion. What is Malta to them? The possession of it might serve to extend the patronage and influence of the crown on the appointment to new offices, and the part that would fill to the people would be to pay the expense. The more acquisitions the government makes abroad, the more taxes the people have to pay at home. This has always been the case in England.
The non-fulfilment of a treaty ruins the honor of a government, and spreads a reproach over the character of a nation. But when a treaty of peace is made with the concealed design of not fulfilling it, and war is declared for the avowed purpose of avoiding it, the case is still worse. The representative system does not put it in the power of an individual to declare war of his own will. It must be the act of the body of the representatives, for it is their constituents who are to pay the expense. The state which the people of England are now in, shews the extreme danger of trusting this power to the caprice of an individual, whatever title he may bear. In that country this power is assumed by what is called the crown, for it is not constituted by any legal authority. It is a branch from the trunk of monarchical despotism.
By this impolitic declaration of war, the government of England have put every thing to issue, and no wise general would commence an action he might avoid, where little is to be gained by gaining the battle, and every thing is to be lost by losing it. An invasion and a revolution, which consequently includes that of Ireland, stand now on the same ground. What part the people may finally take in a contest pregnant with such an issue is yet to be known. By the experiment of raising the country in mass the government have put arms into the hands of men whom they would have sent to Botany Bay but a few months before, had they found a pike in their possession. The honor of this project, which is copied from France, is claimed by Mr. Pitt; and no project of his has yet succeeded in the end, except that of raising the taxes and ruining the bank. All his schemes in the revolutionary war of France failed of success and finished in discredit. If Bonaparte is remarkable for an unexampled series of good fortune, Mr. Pitt is remarkable for a contrary fate: and his want of popularity with the people, whom he deserted and betrayed on the question of a reform of parliament, sheds no beams of glory round his projects.
If the present eventful crisis, for an eventful one it is, should end in a revolution, the people of England have, within their glance, the benefit of experience both in theory and fact. This was not the case at first. The American revolution began on untried ground. The representative system of government was then unknown in practice, and but little thought of in theory. The idea that man must be governed by effigy and show, and that superstitious reverence was necessary to establish authority, had to be removed the reasoning faculties of man, that some bold exertion was necessary to shock them into reflection. But the experiment has now been made. The practice of almost thirty years, the last twenty of which have been of peace, notwithstanding the wrong headed tumultuous administration of John Adams has proved the excellence of the representative system, and the NEW WORLD is now the preceptor of the old. The children are become the fathers of their progenitors.
With respect to the French revolution, it was begun by good men and on good principles, and I have always believed it would have gone on so, had not the provocative interference of foreign powers, of which Pitt was the principal and vindictive agent, distracted it into madness and frown jealousies among the leaders.
The people of England have now two revolutions before them. The one as an example; the other as a warning. Their own wisdom will direct them what to chuse and what to avoid, and in every thing which regards their happiness, combined with the common good of mankind, I wish them honor and success.
THOMAS PAINE.
America, March 6, 1804.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
A tru flosi of the Bawl, holden at Gilmanon, on the 22d. da of February 1804, by wone of the cumpany, and a frend to "the cause of truth."
MISTUR PRINTERS,
THIS cumts to lett yu no that I am wel, and hop thes fu lins will find yu the sam. Wee have had a nation storme time out, up heer in the cuntrie, for this three weeks past: tho, wee had three dreadful pruty daas, the 20th, 21st, and 22d. of Feb'y; butt, al along fence that time, yu cant think, how it has snowed and blowed, and hald, and stormed. Thee snow was so drifted, and so hard and so deep, there was no gitting any where att all. Our menfieur had not wone singel fowl livin, to heer him preech, for tu Sundaes runnin, which, is what our old folks says, has nevir cum to pass fence he was ferried in three golpil menfieurs before. For mi part, and I don't mind a trisel or too, or so, nother; I codnt git out to see the nabs att at: tho I did set out wonce tu go to a coring, to see mi sweetheart Betty Bundle, who lives about too miles from our folks, but I got stuck in the snow drift, and had a tarnation deal of trouble on it to git bak agen to vathers.
Thee pruty time I have ben out fence those nise pruty daas I told yu of, was to da, when I went to see if the nose had cum up, for wee have ben in ignorance and darkness here a long time, but I codnt find the hide nor the hare of a noosepaper, no where att at: and sum folks says, as how the gessid, that sum folks had lade a bargo on them; and so, I was cummin home att in the daldums about it, when I chanced to find a desput fanne pece of noose, out of thee Oracle store shop, att Portmouth, in a kind of a hand bil, on a bit of papur, for al the world just like a proclamaashun papur for a publick fast or thanksgiving. Thee first part of the noose, in the proclamaashun papur, was an account of a grand Dinner, Ball and Supper at Gilmanon. And I codnt help grinin att it, at the time I was reeding it, for thinks I, as how, this is at a funne joke on our Bawl; and to go for to make an immucashun of the grate dungs, which I seed had ben carried on in sum parts: butt, when I had got thru with it, toasts and al, and seed a pece att the bottom, superscribed by squire Moody, and squire Ham, saying there was nothing in it, at al; why then, to be sure, I new, for fartin, twas only a joke about our Bawl. And mistur Printers, I likes a joke mistif too, vere wel sumtimes. I likes jokeing it with mi brothers and fithers, mi uncles and ants, mi cousins and friends: and I likes jokeing it with mi sweetheart, Betty Bundle; but fars, wee must not carrie the joke too fur, if we do, and it cuts too deep, why than, it turns al the pleasure into pain, as a body may say.
Now, mistur Printers, I am cummin rite along down flat upon the business, which makes me rite thees lovin lins to yu—the business is as frate forward as a pitchfork handle, for yu no, I told yu just above here, that we had not seed the noose for a long time, only the proclamaashun papur, which I got to da, and therefore, we dont no how many flosis, and misrepresentations, may have got into the noose about our Bawl; for, there is, in that there proclamaashun papur, a long funne account of a grand Dinner, Ball, Toasts and Supper, which never happened to happen, to such magnanimousfical fide; and than, there is, a serious contradicshun too in it, by tu squires, who says there is nothing in it att al, and that it is a bilding without foundation. Now, fars, mi reason for writing thees fu lins is, (for I wish to "promote the cause of truth") to lett yu no al about our Bawl, in mi plane, simple farmer like way, and hop yu will defend to print it in yure noose, that al the good peple, who loves to "promote the cause of truth," may be lightened in this dark business.
On Wednesda the 22d. of Feb'y last, there was a Bawl holden at Gilmanon, I am fartin of it, because I went to it. And there was between thirty and forty pairs of men and wimen. And we had Mr. Silver there, the fiddler, from Meredith Bridge, and he fartinly plays the bestmett of any fiddler, that ever I heard in al mi born daas; and the floor was al sanded up: and we danced there til wone in the clock at night, and than we went home. There was a great many folks came to the Bawl—and out off town folks too! why, there was Doctor P. and his Lady, came al the way from New-Durham Ridge to it! and there was a grate deal of men and gars from Sanbornton, there. And al the peple almost in Gilmanon, ware axed to go. But mistur Printers, as I wish to "promote the cause of truth," there fartinly was not wone singel soul of those persons att the Bawl, which the funne account of the grand celebration says there ware; except wone of the Squires, (and his Lady) who superscribed the proclamaashun pece: and he, and his lady, L no ware there, for I seed them with mi bodily eyes: and they, and we, and al of us, danced "Betty Martin" together, as hard as we co'd stuff it down.
I daint no, mistur Printers, that the Bawl was givin in celebration of Loufy Hannah, al that I no is, that I had a notificashun to go to the Bawl, circumfcribed by tu of the managers I wone, by the name of Mr. Elkanah Smith, a fadler, lately set up his trade in this town: the other, by the name of Mr. N. Eastman, a clerk in squire M's offis. The following is a coppe of the notificashun sent to I;
"The company of _____ and partner, is requested at a Ball at the Hall of Capt. E. Eastman in Gilmanon, on Wednesda the 22d. of Feb'y inst. at 5 o'clock P. M. (Signed) N. EASTMAN, E. SMITH."
Gilmanon, Feb. 17, 1804. Now, mistur Printers, I have given yu a tru account of our Bawl, which happened in Gilmanon, and which the good peple, up and down country, have made such a funne fuss about. And I did it because, as how, I loves to "promote the cause of truth"; all which I am ready to rake mi bodily oath of, before and Jull Als of the Pece, in the whole varial world.
I remaine yure lovin frend and fartinly to command. A frend to "the cause of truth." Gilmanon, March 17, 1804. N. B. I daint no, mistur Printers, as my sweetheart Betty Bundle has just given I the bag, as we lays here in the country, if I
cant get another, to stop up the crak, hir buy has maid, in my brane, but what I may lend yu a cracked braned poatical noteleccation. How the bigg Gemmens one al, From his Axeltire, down to Corporall, Run mad frighted as the Dogs, Like Windhamites, at us poor Frogs.
BY THE LAST MAILS.
FROM WASHINGTON, Monday, March 12, 1804.
In the house of representatives this day the committee appointed to take evidence on the subject of certain charges against Samuel Chase, one of the judges of the supreme court of the United States, made their report that he be impeached.
After a short debate the motion was carried by a vast majority.
Mr. Randolph then moved that a message be sent to the senate, informing them that the house of representatives had agreed to impeach Samuel Chase for high crimes and misdemeanors, and that they would in due time present to the senate particular articles of impeachment, and substantiate the same by evidence.
Which was likewise agreed to and a committee of two appointed.
The senate however had previously adjourned, so that this business will be done to-morrow.
The bill concerning the Georgia land, commonly called the Yazoo speculation, was postponed this day to the next session of congress. Ayes 59—Nocs 49—
HIGH COURT OF IMPEACHMENT.
According to the resolution of Saturday, the court sat this day, but with closed doors, until one o'clock, when the house of representatives in a body, preceded by their managers of impeachment, attended in the court in the senate chamber, where being seated,
The president pro tem. (Mr. Jesse Franklin of North Carolina) rose and informed the managers and the house that the court was ready, conformable to their notification to that house, to proceed to pronounce judgement on the several articles of impeachment laid against John Pickering, Judge of the District Court of New-Hampshire.
The Secretary of the senate was then directed to read the articles of impeachment, which were put and passed upon separately.
The president then read the question of sentence nearly to the following effect:
It is the opinion of this court that John Pickering, judge of the district court of the district of New-Hampshire, be removed from the office of judge.
And the yeas and nays being taken, were as follows:
AYES.—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Breckenbridge, Cocke, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Porter, Israel Smith, J. Smith —Ohio, J. Smith—N. York, S. Smith, Sumpter, Venable, Wells, Worthington, Wright—20.
NOES.—Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Hillhouse, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Tracy—6.
The court then adjourned.
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated the 12th instant.
"The house of representatives is at this moment engaged on the report of the committee of enquiry in the official conduct of judges Chase and Peters. You are apprized that the committee recommended an impeachment of Chase, and that the conduct of the other judge did not require the interposition of the house. Without a doubt Chase will be impeached—but when the house will get through the discussion I cannot foresee, it is likely to be very long."
EIGHTH CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
TUESDAY FEB. 28.
The House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. Dawson in the chair—on the bill from the Senate, for erecting Louisiana into two territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof.
On reading the 4th section, as follows:
"Sec. 4. The legislative powers shall be vested in the governor, and in thirteen of the most fit and discreet persons of the territory, to be called the legislative council, who shall be appointed annually by the President of the United States, from among those holding real estate therein, and who shall have resided one year, at least, in the said territory, and hold no office of profit under the territory, or the United States. The governor, by and with advice and consent of the said legislative council, or of a majority of them, shall have power to alter, modify, or repeal the laws which may be in force at the commencement of this act. Their legislative power shall also extend to all the rightful powers of legislation; but no law shall be valid, which is consistent with the constitution & laws of the United States, or which shall lay any person under restraint, burthen, or disability, on account
of his religious opinions, professions or worship; in all which he shall be free to maintain his own, and not burthened for those of another. The governor shall publish throughout the said territory, all the laws which shall be made, and shall, from time to time, report the same to the President of the United States, to be laid before congress; which if disapproved of by congress, shall thenceforth be of no force. The governor, or legislative council, shall have no power over the primary disposal of the soil, nor to tax the lands of the United States, nor to interfere with the claims to land within the said territory. The governor shall convene & prorogue the legislative council, whenever he may deem it expedient. It shall be his duty to obtain all the information in his power, in relation to the customs, habits, and dispositions of the inhabitants of the said territory, and communicate the same, from time to time, to the president of the United States."
The discussion was opened by Dr. Leib, who moved to strike out the words giving the Governor the power of proroguing the Legislative Council.
Mr. Gregg declared himself not only in favor of defeating the Governor of this power, but likewise in favor of limiting the appointment of the legislative council by the President to one year, after which they should be chosen by the people of Louisiana.
Mr. Leib declared his coincidence in opinion with his colleague.
Mr. Varnum expressed his opinion that the inhabitants of Louisiana were entitled, under the treaty, to the rights of self government; and with the view of trying the sense of the House on this principle he moved that the committee should rise, to which case he said he would move the reference of the bill, for amendment, to a select committee.
Mr. Elliot was of opinion that the bill, with a few amendments which could be easily made, would comprise the best system for the government of the people of Louisiana.
Mr. Gregg thought it would be best to take a question on the principle contained in the section before the making a reference to a select committee.
Mr. Euliss opposed the rising of the committee, and advocated the principle of the bill.
Mr. Lyon spoke in favour of the rising of the committee, with a view to extend the elective franchise to the people of Louisiana. Mr. Lucas supported the provisions of the bill.
Mr. Macon (Speaker) suggested the propriety of waving the motion for the committee rising, and substituting a motion to strike out the 4th section.
Mr. Varnum having modified his motion.
Mr. Macon supported it, and urged the propriety of extending the second grade of territorial government to Louisiana.
Messrs. Elmer, Leib, and G. W. Campbell supported; and Mr. Huger opposed this motion, when the committee rose without any question being taken and obtained leave to sit again; when the House adjourned.
WEDNESDAY FEB. 29.
Mr. Jackson moved the going into committee of the whole, on the report of the committee of elections, respecting the seat of Thomas Lewis.
Mr. Dana moved a postponement of this order until to-morrow, and required the Yeas and Nays, which were Yeas 64—nays 48.
The House went into a committee of the whole, John C. Smith in the chair, on the bill making appropriations for carrying into effect the convention of the 11th August, 1802, between the United States and the King of Spain.
The bill appropriates 15,760 dollars for the compensation of two commissioners, half of the fifth commissioner, a secretary and an agent.
Having passed through the committee, the House ordered the bill to a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Findley, from the committee of elections, made a report on the representation of Duncan McFarlane, complaining of the undue election of Sam'l D. Purvis. The report concludes with the opinion that there is not sufficient evidence to set aside the election of Samuel D. Purvis.
Mr. Eppes from the committee appointed to enquire whether the monies drawn from the treasury on account of the marine corps have been faithfully applied to the public service, made a report, which concludes with recommending a resolution, that provision ought to be made by law for a monthly or quarterly adjustment of the accounts of the marine corps.
The House went again into a committee of the whole on the bill for the government of Louisiana.
Messrs. Jackson, Sloan, Smilie, Elliot, Boyle, Olin, and Elmer supported; and Messrs. Holland, S. L. Mitchell and Lucas opposed the motion to strike out the 4th section, made with the view of extending to the people of Louisiana the elective franchise; when the question was put, and the motion to strike out carried—Ayes 80—Nocs 15.
Mr. G. W. Campbell offered the following substitute.
The governor and judges or a majority of them, shall adopt and publish in the said territory, such laws of the original states, criminal and civil, as may be necessary & best suited to the circumstances of the territory, and may also make such laws as they shall deem conducive to the good government of the inhabitants thereof and report the same to Congress from time to time, which laws shall be in force in the said territory, until the organization of the general assembly therein, unless disapproved by Congress, but afterwards the legislature shall have authority to repeal or alter them as they shall think fit.
The governor and judges or a majority of them, shall as soon as may be, after they are appointed and commissioned, divide the said territory into divisions, to be called counties, in such manner as may best suit the convenience of the inhabitants, each county to contain, as nearly as may be consistent with the nature of the settlements, an equal number of free persons; and the city of New Orleans shall form one county.
Previous to the organization of the general assembly, the governor shall appoint such magistrates, and other civil officers in each county of the said territory, as he shall find necessary for the preservation of the peace and good order in the same; after the general assembly shall be organized, the powers and duties of magistrates and other civil officers, shall be regulated and defined by the said assembly; but all magistrates and other civil officers, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, shall, during the continuance of this temporary government, be appointed by the governor.
The general assembly or legislature, shall consist of a legislative council and a house of representatives: the house of representatives shall consist of members whom shall be chosen from the county including the city of New Orleans, and from each of the other counties in the said territory, a majority of whom shall be a quorum to do business.
No person shall be eligible or qualified to act as a representative, except a free white male, who shall have been a citizen of one of the United States, or of one of the territories, heretofore belonging to the United States three years, and be a resident in the county for which he shall be chosen, or who shall have resided in the said territory of New Orleans three years, and be a resident in the county for which he shall be chosen, and in either case shall likewise hold in his own right in fee, 300 acres of land within the same. Every person of the age of twenty one years, having been a citizen of the United States, or having resided in the said territory one year immediately preceding any election, shall be qualified to vote for a representative or representatives in the county in which he shall reside at the time of such election.
The governor and judges, or a majority of them, as soon as may be, after the said territory shall have been divided into counties, and within _____ from the passing of his act, shall make the necessary regulations; and give time and place to the inhabitants of each county of the said territory, qualified to vote as herein before prescribed, to elect representatives to represent them in the general assembly. The representatives thus elected shall serve for the term of one year, and in case of the death of a representative or removal from office, the governor shall issue a writ to the county for which he was a member, to elect another in his stead to serve for the residue of the term.
The legislative council shall consist of members, to continue in office one year, unless sooner removed by the President of the United States, a majority of whom shall be a quorum to do business; and they shall be appointed in the following manner, to wit: As soon as representatives shall be elected, the governor shall appoint a time and place for them to meet, and when met, they shall nominate persons, having the same qualifications, as are herein declared necessary for representatives, and return their names to the governor, who shall within _____ days thereafter, appoint and commission _____ of them to serve as a legislative council; and whenever a vacancy shall happen in the council, by death or removal from office, the House of Representatives shall nominate two persons qualified as aforesaid for each vacancy, and return their names to the governor, one of whom he shall appoint and commission for the residue of the term. The general Assembly shall meet at least once in every year, at the city of New Orleans, at such time after the first meeting as may be appointed by law.—And the governor shall have power on extraordinary occasions to convene the general assembly.
After the first election, representatives shall be elected annually, in such manner as the legislature may direct, not contrary to the provisions of this act. And a legislative council shall likewise be annually appointed, in the manner herein before directed.
The general assembly shall have authority to make laws in all cases for the good government of the said territory, not repugnant to the constitution and laws of the United States. All bills having passed by a majority in the house of representatives, and by a majority in the council, shall be referred to the governor for his assent, but no bill or legislative act whatever shall be of any force without his assent.
The legislature of the said territory shall have no power over the primary disposal of the soil, nor to tax the lands of the United States, nor to interfere with the claims to lands within the said territory.
When the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again; and the House ordered the section proposed as a substitute to be printed.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Messrs. PEIRCE'S, I should take it as a favor that you would through your valuable paper return my thanks to the editor of the Political Observatory for the information he has given me respecting the Minister of Walpole, I am happy that I have it in my power to place him among the true Ministers of CHRIST, and may the God of Heaven bless him in his labors for the good of souls, and continue him a rich blessing to his people, and wherever he shall call him to speak in his name. It was only a "bow drawn at a venture," but I am glad to find that the joints of the harness were so close that the arrow could not penetrate.
If the editor of the above paper knows "Faq" to be a clergyman, he will oblige me to leave out "Walpole" and insert the Town where he lives in its room; if not he will please to put in the old English name of "Canterbury" and then it will stand in their own style except the name "Faq." In the interim I am the editors much obliged
Friend and customer, MICAIAH.
N.B. Canterbury above is not intended to mean that town in this state as that would be needless.
The British have made good a landing on the island of Martinique; which they are fortifying; with intent more rigorously to blockade that island.

Portsmouth.
TUESDAY, MARCH 27, 1804.
SUMMARY—FOREIGN.
LONDON dates, a few days later than those before received, have come to hand; they contain intelligence of the serious indisposition of the King; should the event prove fatal, it is more than probable that a change of the ministry will take place and that it will hasten the issue of the contest of the contending powers.
They contain a correspondence, that existed between the King, his ministers and the Prince of Wales, relative to the military rank held by the latter. The correspondence began in the month of July and was continued until the latter end of October last; it being too lengthy for insertion, we shall content ourselves with laying before our readers the occasion which gave rise to it, as appears from the statement of the Prince of Wales.
At the time that official communication was made to the Parliament, of the avowed intention of Buonaparte to invade Great-Britain, the Prince of Wales made a tender of his "under-taking the responsibility of a military command;" it appears that his appointment not having been made, induced him to make representations on the subject and gave rise to the interchange of letters.
Accounts from India, state, that the British arms have again been successful in that quarter. They have completely defeated their enemies in the Decan, taken 90 pieces of cannon, and acquired the valuable province of the Cuttuck.
We learn from Curacoa, that a British squadron of four sail, appeared off that island, and on the Dutch refusing to surrender, between six and seven hundred men were landed, who took possession of the forts, and, after some slight skirmishing compelled a body of Dutch and French troops to retire. At the last dates, the British were firing into the town; and the inhabitants were removing therefrom. The Theseus, of 74, and Blanche, of 36, were of the squadron.
as can be used in maintaining a negative, I repeat that assertion." The correspondence concludes by a letter addressed the Prince of Wales by the Right Hon. Henry Addington, and the answer to it. In the former, after mentioning the receipt of "intelligence," and having expressed much concern for the duty the writer owed the Prince and the public, concludes "to express an earnest & anxious hope that he may be induced to postpone his return to Brighton."
The "will of the King," the law of Great-Britain. This, fellow-citizens, is one of the benefits of Monarchy; this is the system federalists advocate and those the laws, by which you may expect to be swayed, should an Adams or his principles triumph over your well framed Constitution.
It is asserted that eight millions sterling were annually paid the Emperor of Germany, by Mr. Pitt, to continue the late war against France; and it is well known that the Emperor expended twenty millions more than that sum, every year, in the same conflict.
Accounts from India, state, that the British arms have again been successful in that quarter. They have completely defeated their enemies in the Decan, taken 90 pieces of cannon, and acquired the valuable province of the Cuttuck.
We learn from Curacoa, that a British squadron of four sail, appeared off that island, and on the Dutch refusing to surrender, between six and seven hundred men were landed, who took possession of the forts, and, after some slight skirmishing compelled a body of Dutch and French troops to retire.
The "Boston Gazette," a Tory print, has been pleased to favour us with "votes from 76 towns, including Portsmouth and most of the places, inimical to the re-election of Gov. Gilman, giving him, nevertheless a majority of 582."
Lift of Votes for GOVERNOR.
Table with 3 columns: Town, Votes for Gilman, Votes for Langdon. Lists votes for various towns including Adams, Andover, Acworth, Alstead, Bartlett, Barton, Brookfield, Brookline, Bath, Bethlehem, Conway, Charlestown, Chesterfield, Claremont, Cornish, Croydon, Concord (Grafton county), Deering, Derryfield, Dunstable, Dublin, Eaton, Francestown, Fitzwilliam, Francetown, Greenfield, Gilliam, Grafton, Hollis, Holderness, Jaffrey, Keene, Lyndeborough, Langdon, Lempster, Landaff, Lyme, Lincoln, Mount Vernon, Mason, Marlborough, Northfield, New Durham, New Ipswich, New London, Newport, New Hampton, New Grantham, Officet, Oxford, Pelham, Poplin, Peterborough, Packersfield, Plainfield, Richmond, Rindge, Salem, Seabrook, Somersworth, Sharon, Surry, Sullivan, Swanzey, Tamworth, Temple, Thornton, Unity, Windham, Weare, Windsor, Wilton, Washington, Walpole, Westmoreland, Winchester.
Majority for Mr. Gilman, 42!
The above, with those already published, make 166 towns; there are 31 now to be returned, from which we anticipate a handsome majority for Col. LANGDON.
By the return of votes it will appear evident that it remains doubtful which of the candidates will be elected. There remain still upwards of 30 towns of which we have not yet received the returns.
The "Boston Centinel" says, "We have no doubt of the re-election of Gov. Gilman; but by a lank majority, which ought to make the Federalists of that State ashamed of their supineness."
The "Oracle" has, with its wonted ingenuity, accounted for the change of sentiments in the inhabitants of Portsmouth; we ask whether they will be so obliging as to assign reasons, why that change has so universally extended throughout this State?
LAST WEEK'S OMISSION.
The writer under "Portsmouth head" has been pronounced by an "Oracle" genius, "too weak for discussion."
Republican Ticket for the county of York.
Hon. James Sullivan, Esq. Gov. AND THE Hon. William Heath, Esq. Lt. Governor. FOR SENATORS, THE Hon. John Woodman, and Joseph Bartlett, Esq's.
The Senatorial ticket, it is believed, will receive three-fourths of the suffrages of the Electors of the County of York—the republicans, therefore will not be divided—they will be unanimous in support of these patriots.
In the first page of this paper our readers will find Tho's PAINE's letter to the people of England; we beg their attentive perusal of the same. The subject and the candid and persuasive manner in which it is treated, are sufficient recommendations, as such we forbear farther encomiums.
—DIED—
At Chester on the 25th of March, inst. widow DOROTHY EMERSON, aged 83 years, relict of the late Samuel Emerson, Esq. At Kennebunk, Mrs. OLIVE LEIGHTON, aged 20, wife of Mr. William L. In this town, Mrs. HANNAH SHILLABER, aged 71; Miss CHRISTIAN HOLMES, aged 53; Mr. FOSTER, from the Alms-House, aged 78.
THE annual Meeting, for the choice of Town Officers, was held in this town yesterday;—After making choice of the Hon. JOHN LANGDON, Esq. Moderator, the following gentlemen were chosen to the respective offices for the current year;—viz.
Town-Clerk:—Geo. Wentworth. Selectmen:—George Gains, Elijah Hall, Moses Woodward, Samuel Hutchings, Samuel Drown. Assessors:—John Goddard, William Ham, George Long, Joseph Clark, junr. John Walton. Committee of Health:—Samuel Jones, Benjamin Sherburne, Joshua Brackett. Overseers of the Poor:—John M'Clintock, Clement Storer, Thomas Manning, Nathaniel Marshall, Walter Akerman, Henry S. Langdon, Robert Ham, Nath'l Folsom, Robert Harri. Auditors of Accounts:—Supply Clap, William Gardner, Samuel Penhallow, junr. Tything Men:—Samuel Hall, William Dearing, Joseph Bass, Robert Ham, Richard Jackson. Fire-Wards:—Thomas Manning, Samuel Jones, Clement Storer, William Ham, junr. John M'Clintock, Edward Cutts, Luke Leighton, Daniel Austin, Seth Walker, Daniel Wentworth, Peter Peirce, junr. William Stavens, Isaac Nelson, Titus Salter, William Rice. Constables:—William Vaughan, Thomas Moulton, Benjamin Holmes. Lot Layers:—William Hart, Benjamin Akerman, John Stokes, Tho's Jackson. Fence Viewers:—Samuel Hall, W. Akerman, Jeremiah Dennet. Sealer of Weights and Measures:—George Gains. Searchers and Sealers of Leather:—George Cate, Nathaniel Jackson, Robert Mendum. Cullers and Packers of Fish—and Cullers of Hoops and Staves:—James Day, Joseph Walton, junr. John Pitman, Charles Grace, Samuel Clarke, George Fernald, Robert Neal. Measurers of Wood:—John Melcher, Mark Green, John Walton, Mark Leighton, Samuel Cotton, Joseph Clarke, Richard Sortridge, Samuel Fernald, Richard Jackson. Corders of Woods:—Richard Pevery, Thomas Ayers, John Oxford, George Walden. Harbour Master:—Samuel Jones. Keeper of the Magazine:—William Walker. Keeper of the Pound:—I. Shepherd. Hog Reeves:—John S. Sherburne, Clement Storer, Seth Walker, Thomas Manning, John Wentworth, George Long, Charles Cutts, Thales G. Yeaton, Richard Sortridge, John S. Davis, Charles Grace, Joseph Dodge, E. Drew. School Committee:—John Goddard, Henry S. Langdon, Joshua Brackett, George Long, John Wentworth, Lyman Spalding. Officers of Police:—Thomas Manning, John Wentworth, Charles Cutts, Richard C. Shannon, Samuel Jones, George Long, Clement Storer, Theodore Furber, Titus Salter, Joseph Ela, Edward Hart, Hanlon M. Hart.
ALL persons indebted to, or that have any demands against the estate of JOHN SHAW, late of Brentwood, yeoman, deceased, are requested to exhibit them for settlement.
JOANNA SHAW, Executrix. SAM'L SHAW, Jr. Executor. Brentwood, March 19, 1804.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY—a JOURNEYMAN BAKER; one that understands his business, and is of good character, will find constant employ and good wages, by applying to
MOSES WOODWARD. Portsmouth, March 27, 1804.
WANTED—A LAD, about 15 years of age, to attend in a Store. Inquire of the Printers.
Fresh FEATHERS.
A quantity of excellent Lisbon FEATHERS, is received and for Sale at S. LITTLES' office; where Commission business is transacted with dispatch. March 27.
300 hhds. St. Ubes Salts, 40 bolts Russia Canvas, first quality; Sugar, per hhd. or less quantity, FOR SALE BY JOHN SALTER. Portsmouth, March 27, 1804.
Fresh FLOUR, Now landing from Sloop JUNO, 500 Bbls. superfine FLOUR, FOR SALE BY Waldron & Holman. Portsmouth, March 27.
FOR SALE BY T. MORTON,
Sign of the Golden Key, Congress-street, Two doors from the Portsmouth Stone. HYSON, young hyson, hyson-skin, touchong and Bohea TEAS, warranted; Cogniac and Barcelona Brandy; Hollands and American Gin; Rum, per hhd. or otherwise; Madeira, Sherry, Lisbon, Clare, Port and Sweet Wines, per quarter cask, or less quantity; Loaf, India, & Brown Sugars; Molasses; Coffee; Flour; Pollock Fish; Salt; Cotton Cards, &c.—together with a general assortment of WEST-INDIA GOODS and GROCERIES, of the first quality, and very low for READY CASH.
*** Attendance from sun-rise until 9 o'clock in the evening. Portsmouth, March 27, 1804. tf.
FOR SALE, A Fishing Schooner, ABOUT 30 tons burthen—together with all the Fishing Gear belonging to her as she came from sea. Also, 160 quintals of Pollock Fish, in prime order for any market. Inquire of the Printers. March 27.
FOR SALE, or TO LET, A TWO Story DWELLING HOUSE, pleasantly situated at the South end of the town;—the Lot is 66 feet by 37 1/2; a good Well of Water in the yard.—The House is in good repair. For terms apply to CHARLES BLUNT. Portsmouth, March 27, 1804.
FOR SALE, A TWO Story HOUSE, and Lot of LAND, in the centre of this town.—For further particulars inquire of the printers. Portsmouth, March 27, 1804.
A Lot of Land, for sale, IN Merchant's Row—an excellent stand for business. Inquire of the Printers. March 27.
New Printing-Office.
J. MELCHER respectfully informs the public that he has lately furnished himself with a new and complete Printing Apparatus, and has opened a Printing-Office in Congress Street, opposite the Portsmouth Stone, where Printing of every kind, will be executed with neatness and dispatch.—Two or three lads as apprentices are wanted at said office, to whom liberal encouragement will be given.
Morning & Day School.
THOMAS JACKSON, informs the respectable inhabitants of Portsmouth and its vicinity, who honored him with the tuition of their children the last season, either in his Morning or Day School—that he is now ready to wait on and receive any that intend to make his School their choice throughout the Summer season.
His School is principally intended for the instruction of young Ladies in the various branches of Literature—but being requested to admit some young Masters; and wishing to make it convenient to all, he therefore accepts a few at his former prices.
N. B. All Scholars that engage and attend his Morning or Day School six months, shall be entitled to the seventh month gratis.
Morning School to commence on the 9th day of April next, at 6 o'clock in the morning, and so continue until the weather is warm; then from 5 or half past 5, to half past 7, that those who attend other Schools may not be detained too late. For terms apply at his School Room, High-street. Portsmouth, March 27, 1804.
WANTED TO HIRE—A Journeyman PAINTER and GLAZIER, one who understands his business, will find constant employ and good wages through the ensuing season. For further particulars inquire of the Printers.