The New-Hampshire gazette and general advertiser (Portsmouth [N.H.]), 1781-10-06 00:00:00

THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE, AND GENERAL ADVERTISER.
Vol. XXVI.]
SATURDAY, October 6, 1781.
[No. 1301.]
PHILADELPHIA, September 22.
V arious have been the reports circulating through this city, relative to the movements of the enemy—All that can be depended on are, that a body of 500 men, with light artillery, &c. &c. were embarked on board about 80 transports at New York, and were laying last Sunday in the Narrows ready for sailing, delayed as was supposed merely to know the issue of Admiral Graves's attempt on the fleet of our royal ally in the Chesapeake. This was announced to them on Wednesday last by the return of the English fleet, with the loss of the Ruby man of war of 64 guns, and the Roebuck of 44 guns, taken by Count de Grasse, and the Terrible of 74 guns, which after the engagement sunk at sea, they being able only to save her stores and men; four other ships are also greatly disabled.
Extract of a letter dated West Point, twenty miles from York, Sept. 10, 1781.
“The French and American troops have joined and are between York and Williamsburg. No doubt Cornwallis will fight hard as he is making the greatest exertions to defend himself—he will soon lose all his cavalry, they are greatly reduced already, and the whole almost unfit for service.
Extract of a letter from an officer of note dated Hartford, or Bush Town, south side Chesapeake, Sep. 14, 1781.
“The last division of our army is within 24 miles of this place, on their route to join the Marquis de la Fayette; part of the regiment of artillery, and New York troops have already joined; the first division of the French will join in a few days.
“News is arrived this evening, that Cornwallis has sent out all the women, children and negroes, belonging to his army: That the French and English fleets came to an engagement off Chesapeake on Wednesday last; they fought six hours, and renewed the action next morning; the French ride triumphant, and have sent in one 74 and two or three frigates, taken from the English in the action.”
FISH-KILL, September 27.
Extract of a letter from Head Quarters, at the Continental Village, near Peck's Kill, Sept. 24.
“The following is the principal intelligence we are at present possessed of:
Extract of a letter from an officer in the Southern army, dated Elk, Sept. 12.
“Yesterday our grand fleet of nearly 100 vessels sailed from Plumb Point, four miles below Elk, having on board French grenadiers, chasseurs, infantry of the Duke's legion, American light corps, 2d New Jersey regiment, Colonel Lamb's corps of sappers and miners, artificers of every kind, apparatus, and stores necessary for a long siege. This joyful day the rear division, with which Gen. Lincoln embarked, consisting of Hazen's, Olney's, and first New Jersey, sails. The remaining part of both armies have marched to Baltimore, where they are to wait the return of vessels which carry troops from hence, or use such as can be procured by other means.
“It is said this day, the Marquis de la Fayette has written to Mr. Lee of Baltimore, that Lord Cornwallis had offered to surrender upon the same terms that Burgoyne did, but were rejected. His negroes have the small pox raging amongst them violently. He has changed his position at York Town for Gloucester, which is directly across the river, and is said to be more eligible.”
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, Sept. 19th, 1781.
“By express which arrived here yesterday at noon, we learn, that the commander of the French fleet which lay at Rhode Island received orders from Count de Grasse to join him, and on his way fell in with a British forty four, two frigates & seven transports, with 1500 men on board, he took and bro't them safe to the head of the Elk.”
It is publickly reported in New York, that they lost seven ships in the late engagement with the French.
BOSTON, October 4:
By a gentleman who came to town yesterday from Newport, we learn, That a vessel arrived there last Monday from Egg Harbour, the Master of which inform'd, that before he sail'd from that place, a gentleman of character arrived there from Philadelphia, and inform'd, that on the 25th ult. Congress received an official account by express from Virginia, of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis and all his army. That before he sail'd he saw 7 large ships, which he took to be men of war pass by Egg Harbour, standing for Sandy Hook which appeared to be in a very shattered condition.
Much has been said by the Britons and their Partizans, against the national character of the French. They cannot, however, persuade us not to credit our senses. We have found the character of this nation directly the opposite of what our enemies have affected to represent it. We have found in France not only a faithful, but a most generous ally. In the aids they have sent us in specie, in warlike stores, and in land and sea forces, they have gone far beyond what their engagements with us encouraged us to expect, and have astonished the world. It is a fact to be depended on, that His Most Christian Majesty has 10,000 land forces, and 35,000 men in the fleet, that are at this moment employed for the succour of the United States. The manner in which this decisive superiority of force was sent us, has been so sure, and so unexpected by the enemy, as to demonstrate the measures of the Court of France, to be as politick as they are just and generous.
His Most Christian Majesty having seen fit to establish an independent consulship for the four Eastern States, the Honorable Monsieur de le Tombe, Consul General of the same, arrived in this town from Philadelphia on Friday last, with his Vice Consul, to enter upon that important office. Copy of a letter from Daniel Lyman, Esq. Aid de camp to General Heath, to Lord Stirling, dated Head Quarters, Peck's Kill, September 25. 1781.
I HAVE the Honor to inform your Lordship that good Intelligence has this moment arriv'd directly from New York, informing of the Action between the French and English Fleets and the Victory of the former; with the following particulars of the British Fleet, viz.
Two Ships of 74 Guns sunk.
Three ditto ran ashore.
Four or five taken.
Five or six missing.
The remainder of the Fleet arriv'd at New York, the Admiral's Ship is so disabled that he did not venture in her himself. The Information further adds that Cornwallis is certainly taken. I am your Lordship's
most obedient humble servant,
DANIEL LYMAN.
The impossibility of procuring paper at the usual time in season, must be an Apology for the present G. which the small, contains all the news of consequence.

MEMORIAL to their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
HIGH and MIGHTY LORDS,
THE Subscriber has the honor to propose to your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress assembled, have lately thought fit to send him a commission (with full powers and instructions) to confer with your High Mightinesses, concerning a treaty of amity and commerce, an authentic copy of which he has the honor to annex to this memorial.
At the times when the treaties, between this Republic and the Crown of Great-Britain were made, the people, who now compose the United States of America, were a part of the English nation; as such, allies of the Republic, and parties of those treaties; entitled to all their benefits, and submitting cheerfully to all their obligations.
It is true, that when the British administration, renouncing the ancient characters of Englishmen for generosity, justice and humanity, conceived the design of subverting the political systems of the colonies; depriving them of the rights and liberties of Englishmen, and reducing them to the worst of all sorts of government, starving the people by blockading the ports, and cutting off their fisheries and commerce; sending fleets & armies to destroy every principle and sentiment of liberty, and to consume their habitations and their lives; making contracts for foreign troops and alliances with savage nations to assist them in their enterprize: casting formally, by act of Parliament, three millions of people at once out of the protection of the crown: then and not till then, did the United States of America, in Congress assembled, pass that memorable act, by which they assumed an equal station among the nations.
This immortal Declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when America was invaded by an hundred vessels of war, and, according to estimates laid before Parliament, by 55,000 of veteran troops, was not the effect of any sudden passion, or enthusiasm; but a measure which had been long in deliberation among the people, maturely discussed in some hundreds of popular assemblies, and by public writings in all the States: It was a measure which Congress did not adopt until they had received the positive instructions of their constituents in all the States: It was then unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all its members, transmitted to the assemblies of the several States, and by them respectively accepted, ratified and recorded among their archives: so that no decree, edict, statute, placart or fundamental law of any Nation was ever made with more solemnity, or with more unanimity or cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole people, than this: and it has been held sacred to this day by every State, with such unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever been induced to depart from it; although the English have wasted many millions, and vast fleets and armies in vain attempt to invalidate it. On the contrary, each of the thirteen States has instituted a form of government for itself, under the authority of the people: has erected its legislature in the several branches; its executive authority with all its officers; its judiciary departments & judges; its army, militia, revenue, and some of them their navy: And all those departments of government have been regularly & constitutionally organized under the associated superintendancy of Congress, now these five years, and have acquired a consistency, solidity and activity, equal to the oldest and most established governments. It is true, that in some speeches and writings of the English it is still contended, that the people of America are still in principle and affection with them; but these assertions are made against such evident truth and demonstrations, that it is surprising they should find at this day one believer in the world. One may appeal to the writings and recorded speeches of the English for the last seventeen years, to shew, that familiar misrepresentations have been incessantly repeated through that whole period, and that the conclusion of every year has in fact confuted the confident assertions and predictions of the beginning of it. The subscriber begs leave to say, from his own knowledge of the people of America (and he has a better right to obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to know than any Briton whatsoever) that they are unalterately determined to maintain their independence. He confesses, that notwithstanding his confidence in his life and serious senti-
ments and uniformity of characters among his countrymen, their unanimity has surprized them; that all the power, arts, intrigues and bribes, which have been employed in the several States, should have seduced from the standard of virtue, so contemptible a few, is more fortunate than could have been expected. This independence stands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the people's interests, honour, consciences and affections, that it will not be affected by any successes the English may obtain either in America, or against the European powers at war, nor by any alliances they can possibly form if indeed in so unjust and desperate a cause they can obtain any. Nevertheless, altho' compelled by necessity, & warranted by the fundamental laws of the Colonies, and of the British constitution, by principle avowed in the English laws, and confirmed by many examples in the English history, by principles interwoven into the history and public right of Europe, in the great examples of the Helvetic & Belgic confederacies, and many others, and frequently acknowledged and ratified by the Diplomatic body; principles founded in eternal justice, & the laws of God and nature, to cut asunder forever, all the ties which had connected them with Great Britain; yet the people of America did not consider themselves as separating from their allies, especially the Republic of the United Provinces, or departing from their connections with any of the people under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved the same affection, esteem and respect for the Dutch nation, in every part of the world, which they and their ancestors had ever entertained.
When sound policy dictated to Congress the precaution of sending persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was not from a failure in respect that they did not send a Minister to your High Mightinesses, with the first whom they sent abroad: but, instructed in the nature of the connections between Great Britain and the republic, and in the system of peace & neutrality, which she has so long pursued they thought proper to respect both so far, as not to seek to embroil her with her allies, to excise divisions in the nation, or lay embarrassments before it. But since the British administration, uniform and persevering in injustice, despising their allies, as much as their colonists and fellow-subjects; disregarding the faith of treaties, as much as that of royal charters; violating the law of nations as they had before done the fundamental laws of the colonies & the inherent rights of British subjects, have arbitrarily set aside all the treaties between the crown and the republic, declared war and commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which they have manifested long before; all those motives, which before restrained the Congress, cease: And an opportunity presents of proposing such connections as the United States of America have a right to form, consistent with the treaties already formed with France and Spain which they are under every obligation of duty, interest and inclination to observe fair and inviolate, and consistent with such other treaties, as it is their intention to propose to other sovereigns.
If there was ever among nations a natural alliance, one may be formed between the two Republics. The first planters of the four northern States found in this country an asylum from persecution, and resided here from the year one thousand six hundred and eight, to the year one thousand six hundred and twenty, twelve years preceding the migration. They ever entertained and transmitted to posterity, a grateful remembrance of that protection and hospitality, and especially of that religious liberty they found here, having sought it in vain in England.
The first inhabitants of two other States, New York and New Jersey were immediate emigrants from this nation, and have transmitted their religion, language, customs, manners and character; and America in general, until her connections with the House of Bourbon, has ever considered this nation as her first friend in Europe, whose history, and the great characters it exhibits, in the various arts of peace, as well as achievements in war by sea and land, have been particular studied, admired and imitated in every State.
A similitude of religion, although it is deemed so essential in this as in former ages to the alliance of nations, is still as it ever will be thought, a desirable circumstance. Now it may be said with truth, that they are, two nations, whose worship, doctrine and discipline are more alike than those of the two Republics. In this particular therefore as far as it is of weight, an alliance would be perfectly natural.

A similarity in the forms of government, usually considered as another circumstance, which renders alliances natural: And altho' the constitutions of the two Republics are not perfectly alike, there is yet analogy enough between them, to make a connection in this respect.
In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those momentous points, the freedom of inquiry, the right of private judgment and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance to be supported in the world, and imparted to all mankind, and which at this hour are in more danger from Great Britain and that intolerant spirit which is secretly fomenting there than from any other quarter, the two Nations resembled each other more than any others.
The originals of the two Republics are so much alike, that the history of one seems but a transcript from that of the other: So that every Dutchman instructed in the subjects, must pronounce the American revolution just and necessary, or pass a censure upon the greatest actions of his immortal ancestors: Actions which have been approved and applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision of Heaven.
But the circumstance, which perhaps in this age has stronger influence than any other in the formation of friendships between nations, is the great and growing interest of commerce; of the whole system of which through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect masters for me to say any thing that is not familiarly known. It may not however be amiss to hint, that the central situation of this country, her extensive navigation, her possessions in the East and West Indies, the intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists, and the riches of her funds, render a connection with her very desirable to America: And on the other hand, the abundance and variety of the productions of America, the materials of manufactures, navigation and commerce: the vast demand and consumption in America of the manufactures in Europe, of merchandises from the Baltic, and from the East Indies; and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt that a connection with the United States would be useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible of this that notwithstanding all their professions of friendship, they have ever considered this nation as their rival in the American trade; a sentiment which dictated & maintained their severe act of navigation, as injurious to the commerce and naval power of this country, as it was both to the trade and the rights of the Colonists. There is now an opportunity offered to both, to shake off this shackle forever. If any consideration whatever could have induced them to have avoided a war with your High Mightinesses, it would have been the apprehension of an Alliance between the two Republics: and it is easy to foresee, that nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a peace, than such a connection once completely formed. It is needless to point out particularly, what advantages might be derived to the possessions of the Republic in the West Indies from a trade opened, protected and encouraged between them and the Continent of America; or what profits might be made by the Dutch East India company, by carrying their effects directly to the American market, or how much even the trade of the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with America, which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more for hemp, cordage, sail cloth, and other articles of that commerce: how much the national navigation would be benefited by building and purchasing ships there: how much the number of seamen might be encreased, or how much advantages to both countries, to have their ports mutually opened to their men of war and privateers and their prizes.
If therefore an analogy of religion, government, original manners, and the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground and an invitation to political connections, the subscriber flatters himself, that in all these particulars the Union is so obviously natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.
It is further submitted to the wisdom and liberality of your High Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, and the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American cause (where is one to be found that is not?) to make haste to acknowledge the Independence of the United States, and form a treaty with them, as the
means of convincing Great Britain of the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late Marine treaty concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, can be established against Great Britain who will never adopt it, nor submit to it, but from necessity, without the Independence of America? whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen and magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable would not put the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that enormous Empire, which has been long governed wholly by the feeling of its own power, at least without a proportional attention to justice, humanity or decency. When it is obvious and certain, that the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the British Government, on the one hand, and that the powers of Europe ought not and could not with safety consent to it, if they were on the other, why should a source of contention be left open for future contingencies to involve the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one decisive step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long in possession of sovereignty by right and in fact, it might be closed?
The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped, be followed by all the maritime powers, especially those which are parties to the late marine treaty: nor can apprehension, that the Independence of America would be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any objection. This jealousy is so groundless, that the reverse would happen. The freight and insurance in voyages across the Atlantic are so high, and the price of labour in America so dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine and ship timber never can be transported to Europe at so cheap a rate, as it has been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic. This commerce was supported by the English before the revolution with difficulty, and not without large Parliamentary bounties. Of hemp, cordage and sailcloth there will not probably be a sufficiency raised in America for her own consumption in many centuries, for the plainest of all reasons, because these articles may be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg and Archangel, cheaper than can be raised at home. America will therefore be for ages a market for these articles of the Baltic trade.
Nor is there more solidity in another supposition, propagated by the English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true interest, that the Colonies of other nations will follow the example of the United States. Those powers who have as large possessions as any beyond seas, have already declared against England, apprehending no such consequences. Indeed there is no probability of any other power of Europe following the example of England, in attempting to change the whole system of government of Colonies, and reducing them by oppression to the necessity of governing themselves; and without such manifest injustice and cruelty on the part of the Metropolis, there is no danger of Colonies attempting innovations. Established governments are founded deep in the hearts, the passions, the imaginations and understandings of the people; and without some violent change from without, to alter the temper and character of the whole people, it is not in human nature to exchange safety for danger, and certain happiness for very precarious benefits.
It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, whether the system of the United States, which was minutely considered and discussed, and unanimously agreed on in Congress in the year 1776, in planning the treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable commercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe, without being governed or monopolized by any: a system which was afterwards approved by the King, and made the foundation of the treaties with his majesty: A system to which the United States have hitherto constantly adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by some powers declaring against them, which is not expected, is not the only means of preventing this growing country from being an object of everlasting jealousies, rivalries and wars among the nations. If this idea is just, it follows, that it is the interest of every State in Europe to acknowledge American Independence immediately. If such benevolent policy should be adopted, the new world will be a proportional blessing to every part of the old.
The subscriber has the further honour of informing your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress assembled, impressed with an high sense of the wisdom and magnanimity of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable attachment to the rights and liberties of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship of a nation eminent for its wisdom, justice and humanity, have

Appointed the Subscriber to be their Minister Plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your High Mightinesses, beseeching your High-Mightinesses to give credit to every thing which their said Minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of Congress, the Subscriber is ready to deliver to your High-Mightinesses, or to such persons as you shall direct to receive it. He has also a similar letter of credence to his most Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder.
All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of your High-Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appointing some person, or persons, to treat on the subject of his mission, by
J. ADAMS.
LEYDEN, April 19 1781.
The following is Rivington's account of the late engagement between the French and English fleets, off Cape Henry, extracted from his Royal Gazette of September 22.
Mr. Rivington,
As your intelligence is generally looked upon as the best which circulates through a news-paper, I will venture to put the following into your hands, as no very imperfect picture of the action which happened on the 5th inst. between the British & French fleets, close in with Cape Henry.
THE first certain notice our Admiral received of the enemy's fleet being actually on the coast, was from the advanced ships of the fleet on the morning of that day, when the French were seen at an anchor, extending from Cape Henry to the centre of the middle ground (a shoal so called, which confines the entrance into the Chesapeake) apparently in three divisions.
As the British fleet advanced with a fair wind, the French got their ships under sail, and extended themselves in a line of battle ahead, pushed out to seaward.
The British ran down upon an East and West line with the wind at N. N. E. formed, & put themselves into order and preparation for battle.
As the British advanced towards the shoal of the middle, they were prepared to veer by signal, the whole fleet together, to bring them upon the same tack with the enemy who were all this time forming the line as they advanced to sea.
The moment it was no longer safe for the British van to advance further, on account of the shoal, the fleet wore together, and came to the same tack with the French, and formed a line ahead nearly parallel to them, with their main top sails square, to let the enemy's van guard advance, until the British could operate to advantage.
The French came forward slowly, and showed twenty four large ships in their line of battle. The British formed nineteen in theirs.
It will be needless to give you a detail of signals. A great number were made, and I believe all that were necessary to prepare the British line for an united effort.
The French van had extended themselves considerably too much from their own centre, and seemed to present the favourable moment for attack.
The British line had been continually pressed down to approach the enemy as near as possible, and the moment the French van betrayed their apprehension of our design, by bearing away, the signals for a close action was made, and the signal for the line taken down, that nothing might cross the opportunity.
The action begun a quarter after four, about the fourth or fifth ship, and in a few minutes extended from the van to the second ship a stern of the centre.
Rear Admiral Drake's division composed the van of the British line, Rear Admiral Sir Samuel Hood, Bart. that of the rear.
The action in the van was very close and sharp for some time, and continued so until the French ships put before the wind to prevent being cut up.
The French centre & rear pushed forward, and kept much from the wind as they approached the British centre, and appeared to have little more in view than to advance far enough to receive their own van, who were going nearly before the wind, and the better to effect this purpose, they constantly declined close action with the centre of our fleet.
Every necessary signal was made to urge a close as well as general action, which the enemy appeared as much to decline, and did not permit our rear to close with them, which prevented that part of our fleet from having any share of the action.
As firing ceased on both sides soon after sunset. About ten o'clock it was made known to the Admiral by two frigates, which had been sent throughout the line, that several of the ships of the van were not capable of keeping extended with the enemy, having suffered so much in their masts and rigging, they must attend to its security or be dismasted. That two of the ships which came very leaky from the West Indies, had aggravated their complaints, and one of them could only be kept free with all her pumps.
The two fleets remained near each other for five successive times very close. The enemy, it was ap-
parently, had received much damage to their van ships, and from thence quite on to the next a head of the Admiral's ship; but our masts and yards had suffered much more apparently; this enabled the French to gain the wind of us, and two changes of wind much in their favor prevented our recovering it. No time or effort was neglected which could put the British ships in proper order; for the enemy with their superiority of numbers ought certainly to have attacked us. On the tenth the Terrible could no longer resist her leaks, and the fleet was obliged to bring her as well as to give time to shift some topmasts. This was done at night, and the next morning we saw no more of the enemy, who certainly pushed to regain the Chesapeake, having been driven a great way to the Southward. The day being calm the Terrible was dismantled and set on fire, and several of the West India squad on that had very little beyond a head, and but a few days sooner, we were supplied from other ships of the fleet, and the whole moved towards Cape Henry, which we made on the 14th, and finding the French fleet had placed themselves so advantageously between the land as to give no probability of our being able to force them, or to get any success up to York river, it became absolutely necessary to shelter the fleet before the approaching equinox, as a gale of wind by dismantling our ships might do us more damage than a general action. The fleet therefore returned to New York.
We lost in the action, 1 lieutenant, and 90 men killed; and 245 wounded. One Captain having lost a leg.
[Poor Rivington, alhamed it seems, to tell his own story, has got a Painter to give us very imperfect picture of the late action at Chesapeake. The French we know always fight at a distance, and to no purpose. This comes of course in Rivington's paper. However, the Painter acknowledges, distant as they fought, that after the action, the British ships some of which complained before, had their complaints greatly aggravated; and many others that were well before, were now so complaining as to be in the utmost hazard; a circumstance that required immediate attention. But what adds to the woefulness of the picture is, that all those complaints of the British fleet, were still further aggravated, not from the fact of another engagement with the Count de Grasse, who had already made them so sick, but from the apprehension of an equinoctial storm. What could a British fleet do under such aggravated, and superaggravated complaints, but retire to New York to consult the best physicians and surgeons there, after burning one of their number, of which there was no hope. And what is to be done at New York, but to make a representation of the aggravated complaints of the whole British cause in America to the Administration, and earnestly to implore the advice and assistance of all the state physicians in the kingdom.]
When we receive Count de Grasse's relation of the battle on the 5th of September, we shall be able to judge how far this Painter has diminished or diminished the distressful situation of the British squad on.
BOSTON, October 4, 1781. Extract of a Letter from an Officer at West-Point, dated September 25, 1781, to a Gentleman in this Town.
I AM happy to inform you that we have intelligence from New York, by two persons of veracity, who came out last night at ten o'clock, and by a private letter, that Cornwallis and his army are actually prisoners of war; that Admirals Graves and Hood had formed a junction and came within ten fathoms of water in sight of the French fleet; that Count de Grasse slipped his cables, and a severe action ensued--- Heaven smiled on the arms of France, and gave them a COMPLETE VICTORY; the particulars we have not got, but the current report is, that one ship of the line was sunk, six drove ashore, &c.
One of the above Gentlemen informs us, that he stood on the wharf last evening at sunset, and saw four ships of the line come into the harbour dismasted.
We are also informed, That Sir Henry Clinton is about evacuating New York, and that he has actually got his baggage on board the shipping; 'tis reported they are to take post on the east end of Long-Island.
By those Gentlemen we are informed, Count de Grasse has arrived at the Hook, with sixteen sail of the line; remainder of his fleet are at Chesapeake. Our army are under marching orders, we expect to move towards New York. Upon the whole, we have every prospect of a successful Campaign."
SOME Pipes of excellent BRANDY, and a quantity of foreign SALT, may be had at the store of SPENCE & SHERBURNE, where Ladies may be supplied with elegant Italian FLOWERS.